The Verdict | When generals rule: Why Asim Munir’s rise has Pakistan asking hard questions

Pakistan’s military has ruled from behind the curtain for decades. But under Field Marshal Asim Munir, that curtain is disappearing, and the backlash is growing. For nearly eight decades, Pakistan’s military has been more than an army. It has been the institution that could make governments, break governments, and, at times, become the government. But something is changing. The aura of untouchability is being challenged, and increasingly, the voices doing it are coming from within Pakistan itself. Maulana Fazlur Rehman, one of Pakistan’s most influential religious-political figures, has openly challenged Asim Munir, telling the army chief that if he wants to do politics, he should take off his uniform and face the voters.

And just this week, Fazlur Rehman invoked the trauma of 1971, warning against repeating the mistakes that preceded the breakup of Pakistan. That is significant. Because Pakistan has seen this story before. Ayub Khan seized power. Yahya Khan inherited military rule, and presided over the catastrophe of 1971 and the creation of Bangladesh. Zia-ul-Haq turned another coup into more than a decade of military dictatorship.

And Pervez Musharraf once again brought the army directly into politics after his 1999 coup. Different generals. Different eras.

But the same fundamental problem: when the military stops protecting the state and starts defining the state. Today, Asim Munir occupies an extraordinary position. Constitutional changes have made him Chief of Defence Forces, placing the army, navy and air force under a unified command. New legislation has further expanded his authority over military operations and senior personnel. Critics say Pakistan is moving closer to a system where military power is no longer simply influential, it is constitutionally entrenched.

And that is precisely why the backlash matters. From political opposition to regional grievances, challenges are emerging against an establishment that has spent decades presenting itself as the ultimate guardian of Pakistan. The irony is difficult to ignore.

Pakistan has long portrayed India as its existential enemy. Yet India, despite its own enormous political, ethnic and security challenges, has maintained civilian political supremacy over its armed forces.

For many Pakistanis, that contrast raises an uncomfortable question: If the “enemy state” can preserve its constitutional order without generals ruling the country, why must Pakistan repeatedly return to military dominance? Perhaps this is why the current moment matters beyond Asim Munir himself. Because the real battle is not simply between one General and his critics.

It is over whether Pakistan can finally separate the power of the military from the identity of the nation.

So, the verdict: Asim Munir may command Pakistan’s most powerful institution. He may have more formal authority than any recent army chief. But history offers a warning: Generals can command soldiers. They can influence governments. They can even rewrite institutions. What they cannot manufacture indefinitely is public consent. And if Pakistan’s most powerful voices are finally beginning to challenge the uniform, the real question is no longer whether Munir controls Pakistan. It is how long Pakistan will allow the uniform to define it.

Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.