On Sunday, the European Union's (EU) executive branch recommended suspending approximately 7.5 billion euros in funding to Hungary over concerns of corruption and a democratic backslide. This comes after the bloc's&nbsp;budget commissioner said that there are several systemic irregularities in Hungary's anti-graft measures, saying the country has until November 19 to address these concerns.&nbsp;

The EU Budget Commissioner Johannes Hahn, said “It's about breaches of the rule of law compromising the use and management of EU funds.” He added that the 27-nation bloc is unable to conclude that the EU funds are “sufficiently protected.” The money is from the “cohesion funds” granted to Hungary, which is reportedly one of the biggest parts of the EU’s budget. This fund helps countries to keep their economies and infrastructure up to the bloc's&nbsp;standards.&nbsp;

Hahn reportedly cited reasons like Hungary's public procurement laws, the lack of&nbsp;of safeguards against conflict of interests, and the weakness in&nbsp;effective prosecution. A statement released earlier today read, “The European Commission has today proposed budget protection measures to the Council under the conditionality regulation…This is to ensure the protection of the EU budget and the financial interests of the EU against breaches of the principles of the rule of law in Hungary.”

Meanwhile, the EU budget commissioner also said that Hungary has until November to address the concerns put forth by the EU, adding that the country’s latest promise to address the 27-nation bloc’s criticism is a step in the right direction. However, it must amount to new laws and&nbsp;pragmatic solutions only then the bloc will&nbsp;be reassured. The move will be in line with EU's&nbsp;new power under the&nbsp;so-called conditionality mechanism.&nbsp;

Reportedly, such action of suspending the funds must be approved by the bloc’s member countries and it requires a “qualified majority,” which is 55% of the 27 countries which represent 65% of the EU’s total population. Notably, the EU first introduced the financial sanction two years ago in response to Poland and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s actions which amounted to undermining democracy.&nbsp;

ALSO READ: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/top-european-court-rules-eu-can-freeze-aid-to-poland-and-hungary-453866">Top European Court rules EU can freeze aid to Poland and Hungary</a>

The 7.5 billion euros amounts to at least 5% of Hungary’s 2022 GDP. Meanwhile, the EU countries have up to three months to make a decision on the proposal. Over the past couple of years, the 27-nation bloc has expressed concerns and accused Orban of dismantling democratic mechanisms and controlling the media, while also highlighting the&nbsp;erosion of minority rights during his time in power.&nbsp;

Orban who has been in power since 2010 has repeatedly denied these accusations while calling himself a “freedom fighter” against the views of the liberal west. According to EU lawmakers, they have turned a blind eye to problems in Hungary for far&nbsp;too long and it is their lack of action that has “contributed to the breakdown in democracy” in the country.&nbsp;

ALSO READ: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/how-the-eu-allowed-hungary-to-become-an-illiberal-model-442074">How the EU allowed Hungary to become an illiberal model</a>

The EU parliament in their resolution stated, “Leaving rule of law breaches unchecked undermines democratic institutions and ultimately affects the human rights and lives of everyone in the country where those breaches are committed.” According to sources, the Commission has previously also blocked at least 6 billion euros in funds that were granted as a Covid&nbsp;economic recovery stimulus over the same concerns of corruption in Hungary.&nbsp;

The local media Budapest&nbsp;has reported that the Orban government may announce new legislation on Monday, however, the EU said last week that this may be a ploy by the government to gain time. The EU resolution on Thursday also said that Hungary’s nationalist government is trying to undermine the bloc’s democratic values, calling it “a hybrid regime of electoral autocracy.” Meanwhile, Orban has termed the government in Budapest, an “illiberal democracy.”

(With inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

On Sunday, the European Union's (EU) executive branch recommended suspending approximately 7.5 billion euros in funding to Hungary over concerns of corruption and a democratic backslide.

On Sunday, the European Union's (EU) executive branch recommended suspending approximately 7.5 billion euros in funding to Hungary over concerns of corruption and a democratic backslide. This comes after the bloc's budget commissioner said that there are several systemic irregularities in Hungary's anti-graft measures, saying the country has until November 19 to address these concerns. The EU Budget Commissioner Johannes Hahn, said “It's about breaches of the rule of law compromising the use and management of EU funds.” He added that the 27-nation bloc is unable to conclude that the EU funds are “sufficiently protected.” The money is from the “cohesion funds” granted to Hungary, which is reportedly one of the biggest parts of the EU’s budget. This fund helps countries to keep their economies and infrastructure up to the bloc's standards. Hahn reportedly cited reasons like Hungary's public procurement laws, the lack of of safeguards against conflict of interests, and the weakness in effective prosecution. A statement released earlier today read, “The European Commission has today proposed budget protection measures to the Council under the conditionality regulation…This is to ensure the protection of the EU budget and the financial interests of the EU against breaches of the principles of the rule of law in Hungary.” Meanwhile, the EU budget commissioner also said that Hungary has until November to address the concerns put forth by the EU, adding that the country’s latest promise to address the 27-nation bloc’s criticism is a step in the right direction. However, it must amount to new laws and pragmatic solutions only then the bloc will be reassured. The move will be in line with EU's new power under the so-called conditionality mechanism. Reportedly, such action of suspending the funds must be approved by the bloc’s member countries and it requires a “qualified majority,” which is 55% of the 27 countries which represent 65% of the EU’s total population. Notably, the EU first introduced the financial sanction two years ago in response to Poland and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s actions which amounted to undermining democracy. ALSO READ: Top European Court rules EU can freeze aid to Poland and Hungary The 7.5 billion euros amounts to at least 5% of Hungary’s 2022 GDP. Meanwhile, the EU countries have up to three months to make a decision on the proposal. Over the past couple of years, the 27-nation bloc has expressed concerns and accused Orban of dismantling democratic mechanisms and controlling the media, while also highlighting the erosion of minority rights during his time in power. Orban who has been in power since 2010 has repeatedly denied these accusations while calling himself a “freedom fighter” against the views of the liberal west. According to EU lawmakers, they have turned a blind eye to problems in Hungary for far too long and it is their lack of action that has “contributed to the breakdown in democracy” in the country. ALSO READ: How the EU allowed Hungary to become an illiberal model The EU parliament in their resolution stated, “Leaving rule of law breaches unchecked undermines democratic institutions and ultimately affects the human rights and lives of everyone in the country where those breaches are committed.” According to sources, the Commission has previously also blocked at least 6 billion euros in funds that were granted as a Covid economic recovery stimulus over the same concerns of corruption in Hungary. The local media Budapest has reported that the Orban government may announce new legislation on Monday, however, the EU said last week that this may be a ploy by the government to gain time. The EU resolution on Thursday also said that Hungary’s nationalist government is trying to undermine the bloc’s democratic values, calling it “a hybrid regime of electoral autocracy.” Meanwhile, Orban has termed the government in Budapest, an “illiberal democracy.” (With inputs from agencies)

EU proposes to cut 7.5 billion euro aid to Hungary over concerns of corruption

A prominent Jewish community organisation on Tuesday (July 26) voiced alarm and concern over Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's remarks against creating " peoples of mixes race". The 59-year-old ultra-conservative prime minister said this during a speech in Romania. Orban was speaking in Romania's Transylvania region, which has a large Hungarian community. During his speech, he criticised mixing with 'non-Europeans".

International Auschwitz Committee, which counts several Holocaust survivors as its members, said Orban's speech was "stupid and dangerous". The committee further called on the EU to continue to distance itself from "Orban's racist undertones and to make it clear to the world that Mr. Orban has no future in Europe." 
&nbsp; 
Christoph Heubner, vice-president of the organisation, said that Orban's speech reminded Holocaust survivors "of the dark times of their own exclusion and persecution". He was quoted by AFP.

Heubner called specifically on Austrian Chancellor Karl Nehammer to make a stand when he hosts Orban on an official visit to Vienna on Thursday.

"We do not want to become peoples of mixed-race," Orban said on Saturday.

Orban is known for his anti-migrant policy. In past, he has made similar remarks.

Hungarian government appeared to be in damage control mode as Zoltan Kovacs, the governemnt spokesperson, said that Orban's speech was 'misinterpreted' by those who "clearly don't understand the difference between the mixing of different ethnic groups that all originate in the Judeo-Christian cultural sphere, and the mixing of peoples from different civilisations"

Orban also appeared to make allusion to Nazi gas chambers during speech connecting it to European Union's plan to reduce European gas demand by 15 per cent.

"I do not see how it will be enforced -– although, as I understand it, the past shows us German know-how on that," he said.

Jewish community in Hungary has also criticised Orban's speech.

"There is only one race on this Planet: the Homo Sapiens Sapiens," chief rabbi Robert Frolich wrote on Facebook.

Zsuzsa Hegedus, Orban's advisor has handed in her resignation over what she termed was his "shameful position". She called the speech "a pure Nazi text," according to news outlet HVG.

