India is all set to host the BRICS Summit on September 12–13, but there's no clarity if its neighbour Bangladesh will attend the international event. While Bangladesh is not a member of BRICS, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman was invited by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a special guest to attend the summit in his capacity as chair of BIMSTEC. With an aim to improve the ties, India had not only invited Rahman to attend the outreach session of the BRICS Summit but also an invitation for a bilateral visit. However, the issue surrounding former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been a major source of friction between the two nations. With Bangladesh improving ties with China and Pakistan under Rahman, all eyes are set on Bangladesh PM's final decision.&nbsp;<h2>MEA's latest response on Rahman's visit</h2>The Indian government still does not know whether Bangladesh Prime Minister Rahman will attend the upcoming BRICS Summit or, if he does not, whether someone else will represent Bangladesh at the event. Responding to a question on the matter at the Indian Ministry of External Affairs’ briefing on Friday, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said he had no new information on the issue.<h2>Bangladesh's latest response on Rahman's visit</h2>State Minister for Foreign Affairs Humaiun Kobir &nbsp;said that the possibility of such a visit before the upcoming UN General Assembly session was very slim. Bangladesh wants engagement and a good working relationship with India despite existing challenges, stressing that the door to dialogue will always remain open, he said. “When the time is right, the prime minister will be visiting India, but the possibility is very slim before the UNGA as the prime minister will be attending the UNGA,” he added.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/global-turbulence-and-brics-2026-can-intra-brics-trade-replace-the-west-1788763855320">Global turbulence and BRICS 2026: Can intra-BRICS trade replace the West?</a><h2>The Hasina angle</h2>Former PM Hasina who is in India has been active in teh last few days and has given several interviews to Indian pnews publishers detailing about her possible retun, her political life and the situation in Bangladesh after Rahman took over as PM. This has not gone well with Dhaka. When the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) was asked whether the timing of Hasina’s interviews was “quite interesting,” Jaiswal replied that he had no comment. When asked if Hasina has shared the details of her return and sought any assistance, Jaiswal said he had no information on the issue. Moreover, as Hasina’s first press conference since her ouster and subsequent stay in India prompted a sharp response from officials in Rahman’s government in Dhaka, India restricted up large-scale public or political events planned by the Awami League network. The Bangladeshi government has aggressively double down on its demands for her formal extradition under the 2013 India-Bangladesh Extradition Treaty, going to an extent of saying that India-Bangladesh relations will depend on it.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/brics-summit-2026-how-four-chairmanships-reshaped-india-s-global-strategy-1788678978071">BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy</a>&nbsp;Meanwhile, in an interview with The Hindu, Bangladesh’s former PM invoked the right to free speech. Defending her right to hold press conferences and meet her Awami League party colleagues while in India, Hasina&nbsp;said that she had no intention of damaging India-Bangladesh ties. This comes after her virtual press conference held on August 5, 2026, &nbsp;ignited a major diplomatic row between India and Bangladesh. While Dhaka strongly condemned the event, New Delhi sought distanced itself from it.&nbsp;<h2>The other neighbourhood angle&nbsp;</h2>As the Hasina factor rocks the ties between India and Bangladesh, Dhaka is eyeing closer strategic and defense engagement with Pakistan, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, moving toward a post-Hasina foreign policy. Bangladesh has officially expressed strong interest in joining the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, an emerging trilateral mutual-defense security pact formed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan. Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman told the Bangladeshi parliament that Dhaka will view an invitation to join the pact "positively," framing it as a measure for the self-defense of the global Muslim community.&nbsp;&nbsp;Additionally, Bangladesh-China ties have moved into a deeper strategic phase. During Rahman’s June 2026 visit to China, both sides agreed to elevate their Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership and build a China-Bangladesh community with a shared future in the new era. Dhaka and Beijing also agreed to deepen cooperation in defence, trade, investment, connectivity, agriculture, technology and education, while China backed Bangladesh’s participation in BRICS and its bid to become a partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Bangladesh is also moving towards talks with China on acquiring J-10CE fighter jets and other military equipment. China is already Bangladesh’s largest source of military hardware, underscoring the growing strategic importance of the relationship.<h2>Why Rahman's visit matters?</h2>For India, Tarique Rahman’s participation in the BRICS Summit could offer an important opportunity to reset the bilateral ties and prevent the relationship from drifting further. His presence in New Delhi would allow the two governments to maintain high-level political contact at a time when the Sheikh Hasina issue remains a major irritant. It could also provide India an opportunity to engage directly with Bangladesh’s new leadership on trade, connectivity, border management, security and regional cooperation. More broadly, Rahman’s attendance would signal that Dhaka remains open to engagement with New Delhi—not just diplomatically, but also on broader geopolitical and strategic issues.&nbsp;

Tarique Rahman’s uncertain BRICS attendance reflects widening India-Bangladesh tensions over Sheikh Hasina, even as Dhaka keeps dialogue open. With deeper China, Pakistan, ties, all eyes are set on Bangladesh's final decision 

India is all set to host the BRICS Summit on September 12–13, but there's no clarity if its neighbour Bangladesh will attend the international event. While Bangladesh is not a member of BRICS, Prime Minister Tarique Rahman was invited by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as a special guest to attend the summit in his capacity as chair of BIMSTEC. With an aim to improve the ties, India had not only invited Rahman to attend the outreach session of the BRICS Summit but also an invitation for a bilateral visit. However, the issue surrounding former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has been a major source of friction between the two nations. With Bangladesh improving ties with China and Pakistan under Rahman, all eyes are set on Bangladesh PM's final decision. MEA's latest response on Rahman's visit The Indian government still does not know whether Bangladesh Prime Minister Rahman will attend the upcoming BRICS Summit or, if he does not, whether someone else will represent Bangladesh at the event. Responding to a question on the matter at the Indian Ministry of External Affairs’ briefing on Friday, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said he had no new information on the issue. Bangladesh's latest response on Rahman's visit State Minister for Foreign Affairs Humaiun Kobir said that the possibility of such a visit before the upcoming UN General Assembly session was very slim. Bangladesh wants engagement and a good working relationship with India despite existing challenges, stressing that the door to dialogue will always remain open, he said. “When the time is right, the prime minister will be visiting India, but the possibility is very slim before the UNGA as the prime minister will be attending the UNGA,” he added. Also Read: Global turbulence and BRICS 2026: Can intra-BRICS trade replace the West? The Hasina angle Former PM Hasina who is in India has been active in teh last few days and has given several interviews to Indian pnews publishers detailing about her possible retun, her political life and the situation in Bangladesh after Rahman took over as PM. This has not gone well with Dhaka. When the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) was asked whether the timing of Hasina’s interviews was “quite interesting,” Jaiswal replied that he had no comment. When asked if Hasina has shared the details of her return and sought any assistance, Jaiswal said he had no information on the issue. Moreover, as Hasina’s first press conference since her ouster and subsequent stay in India prompted a sharp response from officials in Rahman’s government in Dhaka, India restricted up large-scale public or political events planned by the Awami League network. The Bangladeshi government has aggressively double down on its demands for her formal extradition under the 2013 India-Bangladesh Extradition Treaty, going to an extent of saying that India-Bangladesh relations will depend on it. Also Read: BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy Meanwhile, in an interview with The Hindu, Bangladesh’s former PM invoked the right to free speech. Defending her right to hold press conferences and meet her Awami League party colleagues while in India, Hasina said that she had no intention of damaging India-Bangladesh ties. This comes after her virtual press conference held on August 5, 2026, ignited a major diplomatic row between India and Bangladesh. While Dhaka strongly condemned the event, New Delhi sought distanced itself from it. The other neighbourhood angle As the Hasina factor rocks the ties between India and Bangladesh, Dhaka is eyeing closer strategic and defense engagement with Pakistan, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, moving toward a post-Hasina foreign policy. Bangladesh has officially expressed strong interest in joining the Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, an emerging trilateral mutual-defense security pact formed by Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Pakistan. Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman told the Bangladeshi parliament that Dhaka will view an invitation to join the pact "positively," framing it as a measure for the self-defense of the global Muslim community. Additionally, Bangladesh-China ties have moved into a deeper strategic phase. During Rahman’s June 2026 visit to China, both sides agreed to elevate their Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership and build a China-Bangladesh community with a shared future in the new era. Dhaka and Beijing also agreed to deepen cooperation in defence, trade, investment, connectivity, agriculture, technology and education, while China backed Bangladesh’s participation in BRICS and its bid to become a partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). Bangladesh is also moving towards talks with China on acquiring J-10CE fighter jets and other military equipment. China is already Bangladesh’s largest source of military hardware, underscoring the growing strategic importance of the relationship. Why Rahman's visit matters? For India, Tarique Rahman’s participation in the BRICS Summit could offer an important opportunity to reset the bilateral ties and prevent the relationship from drifting further. His presence in New Delhi would allow the two governments to maintain high-level political contact at a time when the Sheikh Hasina issue remains a major irritant. It could also provide India an opportunity to engage directly with Bangladesh’s new leadership on trade, connectivity, border management, security and regional cooperation. More broadly, Rahman’s attendance would signal that Dhaka remains open to engagement with New Delhi—not just diplomatically, but also on broader geopolitical and strategic issues.

Tarique Rahman’s uncertain BRICS attendance reflects widening India-Bangladesh tensions over Sheikh Hasina, even as Dhaka keeps dialogue open. With deeper China, Pakistan, ties, all eyes are set on Bangladesh's final decision&nbsp;

BRICS Summit 2026: Will Bangladesh PM Tarique Rahman travel to New Delhi and why it matters?

BRICS has evolved from an economic acronym coined by Goldman Sachs into a major forum for political, economic and diplomatic cooperation among countries of the Global South, with its 18th summit set to be hosted in Delhi this weekend. The history of BRICS spans 25 years, while it has crossed two decades as a formal grouping. Starting with four emerging economies, it currently boasts of 11 full members and a growing network of partner countries. Here is a timeline tracing that story:<h2>2001, when the BRIC idea was born</h2>It was Goldman Sachs economist Jim O’Neill who coined the term BRIC in a 2001 research paper, referring to Brazil, Russia, India and China. O’Neill argued in the paper that these four emerging economies could become increasingly important forces in the global economy in coming years.<h2>2006, the year BRIC started formal cooperation</h2>The four countries mentioned in the paper began developing BRIC as a political grouping in 2006. An inaugural foreign ministers’ meeting was held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Russia, India and China had also met earlier that year during the G8 Outreach Summit in St Petersburg.<h2>2009: The first BRIC summit is held</h2>The first BRIC leaders’ summit was held in Yekaterinburg, Russia, on 16 June 2009. Leaders of the member nations called for reform of international financial institutions and greater representation for emerging economies in global decision-making.<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/brics-summit-2026-delhi-traffic-restrictions-begin-ahead-of-foreign-leaders-arrival-1788617087244/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/brics-summit-2026-delhi-traffic-restrictions-begin-ahead-of-foreign-leaders-arrival-1788617087244/embed</a><h2>2010: South Africa joins, turning BRIC to BRICS</h2>The second summit of the group was held in Brazil's capital Brasília in April 2010. Later that year, South Africa was invited to join. &nbsp;South Africa attended the summit at Sanya, China, in April 2011 as a full member, &nbsp;transforming BRIC into BRICS.<h2>The New Development Bank takes shape: 2012-2015</h2>Discussions were held at the fourth BRICS summit in New Delhi in 2012 for a new development bank. The idea advanced at the 2013 Durban summit. &nbsp;At the 2014 Fortaleza summit, BRICS members signed agreements for creating the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. The NDB became operational in 2015, with the Ufa summit that year vowing to strengthen economic cooperation.Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/brics-summit-2026-how-four-chairmanships-reshaped-india-s-global-strategy-1788678978071">BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy</a><h2>2016-2019: A period of expansion for BRICS ideas and agenda</h2>The idea and agenda of BRICS expanded in the 2016-19 period. The 2016 summit was hosted by India in Goa. China hosted the Xiamen summit in 2017, while South Africa hosted the Johannesburg summit in 2018. &nbsp;Brazil hosted the 2019 summit in Brasília. These meetings expanded the BRICS Plus and outreach formats.<h2>2020-2022: Cooperation during global pandemic disruption&nbsp;</h2>The 2020 summit was held virtually amid the COVID-19 pandemic. India chaired the virtual summit in 2021, followed by China in 2022. It was a period in which focus shifted to global governance reforms, economic cooperation and the possibility of expanding membership.Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/brics-2026-twelve-years-after-fortaleza-inside-shanghai-s-ndb-bank-1788689690516">BRICS 2026: Twelve years after Fortaleza, inside Shanghai’s NDB bank</a><h2>2023-24: Major expansion of BRICS into 10 members</h2>At the 15th BRICS Summit in Johannesburg, leaders invited Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to join the grouping from 1 January 2024. Argentina subsequently declined the invitation.Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE formally joined in January 2024. Saudi Arabia was also included in official BRICS membership lists.&nbsp;The expanded group's leaders met at the 16th summit in Kazan, Russia, in October 2024. This summit also saw the creation of the new BRICS partner-country category.<h2>2025: Indonesia joins as the 11th member, as partner country list expands&nbsp;</h2>Indonesia became BRICS’ 11th full member in January 2025. BRICS also welcomed nine partner countries: Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda and Uzbekistan. Later, Vietnam became the 10th partner country.The 17th summit was held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in July 2025, which saw the adoption of 126 commitments covering global governance, finance, health, artificial intelligence and climate change.Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/global-turbulence-and-brics-2026-can-intra-brics-trade-replace-the-west-1788763855320">Global turbulence and BRICS 2026: Can intra-BRICS trade replace the West?</a><h2>2026: India takes the chairship of BRICS</h2>India assumed the BRICS chairship on 1 January 2026 for the fourth time. Its theme is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, with a people-centric approach rooted in “Humanity First”. During its chairship, India held more than 350 meetings and high-level engagements across more than 25 cities. Under India's chairship, the 18th BRICS Summit will be held at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi on 12-13 September 2026.&nbsp;Two decades of BRICS: A unique forum&nbsp;The Delhi summit is taking place as BRICS marks two decades as a formal group. It is a unique forum in that there's no constitutive treaty, permanent secretariat, or common budget. It's a bloc built on consensus, with members finding areas of agreement and working together on those, even when there are differences among them on several bilateral issues. The growing membership and expanding partnerships are a testimony that BRICS has stood the test of time.&nbsp;

In two decades, BRICS has grown from a 2001 economic acronym into an 11-member Global South grouping. The powerful bloc now boasts of a New Development Bank and an expanded partner nation list. Let's trace that story as India hosts the 18th BRICS summit in Delhi.

BRICS has evolved from an economic acronym coined by Goldman Sachs into a major forum for political, economic and diplomatic cooperation among countries of the Global South, with its 18th summit set to be hosted in Delhi this weekend. The history of BRICS spans 25 years, while it has crossed two decades as a formal grouping. Starting with four emerging economies, it currently boasts of 11 full members and a growing network of partner countries. Here is a timeline tracing that story: 2001, when the BRIC idea was born It was Goldman Sachs economist Jim O’Neill who coined the term BRIC in a 2001 research paper, referring to Brazil, Russia, India and China. O’Neill argued in the paper that these four emerging economies could become increasingly important forces in the global economy in coming years. 2006, the year BRIC started formal cooperation The four countries mentioned in the paper began developing BRIC as a political grouping in 2006. An inaugural foreign ministers’ meeting was held on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Russia, India and China had also met earlier that year during the G8 Outreach Summit in St Petersburg. 2009: The first BRIC summit is held The first BRIC leaders’ summit was held in Yekaterinburg, Russia, on 16 June 2009. Leaders of the member nations called for reform of international financial institutions and greater representation for emerging economies in global decision-making. https://www.wionews.com/videos/brics-summit-2026-delhi-traffic-restrictions-begin-ahead-of-foreign-leaders-arrival-1788617087244/embed 2010: South Africa joins, turning BRIC to BRICS The second summit of the group was held in Brazil's capital Brasília in April 2010. Later that year, South Africa was invited to join. South Africa attended the summit at Sanya, China, in April 2011 as a full member, transforming BRIC into BRICS. The New Development Bank takes shape: 2012-2015 Discussions were held at the fourth BRICS summit in New Delhi in 2012 for a new development bank. The idea advanced at the 2013 Durban summit. At the 2014 Fortaleza summit, BRICS members signed agreements for creating the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement. The NDB became operational in 2015, with the Ufa summit that year vowing to strengthen economic cooperation. Also read: BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy 2016-2019: A period of expansion for BRICS ideas and agenda The idea and agenda of BRICS expanded in the 2016-19 period. The 2016 summit was hosted by India in Goa. China hosted the Xiamen summit in 2017, while South Africa hosted the Johannesburg summit in 2018. Brazil hosted the 2019 summit in Brasília. These meetings expanded the BRICS Plus and outreach formats. 2020-2022: Cooperation during global pandemic disruption The 2020 summit was held virtually amid the COVID-19 pandemic. India chaired the virtual summit in 2021, followed by China in 2022. It was a period in which focus shifted to global governance reforms, economic cooperation and the possibility of expanding membership. Also read: BRICS 2026: Twelve years after Fortaleza, inside Shanghai’s NDB bank 2023-24: Major expansion of BRICS into 10 members At the 15th BRICS Summit in Johannesburg, leaders invited Argentina, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to join the grouping from 1 January 2024. Argentina subsequently declined the invitation. Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the UAE formally joined in January 2024. Saudi Arabia was also included in official BRICS membership lists. The expanded group's leaders met at the 16th summit in Kazan, Russia, in October 2024. This summit also saw the creation of the new BRICS partner-country category. 2025: Indonesia joins as the 11th member, as partner country list expands Indonesia became BRICS’ 11th full member in January 2025. BRICS also welcomed nine partner countries: Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda and Uzbekistan. Later, Vietnam became the 10th partner country. The 17th summit was held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in July 2025, which saw the adoption of 126 commitments covering global governance, finance, health, artificial intelligence and climate change. Also read: Global turbulence and BRICS 2026: Can intra-BRICS trade replace the West? 2026: India takes the chairship of BRICS India assumed the BRICS chairship on 1 January 2026 for the fourth time. Its theme is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, with a people-centric approach rooted in “Humanity First”. During its chairship, India held more than 350 meetings and high-level engagements across more than 25 cities. Under India's chairship, the 18th BRICS Summit will be held at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi on 12-13 September 2026. Two decades of BRICS: A unique forum The Delhi summit is taking place as BRICS marks two decades as a formal group. It is a unique forum in that there's no constitutive treaty, permanent secretariat, or common budget. It's a bloc built on consensus, with members finding areas of agreement and working together on those, even when there are differences among them on several bilateral issues. The growing membership and expanding partnerships are a testimony that BRICS has stood the test of time.

