Lok Sabha polls 2019: High on populism, both BJP and Congress manifestos compete for same space

BJP’s manifesto was nationalism unplugged. The manifesto reflected the core agenda of RSS, which has been promoting cultural nationalism since its inception. The coming of age could only happen during Narendra Modi’s tenure as he allowed the vision to be incorporated and propagated unapologetically during his tenure as the Prime Minister.

At the launch ceremony, speaker after speaker spoke about national unity and how BJP was committed to the idea of national renewal, tough security response and enhanced prestige abroad. This theme was visible after 2014 but very few understood the intent of BJP that it wanted to contest 2019 Lok Sabha elections on it.

If it would not have been the failure of BJP in Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, BJP would not have introduced direct subsidy to distressed farmers and neither state BJP governments would have waived electricity bills and loans taken by the farmer nor taken such a populist turn.

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This particular event brought both BJP and Congress together barring the issue of nationalism. Both parties have committed themselves to a large welfare architecture which is going to trouble middle class even more. Both have become very loud in their commitment towards popular politics. For the PM to say Antyodaya is the philosophy reflects strong pro-poor sentiments. NYAY is also one such arrow from the quiver of populist politics. The only difference is that Congress manifesto is restrained when it comes to national security and nationalism-based politics and that of BJP is very aggressive and does not refrain from taking on strong regional sentiments of North East and Kashmir. It helps BJP in rest of India.

BJP’s manifesto looks more in tune with the India of 1970 under former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. A famous leader who taught a lesson to Pakistan but held the promise of keeping the nation together. She ran the country with an iron hand and the party was subservient to her. Her strength bordered on being dictatorial and ran a left-leaning economy. Congress, on the other hand, barring the model of a strong leader is also committing itself to running a left-leaning economy which would be high on welfare schemes.

Both BJP and Congress of today are a strong departure from the turn India took in 1991. Narasimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh were reformers and committed to economic liberalisation. All three Prime Ministers fought the populist narrative that business is a bad word and capitalism cannot do good for the poor. Even if they failed in parts, they did not create a subsidy monster.

It was Sonia Gandhi who forced Manmohan Singh’s hand after 2008 that Congress started to reflect party sensibilities of the 1970s. Even Modi who started with a promise of reform and minimum governance gave in to the populism which continues to wreak Indian politics. Till today, there exists no consensus on land acquisition bill which continues to lie in cold storage after suit boot kee sarkar jibe.

The only differentiator which BJP has with Congress is on national security and aggressive politics against internal insurgencies and Pakistan. It is for this reason, BJP has made nationalism a pivotal issue against Congress.

Not only it blunts the charge of Congress that RSS never participated in the freedom struggle, but it also helps BJP bridge the caste politics. It is for this reason that Ram Temple, Article 370, 35 A, Pakistan and internal insurgencies have all come together as one issue.

Both manifestos claim that they have presented a competing vision of India but remain similar when it comes to promoting statism. The lines have also blurred on Hinduism. Both parties compete for the same space. BJP’s vision is hard nationalism laced with Hindutva married to a welfare state whereas Congress vision is that of soft Hindutva married to a vigorous welfare state. We will know only on May 23 as to which brand sold well.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)