In response, Orban stressed "his government's policy of zero tolerance when it comes to anti-Semitism and racism", according to a letter that was made public.

(With inputs from agencies)

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us <a href="https://www.wionews.com/content-contribution-registration-form">here</a>.

WATCH WION LIVE HERE

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="350" loading="”lazy”" src="https://www.wionews.com/live-tv/embed?autoplay=1&amp;mute=1" width="100%"></iframe></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

&nbsp;

A prominent Jewish community organisation on Tuesday (July 26) voiced alarm and concern over Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's remarks against creating " peoples of mixes race".

A prominent Jewish community organisation on Tuesday (July 26) voiced alarm and concern over Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's remarks against creating " peoples of mixes race". The 59-year-old ultra-conservative prime minister said this during a speech in Romania. Orban was speaking in Romania's Transylvania region, which has a large Hungarian community. During his speech, he criticised mixing with 'non-Europeans". International Auschwitz Committee, which counts several Holocaust survivors as its members, said Orban's speech was "stupid and dangerous". The committee further called on the EU to continue to distance itself from "Orban's racist undertones and to make it clear to the world that Mr. Orban has no future in Europe." Christoph Heubner, vice-president of the organisation, said that Orban's speech reminded Holocaust survivors "of the dark times of their own exclusion and persecution". He was quoted by AFP. Heubner called specifically on Austrian Chancellor Karl Nehammer to make a stand when he hosts Orban on an official visit to Vienna on Thursday. "We do not want to become peoples of mixed-race," Orban said on Saturday. Orban is known for his anti-migrant policy. In past, he has made similar remarks. Hungarian government appeared to be in damage control mode as Zoltan Kovacs, the governemnt spokesperson, said that Orban's speech was 'misinterpreted' by those who "clearly don't understand the difference between the mixing of different ethnic groups that all originate in the Judeo-Christian cultural sphere, and the mixing of peoples from different civilisations" Orban also appeared to make allusion to Nazi gas chambers during speech connecting it to European Union's plan to reduce European gas demand by 15 per cent. "I do not see how it will be enforced -– although, as I understand it, the past shows us German know-how on that," he said. Jewish community in Hungary has also criticised Orban's speech. "There is only one race on this Planet: the Homo Sapiens Sapiens," chief rabbi Robert Frolich wrote on Facebook. Zsuzsa Hegedus, Orban's advisor has handed in her resignation over what she termed was his "shameful position". She called the speech "a pure Nazi text," according to news outlet HVG. In response, Orban stressed "his government's policy of zero tolerance when it comes to anti-Semitism and racism", according to a letter that was made public. (With inputs from agencies) You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

Holocaust survivors criticise Hungary's Orban over race remarks

A long-time adviser to Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has resigned over a speech. Zsuzsa Hegedus described the Orban's speech as a "pure Nazi text".

Hungary: PM's closest adviser resigns, calls Viktor Orban's speech 'pure Nazi text'

Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban in a controversial statement said "Hungarians are not a mixed race and we do not want to become a mixed race" causing a huge outcry.

Hungary's prime minister was speaking at an event in Romania as he reportedly said that Europeans should not mix with "non-Europeans" while adding that the "West is split in two".

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/thousands-of-hungarians-protest-against-viktor-orbans-reforms-498097">Also Read:&nbsp;Hungarians protest against Viktor Orban’s reforms</a>

Orban&nbsp;remarked that countries where European and non-European people intermingle "are no longer nations" without directly naming the countries. "In a spiritual sense, the West has moved to central Europe," he said.

"There is a war, an energy crisis and war inflation, all of this draws a screen before our eyes," he told people gathered to hear him, adding that,"this is the great historical battle we are fighting: on demography, migration and gender. This is precisely what is at stake in the left-right fight."&nbsp;

Watch:&nbsp;Why has US failed to fight racism?

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-why-has-us-failed-to-fight-racism-374371/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

The country's opposition leader Katalin Cseh hit out at Orban saying that it shows the "true colours" of the regime.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
“We [Hungarians] are not a mixed race, and we do not want to become a mixed race either” 
 
This was Viktor Orban at Baile Tusnad just now, tearing into Western Europeans for “mixing with non-Europeans” 
 
To all the Orban-fans out there: *this* is what you’re supporting <a href="https://t.co/ywsEGcy7L3">pic.twitter.com/ywsEGcy7L3</a>
— Katalin Cseh (@katka_cseh) <a href="https://twitter.com/katka_cseh/status/1550778745832837123?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 23, 2022</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

Romanian leader Alin Mituta criticised the Hungarian prime minister asserting that speaking on ethnic "purity" in a "mixed region such as central and eastern Europe is purely delusional &amp; dangerous" while adding that "so is Mr Orban".

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
Speaking about race or ethnic “purity” especially in such a mixed region such as Central&amp;Eastern Europe is purely delusional &amp; dangerous. And so is Mr Orban. 
 
Breaking news, Mr Orban, we ALL have mixed race&amp;cultural origins. This is one of the great featured of being Europeans. <a href="https://t.co/c357F8HEU5">https://t.co/c357F8HEU5</a>
— Alin Mituta (@AlinMituta) <a href="https://twitter.com/AlinMituta/status/1550823058172248070?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 23, 2022</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

The Conservative prime minister was re-elected to office this year for the fourth time. Orban further alleged that the West was trying to "force migrants" on Central Europe.

Orban also spoke on the ongoing war in Ukraine claiming that Russia wants "security guarantees" and that peace was possible only through talks between Russia and US. "Peace is the only solution to save lives" he said on the Ukraine war.

(With inputs from Agencies)

WATCH WION LIVE HERE

<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/live-tv/embed?autoplay=1&amp;mute=1" width="100%"></iframe>

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us <a href="https://www.wionews.com/content-contribution-registration-form">here</a>.

Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban in a controversial statement said "Hungarians are not a mixed race and we do not want to become a mixed race" causing a huge outcry.

Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban in a controversial statement said "Hungarians are not a mixed race and we do not want to become a mixed race" causing a huge outcry. Hungary's prime minister was speaking at an event in Romania as he reportedly said that Europeans should not mix with "non-Europeans" while adding that the "West is split in two". Also Read: Hungarians protest against Viktor Orban’s reforms Orban remarked that countries where European and non-European people intermingle "are no longer nations" without directly naming the countries. "In a spiritual sense, the West has moved to central Europe," he said. "There is a war, an energy crisis and war inflation, all of this draws a screen before our eyes," he told people gathered to hear him, adding that,"this is the great historical battle we are fighting: on demography, migration and gender. This is precisely what is at stake in the left-right fight." Watch: Why has US failed to fight racism? The country's opposition leader Katalin Cseh hit out at Orban saying that it shows the "true colours" of the regime. “We [Hungarians] are not a mixed race, and we do not want to become a mixed race either” This was Viktor Orban at Baile Tusnad just now, tearing into Western Europeans for “mixing with non-Europeans” To all the Orban-fans out there: *this* is what you’re supporting pic.twitter.com/ywsEGcy7L3 — Katalin Cseh (@katka_cseh) July 23, 2022 × Romanian leader Alin Mituta criticised the Hungarian prime minister asserting that speaking on ethnic "purity" in a "mixed region such as central and eastern Europe is purely delusional & dangerous" while adding that "so is Mr Orban". Speaking about race or ethnic “purity” especially in such a mixed region such as Central&Eastern Europe is purely delusional & dangerous. And so is Mr Orban. Breaking news, Mr Orban, we ALL have mixed race&cultural origins. This is one of the great featured of being Europeans. https://t.co/c357F8HEU5 — Alin Mituta (@AlinMituta) July 23, 2022 × The Conservative prime minister was re-elected to office this year for the fourth time. Orban further alleged that the West was trying to "force migrants" on Central Europe. Orban also spoke on the ongoing war in Ukraine claiming that Russia wants "security guarantees" and that peace was possible only through talks between Russia and US. "Peace is the only solution to save lives" he said on the Ukraine war. (With inputs from Agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

We don't want to be a mixed race, says Hungarian PM Orban; opposition lashes out

Thousands of Hungarians on Saturday (July 16), protested against Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government this week since his right-wing Fidesz party enacted legislation dramatically hiking taxes on small businesses. The inflation rate is at its worst level in two decades, the forint is at record lows, and European Union funding is in limbo due to a dispute over democratic principles, posing the hardest challenge nationalist Orban has faced since sweeping into power in 2010. Peter Marki-Zay, the mayor of a small town and Orban’s independent opponent, organised the gathering after his opposition alliance was defeated in parliamentary elections in April, Reuters reported.&nbsp;

A 70-year-old demonstrator said, “I have an acquaintance who only heats with electricity. His monthly power bill has been 30,000 forints ($75) so far, which is not a lot, but from now on he will be paying 153,000.” He further added that the small-scale protests were hard to persuade the administration.&nbsp;

Also read <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/in-budapest-hungarys-viktor-orban-tells-cpac-conservatives-to-have-own-media-to-retain-power-480836">|&nbsp;In Budapest, Hungary’s Viktor Orban tells CPAC conservatives to have own media to retain power</a>

Despite objections from some business groups and opposition parties, the blockade of a bridge in Budapest on Tuesday, it didn’t prevent the government from approving a resolution from approving to raise the tax rate for hundreds of thousands of small businesses.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/hungary-pm-orban-warns-of-era-of-recession-in-europe-479646">Hungary PM Orban warns of "era of recession" in Europe</a>

In response to a spike in power and gas costs brought on by the conflict in Ukraine, Orban’s administration reduced a restriction on utility bills for homes with higher utility usage. This was a reversal of the 59-year-old premier’s measures in recent years.