In two decades, BRICS has grown from a 2001 economic acronym into an 11-member Global South grouping. The powerful bloc now boasts of a New Development Bank and an expanded partner nation list. Let's trace that story as India hosts the 18th BRICS summit in Delhi.

How BRICS evolved in 20 years: Full timeline of members, expansion and major summits

New Delhi is gearing up for a high-security week as India prepares to host the 18th BRICS Leaders' Summit from September 11 to 13, 2026. The main diplomatic gathering will take place at Bharat Mandapam at Pragati Maidan, one of the capital's major international conference venues. While the summit is a major diplomatic event, it is also expected to have a significant impact on everyday travel in Delhi. The movement of foreign leaders, senior delegations and security motorcades could temporarily affect traffic on several major roads, particularly across central and south Delhi and on routes connecting important hotels, the summit venue, railway stations and the airport. For commuters, office-goers, students and visitors, planning ahead will be important during the summit period.<h2>BRICS Summit 2026 dates and venue</h2>The BRICS Leaders' Summit 2026 is scheduled for September 11, 12 and 13 in New Delhi. The summit follows months of meetings and diplomatic engagements conducted under India's BRICS chairship. Leaders and representatives from BRICS member and partner countries are expected to discuss economic, political and global issues. The main summit venue is Bharat Mandapam at Pragati Maidan, a prominent international conference and exhibition complex in the national capital.<h2>Why could Delhi traffic be affected during BRICS Summit?</h2>The movement of VIP motorcades is expected to be one of the biggest factors affecting traffic during the summit.The Delhi Traffic Police has been carrying out motorcade rehearsals and preparing diversion arrangements ahead of the high-profile event. More than 35 roads are expected to come under traffic regulation, while 22 diversion points have been identified as part of the arrangements. The impact is expected to extend well beyond Pragati Maidan. Roads in central and south Delhi, along with routes connecting major diplomatic districts and hotels, could face temporary restrictions when a dignitary's convoy passes.&nbsp;Roads and areas featuring in the traffic arrangements include:<ul><li>Sardar Patel Marg</li><li>Janpath</li><li>Akbar Road</li><li>Mathura Road</li><li>Lodhi Road</li><li>Mandi House</li><li>Dhaula Kuan</li></ul>However, commuters should note that restrictions may vary depending on convoy movements and security requirements.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/brics-summit-2026-delhi-hotel-rooms-that-cost-18-000-now-quote-80-000-1788762849870">BRICS Summit 2026: Delhi hotel rooms that cost ₹18,000 now quote ₹80,000</a><h2>BRICS traffic advisory: What should commuters do?</h2>People travelling through central Delhi between September 11 and 13 should consider leaving earlier than usual. A journey that normally takes 30 minutes could take significantly longer if traffic is temporarily stopped or diverted because of a VIP convoy. The Delhi Traffic Police has advised commuters to use public transport, especially the Metro, wherever possible. Those travelling by private vehicle should check the latest traffic updates before starting their journey and remain prepared to take an alternative route. People travelling to the airport should be especially cautious and allow additional time. Restrictions on roads leading towards Indira Gandhi International Airport could affect airport-bound traffic during convoy movements.<h2>What about railway stations during the BRICS Summit?</h2>Passengers travelling to or from New Delhi, Old Delhi and Hazrat Nizamuddin railway stations should also plan their journeys in advance. Traffic management arrangements include routes used by passengers travelling to and from these major railway stations. Anyone with a train to catch during the summit period should avoid leaving home at the last minute. The same advice applies to people travelling to railway stations to receive relatives or friends. Allowing additional travel time could help passengers avoid the risk of missing trains because of unexpected diversions or temporary road closures.<h2>Delhi schools closed on September 11</h2>One of the most immediate changes for Delhi residents will be the closure of schools on Friday, September 11. The Directorate of Education has directed schools across the capital to remain closed that day as part of arrangements for the BRICS Summit.The move is intended to reduce traffic pressure and facilitate security arrangements and the movement of visiting dignitaries during the high-profile event. Some offices may also remain closed or modify their operations on September 11, depending on applicable government directions and individual workplace arrangements.<h2>BRICS traffic restrictions may be temporary</h2>A road mentioned in a BRICS-related traffic advisory should not automatically be considered closed for the entire day. Many restrictions are expected to be linked to the movement of motorcades and specific security requirements. Traffic could therefore be regulated, diverted or stopped temporarily before normal movement resumes. For this reason, commuters should check live traffic updates shortly before leaving rather than relying solely on their usual route or a static traffic map.<h2>Delhi Metro may be the easier travel option</h2>For journeys within Delhi, the Metro is likely to offer a more predictable alternative to driving through areas affected by convoy movements. Traffic authorities have encouraged commuters to consider public transport during the period of heightened restrictions. Those who need to drive should identify alternative routes in advance and avoid depending entirely on their regular route, particularly when travelling through central Delhi or areas connected to the summit venue.<h2>Security arrangements across Delhi</h2>Traffic management is only one part of the preparations for the summit. Security has been stepped up around the summit venue and hotels expected to accommodate visiting dignitaries. Authorities are also coordinating with neighbouring states to manage movement along Delhi's borders and maintain security during the event. The Delhi administration has reviewed arrangements covering traffic management, security, civic services and emergency medical response ahead of the summit.

BRICS Summit 2026 in Delhi: Check traffic restrictions, affected roads, diversions, school closure, Metro advice and airport and railway travel tips

New Delhi is gearing up for a high-security week as India prepares to host the 18th BRICS Leaders' Summit from September 11 to 13, 2026. The main diplomatic gathering will take place at Bharat Mandapam at Pragati Maidan, one of the capital's major international conference venues. While the summit is a major diplomatic event, it is also expected to have a significant impact on everyday travel in Delhi. The movement of foreign leaders, senior delegations and security motorcades could temporarily affect traffic on several major roads, particularly across central and south Delhi and on routes connecting important hotels, the summit venue, railway stations and the airport. For commuters, office-goers, students and visitors, planning ahead will be important during the summit period. BRICS Summit 2026 dates and venue The BRICS Leaders' Summit 2026 is scheduled for September 11, 12 and 13 in New Delhi. The summit follows months of meetings and diplomatic engagements conducted under India's BRICS chairship. Leaders and representatives from BRICS member and partner countries are expected to discuss economic, political and global issues. The main summit venue is Bharat Mandapam at Pragati Maidan, a prominent international conference and exhibition complex in the national capital. Why could Delhi traffic be affected during BRICS Summit? The movement of VIP motorcades is expected to be one of the biggest factors affecting traffic during the summit. The Delhi Traffic Police has been carrying out motorcade rehearsals and preparing diversion arrangements ahead of the high-profile event. More than 35 roads are expected to come under traffic regulation, while 22 diversion points have been identified as part of the arrangements. The impact is expected to extend well beyond Pragati Maidan. Roads in central and south Delhi, along with routes connecting major diplomatic districts and hotels, could face temporary restrictions when a dignitary's convoy passes. Roads and areas featuring in the traffic arrangements include: Sardar Patel Marg Janpath Akbar Road Mathura Road Lodhi Road Mandi House Dhaula Kuan However, commuters should note that restrictions may vary depending on convoy movements and security requirements. Also Read: BRICS Summit 2026: Delhi hotel rooms that cost ₹18,000 now quote ₹80,000 BRICS traffic advisory: What should commuters do? People travelling through central Delhi between September 11 and 13 should consider leaving earlier than usual. A journey that normally takes 30 minutes could take significantly longer if traffic is temporarily stopped or diverted because of a VIP convoy. The Delhi Traffic Police has advised commuters to use public transport, especially the Metro, wherever possible. Those travelling by private vehicle should check the latest traffic updates before starting their journey and remain prepared to take an alternative route. People travelling to the airport should be especially cautious and allow additional time. Restrictions on roads leading towards Indira Gandhi International Airport could affect airport-bound traffic during convoy movements. What about railway stations during the BRICS Summit? Passengers travelling to or from New Delhi, Old Delhi and Hazrat Nizamuddin railway stations should also plan their journeys in advance. Traffic management arrangements include routes used by passengers travelling to and from these major railway stations. Anyone with a train to catch during the summit period should avoid leaving home at the last minute. The same advice applies to people travelling to railway stations to receive relatives or friends. Allowing additional travel time could help passengers avoid the risk of missing trains because of unexpected diversions or temporary road closures. Delhi schools closed on September 11 One of the most immediate changes for Delhi residents will be the closure of schools on Friday, September 11. The Directorate of Education has directed schools across the capital to remain closed that day as part of arrangements for the BRICS Summit. The move is intended to reduce traffic pressure and facilitate security arrangements and the movement of visiting dignitaries during the high-profile event. Some offices may also remain closed or modify their operations on September 11, depending on applicable government directions and individual workplace arrangements. BRICS traffic restrictions may be temporary A road mentioned in a BRICS-related traffic advisory should not automatically be considered closed for the entire day. Many restrictions are expected to be linked to the movement of motorcades and specific security requirements. Traffic could therefore be regulated, diverted or stopped temporarily before normal movement resumes. For this reason, commuters should check live traffic updates shortly before leaving rather than relying solely on their usual route or a static traffic map. Delhi Metro may be the easier travel option For journeys within Delhi, the Metro is likely to offer a more predictable alternative to driving through areas affected by convoy movements. Traffic authorities have encouraged commuters to consider public transport during the period of heightened restrictions. Those who need to drive should identify alternative routes in advance and avoid depending entirely on their regular route, particularly when travelling through central Delhi or areas connected to the summit venue. Security arrangements across Delhi Traffic management is only one part of the preparations for the summit. Security has been stepped up around the summit venue and hotels expected to accommodate visiting dignitaries. Authorities are also coordinating with neighbouring states to manage movement along Delhi's borders and maintain security during the event. The Delhi administration has reviewed arrangements covering traffic management, security, civic services and emergency medical response ahead of the summit.

New Delhi gears up for BRICS Summit 2026 with traffic restrictions, road diversions, school closure and travel advisories from September 11 to 13

BRICS Summit 2026: Delhi Police traffic advisory, affected roads and travel tips for commuters. All you need to know

BRICS Summit 2026 has impacted hotel room prices across Delhi and the National Capital Region (NCR), with luxury rooms that normally cost around Rs 18,000 a night now either unavailable or being quoted at Rs 80,000 and above. The 18th BRICS Summit is scheduled to be held in New Delhi from September 12 to 13 at Bharat Mandapam. India is not only hosting leaders of BRICS member and partner countries but is also the chairman of the group. While the main cause for the surge is the arrival of delegations, diplomats, ministers and senior officials for the high-profile international gathering, properties in Aerocity, Gurugram and Noida - which are far from central Delhi's Bharat Mandapam - also witnessing strong bookings and steep price rise. Several hotels in these areas are also full or sold-out.<h3>Why Delhi Hotel Rates Have Risen</h3>Rahool Macarius, Market Managing Director, Eurasia, Wyndham Hotels &amp; Resorts told WION that the event-led demand is reflected in occupancy for September 12–15. He said that currently bookings are at 65%, significantly ahead of the broader market demand. He also shed light on a growing preference for “branded midscale and upscale accommodation, alongside greater expectations around convenience, flexibility and seamless end-to-end arrangements." “As we move closer to the Summit, we expect these demand patterns to evolve further, making agility, operational readiness and real-time demand tracking increasingly important for hotels,” he said.&nbsp;Hotel owner in Noida, Sahil Bharadwaj told WION that the sharp increase in demand was a natural consequence of the BRICS Summit. Rajan Sehgal, a member of the Public Relations Council of the Travel Agents Association of India agreed with Sahil. “When dignitaries or heads of state from all over the world are coming to India with the big delegations, so naturally, the hotels will get full," Sehgal said, as reported by news agency ANI. He pointed out that the demand was spread across the NCR and was not restricted to Lutyens’ Delhi, with hotels in Aerocity, Gurugram, Delhi and Noida also seeing strong bookings. Sehgal described the tariff increase as a temporary phase, noting that senior diplomats, officials and ministers attending major summits generally prefer higher-category rooms.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/short-videos/brics-summit-2026-35-roads-to-remain-affected-during-motorcade-rehearsal-1788680087653">BRICS Summit 2026: 35 roads to remain affected during motorcade rehearsal</a>&nbsp;A cyber cafe owner in Mayur Vihar - Happy Arora - who is also a travel agent told WION that they had been blocking hotels outside the heart of Delhi to secure lower rates for clients. However, Sahil pointed out that some guests prefer being in the vicinity of the venue to avoid traffic hassles. Sehgal also viewed the surge in hotel demand as an opportunity to showcase India’s hospitality and tourism sector. He said international visitors would get an opportunity to experience India’s culture, heritage, music, dance and cuisine.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/brics-summit-2026-how-four-chairmanships-reshaped-india-s-global-strategy-1788678978071">BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy</a>&nbsp;Additionally, Murlimani, Chairman of the Delhi Hotel and Restaurant Owners Association, said that hotels were preparing cultural activities and a wide range of food for visiting delegations. On the increase in tariffs, Murlimani, while speaking to News 18 said that major summits typically lead to higher rates because hotel rooms are limited and bookings are made in advance. Hotels may also have to keep rooms, or entire blocks, vacant for dignitaries. He urged hoteliers to direct some visitors accompanying official delegations towards budget properties to ease pressure on premium hotels.

BRICS Summit 2026 has sent Delhi-NCR hotel tariffs soaring, with rooms that usually cost around ₹18,000 now quoted at ₹80,000 or more. Hotels across Delhi, Aerocity, Gurugram and Noida are seeing heavy bookings as delegations arrive for the September 12-13 summit.

BRICS Summit 2026 has impacted hotel room prices across Delhi and the National Capital Region (NCR), with luxury rooms that normally cost around Rs 18,000 a night now either unavailable or being quoted at Rs 80,000 and above. The 18th BRICS Summit is scheduled to be held in New Delhi from September 12 to 13 at Bharat Mandapam. India is not only hosting leaders of BRICS member and partner countries but is also the chairman of the group. While the main cause for the surge is the arrival of delegations, diplomats, ministers and senior officials for the high-profile international gathering, properties in Aerocity, Gurugram and Noida - which are far from central Delhi's Bharat Mandapam - also witnessing strong bookings and steep price rise. Several hotels in these areas are also full or sold-out. Why Delhi Hotel Rates Have Risen Rahool Macarius, Market Managing Director, Eurasia, Wyndham Hotels & Resorts told WION that the event-led demand is reflected in occupancy for September 12–15. He said that currently bookings are at 65%, significantly ahead of the broader market demand. He also shed light on a growing preference for “branded midscale and upscale accommodation, alongside greater expectations around convenience, flexibility and seamless end-to-end arrangements." “As we move closer to the Summit, we expect these demand patterns to evolve further, making agility, operational readiness and real-time demand tracking increasingly important for hotels,” he said. Hotel owner in Noida, Sahil Bharadwaj told WION that the sharp increase in demand was a natural consequence of the BRICS Summit. Rajan Sehgal, a member of the Public Relations Council of the Travel Agents Association of India agreed with Sahil. “When dignitaries or heads of state from all over the world are coming to India with the big delegations, so naturally, the hotels will get full," Sehgal said, as reported by news agency ANI. He pointed out that the demand was spread across the NCR and was not restricted to Lutyens’ Delhi, with hotels in Aerocity, Gurugram, Delhi and Noida also seeing strong bookings. Sehgal described the tariff increase as a temporary phase, noting that senior diplomats, officials and ministers attending major summits generally prefer higher-category rooms. Also Read: BRICS Summit 2026: 35 roads to remain affected during motorcade rehearsal A cyber cafe owner in Mayur Vihar - Happy Arora - who is also a travel agent told WION that they had been blocking hotels outside the heart of Delhi to secure lower rates for clients. However, Sahil pointed out that some guests prefer being in the vicinity of the venue to avoid traffic hassles. Sehgal also viewed the surge in hotel demand as an opportunity to showcase India’s hospitality and tourism sector. He said international visitors would get an opportunity to experience India’s culture, heritage, music, dance and cuisine. Also Read: BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy Additionally, Murlimani, Chairman of the Delhi Hotel and Restaurant Owners Association, said that hotels were preparing cultural activities and a wide range of food for visiting delegations. On the increase in tariffs, Murlimani, while speaking to News 18 said that major summits typically lead to higher rates because hotel rooms are limited and bookings are made in advance. Hotels may also have to keep rooms, or entire blocks, vacant for dignitaries. He urged hoteliers to direct some visitors accompanying official delegations towards budget properties to ease pressure on premium hotels.

BRICS Summit 2026 has sent Delhi-NCR hotel tariffs soaring, with rooms that usually cost around ₹18,000 now quoted at ₹80,000 or more. Hotels across Delhi, Aerocity, Gurugram and Noida are seeing heavy bookings as delegations arrive for the September 12-13 summit.

