Opinion: Delhi’s People the real victims of AAP-LG tussle

There is no end in sight to the power tussle between the BJP government at the Centre and AAP government in the national capital, Delhi. Not even a week has passed since the Supreme Court clearly delineated the powers of both the LG(a central government appointee) and the elected government of Delhi, but already, both sides are again getting back into a confrontation over control of transfers and postings of officers. AAP claims that it cannot be both -- an elected government and still wait for approval from the British-era position of the LG.

On July 4, the Supreme Court had held that “LG is bound by the aid and advice of the council of ministers,” and cannot act as an ‘obstructionist’ while dealing with Delhi’s elected government.

The top court balanced this virtual reprimand to the LG by telling the Delhi government to keep the LG informed about its decisions. However, here too, the SC reiterated that LG doesn’t have any veto power over the decisions of the government.

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The Court said, “Duty imposed on the council of ministers is to inform the LG on all matters relating to the administration of the NCT, neither the provisions of Article 239AA nor the rules require the concurrence of the LG to a decision which has been taken by the council of ministers.”

The biggest victims of this turf war are Delhi’s civic services and law and order that are deteriorating by the day. But given AAP’s political journey so far it is hardly surprising that the party is not budging from its stand that it is the elected government that controls Delhi, except the departments of land, and law and order that come under the central government through the office of the LG.

Aam Aadmi Party stormed onto the Indian political stage in the final years of UPA II with its tantalising promise of ‘people’s rule’. In 2015, it won a landslide majority in Delhi(67/70) by winning all but three seats. It was nothing short of a miracle for a party founded by social workers and NGO wallahs. AAP had stoked both dormant idealism and opportunism in many of supporters in Delhi. Ironically, AAP’s leader, Arvind Kejriwal had become a politician by decrying prevailing politics and politicians.

Three years and many setbacks later, Kejriwal and his party have managed to not just survive but also emerge as an outspoken and effective critic of the BJP government in the centre. During his sit-in at LG’s house, he received support from three non-BJP Chief Ministers as well. For Kejriwal, the Lieutenant Governor of Delhi, Anil Baijal, is the right punching bag as the L-G is appointed by the central government (Delhi being still a Union Territory. )

Kejriwal-LG spats had become so common and regular that they didn’t evoke much response from rather Delhi’s citizens or media. Similarly, AAP’s run-ins with the city’s bureaucracy(appointed again by the Centre), and the hounding of its MLAs by Delhi police(controlled by MHA) were treated as something that was to be ‘expected’ given that both AAP and Modi-led BJP believe in giving no quarter to their rivals.

Matters came to such a state that the topmost civil servant – the Chief Secretary of Delhi alleged this February that he had been assaulted by AAP MLAs inside Kejriwal’s residence-cum- office. The Chief Secretary, Anshu Prakash’s sensational claim was soon followed up by a strike by officers of the Delhi government.

Kejriwal, the hartal-champion of contemporary politics, too began his own strike inside the LG’s office. He and his colleagues sat inside the office for 9-days even as the Supreme Court started hearing their case.

But despite AC’s sagacious advice to work together, it is unlikely that the ‘absolutism’ of the LG, and the ‘anarchism’ of AAP government will disappear quickly.

In all of this, neither the AAP government that claimed to represent a new style of politics nor the LG, seem to be concerned about the suffering that is being caused to Delhi’s citizens because of this cynical politics.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)