Inflation rose to 11.7 per cent year-over-year in June, which pushed the central bank into its sharpest rate-tightening cycle since the fall of the communist government, despite the Orban restricting the cost of fuel and other staple items. The forint is also approaching historic lows against the euro despite this, adding to the inflationary pressures.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

WATCH WION LIVE HERE

<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/live-tv/embed?autoplay=1&amp;mute=1" width="100%"></iframe>

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us <a href="https://www.wionews.com/content-contribution-registration-form">here</a>.

Thousands of Hungarians on Saturday (July 16), protested against Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government this week since his right-wing Fidesz party enacted legislation dramatically hiking taxes on small businesses.

Thousands of Hungarians on Saturday (July 16), protested against Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government this week since his right-wing Fidesz party enacted legislation dramatically hiking taxes on small businesses. The inflation rate is at its worst level in two decades, the forint is at record lows, and European Union funding is in limbo due to a dispute over democratic principles, posing the hardest challenge nationalist Orban has faced since sweeping into power in 2010. Peter Marki-Zay, the mayor of a small town and Orban’s independent opponent, organised the gathering after his opposition alliance was defeated in parliamentary elections in April, Reuters reported. A 70-year-old demonstrator said, “I have an acquaintance who only heats with electricity. His monthly power bill has been 30,000 forints ($75) so far, which is not a lot, but from now on he will be paying 153,000.” He further added that the small-scale protests were hard to persuade the administration. Also read | In Budapest, Hungary’s Viktor Orban tells CPAC conservatives to have own media to retain power Despite objections from some business groups and opposition parties, the blockade of a bridge in Budapest on Tuesday, it didn’t prevent the government from approving a resolution from approving to raise the tax rate for hundreds of thousands of small businesses. Also read | Hungary PM Orban warns of "era of recession" in Europe In response to a spike in power and gas costs brought on by the conflict in Ukraine, Orban’s administration reduced a restriction on utility bills for homes with higher utility usage. This was a reversal of the 59-year-old premier’s measures in recent years. Inflation rose to 11.7 per cent year-over-year in June, which pushed the central bank into its sharpest rate-tightening cycle since the fall of the communist government, despite the Orban restricting the cost of fuel and other staple items. The forint is also approaching historic lows against the euro despite this, adding to the inflationary pressures. (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

Thousands of Hungarians protest against Viktor Orban’s reforms

Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban has said that the only way to remain in power is to have your own media outlet and to tackle the “insanity of the progressive left.” His comments came during a special conference of the US Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in Budapest’s Balnaconference centre.

Orbán, who was recently elected to a fourth term, laid out a 12-point blueprint to achieving and consolidating power under the slogan “God, Homeland, Family”.

He claimed that the US media— CNN, the New York Times and others—is&nbsp;largely dominated by “Leftist” Democrats and called for shows like right-wing aligned Fox News Tucker Carlson’s to be broadcast “24/7”.

“We have to take back the institutions in Washington and Brussels. We must find allies in one another and coordinate the movements of our troops,” Orbán said, suggesting that it was time for the right to join forces.

He told Republicans that media influence was one of the keys to success.

In Hungary, the prime minister and his allies have effective control of most media outlets in Hungary, including state TV, reported The Guardian.

“Have your own media. It’s the only way to point out the insanity of the progressive left,” he was quoted as saying.

“The problem is that the western media is adjusted to the leftist viewpoint. Those who taught reporters in universities already had progressive leftist principles.”

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/fox-news-anchor-tucker-carlson-sought-hunter-bidens-help-for-sons-university-admission-report-480801" hreflang="en">Tucker Carlson sought Hunter Biden's help for son's uni admission: Report</a>

The Guardian claimed that journalists from reputed media outlets like the New Yorker, Vox Media, Vice News, Rolling Stone, and the Associated Press, were denied access to the event despite months of requests.

It is being claimed that the organisers either ignored their requests for accreditation or told them to “watch the event online”.

Orbán’s 12-point action plan also included points on faith, “because the absence of faith is dangerous” and the importance in countering “LGBT propaganda” which was “still new in our country but we have already destroyed it”.

(With inputs from agencies)

(With inputs from agencies)

WATCH WION LIVE HERE

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false"><iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/live-tv/embed?autoplay=1&amp;mute=1" width="100%"></iframe></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

&nbsp;

Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban has said that the only way to remain in power is to have your own media outlet and to tackle the “insanity of the progressive left.

Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban has said that the only way to remain in power is to have your own media outlet and to tackle the “insanity of the progressive left.” His comments came during a special conference of the US Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in Budapest’s Balnaconference centre. Orbán, who was recently elected to a fourth term, laid out a 12-point blueprint to achieving and consolidating power under the slogan “God, Homeland, Family”. He claimed that the US media— CNN, the New York Times and others—is largely dominated by “Leftist” Democrats and called for shows like right-wing aligned Fox News Tucker Carlson’s to be broadcast “24/7”. “We have to take back the institutions in Washington and Brussels. We must find allies in one another and coordinate the movements of our troops,” Orbán said, suggesting that it was time for the right to join forces. He told Republicans that media influence was one of the keys to success. In Hungary, the prime minister and his allies have effective control of most media outlets in Hungary, including state TV, reported The Guardian. “Have your own media. It’s the only way to point out the insanity of the progressive left,” he was quoted as saying. “The problem is that the western media is adjusted to the leftist viewpoint. Those who taught reporters in universities already had progressive leftist principles.” Also read | Tucker Carlson sought Hunter Biden's help for son's uni admission: Report The Guardian claimed that journalists from reputed media outlets like the New Yorker, Vox Media, Vice News, Rolling Stone, and the Associated Press, were denied access to the event despite months of requests. It is being claimed that the organisers either ignored their requests for accreditation or told them to “watch the event online”. Orbán’s 12-point action plan also included points on faith, “because the absence of faith is dangerous” and the importance in countering “LGBT propaganda” which was “still new in our country but we have already destroyed it”. (With inputs from agencies) (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

In Budapest, Hungary’s Viktor Orban tells CPAC conservatives to have own media to retain power

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban on Friday blasted European Commission head Ursula von der Leyen for "attacking"&nbsp;EU&nbsp;unity with a plan to&nbsp;ban&nbsp;Russian&nbsp;oil, saying it crosses a red line and has been sent back.

"The European Commission president, intentionally or unintentionally, has attacked the European unity that had been worked out," Orban said on state radio.&nbsp;

"From the first moment we made clear that there will be a red line... they have crossed this red line."

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-destroyed-400-hospitals-leaving-patients-in-extreme-difficulties-zelensky-476697">Russia destroyed 400 hospitals, leaving patients in extreme difficulties: Zelensky</a>

On Wednesday the&nbsp;EU&nbsp;executive proposed to the bloc's 27 members a&nbsp;ban&nbsp;on Russian&nbsp;oil&nbsp;imports in its toughest move yet over Moscow's invasion of Ukraine.

Von der Leyen said the bloc would "phase out Russian supply of crude&nbsp;oil&nbsp;within six months, and refined products by the end of the year".

Watch |&nbsp;Russia-Ukraine Crisis: Fighting destroyed nearly 400 hospitals, medical centres, says Zelensky

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/russia-ukraine-crisis-fighting-destroyed-nearly-400-hospitals-medical-centres-says-zelensky-476771/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Hungary and Slovakia&nbsp;both highly dependent on Moscow's&nbsp;oil&nbsp;exports would have until the end of 2023.

The embargo would amount to "a nuclear bomb dropped on the Hungarian economy", Orban said, adding that the proposed exemption for Hungary until end-2023 is not long enough.

"The transformation of the Hungary energy transmission and supply system could be completed in five years," Orban said.

Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto in a video message posted on his Facebook page on Wednesday said Budapest would back the proposal if crude&nbsp;oil&nbsp;delivered via pipelines was exempted from the&nbsp;EU's&nbsp;ban.

WATCH WION LIVE HERE:

<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/live-tv/embed?autoplay=1&amp;mute=1" width="100%"></iframe>

"I avoid the word 'veto', I do not want to confront the&nbsp;EU. We are interested in a constructive dialogue," said Orban, who was re-elected for a fourth straight term as premier last month.

He said the proposal "has been returned to sender, to Madame President, to work on further".