BRICS Summit 2026: Delhi hotel rooms that cost ₹18,000 now quote ₹80,000

Rarely has a BRICS Chairmanship arrived amid so much simultaneous turbulence. As India prepares to host the 18th BRICS Summit at Bharat Mandapam on 12-13 September 2026, under the theme ‘Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability’, the grouping finds itself navigating a Russia-Ukraine war that refuses to end, an Iran-Israel-US crisis that has already claimed the life of Iran’s Supreme Leader, a US Congress moving to weaponise tariffs against Russian oil buyers, a Sino-Indian relationship only cautiously thawing after years of border tension and outcome of SCO 2026. Global turbulence, in other words, is not merely the backdrop to BRICS 2026; it has become the agenda.<h2>A sequence not of India's choosing, but to India's advantage: Impact of SCO 2026</h2>The 26th SCO Summit at Bishkek, held barely ten days before Bharat Mandapam, has effectively become a dress rehearsal for BRICS. The Bishkek Declaration condemned the US-Israel strikes on Iran, mourned the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, backed a just settlement on Palestine, and reaffirmed a “representative, democratic and equitable multipolar world order.” Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian personally asked Prime Minister Modi, in his capacity as incoming BRICS Chair, to help build a common position against US-Israeli military action.&nbsp;&nbsp;Since BRICS contains Iran alongside the more US-aligned UAE and Saudi Arabia, the same fault line that surfaced at Bishkek will resurface, in sharper form, at the BRICS table. Yet the sequencing works in India’s favour rather than against it. Having already co-signed Bishkek’s language on multipolarity and non-discriminatory trade, New Delhi arrives at its own Summit with a tested template for balancing Global South solidarity against its own strategic autonomy vis-à-vis Washington. Over 350 preparatory meetings across 25-plus cities this year testify to a chairmanship that has been methodical rather than reactive, the diplomatic equivalent of India’s subtraction and addition strategy: subtracting friction points before they harden into disputes, while adding areas of convergence the grouping can act upon together.<h2>The tariff weapon and the limits of collective retaliation</h2>The most immediate turbulence is economic. The Lindsey O Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act, passed by the US Senate, authorises tariffs of up to 100 per cent on the largest importers of Russian oil and gas, a measure that would strike directly at India, China and, depending on final designation, Brazil. It is legislation dressed as Ukraine policy but built, as several US analysts have noted, to double as general-purpose tariff leverage against precisely the economies BRICS represents.&nbsp;Can BRICS respond as a bloc? The economics counsel caution. Intra-BRICS merchandise trade runs at roughly USD 700-800 billion annually, against combined BRICS trade with the US and EU exceeding USD 5 trillion. No BRICS economy, including China’s, is prepared to sacrifice Western market access for bloc solidarity. What the tariff threat can do, paradoxically, is accelerate what internal diplomacy has struggled to achieve: greater coordination on payment systems, supply chains and financial cooperation, precisely because external coercion, when it targets multiple members simultaneously, narrows the space for free-riding. The lesson for BRICS is unambiguous, intra-BRICS trade must expand substantially if the grouping is to develop genuine resilience against an economic hegemon acting alone.<h2>Xi's possible visit and the China variable</h2>Adding to the turbulence is the prospect of Xi Jinping’s first visit to India since 2019, pre-dating the deadly Galwan clash of 2020. A delegation of some 400 officials is reportedly being readied, even as reports of a fresh border friction point complicate the atmospherics and India’s top security official has been in Beijing for talks. If the visit materialises, it will be read globally as a signal that the India-China relationship is entering a phase of competitive coexistence rather than open confrontation, correct diplomacy for both capitals, given that neither benefits from a permanently frozen bilateral track feeding into a wider “Cold War 2.0” narrative that neither India nor China wishes to be boxed into.&nbsp;This matters for BRICS because the China-India contradiction remains, as I have argued elsewhere, the grouping’s most consequential internal tension. Beijing increasingly treats BRICS as a pillar of an alternative architecture reducing Western influence; New Delhi insists on a genuinely multipolar Asia rather than a China-centric one, and on BRICS as a reform platform rather than an anti-Western instrument. A cordial Modi-Xi meeting at the margins of Bharat Mandapam would not resolve that contradiction, but it would demonstrate that BRICS’s consensus-based model can still accommodate rival visions without capsizing, itself a form of concirclement, in which India manages competing power centres around it rather than being encircled by their rivalries.<h2>Energy security: The silent common thread</h2>Running beneath the geopolitics is a shared, less discussed vulnerability – energy security. Any escalation that threatens the Strait of Hormuz strikes directly at India’s oil import bill and inflation, and at similar exposures across China, and much of the Global South that BRICS claims to represent. The Bishkek statements on energy cooperation and India’s own MoUs on climate and connectivity are not separate from this turbulence; they are hedges against it. Chabahar Port, discussed in Prime Minister Modi’s sideline meeting with Iran’s President, and India’s continued, calibrated purchase of discounted Russian crude despite tariff threats, both reflect the same underlying calculus: energy security first, ideological alignment a distant second.<h2>Calibrated activism as the only viable course</h2>None of this turbulence is likely to derail the Summit’s declared, deliberately non-controversial themes of resilience, innovation, cooperation and sustainability. The harder question is whether members will stay within those bounds once they are in the room together, given how many of them arrive carrying grievances, Iran’s demand for solidarity against the US and Israel, Russia’s search for sanctions relief, and China’s institutional ambitions for BRICS as counterweight to the West all sit uneasily against India’s preference for a reform-not-confrontation agenda. India’s answer has to be calibrated activism: firm enough to hold the chair’s agenda together, restrained enough not to let BRICS be captured by any single member’s confrontation with the West. This is consistent with New Delhi’s parallel engagement with the G20, the Quad and the SCO, competitive coexistence with all major poles rather than exclusive alignment with any one of them.<h2>Conclusion</h2>BRICS at twenty was already navigating internal contradictions of size, ideology and economic asymmetry. BRICS in 2026 must do so while absorbing external shocks, war, assassination, tariff coercion and great-power rivalry, arriving almost simultaneously. That the grouping’s chair this year is a nation practised in balancing exactly these pressures, and that its Summit follows so closely on the SCO’s own test of the same balancing act, is more opportunity than accident. Whether Bharat Mandapam converts turbulence into cohesion, or merely papers over it for another year, will depend on India’s ability to keep BRICS anchored to its founding purpose: reform of an unrepresentative global order, not participation in a new bloc confrontation. That, ultimately, is the measure by which this Chairmanship, and this Summit, should be judged.&nbsp;<figure class="image"><img src="https://cdn1.wionews.com/prod/wion/images/2026/20260907/image-1788764142553.png"></figure>

India's 2026 BRICS Chairmanship culminates at Bharat Mandapam amid a rare convergence of crises, a Russia-Ukraine war without end, an Iran-Israel-US confrontation, punitive US tariff legislation aimed at Russian oil buyers, and a cautiously thawing Sino-Indian relationship

Rarely has a BRICS Chairmanship arrived amid so much simultaneous turbulence. As India prepares to host the 18th BRICS Summit at Bharat Mandapam on 12-13 September 2026, under the theme ‘Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability’, the grouping finds itself navigating a Russia-Ukraine war that refuses to end, an Iran-Israel-US crisis that has already claimed the life of Iran’s Supreme Leader, a US Congress moving to weaponise tariffs against Russian oil buyers, a Sino-Indian relationship only cautiously thawing after years of border tension and outcome of SCO 2026. Global turbulence, in other words, is not merely the backdrop to BRICS 2026; it has become the agenda. A sequence not of India's choosing, but to India's advantage: Impact of SCO 2026 The 26th SCO Summit at Bishkek, held barely ten days before Bharat Mandapam, has effectively become a dress rehearsal for BRICS. The Bishkek Declaration condemned the US-Israel strikes on Iran, mourned the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, backed a just settlement on Palestine, and reaffirmed a “representative, democratic and equitable multipolar world order.” Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian personally asked Prime Minister Modi, in his capacity as incoming BRICS Chair, to help build a common position against US-Israeli military action. Since BRICS contains Iran alongside the more US-aligned UAE and Saudi Arabia, the same fault line that surfaced at Bishkek will resurface, in sharper form, at the BRICS table. Yet the sequencing works in India’s favour rather than against it. Having already co-signed Bishkek’s language on multipolarity and non-discriminatory trade, New Delhi arrives at its own Summit with a tested template for balancing Global South solidarity against its own strategic autonomy vis-à-vis Washington. Over 350 preparatory meetings across 25-plus cities this year testify to a chairmanship that has been methodical rather than reactive, the diplomatic equivalent of India’s subtraction and addition strategy: subtracting friction points before they harden into disputes, while adding areas of convergence the grouping can act upon together. The tariff weapon and the limits of collective retaliation The most immediate turbulence is economic. The Lindsey O Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act, passed by the US Senate, authorises tariffs of up to 100 per cent on the largest importers of Russian oil and gas, a measure that would strike directly at India, China and, depending on final designation, Brazil. It is legislation dressed as Ukraine policy but built, as several US analysts have noted, to double as general-purpose tariff leverage against precisely the economies BRICS represents. Can BRICS respond as a bloc? The economics counsel caution. Intra-BRICS merchandise trade runs at roughly USD 700-800 billion annually, against combined BRICS trade with the US and EU exceeding USD 5 trillion. No BRICS economy, including China’s, is prepared to sacrifice Western market access for bloc solidarity. What the tariff threat can do, paradoxically, is accelerate what internal diplomacy has struggled to achieve: greater coordination on payment systems, supply chains and financial cooperation, precisely because external coercion, when it targets multiple members simultaneously, narrows the space for free-riding. The lesson for BRICS is unambiguous, intra-BRICS trade must expand substantially if the grouping is to develop genuine resilience against an economic hegemon acting alone. Xi's possible visit and the China variable Adding to the turbulence is the prospect of Xi Jinping’s first visit to India since 2019, pre-dating the deadly Galwan clash of 2020. A delegation of some 400 officials is reportedly being readied, even as reports of a fresh border friction point complicate the atmospherics and India’s top security official has been in Beijing for talks. If the visit materialises, it will be read globally as a signal that the India-China relationship is entering a phase of competitive coexistence rather than open confrontation, correct diplomacy for both capitals, given that neither benefits from a permanently frozen bilateral track feeding into a wider “Cold War 2.0” narrative that neither India nor China wishes to be boxed into. This matters for BRICS because the China-India contradiction remains, as I have argued elsewhere, the grouping’s most consequential internal tension. Beijing increasingly treats BRICS as a pillar of an alternative architecture reducing Western influence; New Delhi insists on a genuinely multipolar Asia rather than a China-centric one, and on BRICS as a reform platform rather than an anti-Western instrument. A cordial Modi-Xi meeting at the margins of Bharat Mandapam would not resolve that contradiction, but it would demonstrate that BRICS’s consensus-based model can still accommodate rival visions without capsizing, itself a form of concirclement, in which India manages competing power centres around it rather than being encircled by their rivalries. Energy security: The silent common thread Running beneath the geopolitics is a shared, less discussed vulnerability – energy security. Any escalation that threatens the Strait of Hormuz strikes directly at India’s oil import bill and inflation, and at similar exposures across China, and much of the Global South that BRICS claims to represent. The Bishkek statements on energy cooperation and India’s own MoUs on climate and connectivity are not separate from this turbulence; they are hedges against it. Chabahar Port, discussed in Prime Minister Modi’s sideline meeting with Iran’s President, and India’s continued, calibrated purchase of discounted Russian crude despite tariff threats, both reflect the same underlying calculus: energy security first, ideological alignment a distant second. Calibrated activism as the only viable course None of this turbulence is likely to derail the Summit’s declared, deliberately non-controversial themes of resilience, innovation, cooperation and sustainability. The harder question is whether members will stay within those bounds once they are in the room together, given how many of them arrive carrying grievances, Iran’s demand for solidarity against the US and Israel, Russia’s search for sanctions relief, and China’s institutional ambitions for BRICS as counterweight to the West all sit uneasily against India’s preference for a reform-not-confrontation agenda. India’s answer has to be calibrated activism: firm enough to hold the chair’s agenda together, restrained enough not to let BRICS be captured by any single member’s confrontation with the West. This is consistent with New Delhi’s parallel engagement with the G20, the Quad and the SCO, competitive coexistence with all major poles rather than exclusive alignment with any one of them. Conclusion BRICS at twenty was already navigating internal contradictions of size, ideology and economic asymmetry. BRICS in 2026 must do so while absorbing external shocks, war, assassination, tariff coercion and great-power rivalry, arriving almost simultaneously. That the grouping’s chair this year is a nation practised in balancing exactly these pressures, and that its Summit follows so closely on the SCO’s own test of the same balancing act, is more opportunity than accident. Whether Bharat Mandapam converts turbulence into cohesion, or merely papers over it for another year, will depend on India’s ability to keep BRICS anchored to its founding purpose: reform of an unrepresentative global order, not participation in a new bloc confrontation. That, ultimately, is the measure by which this Chairmanship, and this Summit, should be judged.

India's 2026 BRICS Chairmanship culminates at Bharat Mandapam amid a rare convergence of crises, a Russia-Ukraine war without end, an Iran-Israel-US confrontation, punitive US tariff legislation aimed at Russian oil buyers, and a cautiously thawing Sino-Indian relationship

Global turbulence and BRICS 2026: Can intra-BRICS trade replace the West?

BRICS SUMMIT 2026: Delhi is witnessing major traffic restrictions and diversions as authorities prepare for the upcoming BRICS Leaders' Summit at Bharat Mandapam. A motorcade rehearsal is affecting more than 35 roads, with Delhi Traffic Police advising commuters to plan journeys in advance, allow extra travel time and use the Metro wherever possible.

The restrictions affect several important routes across Central, South and other parts of Delhi. Traffic police have also identified multiple diversion points and issued alternate-route advisories for commuters travelling to railway stations and the airport.

India will host the 18th BRICS Summit at Bharat Mandapam on September 12 and 13, 2026. The event is expected to bring together leaders from BRICS member and partner countries, along with outreach invitees.

BRICS SUMMIT 2026 | Delhi Traffic Restrictions On 35+ Roads, Motorcade Rehearsal Underway

The 18th BRICS Summit will be held in New Delhi under India’s 2026 chairmanship from 12–13 September. It is expected to bring together the bloc’s 11 members, partner countries and outreach invitees. So, with just a few days left for the summit to kickstart, we take a look at the New Development Bank established by the BRICS countries.&nbsp;<h2>Establishment of NDB</h2>&nbsp;Headquartered in Shanghai, China, the bank was established through the2014 Fortaleza Declaration with the aim of financing infrastructure and sustainable-development projects in BRICS and other developing countries. It started its operations in 2015.&nbsp;Its Initial members were Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa but NDB has admitted additional members beyond the original BRICS countries&nbsp;<h2>Reducing dependence on Western institutions</h2>&nbsp;The bank provides loans for projects such as transport, energy, water, sanitation, and urban development. Promoting sustainable development, renewable energy, supporting climate-resilient infrastructure, are some of the environmentally friendly areas where the bank works.&nbsp;One of the major benefits for BRICS nation is the reduced dependence on Western institutions. It gives emerging economies an additional source of development finance alongside institutions such as the World Bank and IMF.&nbsp;According to the data available, since its inception in 2015, the bank has made a total approval of $42.9 billion, approved 139 projects &nbsp;and had 115 projects in its portfolio at the end of 2025.&nbsp;Metros, railways, roads, logistics infrastructure, clean energy and energy efficiency, water and sanitation, urban infrastructure and affordable housing are the major sectors NDB has invested in.<h2>Role of NDB in supporting local currencies</h2>&nbsp;NDB supports the use of local currencies by helping BRICS countries in giving them loans &nbsp;and raising funds in the currencies of its member countries. This is vital as it reduces dependence of BRICS nations on the US dollar. This reduces the need for borrowers to take dollar-denominated loans.&nbsp;NDB has expanded beyond the original five BRICS members. But compared with the World Bank's scale and global reach, NDB remains considerably smaller. I&nbsp;

It gives emerging economies an additional source of development finance alongside institutions such as the World Bank and IMF.

The 18th BRICS Summit will be held in New Delhi under India’s 2026 chairmanship from 12–13 September. It is expected to bring together the bloc’s 11 members, partner countries and outreach invitees. So, with just a few days left for the summit to kickstart, we take a look at the New Development Bank established by the BRICS countries. Establishment of NDB Headquartered in Shanghai, China, the bank was established through the2014 Fortaleza Declaration with the aim of financing infrastructure and sustainable-development projects in BRICS and other developing countries. It started its operations in 2015. Its Initial members were Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa but NDB has admitted additional members beyond the original BRICS countries Reducing dependence on Western institutions The bank provides loans for projects such as transport, energy, water, sanitation, and urban development. Promoting sustainable development, renewable energy, supporting climate-resilient infrastructure, are some of the environmentally friendly areas where the bank works. One of the major benefits for BRICS nation is the reduced dependence on Western institutions. It gives emerging economies an additional source of development finance alongside institutions such as the World Bank and IMF. According to the data available, since its inception in 2015, the bank has made a total approval of $42.9 billion, approved 139 projects and had 115 projects in its portfolio at the end of 2025. Metros, railways, roads, logistics infrastructure, clean energy and energy efficiency, water and sanitation, urban infrastructure and affordable housing are the major sectors NDB has invested in. Role of NDB in supporting local currencies NDB supports the use of local currencies by helping BRICS countries in giving them loans and raising funds in the currencies of its member countries. This is vital as it reduces dependence of BRICS nations on the US dollar. This reduces the need for borrowers to take dollar-denominated loans. NDB has expanded beyond the original five BRICS members. But compared with the World Bank's scale and global reach, NDB remains considerably smaller. I

It gives emerging economies an additional source of development finance alongside institutions such as the World Bank and IMF.

BRICS 2026: Twelve years after Fortaleza, inside Shanghai’s NDB bank

India’s four BRICS chairmanships—in 2012, 2016, 2021 and 2026—reflect the changing priorities of both the grouping and New Delhi’s foreign policy. From strengthening BRICS’ institutional foundations and financial cooperation to pushing counter-terrorism, consensus-building and Global South priorities, India’s role has steadily expanded. In 2026, technology, resilience and global governance reform have emerged as key pillars of its BRICS strategy.<h2>BRICS chairmanship in 2012</h2>During India’s first BRICS chairmanship was in 2012. In that year, New Delhi’s primary objective was to give greater institutional shape and credibility to what was still a relatively informal grouping of emerging economies. India moved the bloc from an informal dialogue forum toward a concrete, institutionalised entity. India put forward the core proposal to create a new multilateral development bank financed by the Global South. This directly resulted in the heads of state instructing their finance ministers to study its feasibility. This Indian initiative laid the direct groundwork for the formal establishment of the New Development Bank (NDB) in 2014.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/short-videos/brics-summit-2026-35-roads-to-remain-affected-during-motorcade-rehearsal-1788680087653">BRICS Summit 2026: 35 roads to remain affected during motorcade rehearsal</a><h3>2016: Using BRICS to highlight terrorism and connectivity</h3>By India’s second BRICS chairmanship in 2016, the grouping had acquired greater political significance, and New Delhi used the Goa Summit to push issues extending beyond economics. The eighth BRICS Summit was held under the theme “Building Responsive, Inclusive and Collective Solutions”, with India seeking to broaden the organisation’s agenda around security, connectivity and development. Terrorism became one of New Delhi’s most important priorities. India sought to bring greater international attention to terrorism and the networks that support it, particularly against the backdrop of growing tensions in South Asia. The summit provided India with a platform to make the case for stronger international cooperation against terrorist organisations and their financing, while also reinforcing its position on cross-border terrorism. At the same time, India promoted regional connectivity and economic integration as important components of the BRICS agenda.&nbsp;&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/brics-summit-2026-putin-s-second-india-visit-in-10-months-comes-amid-focus-on-russian-oil-1788508682752">BRICS Summit 2026: Putin’s second India visit in 10 months comes</a><h3>2021: Maintaining consensus amid the pandemic and China tensions</h3>India assumed the BRICS chairmanship for a third time in 2021, but the circumstances were markedly different from its earlier presidencies. The 13th BRICS Summit was held virtually as countries continued to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, India was confronting an acute military standoff with China along the Line of Actual Control. Against this backdrop, India adopted the theme “BRICS@15: Intra-BRICS Cooperation for Continuity, Consolidation and Consensus.” The emphasis was on maintaining the functioning of the grouping despite the difficult international environment and differences among its members.&nbsp;The pandemic also pushed health cooperation, economic recovery and resilience higher on the agenda. For India, the challenge was to preserve BRICS as a functioning multilateral platform while simultaneously managing its increasingly complicated relationship with China. This made consensus-building particularly important: New Delhi had to advance its interests without allowing bilateral tensions to completely overshadow the wider BRICS agenda.<h3>2026: From BRICS cooperation to a Global South platform</h3>India’s fourth BRICS chairmanship in 2026 focuses more heavily on institutional development, economic cooperation and specific geopolitical concerns, New Delhi is now seeking to shape the direction of an expanded BRICS+ grouping. India has placed a strong emphasis on a “Humanity First” and people-centric approach, with the 2026 agenda organised around four broad pillars: Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability. The expansion of BRICS has also dramatically increased the geographic and political diversity of the grouping, making consensus-building more complex while simultaneously increasing its potential as a platform representing developing and emerging economies.&nbsp;For New Delhi, this provides an opportunity to position BRICS as an important vehicle for Global South advocacy. Rather than presenting the grouping simply as an alternative economic bloc, India is seeking to use its chairmanship to push issues such as development, technology, financial reform, climate action and greater representation for developing countries in global institutions.

