
Nagaland is an ideological frontier to the mainland cultural nationalism. The current mainstream nationalism has met its match in a highly evangelized society which today is interchangeable with the Naga identity. Elections which were supposed to rotate around the issue of Naga Accord today stands superseded by the narrative of cultural freedom, dietary habits and Naga way of life which is primarily Christian today.
Nagaland underwent the process of proselytisation under the British rule where American missionary Edwin W. Clark opened their first mission in Naga Hills near Ao Naga. Rest is history. It is an event in sub-continental history which will stay with the Union of India. Whether it was insularity of Hinduism at that point of time and absence of the dogma to convert or restriction of movement of Indian preachers in colonial India when Hinduism also acquired consciousness of number over caste, the demographic map of North East changed for good.
It is this restlessness of BJP and RSS on the issue of conversions which meets the settled reality of Nagaland wherein Naga identity stands coterminous with Christianity. This is also a case in Mizoram but in Kohima, it is married to the idea of Greater Nagaland or Nagalim. Previous elections moved from one issue to another but the question of Naga identity remained central to the political narrative. This time, with Nagaland Baptist Church Council issuing a statement, the game changed suddenly and unexpectedly. It set the cat amongst the pigeons.
Every political party had to recalibrate its position on issues ranging from faith to food. It is for this reason that BJP has gone to town on the issue of faith. BJP leaders declare in every meeting that Nagaland will be served best of Indian secularism. It is to rest the anxiety over the hard edge of cultural nationalism that has come to dominate Indian political landscape. It is an admission of the reality that what works in Uttar Pradesh will not work in Nagaland.
Nagaland, in fact, is the border where majoritarian nationalism has met its challenge from a small state. It stems from ruling party’s desire to expand in areas which have been culturally different from heartland politics. This has happened because of mass media and Internet as distant ‘realities’ acquire local political relevance. The elections also tell us that Church in North East has never been apolitical. The Baptist Church by writing the letter has officially acknowledged that it gives primacy to the Christian identity of people living in Nagaland than ethnic roots.
It is because of this debate that Nagaland is failing to discuss the real issue of massive corruption and organised pilferage of state subsidy by powerful politicians, bureaucrats and underground organisations. Beautiful houses are built alongside few of the worst maintained or not so their roads through the state. Nagaland is littered with expensive cars but it does not have industry to boost off. This happens for one simple reason and that being cash for votes. The cash distribution capacity represents the true strength of any candidate. For the fact that payment has become acceptable, the electorate loses its own moral power to question the politicians they elect as their representatives.
Lastly, Congress which was a force all across North East today is reduced as a side player in the game. Congress today only relies on the Church-supported narrative to help its candidates on odd 18 seats where it has fielded candidates. This has happened when Congress received 36.28 per cent votes in 2008 and 24.89 per cent in 2013. The BJP, on the other hand, got measly 5.35 per cent votes in 2008 and 1.75 per cent in 2013.
Despite the intrinsic strength and a bigger organisation, Congress allowed a bigger playing field to BJP in this election. The result is that most of the prominent Congress faces are fighting elections under the symbol of different parties. Among the regional parties, the ruling Naga People's Front maintains a massive edge over Nationalist Democratic People's Party-BJP alliance which is being led by the former Chief Minister Rio.
The bottom line is that both BJP and Congress, depending on their numbers in assembly, will reposition themselves so that they can be part of the government. The only difference between the both is that BJP is seen to be fighting the election and Congress is struggling to keep up its campaign floating. BJP is seen as a player for the fact that they are in power in the Centre.
As of now, not a single rally of Congress President Rahul Gandhi has been planned which itself is an indication of the lack of importance placed by the party. Lastly, Congress General Secretary CP Joshi has been an abysmal failure who is resented by the Congress across North East.
Another reality is that political mistrust also pervades between NDPP and BJP over funds and loyalty. NPF despite having an edge is still divided into two factions and can split on the question of CM's post. Nonetheless, it all depends on numbers election results will throw.
The sum total of the election is that with Church jumping into the fray, the game has opened. The only casualty is the debate on the real issue of diversion of state funds and cash for votes. It a disease which continues to flourish in the state with great pomp and show.
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)