Orban also protested against the inclusion in the sanctions package of the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Kirill.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/not-helping-ukraine-target-russian-generals-pentagon-476727">Not helping Ukraine 'target' Russian generals: Pentagon</a>

"We will not allow church leaders to be put on a sanctions list," said Orban, who has cultivated close ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

According to Budapest, 65 percent of Hungary's&nbsp;oil&nbsp;and 85&nbsp;per cent of its&nbsp;gas&nbsp;supplies come from&nbsp;Russia.

&nbsp;

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban on Friday blasted European Commission head Ursula von der Leyen for "attacking" EU unity with a plan to ban Russian oil, saying it crosses a red line and has been sent back.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban on Friday blasted European Commission head Ursula von der Leyen for "attacking" EU unity with a plan to ban Russian oil, saying it crosses a red line and has been sent back. "The European Commission president, intentionally or unintentionally, has attacked the European unity that had been worked out," Orban said on state radio. "From the first moment we made clear that there will be a red line... they have crossed this red line." Also read | Russia destroyed 400 hospitals, leaving patients in extreme difficulties: Zelensky On Wednesday the EU executive proposed to the bloc's 27 members a ban on Russian oil imports in its toughest move yet over Moscow's invasion of Ukraine. Von der Leyen said the bloc would "phase out Russian supply of crude oil within six months, and refined products by the end of the year". Watch | Russia-Ukraine Crisis: Fighting destroyed nearly 400 hospitals, medical centres, says Zelensky Hungary and Slovakia both highly dependent on Moscow's oil exports would have until the end of 2023. The embargo would amount to "a nuclear bomb dropped on the Hungarian economy", Orban said, adding that the proposed exemption for Hungary until end-2023 is not long enough. "The transformation of the Hungary energy transmission and supply system could be completed in five years," Orban said. Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto in a video message posted on his Facebook page on Wednesday said Budapest would back the proposal if crude oil delivered via pipelines was exempted from the EU's ban. WATCH WION LIVE HERE: "I avoid the word 'veto', I do not want to confront the EU. We are interested in a constructive dialogue," said Orban, who was re-elected for a fourth straight term as premier last month. He said the proposal "has been returned to sender, to Madame President, to work on further". Orban also protested against the inclusion in the sanctions package of the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, Patriarch Kirill. Also read | Not helping Ukraine 'target' Russian generals: Pentagon "We will not allow church leaders to be put on a sanctions list," said Orban, who has cultivated close ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin. According to Budapest, 65 percent of Hungary's oil and 85 per cent of its gas supplies come from Russia.

Hungary says European Union Russia oil ban proposal crosses 'red line'

Hungarian PM Viktor Orban has secured another term in office with a landslide victory. Orban says his victory can be seen 'even from the moon'. What does the win mean for Europe? Palki Sharma Upadhyay gets you a report.

Gravitas: Hungary's PM Viktor Orban secures another term

Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban scored a fourth consecutive landslide win in Sunday's election.

Hungary: Viktor Orban scores fourth consecutive win in general elections

Hungary Prime Minister Viktor Orban has scored a fourth consecutive landslide win. Official results showed Orban's party winning a fourth term in office in an election overshadowed by the war in neighbouring Ukraine.

Hungary Prime Minister Viktor Orban's Fidesz party bags a two-thirds majority in election

Hungary election result: Viktor Orban secures fourth consecutive win

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban wins fourth consecutive term

The odds are slightly in favour of Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban, one of Europe's longest-serving leaders, extending his&nbsp;12-year&nbsp;rule&nbsp;in an election on Sunday, helped by his government's firm control over state media.

Hungarians&nbsp;started voting at 0400 GMT with the&nbsp;war&nbsp;in neighbouring&nbsp;Ukraine&nbsp;dominating the campaign. The six-party opposition alliance is within striking distance of&nbsp;Orban's&nbsp;Fidesz party in the polls, making the outcome of the&nbsp;ballot&nbsp;uncertain for the first time since Orban swept to power in 2010.

Casting his&nbsp;vote&nbsp;in snowy Budapest, Orban told reporters he expected a "great victory" and portrayed the&nbsp;ballot&nbsp;as a choice between "peace or&nbsp;war", accusing his opponents again of trying to drag Hungary into the&nbsp;Ukraine&nbsp;conflict, a charge they deny.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-ukraine-crisishungary-pm-orban-calls-sanctions-double-edged-weapon-458898">Russia-Ukraine Crisis:Hungary PM Orban calls sanctions 'double-edged weapon'</a>

When asked repeatedly about his close ties with Moscow and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Orban said:

"I am standing on the basis of the Hungarian national interests, I am pro-Hungarian."

The&nbsp;war&nbsp;in&nbsp;Ukraine&nbsp;has upset&nbsp;Orban's&nbsp;plans and forced him into uncomfortable manoeuvring at home after more than a decade of close political and business relations with Moscow.

According to the latest poll by Zavecz Research, Fidesz leads with 39% support against 36% for the opposition, while one-fifth of&nbsp;voters have yet to decide who to back.

The leader of the opposition, 49-year-old conservative Peter Marki-Zay, has framed the election as a choice between East and West. Orban has turned Hungary towards Russia, he says, eroding democratic rights and directing the Central European country away from the European Union where it belongs.

"A Hungarian Putin or Europe?", opposition billboards say, showing a photo of Putin together with Orban.

Orban, 58, has portrayed himself as a defender of Hungarian interests by rejecting EU sanctions on Russian oil and gas.

Watch |&nbsp;Hungary’s Orban tries to shed his Putin links ahead of Elections

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/hungarys-orban-tries-to-shed-his-putin-links-ahead-of-elections-463252/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

He has not vetoed any EU sanctions against Russia, even though he said he did not agree with them. His government has also allowed NATO troops to be deployed in Hungary, where public support for NATO membership stood at 80% in a 2021 GLOBSEC survey.

He supported an EU decision to send arms to&nbsp;Ukraine&nbsp;but has banned weapons shipments from Hungarian territory, saying such a move could pose a security risk.

His tactical gambit has helped cement his support among core Fidesz&nbsp;voters. But it has led to criticism from some allies including Poland, whose ruling party leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski said he was not pleased with&nbsp;Orban's&nbsp;cautious stance on Russia.

Polls close at 1700 GMT.

Surging prices

Despite the&nbsp;Ukraine&nbsp;war&nbsp;taking centre-stage, many&nbsp;Hungarians&nbsp;are troubled by surging consumer prices, with inflation at an almost 15-year&nbsp;high of 8.3% in February even as Orban imposed caps on retail fuel prices, basic foodstuffs and mortgage rates.

Think tank GKI said its consumer confidence survey showed an 11-point plunge in March even after&nbsp;Orban's&nbsp;pre-election spending spree to support households.

The opposition alliance, which includes the leftist Democratic Coalition, the liberal Momentum and far-right-turned-moderate Jobbik parties, has tapped popular discontent, criticising what they said was systemic corruption that has enriched oligarchs close to Fidesz.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/hungarian-far-right-pm-invites-donald-trump-hoping-for-a-positive-boost-in-upcoming-elections-452462">Hungarian far-right PM invites Donald Trump hoping for a positive boost in upcoming elections</a>

"I cannot stand that they have dismantled democracy and ... they have stolen our country from us, they have stolen the wealth of our country and channelled it into private ownership," said Annamaria Varnai, an opposition supporter in Budapest where the alliance looks likely to score a sweeping victory based on a poll by Median this week.

After&nbsp;years of clashes with Brussels over media freedoms, the&nbsp;rule&nbsp;of law and immigration, a part of&nbsp;Orban's&nbsp;current campaign is based on defending conservative Christian family values against what he calls "gender madness" in Western Europe.

On Sunday,&nbsp;Hungarians&nbsp;will also&nbsp;vote&nbsp;in a referendum on sexual orientation workshops in schools - a&nbsp;vote&nbsp;rights groups have condemned, saying it fuels prejudice against LGBTQ people.

The odds are slightly in favour of Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban, one of Europe's longest-serving leaders, extending his 12-year rule in an election on Sunday, helped by his government's firm control over state media.