India’s four BRICS chairmanships in 2012, 2016, 2021 and 2026 reflect an evolving strategy—from institution-building and financial cooperation to countering terrorism, maintaining consensus amid tensions, and championing the Global South cause

India’s four BRICS chairmanships—in 2012, 2016, 2021 and 2026—reflect the changing priorities of both the grouping and New Delhi’s foreign policy. From strengthening BRICS’ institutional foundations and financial cooperation to pushing counter-terrorism, consensus-building and Global South priorities, India’s role has steadily expanded. In 2026, technology, resilience and global governance reform have emerged as key pillars of its BRICS strategy. BRICS chairmanship in 2012 During India’s first BRICS chairmanship was in 2012. In that year, New Delhi’s primary objective was to give greater institutional shape and credibility to what was still a relatively informal grouping of emerging economies. India moved the bloc from an informal dialogue forum toward a concrete, institutionalised entity. India put forward the core proposal to create a new multilateral development bank financed by the Global South. This directly resulted in the heads of state instructing their finance ministers to study its feasibility. This Indian initiative laid the direct groundwork for the formal establishment of the New Development Bank (NDB) in 2014. Also Read: BRICS Summit 2026: 35 roads to remain affected during motorcade rehearsal 2016: Using BRICS to highlight terrorism and connectivity By India’s second BRICS chairmanship in 2016, the grouping had acquired greater political significance, and New Delhi used the Goa Summit to push issues extending beyond economics. The eighth BRICS Summit was held under the theme “Building Responsive, Inclusive and Collective Solutions”, with India seeking to broaden the organisation’s agenda around security, connectivity and development. Terrorism became one of New Delhi’s most important priorities. India sought to bring greater international attention to terrorism and the networks that support it, particularly against the backdrop of growing tensions in South Asia. The summit provided India with a platform to make the case for stronger international cooperation against terrorist organisations and their financing, while also reinforcing its position on cross-border terrorism. At the same time, India promoted regional connectivity and economic integration as important components of the BRICS agenda. Also Read: BRICS Summit 2026: Putin’s second India visit in 10 months comes 2021: Maintaining consensus amid the pandemic and China tensions India assumed the BRICS chairmanship for a third time in 2021, but the circumstances were markedly different from its earlier presidencies. The 13th BRICS Summit was held virtually as countries continued to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic. At the same time, India was confronting an acute military standoff with China along the Line of Actual Control. Against this backdrop, India adopted the theme “BRICS@15: Intra-BRICS Cooperation for Continuity, Consolidation and Consensus.” The emphasis was on maintaining the functioning of the grouping despite the difficult international environment and differences among its members. The pandemic also pushed health cooperation, economic recovery and resilience higher on the agenda. For India, the challenge was to preserve BRICS as a functioning multilateral platform while simultaneously managing its increasingly complicated relationship with China. This made consensus-building particularly important: New Delhi had to advance its interests without allowing bilateral tensions to completely overshadow the wider BRICS agenda. 2026: From BRICS cooperation to a Global South platform India’s fourth BRICS chairmanship in 2026 focuses more heavily on institutional development, economic cooperation and specific geopolitical concerns, New Delhi is now seeking to shape the direction of an expanded BRICS+ grouping. India has placed a strong emphasis on a “Humanity First” and people-centric approach, with the 2026 agenda organised around four broad pillars: Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability. The expansion of BRICS has also dramatically increased the geographic and political diversity of the grouping, making consensus-building more complex while simultaneously increasing its potential as a platform representing developing and emerging economies. For New Delhi, this provides an opportunity to position BRICS as an important vehicle for Global South advocacy. Rather than presenting the grouping simply as an alternative economic bloc, India is seeking to use its chairmanship to push issues such as development, technology, financial reform, climate action and greater representation for developing countries in global institutions.

India’s four BRICS chairmanships in 2012, 2016, 2021 and 2026 reflect an evolving strategy—from institution-building and financial cooperation to countering terrorism, maintaining consensus amid tensions, and championing the Global South cause

BRICS Summit 2026: How four chairmanships reshaped India’s global strategy

Chief Justice of India Surya Kant on Saturday urged BRICS nations to foster a culture of “healthy disagreement and deliberation”, suggesting that the bloc should transform into a “living Nalanda University”, a welcoming space that accommodates diverse legal systems and perspectives. Speaking to heads of delegations and delegates from BRICS member states and partner nations on the second day of the BRICS Chief Justices' Forum in New Delhi, the CJI emphasised the need for justice to be delivered in a timely and predictable manner. Invoking the legacy of the ancient Nalanda University, the CJI noted that it has welcomed students and researchers globally without discrimination or restrictions. He pointed out that Nalanda notably never required scholars to share a common legal or philosophical framework before admitting them. The CJI underscored that despite all of these, the University provided a space for disagreement and deliberation, adding that “BRICS should also be known as the living Nalanda University.”&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/sc-lawyer-files-complaint-against-student-activist-nishu-azad-father-over-derogatory-posts-on-hindu-deities-1788665605347">SC lawyer files complaint against student activist Nishu Azad, father over derogatory posts on Hindu deities</a><h3>Judicial heads and spokespersons from multiple countries</h3>Among those who spoke at the gathering were Luiz Edson Fachin(joining virtually), President of Brazil's Supreme Federal Court; Zhang Jun, Chief Justice of the People's Republic of China and President of the Supreme People's Court; Boulos Fahmy Iskander Boulos, Chief Justice of Egypt's Supreme Constitutional Court; and Tewodros Meheret Kebede, Ethiopia's President of the Federal Supreme Court. Other judicial heads in attendance also include Sunarto, Indonesia's Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Ayatollah Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Eje'I, Iran's Chief Justice of the Islamic Republic; Igor Krasnov, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation; and Mahube Betty Molemela, South Africa's President of the Supreme Court of Appeal. The forum also featured remarks from Datuk Seri Abu Bakar Bin Jais, President of Malaysia's Court of Appeal; Muntharee Ujjin, President of Thailand's Court of Appeal; Dr Flavian Zeija, Chief Justice of Uganda; and Malikakhon Kalandarova, Deputy Chairperson of Uzbekistan's Supreme Court.

The CJI noted that it has welcomed students and researchers globally without discrimination or restrictions. He pointed out that Nalanda notably never required scholars to share a common legal or philosophical framework before admitting them.

Chief Justice of India Surya Kant on Saturday urged BRICS nations to foster a culture of “healthy disagreement and deliberation”, suggesting that the bloc should transform into a “living Nalanda University”, a welcoming space that accommodates diverse legal systems and perspectives. Speaking to heads of delegations and delegates from BRICS member states and partner nations on the second day of the BRICS Chief Justices' Forum in New Delhi, the CJI emphasised the need for justice to be delivered in a timely and predictable manner. Invoking the legacy of the ancient Nalanda University, the CJI noted that it has welcomed students and researchers globally without discrimination or restrictions. He pointed out that Nalanda notably never required scholars to share a common legal or philosophical framework before admitting them. The CJI underscored that despite all of these, the University provided a space for disagreement and deliberation, adding that “BRICS should also be known as the living Nalanda University.” Also read: SC lawyer files complaint against student activist Nishu Azad, father over derogatory posts on Hindu deities Judicial heads and spokespersons from multiple countries Among those who spoke at the gathering were Luiz Edson Fachin(joining virtually), President of Brazil's Supreme Federal Court; Zhang Jun, Chief Justice of the People's Republic of China and President of the Supreme People's Court; Boulos Fahmy Iskander Boulos, Chief Justice of Egypt's Supreme Constitutional Court; and Tewodros Meheret Kebede, Ethiopia's President of the Federal Supreme Court. Other judicial heads in attendance also include Sunarto, Indonesia's Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Ayatollah Gholam Hossein Mohseni-Eje'I, Iran's Chief Justice of the Islamic Republic; Igor Krasnov, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation; and Mahube Betty Molemela, South Africa's President of the Supreme Court of Appeal. The forum also featured remarks from Datuk Seri Abu Bakar Bin Jais, President of Malaysia's Court of Appeal; Muntharee Ujjin, President of Thailand's Court of Appeal; Dr Flavian Zeija, Chief Justice of Uganda; and Malikakhon Kalandarova, Deputy Chairperson of Uzbekistan's Supreme Court.

The CJI noted that it has welcomed students and researchers globally without discrimination or restrictions. He pointed out that Nalanda notably never required scholars to share a common legal or philosophical framework before admitting them.

'BRICS should be living Nalanda University': CJI at Chief Justices' Forum, urges to embrace 'healthy disagreement'

BRICS SUMMIT 2026: Delhi is gearing up to host foreign leaders at Bharat Mandapam on September 12 and 13, but the summit is expected to bring major traffic restrictions across the capital.

Delhi Traffic Police have begun rehearsals for foreign leaders and their motorcades, with restrictions covering more than 35 roads and 22 diversion points. Commuters in central, south and southwest Delhi could face diversions, temporary road closures and longer travel times.

Major routes including Sardar Patel Marg, Janpath, Ashoka Road, Mathura Road, Lodhi Road and Africa Avenue are among those affected by the traffic plan. The biggest disruption is expected as foreign leaders and delegations begin arriving around September 10, with restrictions potentially continuing until their departure around September 14.

Adding to the challenge, heavy rain has already caused waterlogging in parts of Delhi, including areas near Indira Gandhi International Airport, while further rain and thunderstorms are forecast around the summit period.

BRICS SUMMIT 2026 | Delhi Traffic Restrictions Begin Ahead Of Foreign Leaders’ Arrival

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s expected return to New Delhi for the BRICS Summit 2026 comes at a particularly sensitive moment for India’s relationship with Moscow, and for its increasingly complicated economic relationship with Washington. Putin was last in India in December 2025 for the annual India-Russia summit. His expected appearance at the September BRICS gathering would therefore put the Russian president in Delhi for a second time in less than a year, underlining the continuing importance of the India-Russia relationship even as New Delhi simultaneously manages its ties with the United States and other Western powers. Russia’s Ambassador to India Denis Alipov said on Friday that Putin is expected to attend the summit.&nbsp;But beyond the optics of another Modi-Putin meeting, one issue will inevitably hang over the summit: Russian oil. India’s dependence on Russian crude has grown dramatically since the Ukraine war. In July 2026, Russian crude accounted for a record 50.83% of India’s total oil imports, or about 2.47 million barrels per day, according to trade data cited by news agency Reuters. That makes the oil question far more complicated than a simple diplomatic choice between Washington and Moscow.<h2>The 50% tariff episode, and what changed</h2>The Trump administration had imposed an additional 25% tariff on Indian imports in August 2025 specifically over India’s purchases of Russian oil. Combined with the existing reciprocal tariff, the total reached 50%. The White House said the additional duty was intended to pressure countries purchasing Russian oil. But that is not the current tariff structure. In February 2026, Washington removed the additional 25% Russia-oil tariff after saying India had committed to stop directly or indirectly importing Russian oil. The US also lowered its reciprocal tariff on Indian goods to 18%. Crucially, however, the February executive order contains a warning: if India resumes direct or indirect purchases of Russian oil, US officials can recommend bringing back the additional 25% tariff. And India's subsequent oil-import numbers make that provision highly relevant.<h2>Why India cannot simply walk away from Russian crude</h2>India is the world's third-largest oil consumer and relies heavily on imports to meet its energy requirements. Russian crude became particularly attractive after Western sanctions and price restrictions disrupted Moscow's traditional markets. For Indian refiners, Russian crude has not simply been a geopolitical purchase. Price, availability, refinery economics and supply security have all mattered. The scale of the trade illustrates the problem. India's imports from Russia have become heavily concentrated in energy: crude oil alone accounted for $35.76 billion of imports in FY2025-26 through November, according to IBEF data. Fertilisers were another major category at $2.11 billion. And crude is not the only Russian commodity India has reasons to keep buying.<h2>What India buys from Russia</h2>Crude oil: By far the biggest component. Russian supplies have become crucial to Indian refiners, and July's record share shows how difficult it is to immediately replace those volumes. Fertilisers: Russia remains an important source of fertilisers for India's agriculture sector. Any disruption has implications beyond foreign policy, potentially affecting input costs and food security.&nbsp;Defence equipment: Russia has historically been India's biggest defence supplier, although India's dependence has declined as New Delhi has diversified its procurement. The relationship nevertheless includes decades of equipment, spares, maintenance and technology links. Diamonds, metals and other commodities: India also imports diamonds, iron and steel, vegetable oils and several other commodities from Russia, although their strategic significance is generally much smaller than oil, fertilisers and defence.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/europe-has-become-an-old-continent-belgian-pm-warns-us-china-are-surpassing-europe-1788505852108">'Europe has become an old continent': Belgian PM warns US, China are surpassing Europe</a><h2>What India can reduce, and what it cannot easily replace</h2>This is where the Russian oil debate becomes more nuanced. India can diversify its crude purchases. It already buys from suppliers in the Middle East, Africa and elsewhere. It can also adjust refinery configurations and procurement patterns depending on prices, sanctions and shipping costs. But replacing Russian oil overnight is another matter.&nbsp;The challenge is not simply finding another barrel. India needs barrels that are economically viable, available in sufficient volumes and compatible with its refinery system. Removing one of its largest sources could raise procurement costs and put pressure on refiners and consumers. The same logic applies, in a different way, to fertilisers and defence sustainment. India can diversify suppliers over time. But diversification is not the same as immediate substitution.<h2>Why Putin’s BRICS visit matters?</h2>This makes Putin’s expected Delhi visit particularly significant. India's BRICS presidency comes at a time when the grouping is discussing energy security, economic cooperation, local-currency trade and reducing vulnerabilities created by global financial and supply-chain disruptions. Russia, meanwhile, has a strong interest in preserving access to major markets such as India.&nbsp;For Moscow, India is not merely a diplomatic partner. It is a major energy customer and an increasingly important economic relationship. For New Delhi, Russia remains one pillar of a broader strategic-autonomy strategy: maintaining ties with Moscow while simultaneously engaging Washington, Europe, the Gulf, Japan and other partners.That does not mean India is choosing Russia over the US. It means India is trying to avoid being forced to choose.<h2>The bigger India-US question</h2>The oil issue therefore puts the Modi government in a delicate position. Washington has already demonstrated that Russian energy purchases can become a trade issue. The February 2026 executive order removed the additional 25% tariff but explicitly kept the door open to bringing it back if Russian oil imports resume.&nbsp;At the same time, India's latest import data suggest that Russian crude remains extremely difficult to displace. With Russian oil reaching more than half of India's imports in July, the economic relationship has moved far beyond the limited purchases that existed before the Ukraine war. That is why the Putin-Modi meeting on the sidelines of BRICS Summit 2026 will carry significance beyond the usual India-Russia agenda.&nbsp;The discussion is likely to encompass energy security, fertilisers, defence, trade imbalances and payment mechanisms. But underneath all of it will be one fundamental question: How much Russian oil can India continue buying without reopening the tariff confrontation with Washington, and how much Russian oil can India realistically afford to stop buying? For Moscow, the answer is strategically important. For Washington, it is a test of economic pressure. And for New Delhi, it is ultimately a question of energy security, economic interests and strategic autonomy.