The odds are slightly in favour of Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban, one of Europe's longest-serving leaders, extending his 12-year rule in an election on Sunday, helped by his government's firm control over state media. Hungarians started voting at 0400 GMT with the war in neighbouring Ukraine dominating the campaign. The six-party opposition alliance is within striking distance of Orban's Fidesz party in the polls, making the outcome of the ballot uncertain for the first time since Orban swept to power in 2010. Casting his vote in snowy Budapest, Orban told reporters he expected a "great victory" and portrayed the ballot as a choice between "peace or war", accusing his opponents again of trying to drag Hungary into the Ukraine conflict, a charge they deny. Also read | Russia-Ukraine Crisis:Hungary PM Orban calls sanctions 'double-edged weapon' When asked repeatedly about his close ties with Moscow and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Orban said: "I am standing on the basis of the Hungarian national interests, I am pro-Hungarian." The war in Ukraine has upset Orban's plans and forced him into uncomfortable manoeuvring at home after more than a decade of close political and business relations with Moscow. According to the latest poll by Zavecz Research, Fidesz leads with 39% support against 36% for the opposition, while one-fifth of voters have yet to decide who to back. The leader of the opposition, 49-year-old conservative Peter Marki-Zay, has framed the election as a choice between East and West. Orban has turned Hungary towards Russia, he says, eroding democratic rights and directing the Central European country away from the European Union where it belongs. "A Hungarian Putin or Europe?", opposition billboards say, showing a photo of Putin together with Orban. Orban, 58, has portrayed himself as a defender of Hungarian interests by rejecting EU sanctions on Russian oil and gas. Watch | Hungary’s Orban tries to shed his Putin links ahead of Elections He has not vetoed any EU sanctions against Russia, even though he said he did not agree with them. His government has also allowed NATO troops to be deployed in Hungary, where public support for NATO membership stood at 80% in a 2021 GLOBSEC survey. He supported an EU decision to send arms to Ukraine but has banned weapons shipments from Hungarian territory, saying such a move could pose a security risk. His tactical gambit has helped cement his support among core Fidesz voters. But it has led to criticism from some allies including Poland, whose ruling party leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski said he was not pleased with Orban's cautious stance on Russia. Polls close at 1700 GMT. Surging prices Despite the Ukraine war taking centre-stage, many Hungarians are troubled by surging consumer prices, with inflation at an almost 15-year high of 8.3% in February even as Orban imposed caps on retail fuel prices, basic foodstuffs and mortgage rates. Think tank GKI said its consumer confidence survey showed an 11-point plunge in March even after Orban's pre-election spending spree to support households. The opposition alliance, which includes the leftist Democratic Coalition, the liberal Momentum and far-right-turned-moderate Jobbik parties, has tapped popular discontent, criticising what they said was systemic corruption that has enriched oligarchs close to Fidesz. Also read | Hungarian far-right PM invites Donald Trump hoping for a positive boost in upcoming elections "I cannot stand that they have dismantled democracy and ... they have stolen our country from us, they have stolen the wealth of our country and channelled it into private ownership," said Annamaria Varnai, an opposition supporter in Budapest where the alliance looks likely to score a sweeping victory based on a poll by Median this week. After years of clashes with Brussels over media freedoms, the rule of law and immigration, a part of Orban's current campaign is based on defending conservative Christian family values against what he calls "gender madness" in Western Europe. On Sunday, Hungarians will also vote in a referendum on sexual orientation workshops in schools - a vote rights groups have condemned, saying it fuels prejudice against LGBTQ people.

Hungarians vote on Orban's 12-year rule in tight ballot overshadowed by Ukraine war

From control over media to curbs on academic freedom: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's policies

Hungary&nbsp;has supported European Union&nbsp;sanctions&nbsp;against Russia but its own economy will be also inevitably impacted by them, Prime Minister Viktor&nbsp;Orban&nbsp;told state radio on Friday.

Orban&nbsp;said the first hit to the Hungarian economy was the Sberbank's shutting down its European operations earlier this week, where many clients including companies lost their money.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/ukraine-russia-conflict-here-are-the-top-russian-oligarchs-hit-with-eu-sanctions-458882">Ukraine-Russia conflict: Here are the top Russian oligarchs hit with EU sanction</a>

"Sanctions&nbsp;have a price as it is a double-edged&nbsp;weapon, and we will pay this price in the short term,"&nbsp;Orban&nbsp;said in an interview, adding the government had to work to mitigate the direct damage from the measures against Russia.

"This is only the beginning of this crisis," he added.&nbsp;Orban&nbsp;faces parliamentary elections on April 3 where he will seek a fourth consecutive term.

The National Bank of&nbsp;Hungary&nbsp;withdrew the license of Sberbank's unit after the European Central Bank ordered the closure of its European parent. Client deposits worth up to 100,000 euros will be refunded by the National Deposit Insurance Fund.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russian-forces-seize-zaporizhzhia-nuclear-plant-as-ukrainians-put-out-fire-458825">Russian forces seize Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant as Ukrainians put out fire</a>

Orban&nbsp;also said surging energy prices across Europe would fuel additional inflation pressures that the central bank and the government would have to handle.

He said about 70%-80% of around 140,000 people who fled Ukraine and arrived in&nbsp;Hungary&nbsp;went on to other countries, but there were many who stay - and for whom&nbsp;Hungary&nbsp;would want to offer jobs.

"We have started talks with employers ... so that those who stay would get work,"&nbsp;Orban&nbsp;said.

Watch |&nbsp;Gravitas: Ukraine invasion: Has Russia lost China's support?

He said&nbsp;Hungary&nbsp;could offer accommodation and pay costs of refugees for three months - a benefit job seekers in&nbsp;Hungary&nbsp;get - but then they would have to take a job and somehow settle into Hungarians' lives.

The Hungarian economy, like its peers in Central Europe, has been struggling with a labour shortage and tens of thousands of Ukrainians had been working in&nbsp;Hungary&nbsp;already prior to the Russian invasion.

Hungary has supported European Union sanctions against Russia but its own economy will be also inevitably impacted by them, Prime Minister Viktor Orban told state radio on Friday.

Hungary has supported European Union sanctions against Russia but its own economy will be also inevitably impacted by them, Prime Minister Viktor Orban told state radio on Friday. Orban said the first hit to the Hungarian economy was the Sberbank's shutting down its European operations earlier this week, where many clients including companies lost their money. Also read | Ukraine-Russia conflict: Here are the top Russian oligarchs hit with EU sanction "Sanctions have a price as it is a double-edged weapon, and we will pay this price in the short term," Orban said in an interview, adding the government had to work to mitigate the direct damage from the measures against Russia. "This is only the beginning of this crisis," he added. Orban faces parliamentary elections on April 3 where he will seek a fourth consecutive term. The National Bank of Hungary withdrew the license of Sberbank's unit after the European Central Bank ordered the closure of its European parent. Client deposits worth up to 100,000 euros will be refunded by the National Deposit Insurance Fund. Also read | Russian forces seize Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant as Ukrainians put out fire Orban also said surging energy prices across Europe would fuel additional inflation pressures that the central bank and the government would have to handle. He said about 70%-80% of around 140,000 people who fled Ukraine and arrived in Hungary went on to other countries, but there were many who stay - and for whom Hungary would want to offer jobs. "We have started talks with employers ... so that those who stay would get work," Orban said. Watch | Gravitas: Ukraine invasion: Has Russia lost China's support? He said Hungary could offer accommodation and pay costs of refugees for three months - a benefit job seekers in Hungary get - but then they would have to take a job and somehow settle into Hungarians' lives. The Hungarian economy, like its peers in Central Europe, has been struggling with a labour shortage and tens of thousands of Ukrainians had been working in Hungary already prior to the Russian invasion.

Russia-Ukraine Crisis:Hungary PM Orban calls sanctions 'double-edged weapon'

Prime Minister Viktor Orban kicked off the official re-election period in Hungary. Orban, in his annual state of the nation speech, accused his opponents of planning a return to economic mismanagement.

Hungary’s PM Orban kicks off re-election campaign, delivers state of nation speech

A think tank linked to the Hungarian government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has invited Donald Trump to visit Hungary.

This Center for Fundamental Rights' invitation comes as Orbán prepares for a closely fought election due on 3 April. In what is expected to be the biggest challenge to his rule since he was elected prime minister twelve years ago, Orbán Fidesz party faces a united opposition coalition.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-endorses-hungarys-far-right-prime-minister-442078">Trump endorses Hungary’s far-right Prime Minister</a>

The Guardian reports that the far-right Hungarian prime minister hopes Trump's visit to Budapest in the coming weeks will help him in his reelection campaign.

Trump has not yet responded to the invitation, however, if he agrees, the visit would be his first abroad since he lost the 2020 presidential election.

Having the former US president visit in person would be considered a significant campaign boost.

Orbán was an early supporter of Trump, endorsing him as early as summer 2016, and he has publically backed him in the 2020 elections. Donald Trump endorsed Orbán publicly for the April election after speaking with him by telephone in January.&nbsp;

“These visits have a huge influence in the Hungarian conservative community, because they see [Trump] as an icon, as someone who spent his presidency in a strong headwind,” said a source close to Fidesz.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-national-archives-requests-a-legal-investigation-into-donald-trump-report-451909">US National Archives requests a legal investigation into Donald Trump: Report</a>

An ex-Republican staffer claims that Trump is known to be fear contracting Covid while travelling abroad and may prefer to stay at home.

The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is being held in Budapest, Hungary, from 25-26 March, and it's likely that Trump has been invited for that. A European country will host the flagship conservative event for the first time.

A number of US senators will attend the conference, as will Santiago Abascal, the leader of the Vox party of Spain, and Eduardo Bolsonaro, Jair Bolsonaro's son, according to Miklos Szanthó, the director of the Center for Fundamental Rights.

Hungarian government sources say Fidesz hopes Trump will join Orbán as the keynote speaker for the event.

Watch |&nbsp;Orban tightens grip over Hungary, introduces policies hostile to LGBTQ people

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/orban-tightens-grip-over-hungary-introduces-policies-hostile-to-lgbtq-people-411657/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

During a meeting at the White House in 2019, Trump told Orbán that the two men were similar: "You're respected all over Europe. Probably a bit like me, a little bit controversial, but that’s OK”.

According to David Cornstein, a long-term friend of Trump who served as ambassador to Hungary, Trump admired Orbán for his strongman image and his control of the Hungarian political scene. Cornstein commented in 2019 that Trump would love to be in the position Viktor Orbán enjoys.

Orbán's relationship with Washington soured after Trump left office. Relations with the Trump camp, however, have remained positive. In the recent Democracy Summit hosted by Joe Biden, Hungary was the only EU member that was not invited.

A think tank linked to the Hungarian government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has invited Donald Trump to visit Hungary. This Center for Fundamental Rights' invitation comes as Orbán prepares for a closely fought election due on 3 April.

A think tank linked to the Hungarian government of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has invited Donald Trump to visit Hungary. This Center for Fundamental Rights' invitation comes as Orbán prepares for a closely fought election due on 3 April. In what is expected to be the biggest challenge to his rule since he was elected prime minister twelve years ago, Orbán Fidesz party faces a united opposition coalition. Also read | Trump endorses Hungary’s far-right Prime Minister The Guardian reports that the far-right Hungarian prime minister hopes Trump's visit to Budapest in the coming weeks will help him in his reelection campaign. Trump has not yet responded to the invitation, however, if he agrees, the visit would be his first abroad since he lost the 2020 presidential election. Having the former US president visit in person would be considered a significant campaign boost. Orbán was an early supporter of Trump, endorsing him as early as summer 2016, and he has publically backed him in the 2020 elections. Donald Trump endorsed Orbán publicly for the April election after speaking with him by telephone in January. “These visits have a huge influence in the Hungarian conservative community, because they see [Trump] as an icon, as someone who spent his presidency in a strong headwind,” said a source close to Fidesz. Also read | US National Archives requests a legal investigation into Donald Trump: Report An ex-Republican staffer claims that Trump is known to be fear contracting Covid while travelling abroad and may prefer to stay at home. The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) is being held in Budapest, Hungary, from 25-26 March, and it's likely that Trump has been invited for that. A European country will host the flagship conservative event for the first time. A number of US senators will attend the conference, as will Santiago Abascal, the leader of the Vox party of Spain, and Eduardo Bolsonaro, Jair Bolsonaro's son, according to Miklos Szanthó, the director of the Center for Fundamental Rights. Hungarian government sources say Fidesz hopes Trump will join Orbán as the keynote speaker for the event. Watch | Orban tightens grip over Hungary, introduces policies hostile to LGBTQ people During a meeting at the White House in 2019, Trump told Orbán that the two men were similar: "You're respected all over Europe. Probably a bit like me, a little bit controversial, but that’s OK”. According to David Cornstein, a long-term friend of Trump who served as ambassador to Hungary, Trump admired Orbán for his strongman image and his control of the Hungarian political scene. Cornstein commented in 2019 that Trump would love to be in the position Viktor Orbán enjoys. Orbán's relationship with Washington soured after Trump left office. Relations with the Trump camp, however, have remained positive. In the recent Democracy Summit hosted by Joe Biden, Hungary was the only EU member that was not invited.

Hungarian far-right PM invites Donald Trump hoping for a positive boost in upcoming elections

Former President Donald Trump endorsed Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, on Monday, formally pledging his “complete support” to a far-right foreign leader who has touted turning Hungary into an “illiberal democracy.”

Orban and his party have steadily consolidated power in Hungary by weakening the country’s independent and democratic institutions — rewriting election laws to favor his Fidesz party, changing school textbooks, curbing press freedoms, overhauling the country’s Constitution and changing the composition of the judiciary.

The actions have caused consternation in the European Union, to which Hungary belongs, but also made Orban something of a cause célèbre in conservative American political circles, following years of an aggressive influence operation in the United States.

Last fall, Tucker Carlson, the top-rated Fox News host, broadcast from Budapest for a week, calling the nation a place “with a lot of lessons for the rest of us.” Former Vice President Mike Pence visited Hungary last year for a conference on conservative values. And the American Conservative Union has been promoting plans for a gathering there dubbed #CPACHungary later this year.

Orban was an early supporter of Trump, endorsing him in the summer of 2016. After he won, Trump granted Orban a meeting in the Oval Office in 2019. The Hungarian leader had been denied such an audience since 1998.

After that meeting, Trump said Orban was “probably, like me, a little bit controversial, but that’s OK.”

Orban again publicly backed Trump in 2020. Now, Trump is doing the same ahead of the Hungarian elections, scheduled for this spring.

In his endorsement Monday, Trump hailed Orban as a “strong leader” who has “done a powerful and wonderful job in protecting Hungary, stopping illegal immigration, creating jobs, trade, and should be allowed to continue to do so in the upcoming election.”

It is Trump’s second endorsement of a foreign leader since leaving the White House. He endorsed Jair Bolsonaro, the president of Brazil, last year.

Former President Donald Trump endorsed Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, on Monday, formally pledging his “complete support” to a far-right foreign leader who has touted turning Hungary into an “illiberal democracy.

Former President Donald Trump endorsed Hungary’s prime minister, Viktor Orban, on Monday, formally pledging his “complete support” to a far-right foreign leader who has touted turning Hungary into an “illiberal democracy.” Orban and his party have steadily consolidated power in Hungary by weakening the country’s independent and democratic institutions — rewriting election laws to favor his Fidesz party, changing school textbooks, curbing press freedoms, overhauling the country’s Constitution and changing the composition of the judiciary. The actions have caused consternation in the European Union, to which Hungary belongs, but also made Orban something of a cause célèbre in conservative American political circles, following years of an aggressive influence operation in the United States. Last fall, Tucker Carlson, the top-rated Fox News host, broadcast from Budapest for a week, calling the nation a place “with a lot of lessons for the rest of us.” Former Vice President Mike Pence visited Hungary last year for a conference on conservative values. And the American Conservative Union has been promoting plans for a gathering there dubbed #CPACHungary later this year. Orban was an early supporter of Trump, endorsing him in the summer of 2016. After he won, Trump granted Orban a meeting in the Oval Office in 2019. The Hungarian leader had been denied such an audience since 1998. After that meeting, Trump said Orban was “probably, like me, a little bit controversial, but that’s OK.” Orban again publicly backed Trump in 2020. Now, Trump is doing the same ahead of the Hungarian elections, scheduled for this spring. In his endorsement Monday, Trump hailed Orban as a “strong leader” who has “done a powerful and wonderful job in protecting Hungary, stopping illegal immigration, creating jobs, trade, and should be allowed to continue to do so in the upcoming election.” It is Trump’s second endorsement of a foreign leader since leaving the White House. He endorsed Jair Bolsonaro, the president of Brazil, last year.

Trump endorses Hungary’s far-right Prime Minister

After long indulging him, leaders in the European Union now widely consider one of their own, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, an existential threat to a bloc that holds itself up as a model of human rights and the rule of law.

Orban has spent the past decade steadily building his “illiberal state,” as he proudly calls Hungary, with the help of lavish EU funding. Even as his project widened fissures in the bloc, his fellow national leaders mostly looked the other way, committed to staying out of one another’s affairs.

But now Orban’s defiance and intransigence has had an important, if unintended, effect: serving as a catalyst for an often-sluggish EU system to act to safeguard the democratic principles that are the foundation of the bloc.

Early this year, the European Court of Justice will issue a landmark decision on whether the union has the authority to make its funds to member states conditional on meeting the bloc’s core values. Doing so would allow Brussels to deny billions of euros to countries that violate those values.

The bloc has consistently worked on political consensus among national leaders. But Orban has pushed Brussels toward a threshold it had long avoided: making membership subject to financial punishments, not merely political ones.

The new frontier could help solve an old problem — what to do about bad actors in its ranks — while creating new ones. Not least, it could invite the European Commission, the bloc’s executive branch, to exercise a new level of interference in the affairs of member states.

How Orban has forced the EU to such a juncture, and why it seemed helpless to stop him for so long, says much about the bloc’s founding assumptions and why it has stumbled in the face of populist and nationalist challenges.

Interviews with more than a dozen current and former European officials show how sentiments toward Orban and his illiberal project evolved from complacency and incomprehension to a recognition that he had become a serious internal threat — despite Hungary’s having fewer people than Paris and a language so esoteric that it bears no relationship to those of its neighbors.