BRICS Summit 2026: Putin’s expected Delhi visit comes as India’s Russian oil imports surge. Here’s what India buys from Russia and why it can’t easily stop

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s expected return to New Delhi for the BRICS Summit 2026 comes at a particularly sensitive moment for India’s relationship with Moscow, and for its increasingly complicated economic relationship with Washington. Putin was last in India in December 2025 for the annual India-Russia summit. His expected appearance at the September BRICS gathering would therefore put the Russian president in Delhi for a second time in less than a year, underlining the continuing importance of the India-Russia relationship even as New Delhi simultaneously manages its ties with the United States and other Western powers. Russia’s Ambassador to India Denis Alipov said on Friday that Putin is expected to attend the summit. But beyond the optics of another Modi-Putin meeting, one issue will inevitably hang over the summit: Russian oil. India’s dependence on Russian crude has grown dramatically since the Ukraine war. In July 2026, Russian crude accounted for a record 50.83% of India’s total oil imports, or about 2.47 million barrels per day, according to trade data cited by news agency Reuters. That makes the oil question far more complicated than a simple diplomatic choice between Washington and Moscow. The 50% tariff episode, and what changed The Trump administration had imposed an additional 25% tariff on Indian imports in August 2025 specifically over India’s purchases of Russian oil. Combined with the existing reciprocal tariff, the total reached 50%. The White House said the additional duty was intended to pressure countries purchasing Russian oil. But that is not the current tariff structure. In February 2026, Washington removed the additional 25% Russia-oil tariff after saying India had committed to stop directly or indirectly importing Russian oil. The US also lowered its reciprocal tariff on Indian goods to 18%. Crucially, however, the February executive order contains a warning: if India resumes direct or indirect purchases of Russian oil, US officials can recommend bringing back the additional 25% tariff. And India's subsequent oil-import numbers make that provision highly relevant. Why India cannot simply walk away from Russian crude India is the world's third-largest oil consumer and relies heavily on imports to meet its energy requirements. Russian crude became particularly attractive after Western sanctions and price restrictions disrupted Moscow's traditional markets. For Indian refiners, Russian crude has not simply been a geopolitical purchase. Price, availability, refinery economics and supply security have all mattered. The scale of the trade illustrates the problem. India's imports from Russia have become heavily concentrated in energy: crude oil alone accounted for $35.76 billion of imports in FY2025-26 through November, according to IBEF data. Fertilisers were another major category at $2.11 billion. And crude is not the only Russian commodity India has reasons to keep buying. What India buys from Russia Crude oil: By far the biggest component. Russian supplies have become crucial to Indian refiners, and July's record share shows how difficult it is to immediately replace those volumes. Fertilisers: Russia remains an important source of fertilisers for India's agriculture sector. Any disruption has implications beyond foreign policy, potentially affecting input costs and food security. Defence equipment: Russia has historically been India's biggest defence supplier, although India's dependence has declined as New Delhi has diversified its procurement. The relationship nevertheless includes decades of equipment, spares, maintenance and technology links. Diamonds, metals and other commodities: India also imports diamonds, iron and steel, vegetable oils and several other commodities from Russia, although their strategic significance is generally much smaller than oil, fertilisers and defence. Also Read: 'Europe has become an old continent': Belgian PM warns US, China are surpassing Europe What India can reduce, and what it cannot easily replace This is where the Russian oil debate becomes more nuanced. India can diversify its crude purchases. It already buys from suppliers in the Middle East, Africa and elsewhere. It can also adjust refinery configurations and procurement patterns depending on prices, sanctions and shipping costs. But replacing Russian oil overnight is another matter. The challenge is not simply finding another barrel. India needs barrels that are economically viable, available in sufficient volumes and compatible with its refinery system. Removing one of its largest sources could raise procurement costs and put pressure on refiners and consumers. The same logic applies, in a different way, to fertilisers and defence sustainment. India can diversify suppliers over time. But diversification is not the same as immediate substitution. Why Putin’s BRICS visit matters? This makes Putin’s expected Delhi visit particularly significant. India's BRICS presidency comes at a time when the grouping is discussing energy security, economic cooperation, local-currency trade and reducing vulnerabilities created by global financial and supply-chain disruptions. Russia, meanwhile, has a strong interest in preserving access to major markets such as India. For Moscow, India is not merely a diplomatic partner. It is a major energy customer and an increasingly important economic relationship. For New Delhi, Russia remains one pillar of a broader strategic-autonomy strategy: maintaining ties with Moscow while simultaneously engaging Washington, Europe, the Gulf, Japan and other partners. That does not mean India is choosing Russia over the US. It means India is trying to avoid being forced to choose. The bigger India-US question The oil issue therefore puts the Modi government in a delicate position. Washington has already demonstrated that Russian energy purchases can become a trade issue. The February 2026 executive order removed the additional 25% tariff but explicitly kept the door open to bringing it back if Russian oil imports resume. At the same time, India's latest import data suggest that Russian crude remains extremely difficult to displace. With Russian oil reaching more than half of India's imports in July, the economic relationship has moved far beyond the limited purchases that existed before the Ukraine war. That is why the Putin-Modi meeting on the sidelines of BRICS Summit 2026 will carry significance beyond the usual India-Russia agenda. The discussion is likely to encompass energy security, fertilisers, defence, trade imbalances and payment mechanisms. But underneath all of it will be one fundamental question: How much Russian oil can India continue buying without reopening the tariff confrontation with Washington, and how much Russian oil can India realistically afford to stop buying? For Moscow, the answer is strategically important. For Washington, it is a test of economic pressure. And for New Delhi, it is ultimately a question of energy security, economic interests and strategic autonomy.

Putin’s expected BRICS 2026 visit comes as India’s Russian oil imports surge, reviving questions over US tariffs, energy security and strategic autonomy

BRICS Summit 2026: Putin’s second India visit in 10 months comes amid focus on Russian oil

India is set to host the 18th BRICS Summit in the national capital, New Delhi, next Saturday and Sunday (Sep 12–13). To be held at Bharat Mandapam under India’s chairship, the summit will bring together leaders of BRICS member and partner countries, along with outreach invitees. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping are expected to attend. The year also marks 20 years since the establishment of BRICS. Here are all the main details you should know:<h2>India’s chairship of BRICS and the theme of the summit</h2>India, a founding member of BRICS along with Brazil, Russia and South Africa, previously held the chairship in 2012, 2016 and 2021. New Delhi assumed the chairship for the fourth time on January 1 this year. Under India’s chairship, the theme for 2026 is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, reflecting India’s spirit of “Humanity First”.More than 350 meetings and high-level engagements have been held in more than 25 Indian cities during India’s chairship, according to the Ministry of External Affairs. These engagements focused on strengthening the BRICS strategic partnership and producing practical and development-oriented outcomes. BRICS foreign ministers met in Delhi on May 14 and 15.Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/xi-at-brics-summit-us-factor-lac-normalisation-and-other-variables-ahead-of-chinese-president-s-likely-visit-1788426519607">Xi at BRICS Summit: US factor, LAC normalisation and other variables ahead of Chinese president's likely visit</a><h2>BRICS Summit schedule, venue and events</h2>The BRICS Leaders’ Summit will take place on Saturday and Sunday (September 12–13) at Bharat Mandapam, located in Pragati Maidan, New Delhi. The BRICS Business Forum is scheduled for September 11 at Bharat Mandapam. There will also be a Women’s Business Alliance meeting alongside the Forum.<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/india-invites-bangladesh-pm-tarique-rahman-to-brics-summit-1784830358596/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/india-invites-bangladesh-pm-tarique-rahman-to-brics-summit-1784830358596/embed</a><h2>BRICS arrangements across Delhi: Tight security, holiday for government offices on Friday</h2>India’s Central Government offices located in Delhi will remain closed on Friday (Sep 11) to facilitate logistical arrangements and minimise inconvenience to the public. Security has been tightened around the summit area and the rest of the national capital. The Delhi government separately declared September 11 a public holiday for its offices, autonomous bodies and public sector undertakings. The capital is likely to see heavy security deployment and traffic restrictions through the summit days given the VVIP movements.Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-seeks-consensus-as-expanded-brics-prepares-for-new-delhi-summit-1787815256214">India seeks consensus as expanded BRICS prepares for New Delhi summit</a><h2>BRICS Summit 2026: What are the priorities?</h2>BRICS has three core pillars: political and security cooperation, economic and financial cooperation, and cultural and people-to-people exchanges. The summit and associated events will deliberate on strengthening resilience, encouraging innovation, expanding cooperation and advancing sustainability, while keeping the grouping’s work people-centric.Resilient supply chains and trade, cross-border payments and greater use of national currencies are focus areas. Growth of MSMEs, digital trade, artificial intelligence and emerging technologies will also be discussed. Energy security, development finance, including the New Development Bank, climate resilience and reform of global governance institutions are also likely to come up in the deliberations.A joint Leaders’ Declaration is expected, although negotiations and the final text remain subject to agreement among members at the Sherpa level. The first such meeting was chaired by India’s BRICS Sherpa, Sudhakar Dalela.<h2>About BRICS: Who are the members and partners?</h2>BRICS has 11 members: Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and the United Arab Emirates. It also has 10 partner countries: Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan and Vietnam.Indonesia joined as a full member in 2025. The 10 partner countries were formally welcomed into the expanded BRICS framework.<h2>Xi, Putin and more: Who are the leaders attending and participating in BRICS Summit 2026?</h2>Prime Minister Narendra Modi will host the summit, which is likely to see attendance by Chinese President Xi Jinping, though China had not formally confirmed his participation at the time of writing. If Xi visits, it would be his first trip to India since the 2019 Mamallapuram informal summit with Modi. A Modi-Xi bilateral meeting on the sidelines is widely anticipated. The Chinese leader's delegation could run to around 400 officials, roughly double the 2019 contingent, according to some media reports. There has been intense diplomacy between China and India, the latest being the 25th round of Special Representative talks between National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Beijing on August 28.&nbsp;Russian President Vladimir Putin will attend, as confirmed by the Kremlin. This would be his second India visit in under a year, after the annual bilateral summit in New Delhi in December 2025. Modi renewed the invitation to Putin in person when the two leaders met at the SCO summit in Bishkek on August 31.South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul are also expected to attend the summit.United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres will likely take part, though a formal announcement is pending.<h2>BRICS 2026 website</h2>The official logo and website for the Indian chairship were launched on January 13. You can visit the BRICS 2026 portal, brics2026.gov.in, for details of the summit.

The 18th BRICS Summit is set to take place on September 12-13 as India chairs the grouping for the fourth time. India's capital Delhi is readying to welcome the key leaders as BRICS turns 20. 

India is set to host the 18th BRICS Summit in the national capital, New Delhi, next Saturday and Sunday (Sep 12–13). To be held at Bharat Mandapam under India’s chairship, the summit will bring together leaders of BRICS member and partner countries, along with outreach invitees. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping are expected to attend. The year also marks 20 years since the establishment of BRICS. Here are all the main details you should know: India’s chairship of BRICS and the theme of the summit India, a founding member of BRICS along with Brazil, Russia and South Africa, previously held the chairship in 2012, 2016 and 2021. New Delhi assumed the chairship for the fourth time on January 1 this year. Under India’s chairship, the theme for 2026 is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, reflecting India’s spirit of “Humanity First”. More than 350 meetings and high-level engagements have been held in more than 25 Indian cities during India’s chairship, according to the Ministry of External Affairs. These engagements focused on strengthening the BRICS strategic partnership and producing practical and development-oriented outcomes. BRICS foreign ministers met in Delhi on May 14 and 15. Also read: Xi at BRICS Summit: US factor, LAC normalisation and other variables ahead of Chinese president's likely visit BRICS Summit schedule, venue and events The BRICS Leaders’ Summit will take place on Saturday and Sunday (September 12–13) at Bharat Mandapam, located in Pragati Maidan, New Delhi. The BRICS Business Forum is scheduled for September 11 at Bharat Mandapam. There will also be a Women’s Business Alliance meeting alongside the Forum. https://www.wionews.com/videos/india-invites-bangladesh-pm-tarique-rahman-to-brics-summit-1784830358596/embed BRICS arrangements across Delhi: Tight security, holiday for government offices on Friday India’s Central Government offices located in Delhi will remain closed on Friday (Sep 11) to facilitate logistical arrangements and minimise inconvenience to the public. Security has been tightened around the summit area and the rest of the national capital. The Delhi government separately declared September 11 a public holiday for its offices, autonomous bodies and public sector undertakings. The capital is likely to see heavy security deployment and traffic restrictions through the summit days given the VVIP movements. Also read: India seeks consensus as expanded BRICS prepares for New Delhi summit BRICS Summit 2026: What are the priorities? BRICS has three core pillars: political and security cooperation, economic and financial cooperation, and cultural and people-to-people exchanges. The summit and associated events will deliberate on strengthening resilience, encouraging innovation, expanding cooperation and advancing sustainability, while keeping the grouping’s work people-centric. Resilient supply chains and trade, cross-border payments and greater use of national currencies are focus areas. Growth of MSMEs, digital trade, artificial intelligence and emerging technologies will also be discussed. Energy security, development finance, including the New Development Bank, climate resilience and reform of global governance institutions are also likely to come up in the deliberations. A joint Leaders’ Declaration is expected, although negotiations and the final text remain subject to agreement among members at the Sherpa level. The first such meeting was chaired by India’s BRICS Sherpa, Sudhakar Dalela. About BRICS: Who are the members and partners? BRICS has 11 members: Brazil, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, India, Indonesia, Iran, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa and the United Arab Emirates. It also has 10 partner countries: Belarus, Bolivia, Cuba, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Nigeria, Thailand, Uganda, Uzbekistan and Vietnam. Indonesia joined as a full member in 2025. The 10 partner countries were formally welcomed into the expanded BRICS framework. Xi, Putin and more: Who are the leaders attending and participating in BRICS Summit 2026? Prime Minister Narendra Modi will host the summit, which is likely to see attendance by Chinese President Xi Jinping, though China had not formally confirmed his participation at the time of writing. If Xi visits, it would be his first trip to India since the 2019 Mamallapuram informal summit with Modi. A Modi-Xi bilateral meeting on the sidelines is widely anticipated. The Chinese leader's delegation could run to around 400 officials, roughly double the 2019 contingent, according to some media reports. There has been intense diplomacy between China and India, the latest being the 25th round of Special Representative talks between National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Beijing on August 28. Russian President Vladimir Putin will attend, as confirmed by the Kremlin. This would be his second India visit in under a year, after the annual bilateral summit in New Delhi in December 2025. Modi renewed the invitation to Putin in person when the two leaders met at the SCO summit in Bishkek on August 31. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul are also expected to attend the summit. United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres will likely take part, though a formal announcement is pending. BRICS 2026 website The official logo and website for the Indian chairship were launched on January 13. You can visit the BRICS 2026 portal, brics2026.gov.in, for details of the summit.

The 18th BRICS Summit is set to take place on September 12-13 as India chairs the grouping for the fourth time. India's capital Delhi is readying to welcome the key leaders as BRICS turns 20.&nbsp;

BRICS Summit 2026 in Delhi: Date, venue, schedule, agenda and key leaders - All you need to know

Central government offices located in Delhi will remain closed on September 11 as the national capital gears up to host the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit. According to an official memorandum issued on Thursday (Sep 3) by the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, all Central government offices in the vicinity of Delhi and New Delhi will remain shut given the scale and arrangement requirements for the high-level summit.The closure will apply on Friday, September 11. The BRICS Business Forum and the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit are set to be held between September 11 and September 13 at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi. The summit is expected to be attended by several world leaders from about 30 BRICS member and partner nations. Heads of international organisations and business representatives from BRICS countries are also expected to be present at the meetings.“Recognising the magnitude of this event, the substantial logistical arrangements involved, and to minimise inconvenience to the general public, it has been decided to keep the Central Government offices located in Delhi/New Delhi closed on Friday, the 11th of September 2026 (12th and 13th of September 2026 being Saturday and Sunday respectively),” the order read.

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">Delhi LG has declared a holiday on 11th September 2026 in view of BRICS Summit <a href="https://t.co/aaJKS9wWvp">pic.twitter.com/aaJKS9wWvp</a>&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://x.com/ANI/status/2095466324957004102?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">September 3, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

<h2>India hosts 18th BRICS Summit</h2>This year, India assumed the chairship of the BRICS, an intergovernmental organisation and geopolitical bloc made up of major emerging market economies. India is one of the founding members of the grouping, which was formalised in 2006, along with Russia, China and Brazil. The group was initially called BRIC, but was later renamed to BRICS after South Africa joined the bloc in 2010. The group now has 11 full member countries and 10 official partner nations.Since India assumed the chairmanship on January 1, 2026, over 350 meetings and high-level engagements have already been held in more than 25 cities. The year 2026 also marks 20 years since BRICS was established. BRICS engagements focus on political and security cooperation, economic and financial ties, and cultural and people-to-people exchanges.This year’s theme is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”, which will focus on a people-centric approach guided by the principle of “Humanity First.”&nbsp;

Central government offices in Delhi will remain closed on September 11 as India hosts the 18th BRICS Summit at Bharat Mandapam, with leaders from around 30 member and partner nations expected.

Central government offices located in Delhi will remain closed on September 11 as the national capital gears up to host the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit. According to an official memorandum issued on Thursday (Sep 3) by the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, all Central government offices in the vicinity of Delhi and New Delhi will remain shut given the scale and arrangement requirements for the high-level summit. The closure will apply on Friday, September 11. The BRICS Business Forum and the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit are set to be held between September 11 and September 13 at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi. The summit is expected to be attended by several world leaders from about 30 BRICS member and partner nations. Heads of international organisations and business representatives from BRICS countries are also expected to be present at the meetings. “Recognising the magnitude of this event, the substantial logistical arrangements involved, and to minimise inconvenience to the general public, it has been decided to keep the Central Government offices located in Delhi/New Delhi closed on Friday, the 11th of September 2026 (12th and 13th of September 2026 being Saturday and Sunday respectively),” the order read.

Central government offices in Delhi will remain closed on September 11 as India hosts the 18th BRICS Summit at Bharat Mandapam, with leaders from around 30 member and partner nations expected.

Delhi Central govt offices to remain shut on Sep 11 as India hosts BRICS Summit – All you need to know

The 11-member bloc, representing 40 per cent of global GDP, will discuss trade, de-dollarisation, tech and governance reform, with NDB having approved $42.9 billion for 139 projects in 18th BRICS Summit in 2026 .

The 11-member bloc, representing 40 per cent of global GDP, will discuss trade, de-dollarisation, tech and governance reform, with NDB having approved $42.9 billion for 139 projects in 18th BRICS Summit in 2026 .

BRICS by numbers: Global GDP share, trade share, intra-BRICS settlement volumes and NDB disbursements — All you need to know

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s expected visit to India for the BRICS Summit 2026 is about much more than a multilateral meeting in New Delhi. If Xi does arrive, his presence at the September 12–13 summit would mark his first visit to India in seven years and provide the clearest public signal yet that Beijing and New Delhi are trying to stabilise a relationship damaged by the 2020 border clashes. Reuters has reported that Chinese officials are preparing for the trip, including security and hotel arrangements, although Beijing has not formally confirmed Xi’s attendance.&nbsp;But the bigger question is: why now? The answer lies in months of quiet diplomacy and a series of practical bargains between India and China, from the Line of Actual Control to direct air links, border trade and Chinese supplies of strategically important commodities. And behind all of this is another factor: India’s attempt to protect its strategic room for manoeuvre at a time when its relationship with Washington is becoming more complicated.<h2>The border came first</h2>The most important piece of the India-China reset remains the LAC. The 2020 clashes transformed bilateral ties. Military deployments and a prolonged standoff along the disputed Himalayan frontier pushed the relationship to its lowest point in decades. The October 2024 disengagement agreement became the first major opening. It did not resolve the boundary dispute, but it created space for both governments to begin rebuilding political and economic engagement.&nbsp;Since then, Delhi has repeatedly maintained that peace and tranquility along the border are essential for the broader relationship. That remains a crucial Indian red line. Even in August 2026, amid reports of another patrol-related confrontation, India reiterated that border peace is critical to bilateral ties. This distinction matters. India is not abandoning its security concerns or suddenly treating China as a partner. Instead, Delhi appears to be pursuing a more calibrated approach: manage the border dispute, prevent another military crisis and selectively restore engagement where Indian interests are served.<h2>Then came the economic bargaining</h2>The thaw has also been built around very practical issues. In August 2025, India and China agreed to work towards restoring direct flight connectivity, facilitating visas, reopening designated border-trade points and easing trade and investment flows.For India, however, connectivity was only one part of the equation. Beijing also indicated that it would address Indian concerns over supplies of fertilisers, rare-earth minerals and magnets, and tunnel-boring machines, commodities and industrial inputs where Chinese dominance can create vulnerabilities for Indian manufacturers and infrastructure projects.&nbsp;That is where the relationship gets particularly interesting. India's China policy since 2020 has broadly sought to reduce strategic dependence on Beijing while simultaneously recognising that completely decoupling from the world's manufacturing giant is neither practical nor necessarily desirable. The emerging formula is therefore closer to ‘de-risk, not disengage’. India wants alternative supply chains and greater domestic capacity. But it also wants critical Chinese supplies to keep moving when they are necessary for the Indian economy.<h2>Direct flights are more than just connectivity</h2>The agreement to resume direct flights also carries diplomatic significance. For years, the India-China relationship became increasingly insulated from normal people-to-people contact. Tourism, business travel, academic exchanges and other interactions were disrupted after the pandemic and the border crisis. Restoring flights and easing visas is therefore part of rebuilding the infrastructure of the relationship itself. It does not mean the trust deficit has disappeared. Rather, it suggests that both sides have concluded that permanent confrontation is too costly.&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/belgium-latest-eu-state-cautioned-by-india-over-arms-for-pakistan-gets-assurances-from-brussels-1788418519449">Belgium, latest EU state cautioned by India over arms for Pakistan; gets assurances from Brussels</a><h2>The SCO groundwork mattered</h2>The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation has provided another important diplomatic channel. The SCO platform allowed Modi and Xi to engage at a time when neither India nor China was ready to present the bilateral relationship as fully normalised. That gradual process of leader-level engagement has helped create the political space for the next stage: Xi potentially travelling to New Delhi. The trajectory has been visible since the Modi-Xi meeting in Kazan in October 2024 and the subsequent diplomatic push to stabilise ties. India and China also agreed to support each other’s BRICS presidencies, China backing India’s 2026 summit and India supporting China’s 2027 summit. So the BRICS meeting is not appearing out of nowhere. The groundwork has been laid for months.<h2>But there is a Washington angle too</h2>This is perhaps the most consequential part of the story. India's engagement with China is taking place against a complicated relationship with the United States. Washington remains a critical strategic and economic partner for New Delhi, particularly on defence, technology, supply chains and the Indo-Pacific. But tensions over trade and tariffs have complicated the relationship.&nbsp;At the same time, China has become one of the most important targets of Washington's economic and strategic pressure. That creates an unusual convergence between Delhi and Beijing. India does not want to become part of a US-China confrontation.And China has little interest in seeing India move completely into an American strategic camp. That does not mean India is switching sides.&nbsp;Quite the opposite. New Delhi's approach is better understood as strategic autonomy: maintain strong relations with Washington, deepen ties with other partners, and simultaneously stabilise relations with Beijing where Indian interests demand it. The India-China discussions have themselves reflected this broader outlook, with both sides stressing multilateralism, a rules-based trading system and a multipolar world.<h2>What does Xi want?</h2>For Xi, coming to Delhi would also carry several benefits. First, it would demonstrate that the China-India relationship is moving beyond the post-2020 confrontation. Second, Beijing has an interest in ensuring that BRICS remains cohesive as the grouping expands and becomes a more important platform for the Global South.&nbsp;Third, China's relationship with India cannot be managed entirely through the border. The two countries are competitors in Asia, but they also share interests in trade, multilateral institutions, energy security and the broader question of how global power should be distributed. Xi's presence would allow Beijing to send a message that China and India can compete while simultaneously maintaining dialogue.<h2>What does India want?</h2>For Delhi, the calculation is equally straightforward. India wants the border to remain stable. It wants critical Chinese imports, particularly rare earths and other industrial inputs, to remain accessible. It wants greater connectivity and trade without returning to the pre-2020 model of deep economic dependence.&nbsp;And it wants room to manoeuvre internationally. That makes Xi's potential visit less a symbol of “India and China are friends again” and more a symbol of something far more pragmatic: India and China have decided that managed competition is preferable to uncontrolled confrontation.<h2>The BRICS test</h2>That is why Xi's expected arrival in New Delhi matters. The BRICS Summit will put Modi and Xi in the same room at precisely the moment when both countries are testing whether their fragile reset can survive strategic competition. The border remains unresolved. Trust remains limited. China remains a major security challenge for India.&nbsp;But the channels of communication are reopening. Flights are being restored. Trade mechanisms are being revived. Critical supplies are back in the conversation. Border-management mechanisms are being strengthened. And the two sides are preparing for another round of high-level engagement. So when Xi potentially arrives in Delhi, the headline may be BRICS 2026.&nbsp;But the real story will be the bargain underneath it: India and China are not ending their rivalry. They are trying to make it manageable — while ensuring that neither Washington nor Beijing gets to dictate the limits of India's strategic choices.

Why is Xi Jinping coming to India for BRICS 2026? Here’s how LAC disengagement, direct flights, rare earths, fertilisers and US tensions shaped the thaw

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s expected visit to India for the BRICS Summit 2026 is about much more than a multilateral meeting in New Delhi. If Xi does arrive, his presence at the September 12–13 summit would mark his first visit to India in seven years and provide the clearest public signal yet that Beijing and New Delhi are trying to stabilise a relationship damaged by the 2020 border clashes. Reuters has reported that Chinese officials are preparing for the trip, including security and hotel arrangements, although Beijing has not formally confirmed Xi’s attendance. But the bigger question is: why now? The answer lies in months of quiet diplomacy and a series of practical bargains between India and China, from the Line of Actual Control to direct air links, border trade and Chinese supplies of strategically important commodities. And behind all of this is another factor: India’s attempt to protect its strategic room for manoeuvre at a time when its relationship with Washington is becoming more complicated. The border came first The most important piece of the India-China reset remains the LAC. The 2020 clashes transformed bilateral ties. Military deployments and a prolonged standoff along the disputed Himalayan frontier pushed the relationship to its lowest point in decades. The October 2024 disengagement agreement became the first major opening. It did not resolve the boundary dispute, but it created space for both governments to begin rebuilding political and economic engagement. Since then, Delhi has repeatedly maintained that peace and tranquility along the border are essential for the broader relationship. That remains a crucial Indian red line. Even in August 2026, amid reports of another patrol-related confrontation, India reiterated that border peace is critical to bilateral ties. This distinction matters. India is not abandoning its security concerns or suddenly treating China as a partner. Instead, Delhi appears to be pursuing a more calibrated approach: manage the border dispute, prevent another military crisis and selectively restore engagement where Indian interests are served. Then came the economic bargaining The thaw has also been built around very practical issues. In August 2025, India and China agreed to work towards restoring direct flight connectivity, facilitating visas, reopening designated border-trade points and easing trade and investment flows. For India, however, connectivity was only one part of the equation. Beijing also indicated that it would address Indian concerns over supplies of fertilisers, rare-earth minerals and magnets, and tunnel-boring machines, commodities and industrial inputs where Chinese dominance can create vulnerabilities for Indian manufacturers and infrastructure projects. That is where the relationship gets particularly interesting. India's China policy since 2020 has broadly sought to reduce strategic dependence on Beijing while simultaneously recognising that completely decoupling from the world's manufacturing giant is neither practical nor necessarily desirable. The emerging formula is therefore closer to ‘de-risk, not disengage’. India wants alternative supply chains and greater domestic capacity. But it also wants critical Chinese supplies to keep moving when they are necessary for the Indian economy. Direct flights are more than just connectivity The agreement to resume direct flights also carries diplomatic significance. For years, the India-China relationship became increasingly insulated from normal people-to-people contact. Tourism, business travel, academic exchanges and other interactions were disrupted after the pandemic and the border crisis. Restoring flights and easing visas is therefore part of rebuilding the infrastructure of the relationship itself. It does not mean the trust deficit has disappeared. Rather, it suggests that both sides have concluded that permanent confrontation is too costly. Also Read: Belgium, latest EU state cautioned by India over arms for Pakistan; gets assurances from Brussels The SCO groundwork mattered The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation has provided another important diplomatic channel. The SCO platform allowed Modi and Xi to engage at a time when neither India nor China was ready to present the bilateral relationship as fully normalised. That gradual process of leader-level engagement has helped create the political space for the next stage: Xi potentially travelling to New Delhi. The trajectory has been visible since the Modi-Xi meeting in Kazan in October 2024 and the subsequent diplomatic push to stabilise ties. India and China also agreed to support each other’s BRICS presidencies, China backing India’s 2026 summit and India supporting China’s 2027 summit. So the BRICS meeting is not appearing out of nowhere. The groundwork has been laid for months. But there is a Washington angle too This is perhaps the most consequential part of the story. India's engagement with China is taking place against a complicated relationship with the United States. Washington remains a critical strategic and economic partner for New Delhi, particularly on defence, technology, supply chains and the Indo-Pacific. But tensions over trade and tariffs have complicated the relationship. At the same time, China has become one of the most important targets of Washington's economic and strategic pressure. That creates an unusual convergence between Delhi and Beijing. India does not want to become part of a US-China confrontation. And China has little interest in seeing India move completely into an American strategic camp. That does not mean India is switching sides. Quite the opposite. New Delhi's approach is better understood as strategic autonomy: maintain strong relations with Washington, deepen ties with other partners, and simultaneously stabilise relations with Beijing where Indian interests demand it. The India-China discussions have themselves reflected this broader outlook, with both sides stressing multilateralism, a rules-based trading system and a multipolar world. What does Xi want? For Xi, coming to Delhi would also carry several benefits. First, it would demonstrate that the China-India relationship is moving beyond the post-2020 confrontation. Second, Beijing has an interest in ensuring that BRICS remains cohesive as the grouping expands and becomes a more important platform for the Global South. Third, China's relationship with India cannot be managed entirely through the border. The two countries are competitors in Asia, but they also share interests in trade, multilateral institutions, energy security and the broader question of how global power should be distributed. Xi's presence would allow Beijing to send a message that China and India can compete while simultaneously maintaining dialogue. What does India want? For Delhi, the calculation is equally straightforward. India wants the border to remain stable. It wants critical Chinese imports, particularly rare earths and other industrial inputs, to remain accessible. It wants greater connectivity and trade without returning to the pre-2020 model of deep economic dependence. And it wants room to manoeuvre internationally. That makes Xi's potential visit less a symbol of “India and China are friends again” and more a symbol of something far more pragmatic: India and China have decided that managed competition is preferable to uncontrolled confrontation. The BRICS test That is why Xi's expected arrival in New Delhi matters. The BRICS Summit will put Modi and Xi in the same room at precisely the moment when both countries are testing whether their fragile reset can survive strategic competition. The border remains unresolved. Trust remains limited. China remains a major security challenge for India. But the channels of communication are reopening. Flights are being restored. Trade mechanisms are being revived. Critical supplies are back in the conversation. Border-management mechanisms are being strengthened. And the two sides are preparing for another round of high-level engagement. So when Xi potentially arrives in Delhi, the headline may be BRICS 2026. But the real story will be the bargain underneath it: India and China are not ending their rivalry. They are trying to make it manageable — while ensuring that neither Washington nor Beijing gets to dictate the limits of India's strategic choices.

Xi Jinping’s expected India visit for BRICS 2026 follows a quiet India-China reset over the LAC, flights, rare earths and trade, amid US tensions

Xi at BRICS Summit: US factor, LAC normalisation and other variables ahead of Chinese president's likely visit

The 18th BRICS Summit will be held at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi under India’s 2026 chairmanship from 12–13 September. Officials say it will bring together the bloc’s 11 members, partner countries and outreach invitees. The theme of the Summit this year is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”.&nbsp;So, as India gears up to host the BRICS Summit, we take a look at how the group was formed and the purpose of the block.&nbsp;BRIC origin&nbsp;BRIC was originally an economic concept that later transformed into a political and diplomatic grouping. In 2001 Jim O'Neill, then chief economist at Goldman Sachs identified four large emerging economies Brazil, Russia, India and China that he believed would play an increasingly important role in the global economy.&nbsp;Later the BRIC countries saw potential in cooperating on issues such as:&nbsp;<ul><li>Reforming global financial institutions like IMF and World Bank</li><li>Increasing the influence of emerging economies</li><li>Expanding trade and investment among themselves</li></ul>&nbsp;It is then that in 2006 the foreign ministers of the BRIC countries first met on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. About three years later, the first BRIC leaders' summit was held in Yekaterinburg, Russia, in 2009.&nbsp;<h2>BRIC becomes BRICS</h2>&nbsp;A year later, in 2010, BRIC countries invited South Africa to join the group, and from 2011 onward the acronym became BRICS, with the "S" standing for South Africa.&nbsp;Since then it has continued to grow. Beginning in 2024, the group admitted several new members with the aim of strengthening cooperation among emerging and developing economies and promoting a more multipolar international order.&nbsp;<h2>Purpose of the block</h2>&nbsp;Promote economic cooperation and trade has been one the major ideas of the BRICS. Reforming global governance institutions and increase the voice of developing countries in international affairs has been the other motive of the group.&nbsp;It also encourages investment through institutions such as the New Development Bank, formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank, a multilateral development bank established by the BRICS nations.&nbsp;Cooperation on issues related to energy, technology, health, and sustainable development is also BRICS' main point of focus.&nbsp;Today, BRICS with a significant share of the world's population, economic output, and natural resources is one of the most influential block among the emerging economies.&nbsp;

It is in 2006 the foreign ministers of the BRIC countries first met on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, which was followed  by BRIC leaders' summit in Russia, in 2009.

The 18th BRICS Summit will be held at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi under India’s 2026 chairmanship from 12–13 September. Officials say it will bring together the bloc’s 11 members, partner countries and outreach invitees. The theme of the Summit this year is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”. So, as India gears up to host the BRICS Summit, we take a look at how the group was formed and the purpose of the block. BRIC origin BRIC was originally an economic concept that later transformed into a political and diplomatic grouping. In 2001 Jim O'Neill, then chief economist at Goldman Sachs identified four large emerging economies Brazil, Russia, India and China that he believed would play an increasingly important role in the global economy. Later the BRIC countries saw potential in cooperating on issues such as: Reforming global financial institutions like IMF and World Bank Increasing the influence of emerging economies Expanding trade and investment among themselves It is then that in 2006 the foreign ministers of the BRIC countries first met on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. About three years later, the first BRIC leaders' summit was held in Yekaterinburg, Russia, in 2009. BRIC becomes BRICS A year later, in 2010, BRIC countries invited South Africa to join the group, and from 2011 onward the acronym became BRICS, with the "S" standing for South Africa. Since then it has continued to grow. Beginning in 2024, the group admitted several new members with the aim of strengthening cooperation among emerging and developing economies and promoting a more multipolar international order. Purpose of the block Promote economic cooperation and trade has been one the major ideas of the BRICS. Reforming global governance institutions and increase the voice of developing countries in international affairs has been the other motive of the group. It also encourages investment through institutions such as the New Development Bank, formerly referred to as the BRICS Development Bank, a multilateral development bank established by the BRICS nations. Cooperation on issues related to energy, technology, health, and sustainable development is also BRICS' main point of focus. Today, BRICS with a significant share of the world's population, economic output, and natural resources is one of the most influential block among the emerging economies.

It is in 2006 the foreign ministers of the BRIC countries first met on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, which was followed &nbsp;by BRIC leaders' summit in Russia, in 2009.

How BRICS went from a Goldman Sachs idea to a geopolitical force. WION DECODES

As BRICS prepares to meet in New Delhi, it would do well to understand not only what the United States is doing, but why.The reported American move to gain majority control over more than 65 billion barrels of Venezuela’s proven oil reserves may appear to be another dramatic episode in Washington’s relationship with Caracas. But it may also offer a window into a much larger transformation in American strategy.The United States is becoming increasingly concerned about its dependence on resources, technologies and supply chains that it does not control. In a world of intensifying geopolitical competition, Washington appears determined to secure the foundations of its economic, technological and military power.Oil is only one part of the equation.Critical minerals, semiconductors, artificial intelligence, electricity generation, shipping routes, data and financial infrastructure are becoming strategic assets. Venezuela’s oil, Greenland’s geography and mineral potential, the Middle East’s energy resources and the security of the Western Hemisphere may seem like separate issues. They are increasingly connected by a single concern: American vulnerability.Artificial intelligence makes this question even more important.The next technological revolution will require enormous quantities of electricity, computing capacity, data centres and advanced chips. Those chips depend on complex global supply chains and critical minerals. The competition over artificial intelligence is therefore also becoming a competition over energy, minerals, manufacturing capacity and technology.In this environment, dependence can become vulnerability.The same logic applies to finance.Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-seeks-consensus-as-expanded-brics-prepares-for-new-delhi-summit-1787815256214">India seeks consensus as expanded BRICS prepares for New Delhi summit</a>After the Second World War, the United States did not simply inherit Britain’s position as the leading global power. It helped create an international system that embedded American economic strength within a wider architecture.Bretton Woods established the foundations of a monetary system centred on the dollar. The Marshall Plan helped rebuild Europe. NATO institutionalised American security commitments. The United Nations provided a framework for international cooperation.The dollar subsequently became the principal currency of global trade and finance as British power and sterling declined.This was one of the great strategic achievements of the twentieth century. American power was multiplied because other countries had an interest in participating in the system.Today, however, that system is under pressure.China has emerged as an economic and technological competitor. Alternative payment mechanisms are developing. Countries are diversifying their reserves. Digital currencies, cryptocurrencies and stablecoins could eventually change the architecture of international payments.Washington therefore has a powerful incentive to ensure that the next generation of financial and technological infrastructure does not erode American influence.This brings us to the central strategic dilemma facing the United States.A great power that feels increasingly vulnerable naturally seeks greater control. It wants secure energy supplies, critical minerals, resilient supply chains, technological superiority and strategic access.Some of this is entirely rational.But there is a danger that the pursuit of security through ever greater control can create the insecurity it seeks to prevent.History provides some uncomfortable lessons.The British Empire possessed extraordinary naval, commercial and financial power. Yet the cost of maintaining a worldwide empire eventually became difficult to sustain.The Soviet Union possessed enormous military capabilities, but military power could not compensate indefinitely for economic and technological weaknesses.The United States after 1945 followed a different path. Rather than simply controlling territory and resources, it created institutions, alliances and markets through which American power could operate.That distinction matters today.Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/from-xi-s-400-officials-to-putin-full-list-of-world-leaders-attending-brics-summit-2026-in-delhi-1787915779173">From Xi's 400 officials to Putin: Full list of world leaders attending BRICS Summit 2026 in Delhi</a>A great power that feels insecure naturally seeks greater control. It wants secure energy supplies, critical minerals, resilient supply chains, technological superiority and strategic access.But there is a danger in confusing security with possession.If every major power attempts to control the resources, technologies, markets and strategic routes on which its security depends, the world could fragment into competing economic and geopolitical fortresses.The emerging international environment already contains elements of several competing visions. Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” captures the cultural and political fragmentation of the world. Graham Allison’s “Thucydides Trap” describes the dangers inherent when a rising power challenges an established one. And the increasingly competitive struggle for resources and security can sometimes resemble the logic of Mad Max.The combination would be dangerous.This is where BRICS has an important role.As the grouping prepares to meet in Delhi, its members need to understand the American calculation before formulating their own response. It would be tempting to interpret Washington’s actions simply as an effort to contain China, preserve dollar dominance or prevent the emergence of a multipolar world.There is some truth in each interpretation.But the deeper concern is vulnerability.The United States fears dependence on foreign energy, minerals, technologies, supply chains and financial systems at precisely the moment when artificial intelligence and advanced technologies are transforming the meaning of national power.BRICS should therefore be careful not to respond by simply constructing another system of exclusive blocs.Its objective should be resilience rather than isolation: diversified supply chains, greater technological capability, secure energy networks and more efficient financial mechanisms, while preserving the channels of trade and dialogue that connect the major powers.India has a particularly important role to play.It has an interest in a genuinely multipolar international system, but it also has an interest in a stable relationship with the United States. India therefore has something that many other powers lack: the ability to understand both sides of the emerging strategic equation.Understanding American insecurity is as important as understanding American power.For Washington, meanwhile, there is an equally important lesson.America does not need to control everything to remain the world’s most important power. It possesses an extraordinary combination of military strength, financial depth, technological innovation, universities, entrepreneurial capacity, natural resources and alliances.Its greatest strategic asset may still be its ability to make other countries want to participate in a system shaped by American leadership.Washington should therefore distinguish between control and leadership.It should secure critical supply chains without necessarily monopolising them; maintain technological leadership while allowing allies to participate in innovation; strengthen energy security without turning every resource-rich country into a strategic possession; and preserve the dollar by maintaining the openness and credibility of American financial markets.Most importantly, it should invest in alliances and institutions.The United States does not need to retreat from the world. Nor should it ignore genuine vulnerabilities. The era in which economic interdependence was assumed automatically to overcome geopolitical rivalry is clearly over.But there is a fundamental difference between an empire that seeks to possess the world and a power that seeks to organise it.The United States will remain the world’s most important power for the foreseeable future. But its relative dominance is increasingly being challenged by the diffusion of economic, technological and military capabilities.Its answer should not be withdrawal.Nor should it be permanent expansion.The objective should be strategic primacy through an open system.That may also be the most important message for BRICS as it gathers in Delhi.The emerging international order will not be determined simply by who controls the most oil, minerals, technology or territory.It will ultimately be determined by who can build a system that others believe is worth participating in.The country that controls the system does not need to control everything within it.