The willful neglect was encapsulated neatly in 2015 at a meeting, when Jean-Claude Juncker, then the European Commission’s president, saw Orban arriving and said, “The dictator is coming,” before greeting him with “dictator,” and giving him a friendly pat on the face.

No one in power wanted to confront Orban over issues like rule of law and corruption — especially not his fellow national leaders, who each have a seat on the powerful European Council.

“At the council myself I felt the reluctance of Orban’s peers to deal with these kind of issues,” said Luuk van Middelaar, an aide to Herman Van Rompuy when he was council president. He added that the council was “like a club, where Viktor is just one of them — and they are political animals, and they respect each other for the simple fact of having won an election.”

The leaders “prefer not to deal with hot potatoes or each other’s business when they can avoid it,” van Middelaar said.

Orban faces new elections this spring against a formally united but extremely diverse set of opposition parties. But he has become a model for the politics of identity and religion, not just in Poland but in the United States, as well.

On Monday, former President Donald Trump endorsed Orban for reelection, pledging “complete support.” Orban was an early supporter of Trump, endorsing him in the summer of 2016 and again in 2020. Orban said Trump was “probably, like me, a little bit controversial, but that’s OK.”

Some European lawmakers recognized early on that Orban was trampling on democratic norms but were stymied by national leaders, particularly those from the European People’s Party, the powerful center-right political grouping that has dominated the European Parliament for the past decade.

Among those conservatives who protected Orban was Angela Merkel, the chancellor of Germany at the time. German companies had major investments in Hungary, and Merkel saw the Hungarian leader as a political ally in Brussels. One prominent member of the European People’s Party said Merkel and her aides brushed off complaints about Orban, saying that he could be difficult, but that it was important to keep him in the family.

“The biggest failing — the one that we are still paying the price for today — is the European Council,” said Rui Tavares, a former European legislator who helped write a report on Hungary’s violations adopted in 2013. “The European Council did nothing.”

When Orban proposed — and later introduced — a new constitution that violated European principles, Didier Reynders, then Belgium’s minister of foreign and European affairs, said he tried to raise the problem in a meeting with EU leaders in 2011 but was shut down.

“The reaction was that this is not an issue for the member states,” said Reynders, who is now the EU commissioner for justice, adding that “maybe the commission, maybe the court” should deal with it.

“But now it’s a permanent discussion,” he said.

Ivan Krastev, a Bulgarian analyst of Europe, said Orban was careful for several years after his election in 2010 “not to cross Brussels’ red lines but to dance along them in what he called ‘the peacock dance.’”

Krastev said many European leaders assumed that the nations that joined the bloc in 2004 would be grateful, relatively compliant partners and miscalculated how “countries like Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic felt later that you have to assert your own identity and reject Brussels to differing degrees.”

Orban’s party adopted the new constitution and a new media law that curbed press freedom. It overhauled the country’s justice system, removed the head of its Supreme Court and created an office to oversee the courts led by the wife of a prominent member of the governing party, Fidesz. Election laws were changed to favor the party.

External factors strengthened Orban as well, including in 2015 when a record number of migrants made their way to Europe and when the right-wing Law and Justice party of Jaroslaw Kaczynski came to power in Poland. He suddenly had an ally there, and his tough stance against migrants won him support elsewhere, too.

“What liberated Orban was 2015 and the migration crisis,” said Mark Leonard, the director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “He was suddenly standing for more than Hungary but for wider issues of migration, with support in Germany and Austria and the other Central European states, and that gave him power.”

A sharper inflection point came in May 2018 at a meeting between Orban and the leaders of the European People’s Party: Joseph Daul, the party president, and Manfred Weber, the German Christian Democrat who ran Parliament.

They warned him that his party risked being expelled from the parliamentary grouping. Fresh from another electoral victory the month before, Orban “felt he was on steroids” and struck back, according to an official who was immediately briefed about the meeting.

“If you try to kick me out, I’ll destroy you,” Orban said, according to the official.

It would take 10 months before Fidesz would be suspended. Two years after that, in March, Orban quit the conservative alliance when it became clear that it was going to oust his party.

Weber still regrets the loss of Fidesz. “On one level, it is a relief,” he said. “But Orban leaving is not a victory, but a defeat” in the effort to hold the center-right together as “a broad people’s party.”

It has helped Orban that the EU has few and ineffective instruments for punishing a backsliding nation. Even the Lisbon Treaty, which gave enhanced powers to the European Parliament, has essentially one unusable tool: Article 7, which can remove a country’s voting rights, but only if passed by unanimity.

In 2017, Frans Timmermans, then the European Commission first vice president responsible for the rule of law, initiated the article against Poland. The European Parliament did the same against Hungary in 2018.

But both measures inevitably stalled because the two countries protect each other.

The treaty also allows the commission to bring infringement procedures — legal charges — against member states for violating EU law. But the process is slow, involving letters and responses and appeals, and final decisions are up to the European Court of Justice. Most cases are settled before reaching the court.

But according to studies by R. Daniel Kelemen of Rutgers University and Tommaso Pavone of the University of Oslo, the commission sharply reduced infringement cases after the addition of new member states in 2004. José Manuel Barroso, a former commission president, “bought into this to work more cooperatively with governments and not just sue them,” Kelemen said. Barroso declined to comment.

Attitudes have shifted. With taxpayer money at stake, the next seven-year budget in the balance and the disregard for shared values shown by Orban and Kaczynski on leaders’ minds, Brussels may have finally found a useful tool to affect domestic politics, with a mix of lawsuits charging infringement of European treaties combined with severe financial consequences.

A marker has finally been laid down, Reynders said.

The big moment comes this month, when the European Court of Justice issues its ruling.

If Hungary and Poland lose the case, as expected, it is unclear what will happen if both countries simply refuse to comply. The EU will be thrust deeper into unknown territory.

After long indulging him, leaders in the European Union now widely consider one of their own, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, an existential threat to a bloc that holds itself up as a model of human rights and the rule of law.