As the grouping prepares to meet in Delhi, it would be tempting to interpret Washington’s actions simply as an effort to contain China, preserve dollar dominance or prevent the emergence of a multipolar world.

As BRICS prepares to meet in New Delhi, it would do well to understand not only what the United States is doing, but why. The reported American move to gain majority control over more than 65 billion barrels of Venezuela’s proven oil reserves may appear to be another dramatic episode in Washington’s relationship with Caracas. But it may also offer a window into a much larger transformation in American strategy. The United States is becoming increasingly concerned about its dependence on resources, technologies and supply chains that it does not control. In a world of intensifying geopolitical competition, Washington appears determined to secure the foundations of its economic, technological and military power. Oil is only one part of the equation. Critical minerals, semiconductors, artificial intelligence, electricity generation, shipping routes, data and financial infrastructure are becoming strategic assets. Venezuela’s oil, Greenland’s geography and mineral potential, the Middle East’s energy resources and the security of the Western Hemisphere may seem like separate issues. They are increasingly connected by a single concern: American vulnerability. Artificial intelligence makes this question even more important. The next technological revolution will require enormous quantities of electricity, computing capacity, data centres and advanced chips. Those chips depend on complex global supply chains and critical minerals. The competition over artificial intelligence is therefore also becoming a competition over energy, minerals, manufacturing capacity and technology. In this environment, dependence can become vulnerability. The same logic applies to finance. Also read | India seeks consensus as expanded BRICS prepares for New Delhi summit After the Second World War, the United States did not simply inherit Britain’s position as the leading global power. It helped create an international system that embedded American economic strength within a wider architecture. Bretton Woods established the foundations of a monetary system centred on the dollar. The Marshall Plan helped rebuild Europe. NATO institutionalised American security commitments. The United Nations provided a framework for international cooperation. The dollar subsequently became the principal currency of global trade and finance as British power and sterling declined. This was one of the great strategic achievements of the twentieth century. American power was multiplied because other countries had an interest in participating in the system. Today, however, that system is under pressure. China has emerged as an economic and technological competitor. Alternative payment mechanisms are developing. Countries are diversifying their reserves. Digital currencies, cryptocurrencies and stablecoins could eventually change the architecture of international payments. Washington therefore has a powerful incentive to ensure that the next generation of financial and technological infrastructure does not erode American influence. This brings us to the central strategic dilemma facing the United States. A great power that feels increasingly vulnerable naturally seeks greater control. It wants secure energy supplies, critical minerals, resilient supply chains, technological superiority and strategic access. Some of this is entirely rational. But there is a danger that the pursuit of security through ever greater control can create the insecurity it seeks to prevent. History provides some uncomfortable lessons. The British Empire possessed extraordinary naval, commercial and financial power. Yet the cost of maintaining a worldwide empire eventually became difficult to sustain. The Soviet Union possessed enormous military capabilities, but military power could not compensate indefinitely for economic and technological weaknesses. The United States after 1945 followed a different path. Rather than simply controlling territory and resources, it created institutions, alliances and markets through which American power could operate. That distinction matters today. Also read | From Xi's 400 officials to Putin: Full list of world leaders attending BRICS Summit 2026 in Delhi A great power that feels insecure naturally seeks greater control. It wants secure energy supplies, critical minerals, resilient supply chains, technological superiority and strategic access. But there is a danger in confusing security with possession. If every major power attempts to control the resources, technologies, markets and strategic routes on which its security depends, the world could fragment into competing economic and geopolitical fortresses. The emerging international environment already contains elements of several competing visions. Samuel Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” captures the cultural and political fragmentation of the world. Graham Allison’s “Thucydides Trap” describes the dangers inherent when a rising power challenges an established one. And the increasingly competitive struggle for resources and security can sometimes resemble the logic of Mad Max. The combination would be dangerous. This is where BRICS has an important role. As the grouping prepares to meet in Delhi, its members need to understand the American calculation before formulating their own response. It would be tempting to interpret Washington’s actions simply as an effort to contain China, preserve dollar dominance or prevent the emergence of a multipolar world. There is some truth in each interpretation. But the deeper concern is vulnerability. The United States fears dependence on foreign energy, minerals, technologies, supply chains and financial systems at precisely the moment when artificial intelligence and advanced technologies are transforming the meaning of national power. BRICS should therefore be careful not to respond by simply constructing another system of exclusive blocs. Its objective should be resilience rather than isolation: diversified supply chains, greater technological capability, secure energy networks and more efficient financial mechanisms, while preserving the channels of trade and dialogue that connect the major powers. India has a particularly important role to play. It has an interest in a genuinely multipolar international system, but it also has an interest in a stable relationship with the United States. India therefore has something that many other powers lack: the ability to understand both sides of the emerging strategic equation. Understanding American insecurity is as important as understanding American power. For Washington, meanwhile, there is an equally important lesson. America does not need to control everything to remain the world’s most important power. It possesses an extraordinary combination of military strength, financial depth, technological innovation, universities, entrepreneurial capacity, natural resources and alliances. Its greatest strategic asset may still be its ability to make other countries want to participate in a system shaped by American leadership. Washington should therefore distinguish between control and leadership. It should secure critical supply chains without necessarily monopolising them; maintain technological leadership while allowing allies to participate in innovation; strengthen energy security without turning every resource-rich country into a strategic possession; and preserve the dollar by maintaining the openness and credibility of American financial markets. Most importantly, it should invest in alliances and institutions. The United States does not need to retreat from the world. Nor should it ignore genuine vulnerabilities. The era in which economic interdependence was assumed automatically to overcome geopolitical rivalry is clearly over. But there is a fundamental difference between an empire that seeks to possess the world and a power that seeks to organise it. The United States will remain the world’s most important power for the foreseeable future. But its relative dominance is increasingly being challenged by the diffusion of economic, technological and military capabilities. Its answer should not be withdrawal. Nor should it be permanent expansion. The objective should be strategic primacy through an open system. That may also be the most important message for BRICS as it gathers in Delhi. The emerging international order will not be determined simply by who controls the most oil, minerals, technology or territory. It will ultimately be determined by who can build a system that others believe is worth participating in. The country that controls the system does not need to control everything within it.

As the grouping prepares to meet in Delhi, it would be tempting to interpret Washington’s actions simply as an effort to contain China, preserve dollar dominance or prevent the emergence of a multipolar world.

America’s new strategy: Control the system, not the world

As India is set to host the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12–13, 2026, Russia's Vladimir Putin, China's Xi Jinping, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian are among the world leaders expected to attend the event. The summit, hosted by India after five years, comes at a time of amid ongoing geopolitical tensions in the Middle East and Europe. The leaders from the grouping nation, which stretches across Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, are expected to bring together leaders and senior representatives from across the bloc. The other heads of state set to visit New Delhi for the summit include South Africa's president Cyril Ramaphosa, Belarus' president Alexander Lukashenko, Egypt's president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Kazakhstan's president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, and Indonesia's president Prabowo Subianto. In addition, Prime Ministers Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, Anutin Charnvirakul of Thailand, and Abiy Ahmad, respectively, are expected to join the summit, while Cuba, Nigeria, and Uzbekistan are likely to be represented by their presidents, Miguel Diaz-Canel, Bola Tinubu, and Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Brazil, one of the bloc's founding members, is unlikely to see President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva attend in person due to conflicting commitments at home, with Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira expected to represent the country instead. Other stand-ins reportedly under consideration include Uganda's Vice President Jessica Alupo, Vietnam's Prime Minister Le Minh Hung, and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, who would attend in place of his father, UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. The summit, hosted by India, runs from September 12-13.&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-signs-45-7-million-deal-to-buy-us-javelin-anti-tank-missiles-for-army-more-details-inside-1787909729092">India signs $45.7 million deal to buy US Javelin anti-tank missiles for army: More details inside</a><h3>Xi Jinping to visit with 400 officials</h3>Meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is expected to arrive with a sizeable delegation, reportedly more than double the Chinese contingent that travelled with him on his last India visit in 2019. Multiple reports indicate Xi's delegation could number around 400 officials, compared to fewer than 200 in 2019. The trip would mark Xi's first visit to India in seven years, coming as both nations work to ease years of border-related tension. Details of his final itinerary, along with the agenda for any potential one-on-one meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, have yet to be confirmed. The Chinese foreign ministry said, “China attaches great importance to and actively participates in BRICS cooperation, and supports India, the current chair, in successfully hosting this year's BRICS summit.”

The leaders from the grouping nation, which stretches across Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, are expected to bring together leaders and senior representatives from across the bloc.

As India is set to host the 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12–13, 2026, Russia's Vladimir Putin, China's Xi Jinping, and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian are among the world leaders expected to attend the event. The summit, hosted by India after five years, comes at a time of amid ongoing geopolitical tensions in the Middle East and Europe. The leaders from the grouping nation, which stretches across Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, are expected to bring together leaders and senior representatives from across the bloc. The other heads of state set to visit New Delhi for the summit include South Africa's president Cyril Ramaphosa, Belarus' president Alexander Lukashenko, Egypt's president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Kazakhstan's president Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, and Indonesia's president Prabowo Subianto. In addition, Prime Ministers Anwar Ibrahim of Malaysia, Anutin Charnvirakul of Thailand, and Abiy Ahmad, respectively, are expected to join the summit, while Cuba, Nigeria, and Uzbekistan are likely to be represented by their presidents, Miguel Diaz-Canel, Bola Tinubu, and Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Brazil, one of the bloc's founding members, is unlikely to see President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva attend in person due to conflicting commitments at home, with Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira expected to represent the country instead. Other stand-ins reportedly under consideration include Uganda's Vice President Jessica Alupo, Vietnam's Prime Minister Le Minh Hung, and Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Khaled bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, who would attend in place of his father, UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. The summit, hosted by India, runs from September 12-13. Also read: India signs $45.7 million deal to buy US Javelin anti-tank missiles for army: More details inside Xi Jinping to visit with 400 officials Meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is expected to arrive with a sizeable delegation, reportedly more than double the Chinese contingent that travelled with him on his last India visit in 2019. Multiple reports indicate Xi's delegation could number around 400 officials, compared to fewer than 200 in 2019. The trip would mark Xi's first visit to India in seven years, coming as both nations work to ease years of border-related tension. Details of his final itinerary, along with the agenda for any potential one-on-one meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, have yet to be confirmed. The Chinese foreign ministry said, “China attaches great importance to and actively participates in BRICS cooperation, and supports India, the current chair, in successfully hosting this year's BRICS summit.”

The leaders from the grouping nation, which stretches across Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America, are expected to bring together leaders and senior representatives from across the bloc.

From Xi's 400 officials to Putin: Full list of world leaders attending BRICS Summit 2026 in Delhi

India says it will try to build consensus across an enlarged and more diverse BRICS grouping before leaders meet in New Delhi on 12–13 September, including on tensions in West Asia and on practical ways to cut the cost of trade.The 18th BRICS Summit will be held at Bharat Mandapam under India’s 2026 chairmanship. Officials say it will bring together the bloc’s 11 members, partner countries and outreach invitees. The theme is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”.An Indian official said the grouping works by consensus and that New Delhi’s role as chair is to keep members talking. “BRICS framework is based on consensus. As chair, we want engagement, dialogue with members,” the official said. “As chair, we are transparent. It’s a large grouping, 11 members. It brings diversity and experiences. Group focuses on dialogue, diplomacy. Before the summit, [we] want to build consensus wherever we can.”That task has been complicated by rifts among members amid West Asia conflict, including differences involving Iran and the United Arab Emirates. Earlier this year, foreign ministers issued a chair’s outcome document rather than a fully agreed joint declaration after “differing views” on the regional crisis.Sherpa-level talks on a leaders’ statement are continuing. “Working on joint statement,” the official said. “On ministerial meetings, we have seen outcome documents. We have worked [the] whole year, and at summit level, leaders will take stock.” India, the official added, has “stood for dialogue, diplomacy”. Members have called for an early end to the crisis, protection of civilians and free movement through waterways. “Our endeavour is to have dialogue. We will continue to engage and to find landing zones.”On finance, India framed work on payments and trade in national currencies as a practical effort, not a campaign against any third country. “Look at practical mechanism to reduce transaction cost, not aimed at any country. Discussions continue at finance track, technical level. Let’s wait for finance ministers meet in early Sept.”The New Development Bank was described as a “concrete manifestation of what BRICS can do” and “an important part of [the] BRICS framework of governance”. India will next chair the bank and “our effort will be to meet the aspirations of its members”. New Delhi also wants “more balanced trade between BRICS countries”.Officials said India’s political message for the summit is development-focused and “people-centric”. “We have consolidated initiatives for developing economies, and taken new initiatives,” they explained. Every ministry has a BRICS unit. The grouping has again called for reformed multilateralism, and India has shared experience of UPI and digital health with partners.Ten partner countries have been invited, and the response has been “encouraging”. Saudi Arabia, invited earlier to join BRICS, “continues to engage” and has been asked to attend the summit. Further expansion, India said, will follow agreed procedures and consensus after a period of consolidation.On US sanctions and tariffs, India said it is examining the implications, while noting that BRICS “has articulated its postures in declarations”. Leaders will now have to turn a year of ministerial work into a text the expanded club can live with. &nbsp;

India will host the BRICS summit in New Delhi next month as the expanded bloc faces a test of unity. From West Asia tensions to cheaper trade and payments, can New Delhi find common ground among its increasingly diverse members?

India says it will try to build consensus across an enlarged and more diverse BRICS grouping before leaders meet in New Delhi on 12–13 September, including on tensions in West Asia and on practical ways to cut the cost of trade. The 18th BRICS Summit will be held at Bharat Mandapam under India’s 2026 chairmanship. Officials say it will bring together the bloc’s 11 members, partner countries and outreach invitees. The theme is “Building for Resilience, Innovation, Cooperation and Sustainability”. An Indian official said the grouping works by consensus and that New Delhi’s role as chair is to keep members talking. “BRICS framework is based on consensus. As chair, we want engagement, dialogue with members,” the official said. “As chair, we are transparent. It’s a large grouping, 11 members. It brings diversity and experiences. Group focuses on dialogue, diplomacy. Before the summit, [we] want to build consensus wherever we can.” That task has been complicated by rifts among members amid West Asia conflict, including differences involving Iran and the United Arab Emirates. Earlier this year, foreign ministers issued a chair’s outcome document rather than a fully agreed joint declaration after “differing views” on the regional crisis. Sherpa-level talks on a leaders’ statement are continuing. “Working on joint statement,” the official said. “On ministerial meetings, we have seen outcome documents. We have worked [the] whole year, and at summit level, leaders will take stock.” India, the official added, has “stood for dialogue, diplomacy”. Members have called for an early end to the crisis, protection of civilians and free movement through waterways. “Our endeavour is to have dialogue. We will continue to engage and to find landing zones.” On finance, India framed work on payments and trade in national currencies as a practical effort, not a campaign against any third country. “Look at practical mechanism to reduce transaction cost, not aimed at any country. Discussions continue at finance track, technical level. Let’s wait for finance ministers meet in early Sept.” The New Development Bank was described as a “concrete manifestation of what BRICS can do” and “an important part of [the] BRICS framework of governance”. India will next chair the bank and “our effort will be to meet the aspirations of its members”. New Delhi also wants “more balanced trade between BRICS countries”. Officials said India’s political message for the summit is development-focused and “people-centric”. “We have consolidated initiatives for developing economies, and taken new initiatives,” they explained. Every ministry has a BRICS unit. The grouping has again called for reformed multilateralism, and India has shared experience of UPI and digital health with partners. Ten partner countries have been invited, and the response has been “encouraging”. Saudi Arabia, invited earlier to join BRICS, “continues to engage” and has been asked to attend the summit. Further expansion, India said, will follow agreed procedures and consensus after a period of consolidation. On US sanctions and tariffs, India said it is examining the implications, while noting that BRICS “has articulated its postures in declarations”. Leaders will now have to turn a year of ministerial work into a text the expanded club can live with.

India will host the BRICS summit in New Delhi next month as the expanded bloc faces a test of unity. From West Asia tensions to cheaper trade and payments, can New Delhi find common ground among its increasingly diverse members?

India seeks consensus as expanded BRICS prepares for New Delhi summit

The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) has issued official show-cause notices to two prominent five-star establishments in Delhi’s Aerocity viz. JW Marriott and Andaz Delhi by Hyatt following inspections that revealed major health, hygiene, and food safety violations. Both luxury hotels are among the primary venues designated to accommodate foreign delegates and guests for the upcoming 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi.According to inspection findings released by the food regulator, severe lapses were observed across kitchen operations, storage areas, and supply chains at both properties.&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/my-expectation-is-that-i-should-not-be-required-to-take-any-crackdown-maharashtra-fda-chief-tukaram-mundhe-to-wion-1786538284588">‘My expectation is that I should not be required to take any crackdown’: Maharashtra FDA chief Tukaram Mundhe to WION</a>&nbsp;At Andaz Delhi operated by Juniper Hotels Pvt Ltd, officials seized and destroyed approximately 87 kilograms of expired sweets in the confectionery section. Inspectors also uncovered expired cake bases and bread packets with duplicate date-marking labels pasted over expired dates. The inspection reportedly flagged active pest infestations, including cockroaches near freezers, houseflies, and mosquitoes in grinding rooms, as well as spider webs and a packet of gutka inside the bottling plant area. Additionally, the team noted severe cross-contamination risks, citing improper segregation where vegetarian and non-vegetarian cutting boards were stored in the same water container.&nbsp;

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">FSSAI has issued notices to Juniper Hotels Pvt Ltd (Andaz,Aerocity, Delhi) and JW Marriott, Delhi following inspections that uncovered serious food safety violations. Regulatory samples were collected, with further action to follow based on compliance and sample analysis. <a href="https://t.co/4bOOylB2NY">pic.twitter.com/4bOOylB2NY</a>&mdash; FSSAI (@fssaiindia) <a href="https://x.com/fssaiindia/status/2092589674124718115?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 26, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/rats-bite-six-girls-asleep-in-maharashtra-government-hostel-inquiry-ordered-into-school-conditions-1784302196126">Rats bite six girls asleep in Maharashtra government hostel, inquiry ordered into school condition</a>&nbsp;At JW Marriott, which is a unit of Aria Hotels and Consultancy Services Pvt Ltd, regulators logged 59 individual compliance deficiencies. Reports highlighted the presence of spoiled raw ingredients, including fungus-affected apples and rotten tomatoes, alongside visible particulate matter floating in drinking water supplies. Inspectors found fruit flies in vegetable units, cockroaches in main kitchens, unclean food-contact surfaces, and unhygienic conditions among kitchen staff. The hotel was also cited for licensing non-compliance, selling items like paneer and khoya without mandatory endorsements, and mislabeling stored food items.&nbsp;The FSSAI has collected regulatory food and ingredient samples from both properties for laboratory testing. Both hotels have been instructed to execute immediate corrective actions and submit full compliance reports. The regulator stated that further legal and administrative actions under the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, will depend on lab test results and the adequacy of the hotels' remedial measures.

FSSAI has issued show-cause notices to Delhi Aerocity’s 5-star JW Marriott and Andaz by Hyatt after inspections uncovered cockroach infestations, relabelled expired food, and cross-contamination risks ahead of the 18th BRICS Summit. 

The Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) has issued official show-cause notices to two prominent five-star establishments in Delhi’s Aerocity viz. JW Marriott and Andaz Delhi by Hyatt following inspections that revealed major health, hygiene, and food safety violations. Both luxury hotels are among the primary venues designated to accommodate foreign delegates and guests for the upcoming 18th BRICS Summit in New Delhi. According to inspection findings released by the food regulator, severe lapses were observed across kitchen operations, storage areas, and supply chains at both properties. Also read: ‘My expectation is that I should not be required to take any crackdown’: Maharashtra FDA chief Tukaram Mundhe to WION At Andaz Delhi operated by Juniper Hotels Pvt Ltd, officials seized and destroyed approximately 87 kilograms of expired sweets in the confectionery section. Inspectors also uncovered expired cake bases and bread packets with duplicate date-marking labels pasted over expired dates. The inspection reportedly flagged active pest infestations, including cockroaches near freezers, houseflies, and mosquitoes in grinding rooms, as well as spider webs and a packet of gutka inside the bottling plant area. Additionally, the team noted severe cross-contamination risks, citing improper segregation where vegetarian and non-vegetarian cutting boards were stored in the same water container.

FSSAI has issued show-cause notices to Delhi Aerocity’s 5-star JW Marriott and Andaz by Hyatt after inspections uncovered cockroach infestations, relabelled expired food, and cross-contamination risks ahead of the 18th BRICS Summit.

87 kg expired sweets and cockroaches: FSSAI issues notice to JW Marriott, Andaz Delhi ahead of BRICS Summit

India's National Security Advisor Ajit Doval arrived in Beijing on Monday for a two-day visit, setting the stage for the 25th round of Special Representatives’ talks on the India-China Boundary Question with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on August 25. At the invitation of Wang Yi, who also serves as China’s Special Representative and a Politburo member, Doval will hold talks on boundary disputes and broader bilateral ties. He is also scheduled to call on Chinese Vice President Han Zheng.&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/ajit-doval-in-beijing-for-crucial-india-china-border-talks-ahead-of-xi-jinping-visit-1787490646127/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/ajit-doval-in-beijing-for-crucial-india-china-border-talks-ahead-of-xi-jinping-visit-1787490646127/embed</a>&nbsp;&nbsp;Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian pointed to the mechanism’s dual role: “The Talks Between the Special Representatives of China and India on the Boundary Question are the main channel for negotiations between China and India on the boundary question, and also an important platform for communication between the two sides on issues of mutual interest.”He added that the sides will continue “in-depth communication on the boundary question in the spirit of the common understandings between leaders of the two countries to jointly keep the border areas peaceful and tranquil” while exchanging views on bilateral, regional and international issues.&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iran-s-president-pezeshkian-to-attend-brics-summit-in-new-delhi-says-iranian-sources-1786703283921">Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian to attend BRICS summit in New Delhi, say Iranian sources</a>&nbsp;These talks carry high stakes. They form the premier political channel for managing a 3,488-km disputed frontier that has repeatedly tested relations between the two Asian giants. Progress here is seen as essential to preventing friction from spilling over into the wider relationship, especially as both sides pursue gradual normalisation after years of strain.&nbsp;The meeting comes weeks before India hosts the BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12-13. Chinese President Xi Jinping is widely expected to attend his first visit to India in seven years, potentially opening the door for further bilateral engagement with&nbsp;India. Doval’s presence in Beijing is widely viewed as part of the groundwork for that high-level interaction and for consolidating recent diplomatic gains.&nbsp;A limited reset has taken shape since the October 2024 disengagement arrangements in eastern Ladakh that followed the deadly 2020 Galwan Valley clash. Direct flights have resumed, the Kailash-Mansarovar yatra has restarted, some visa and investment restrictions have eased, and trade has continued at high levels. Yet the core border dispute remains unresolved.&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/brics-summit-ends-without-joint-statement-as-iran-war-exposes-deep-blocs-divisions-1778857511465">BRICS Summit ends without joint statement as Iran war exposes deep blocs divisions</a>&nbsp;The Special Representatives mechanism itself has a long history. Proposed conceptually by Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1979 and formally established during his 2003 visit to China, it was designed to seek a political framework for settlement from the perspective of the overall bilateral relationship. The 2005 Agreement on Political Parameters and Guiding Principles remains a key reference. Twenty-four previous rounds have been held, with a multi-year pause after Galwan before talks resumed in late 2024. While no final settlement has emerged, the channel has repeatedly helped manage crises and explore confidence-building steps, including recent a discussions of an “early harvest” on boundary delimitation.

The meeting comes weeks before India hosts the BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12-13. Chinese President Xi Jinping is widely expected to attend his first visit to India in seven years, potentially opening the door for further bilateral engagement with India. 

India's National Security Advisor Ajit Doval arrived in Beijing on Monday for a two-day visit, setting the stage for the 25th round of Special Representatives’ talks on the India-China Boundary Question with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on August 25. At the invitation of Wang Yi, who also serves as China’s Special Representative and a Politburo member, Doval will hold talks on boundary disputes and broader bilateral ties. He is also scheduled to call on Chinese Vice President Han Zheng. https://www.wionews.com/videos/ajit-doval-in-beijing-for-crucial-india-china-border-talks-ahead-of-xi-jinping-visit-1787490646127/embed Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lin Jian pointed to the mechanism’s dual role: “The Talks Between the Special Representatives of China and India on the Boundary Question are the main channel for negotiations between China and India on the boundary question, and also an important platform for communication between the two sides on issues of mutual interest.” He added that the sides will continue “in-depth communication on the boundary question in the spirit of the common understandings between leaders of the two countries to jointly keep the border areas peaceful and tranquil” while exchanging views on bilateral, regional and international issues. Also read: Iran's President Masoud Pezeshkian to attend BRICS summit in New Delhi, say Iranian sources These talks carry high stakes. They form the premier political channel for managing a 3,488-km disputed frontier that has repeatedly tested relations between the two Asian giants. Progress here is seen as essential to preventing friction from spilling over into the wider relationship, especially as both sides pursue gradual normalisation after years of strain. The meeting comes weeks before India hosts the BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12-13. Chinese President Xi Jinping is widely expected to attend his first visit to India in seven years, potentially opening the door for further bilateral engagement with India. Doval’s presence in Beijing is widely viewed as part of the groundwork for that high-level interaction and for consolidating recent diplomatic gains. A limited reset has taken shape since the October 2024 disengagement arrangements in eastern Ladakh that followed the deadly 2020 Galwan Valley clash. Direct flights have resumed, the Kailash-Mansarovar yatra has restarted, some visa and investment restrictions have eased, and trade has continued at high levels. Yet the core border dispute remains unresolved. Also read: BRICS Summit ends without joint statement as Iran war exposes deep blocs divisions The Special Representatives mechanism itself has a long history. Proposed conceptually by Atal Bihari Vajpayee in 1979 and formally established during his 2003 visit to China, it was designed to seek a political framework for settlement from the perspective of the overall bilateral relationship. The 2005 Agreement on Political Parameters and Guiding Principles remains a key reference. Twenty-four previous rounds have been held, with a multi-year pause after Galwan before talks resumed in late 2024. While no final settlement has emerged, the channel has repeatedly helped manage crises and explore confidence-building steps, including recent a discussions of an “early harvest” on boundary delimitation.

The meeting comes weeks before India hosts the BRICS Summit in New Delhi on September 12-13. Chinese President Xi Jinping is widely expected to attend his first visit to India in seven years, potentially opening the door for further bilateral engagement with&nbsp;India.&nbsp;

India, China special representatives on border to meet in Beijing ahead of possible Xi visit to Delhi for BRICS Summit

India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar is set to arrive in Moscow for a two-day visit as India-Russia relations take centre stage ahead of Russian President Vladimir Putin’s expected visit to India for the BRICS Summit.

During his visit, Jaishankar is expected to co-chair the 27th session of the India-Russia Intergovernmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation with Russia’s First Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov.

The commission is one of the key mechanisms overseeing economic and broader bilateral cooperation between India and Russia. The two countries also maintain a separate intergovernmental mechanism focused on military and technical cooperation.

Jaishankar’s Moscow visit comes as New Delhi continues to push for greater Russian investment in India and seeks to address the growing imbalance in bilateral trade.

India-Russia trade reportedly crossed $68 billion in 2024-25, while India’s exports to Russia remained significantly lower than its imports. Both countries have set an ambitious target of taking bilateral trade to $100 billion by 2030.

Jaishankar is also expected to meet Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, with discussions likely to include the ongoing West Asia conflict and concerns surrounding energy supplies.

The visit comes at a crucial diplomatic juncture for India, which is preparing for several major international engagements, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kyrgyzstan, the United Nations General Assembly in September and the BRICS Summit in New Delhi.

Jaishankar Heads To Moscow Ahead Of Putin’s India Visit | India-Russia Trade, Energy Talks In Focus

Russia-Ukraine tensions escalate as Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov warns of a harsh response to Kyiv, saying Moscow is intensifying its actions.

Meanwhile, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian is set to travel to New Delhi for the upcoming BRICS Summit, as India prepares to host the 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit in September 2026.

In India, fugitive drug kingpin Virendra Singh Basoya has been brought back from the UAE and taken into custody by the Narcotics Control Bureau. The Supreme Court has also quashed FIRs against comedian Samay Raina and four others over alleged insensitive remarks concerning persons with disabilities on India’s Got Latent.

President Droupadi Murmu has opened Amrit Udyan at Rashtrapati Bhavan, while a Tiranga rally in Jammu and Kashmir showcased patriotism and communal harmony ahead of Independence Day.

Internationally, around 1,800 people have been evacuated in western Germany after a wildfire spread, while Zambia has suspended nationwide vote counting following reports of violence. Gold prices have also declined as investors book profits after bullion recently climbed to its highest level in more than two months.

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Iran’s Interior Minister Eskandar Momeni has called on fellow BRICS nations to take a “clear and decisive” stand against what he described as aggression on Iranian territory, while speaking at the group's ministerial meeting in New Delhi.Speaking at the BRICS Ministers of Interior Meeting, Momeni said attacks had violated Iran’s integrity and caused widespread destruction. “The aggression against territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the violation of the country’s integrity, the widespread destruction of infrastructure, power plants, residential areas, schools, hospitals and other civilian sites, the killing of women, children and the elderly are a clear manifestation of disregard for all international documents, including the United Nations Charter,” he said.He expressed hope that BRICS members would respond within the framework of international law. “The Islamic Republic of Iran hopes that the respected BRICS members… while condemning these actions, will adopt a clear and decisive position in opposing aggression and violation of the sovereignty of countries, attacks on civilians and the destruction of vital infrastructure.”Momeni added that a unified BRICS voice defending international law and national sovereignty “will have an important message for the international community and will help strengthen international peace, security and stability.”The remarks come against the backdrop of an ongoing conflict involving Iran that began earlier this year with strikes on Iranian targets by the US and Israel. BRICS, which includes Iran as a member, has struggled to reach consensus on the issue.Shifting focus to shared challenges, Momeni stressed that modern risks transcend borders. “Today, the world is facing risks that have crossed geographical, political and economic borders. Climate change, natural disasters, disease epidemics, vulnerability of critical infrastructure and other emerging crises have simultaneously affected the security, development and well-being of nations,” he said. “In such circumstances, no country can cope with these threats alone, and multilateral cooperation is more imperative than ever.”Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iran-rejected-a-peace-deal-proposed-by-us-president-donald-trump-and-conveyed-by-iraq-claims-report-1784879312937">Iran rejected a peace deal proposed by US President Donald Trump and conveyed by Iraq, claims report</a>He highlighted Iran’s experience managing earthquakes, floods, droughts and other hazards, offering it as a basis for BRICS collaboration. Urbanisation, he noted, had increased exposure to climate-related risks, requiring a “comprehensive, forward-looking and resilient approach” to infrastructure.“Today, more than ever, we need a comprehensive look at the concept of resilience. Resilience does not only mean post-crisis reconstruction, but also means prevention, preparedness, smart risk management and increasing the capacity of communities to continue essential services in crisis situations,” Momeni said. He argued that critical infrastructure resilience had become “one of the pillars of national security, human safety and sustainable development.”On behalf of Iran, he proposed that member countries develop operational plans based on recent BRICS documents on urban infrastructure resilience and disaster management. Iran welcomed specialised training courses, exchanges of technical teams and joint manoeuvres to implement the Sendai Framework and Sustainable Development Goals.The New Delhi meeting forms part of India’s 2026 BRICS chairmanship, focusing on internal security, counter-terrorism and related cooperation.

The remarks come against the backdrop of an ongoing conflict involving Iran that began earlier this year with strikes on Iranian targets by the US and Israel. 

Iran’s Interior Minister Eskandar Momeni has called on fellow BRICS nations to take a “clear and decisive” stand against what he described as aggression on Iranian territory, while speaking at the group's ministerial meeting in New Delhi. Speaking at the BRICS Ministers of Interior Meeting, Momeni said attacks had violated Iran’s integrity and caused widespread destruction. “The aggression against territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the violation of the country’s integrity, the widespread destruction of infrastructure, power plants, residential areas, schools, hospitals and other civilian sites, the killing of women, children and the elderly are a clear manifestation of disregard for all international documents, including the United Nations Charter,” he said. He expressed hope that BRICS members would respond within the framework of international law. “The Islamic Republic of Iran hopes that the respected BRICS members… while condemning these actions, will adopt a clear and decisive position in opposing aggression and violation of the sovereignty of countries, attacks on civilians and the destruction of vital infrastructure.” Momeni added that a unified BRICS voice defending international law and national sovereignty “will have an important message for the international community and will help strengthen international peace, security and stability.” The remarks come against the backdrop of an ongoing conflict involving Iran that began earlier this year with strikes on Iranian targets by the US and Israel. BRICS, which includes Iran as a member, has struggled to reach consensus on the issue. Shifting focus to shared challenges, Momeni stressed that modern risks transcend borders. “Today, the world is facing risks that have crossed geographical, political and economic borders. Climate change, natural disasters, disease epidemics, vulnerability of critical infrastructure and other emerging crises have simultaneously affected the security, development and well-being of nations,” he said. “In such circumstances, no country can cope with these threats alone, and multilateral cooperation is more imperative than ever.” Also read | Iran rejected a peace deal proposed by US President Donald Trump and conveyed by Iraq, claims report He highlighted Iran’s experience managing earthquakes, floods, droughts and other hazards, offering it as a basis for BRICS collaboration. Urbanisation, he noted, had increased exposure to climate-related risks, requiring a “comprehensive, forward-looking and resilient approach” to infrastructure. “Today, more than ever, we need a comprehensive look at the concept of resilience. Resilience does not only mean post-crisis reconstruction, but also means prevention, preparedness, smart risk management and increasing the capacity of communities to continue essential services in crisis situations,” Momeni said. He argued that critical infrastructure resilience had become “one of the pillars of national security, human safety and sustainable development.” On behalf of Iran, he proposed that member countries develop operational plans based on recent BRICS documents on urban infrastructure resilience and disaster management. Iran welcomed specialised training courses, exchanges of technical teams and joint manoeuvres to implement the Sendai Framework and Sustainable Development Goals. The New Delhi meeting forms part of India’s 2026 BRICS chairmanship, focusing on internal security, counter-terrorism and related cooperation.

The remarks come against the backdrop of an ongoing conflict involving Iran that began earlier this year with strikes on Iranian targets by the US and Israel.&nbsp;

Iran's interior minister Momeni urges BRICS to take clear stand against attacks on its territory during Delhi meet

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Iran's Momeni urges BRICS to take clear stand against attacks on its territory