After long indulging him, leaders in the European Union now widely consider one of their own, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary, an existential threat to a bloc that holds itself up as a model of human rights and the rule of law. Orban has spent the past decade steadily building his “illiberal state,” as he proudly calls Hungary, with the help of lavish EU funding. Even as his project widened fissures in the bloc, his fellow national leaders mostly looked the other way, committed to staying out of one another’s affairs. But now Orban’s defiance and intransigence has had an important, if unintended, effect: serving as a catalyst for an often-sluggish EU system to act to safeguard the democratic principles that are the foundation of the bloc. Early this year, the European Court of Justice will issue a landmark decision on whether the union has the authority to make its funds to member states conditional on meeting the bloc’s core values. Doing so would allow Brussels to deny billions of euros to countries that violate those values. The bloc has consistently worked on political consensus among national leaders. But Orban has pushed Brussels toward a threshold it had long avoided: making membership subject to financial punishments, not merely political ones. The new frontier could help solve an old problem — what to do about bad actors in its ranks — while creating new ones. Not least, it could invite the European Commission, the bloc’s executive branch, to exercise a new level of interference in the affairs of member states. How Orban has forced the EU to such a juncture, and why it seemed helpless to stop him for so long, says much about the bloc’s founding assumptions and why it has stumbled in the face of populist and nationalist challenges. Interviews with more than a dozen current and former European officials show how sentiments toward Orban and his illiberal project evolved from complacency and incomprehension to a recognition that he had become a serious internal threat — despite Hungary’s having fewer people than Paris and a language so esoteric that it bears no relationship to those of its neighbors. The willful neglect was encapsulated neatly in 2015 at a meeting, when Jean-Claude Juncker, then the European Commission’s president, saw Orban arriving and said, “The dictator is coming,” before greeting him with “dictator,” and giving him a friendly pat on the face. No one in power wanted to confront Orban over issues like rule of law and corruption — especially not his fellow national leaders, who each have a seat on the powerful European Council. “At the council myself I felt the reluctance of Orban’s peers to deal with these kind of issues,” said Luuk van Middelaar, an aide to Herman Van Rompuy when he was council president. He added that the council was “like a club, where Viktor is just one of them — and they are political animals, and they respect each other for the simple fact of having won an election.” The leaders “prefer not to deal with hot potatoes or each other’s business when they can avoid it,” van Middelaar said. Orban faces new elections this spring against a formally united but extremely diverse set of opposition parties. But he has become a model for the politics of identity and religion, not just in Poland but in the United States, as well. On Monday, former President Donald Trump endorsed Orban for reelection, pledging “complete support.” Orban was an early supporter of Trump, endorsing him in the summer of 2016 and again in 2020. Orban said Trump was “probably, like me, a little bit controversial, but that’s OK.” Some European lawmakers recognized early on that Orban was trampling on democratic norms but were stymied by national leaders, particularly those from the European People’s Party, the powerful center-right political grouping that has dominated the European Parliament for the past decade. Among those conservatives who protected Orban was Angela Merkel, the chancellor of Germany at the time. German companies had major investments in Hungary, and Merkel saw the Hungarian leader as a political ally in Brussels. One prominent member of the European People’s Party said Merkel and her aides brushed off complaints about Orban, saying that he could be difficult, but that it was important to keep him in the family. “The biggest failing — the one that we are still paying the price for today — is the European Council,” said Rui Tavares, a former European legislator who helped write a report on Hungary’s violations adopted in 2013. “The European Council did nothing.” When Orban proposed — and later introduced — a new constitution that violated European principles, Didier Reynders, then Belgium’s minister of foreign and European affairs, said he tried to raise the problem in a meeting with EU leaders in 2011 but was shut down. “The reaction was that this is not an issue for the member states,” said Reynders, who is now the EU commissioner for justice, adding that “maybe the commission, maybe the court” should deal with it. “But now it’s a permanent discussion,” he said. Ivan Krastev, a Bulgarian analyst of Europe, said Orban was careful for several years after his election in 2010 “not to cross Brussels’ red lines but to dance along them in what he called ‘the peacock dance.’” Krastev said many European leaders assumed that the nations that joined the bloc in 2004 would be grateful, relatively compliant partners and miscalculated how “countries like Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic felt later that you have to assert your own identity and reject Brussels to differing degrees.” Orban’s party adopted the new constitution and a new media law that curbed press freedom. It overhauled the country’s justice system, removed the head of its Supreme Court and created an office to oversee the courts led by the wife of a prominent member of the governing party, Fidesz. Election laws were changed to favor the party. External factors strengthened Orban as well, including in 2015 when a record number of migrants made their way to Europe and when the right-wing Law and Justice party of Jaroslaw Kaczynski came to power in Poland. He suddenly had an ally there, and his tough stance against migrants won him support elsewhere, too. “What liberated Orban was 2015 and the migration crisis,” said Mark Leonard, the director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “He was suddenly standing for more than Hungary but for wider issues of migration, with support in Germany and Austria and the other Central European states, and that gave him power.” A sharper inflection point came in May 2018 at a meeting between Orban and the leaders of the European People’s Party: Joseph Daul, the party president, and Manfred Weber, the German Christian Democrat who ran Parliament. They warned him that his party risked being expelled from the parliamentary grouping. Fresh from another electoral victory the month before, Orban “felt he was on steroids” and struck back, according to an official who was immediately briefed about the meeting. “If you try to kick me out, I’ll destroy you,” Orban said, according to the official. It would take 10 months before Fidesz would be suspended. Two years after that, in March, Orban quit the conservative alliance when it became clear that it was going to oust his party. Weber still regrets the loss of Fidesz. “On one level, it is a relief,” he said. “But Orban leaving is not a victory, but a defeat” in the effort to hold the center-right together as “a broad people’s party.” It has helped Orban that the EU has few and ineffective instruments for punishing a backsliding nation. Even the Lisbon Treaty, which gave enhanced powers to the European Parliament, has essentially one unusable tool: Article 7, which can remove a country’s voting rights, but only if passed by unanimity. In 2017, Frans Timmermans, then the European Commission first vice president responsible for the rule of law, initiated the article against Poland. The European Parliament did the same against Hungary in 2018. But both measures inevitably stalled because the two countries protect each other. The treaty also allows the commission to bring infringement procedures — legal charges — against member states for violating EU law. But the process is slow, involving letters and responses and appeals, and final decisions are up to the European Court of Justice. Most cases are settled before reaching the court. But according to studies by R. Daniel Kelemen of Rutgers University and Tommaso Pavone of the University of Oslo, the commission sharply reduced infringement cases after the addition of new member states in 2004. José Manuel Barroso, a former commission president, “bought into this to work more cooperatively with governments and not just sue them,” Kelemen said. Barroso declined to comment. Attitudes have shifted. With taxpayer money at stake, the next seven-year budget in the balance and the disregard for shared values shown by Orban and Kaczynski on leaders’ minds, Brussels may have finally found a useful tool to affect domestic politics, with a mix of lawsuits charging infringement of European treaties combined with severe financial consequences. A marker has finally been laid down, Reynders said. The big moment comes this month, when the European Court of Justice issues its ruling. If Hungary and Poland lose the case, as expected, it is unclear what will happen if both countries simply refuse to comply. The EU will be thrust deeper into unknown territory.

How the EU allowed Hungary to become an illiberal model

To all those who would pose a challenge to Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil’s coming presidential election, including the press, the Supreme Court and liberals, the embattled right-wing leader has an answer: “Only God removes me.”

But Bolsonaro might be unseated by an unexpected problem that his political playbook has no easy answer for: inflation.

Prices are climbing faster than they have in almost two decades in Brazil, a country with a relatively recent history of disastrous inflationary episodes. The currency has steadily declined in value, losing roughly 10% against the dollar in the last six months alone. And the economy, Latin America’s largest, slipped back into recession in the third quarter.

That has upset people like Lucia Regina da Silva. A 65-year-old retired nursing assistant and former Bolsonaro supporter, she has watched over the last year as surging prices have eroded the purchasing power of her modest monthly pension.

“I believed this government would improve our lives,” said da Silva on a recent morning as she pushed a mostly empty shopping cart — a few vegetables and some personal products were all she could afford — through the aisles of Campeão, a cheap supermarket chain in Rio de Janeiro. “But that was flawed.”

Bolsonaro is among a generation of right-wing populists who, in the past decade and a half, have risen to power in democracies like Turkey, Brazil and Hungary, and whose reigns have coincided, at least at first, with periods of solid economic performance in those countries. They have remained in power by stoking nationalist passions and driving deep wedges into the electorate with hot-button cultural issues. Along the way, they have co-opted the news media and cowed opponents.

Now these strongmen — including Bolsonaro, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey — are grappling with rising prices, even as they face national elections within the next two years. A new and unexpected peril, inflation is threatening to organize and animate political opposition in the countries of these three leaders in a way few would have predicted just a few months ago.

In Hungary, where consumer prices are rising at their fastest pace since 2007, polls suggest that Orban will face his toughest election ever next year, as the cost of living and low wages become top concerns for voters.

Voters in the nearby Czech Republic — which has faced rising inflation and soaring energy costs — just ousted Andrej Babis, the country’s billionaire right-wing populist prime minister, by a narrow margin.

Bolsonaro’s standing, already damaged by his administration’s management of the COVID crisis, has tumbled, with polls showing him badly trailing his likely 2022 opponent, former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

In anticipation, Bolsonaro has begun laying the groundwork to dispute the results of next year’s vote, which the polls suggest he would lose badly if it were held today. “I want to tell those who want to make me unelectable in Brazil, only God removes me,” he told a cheering crowd in São Paulo in September.

But da Silva has already incorporated the economic crisis into his recent campaign. “The Bolsonaro government is responsible for inflation,” he said in an interview. “Inflation is out of control.”

The situation is most dire in Turkey, where the unorthodox economic policies of Erdogan have set off a full-on currency crisis. The value of the lira has collapsed roughly 45% this year. And prices are now rising at an official rate of more than 20% annually, with some unofficial estimates even higher.

Countries with right-wing populist leaders are not the only ones reeling from inflation. In the United States, prices are rising at their fastest rate since 1982. And left-leaning populists, such as those in power in Argentina, are also contending with fierce inflationary currents, which have put them on the defensive.

The upsurge represents a sudden break from the trend of sluggish growth and tepid inflation that dominated the global economy for roughly a dozen years before the pandemic hit. That low-growth backdrop allowed powerful central banks in the United States, the European Union and Britain to keep interest rates low. And those decisions had large implications for poorer countries around the world.

That is because the low-rate policies made by central banks such as the Federal Reserve reduce the returns investors in wealthy nations can make by buying safe government bonds in their home countries, pushing them into riskier investments in emerging markets that promise higher returns.

Economists say that flow of money toward developing nations might have been an underappreciated element of the success right-wing populist leaders have enjoyed in recent years, as it provided a steadily favorable economic tail wind that coincided with their time in power.

Turkey, which suffered a sharp recession in 2009, was able to rebound relatively quickly thanks to a surge of borrowing from foreign investors that supercharged growth. Bolsonaro’s election in 2018 coincided with a fresh push to lower interest rates from the Federal Reserve, which prompted U.S. investors to buy more emerging market debt and helped prop up the real.

“Since the global financial recession, the global macroeconomic environment was a godsend to authoritarians,” said Daron Acemoglu, a professor of economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who has studied the deterioration of democracies. “Essentially, with very low interest rates, it made many countries that had either weak democracies or semi-authoritarianism, or sometimes fully fledged authoritarianism, still attractive to foreign capital.”

But as the global economy began to heal from the pandemic this year, a combination of supply chain disruptions, central bank money-printing and government spending aimed at juicing the recovery ignited a sharp rise in prices around the world. That prompted leaders in many developing countries to tweak their policies — and global investors to rethink their investments in those markets.

Claudia Calich, head of emerging market debt at M&amp;G Investments in London, has invested in Turkish government bonds, denominated in lira, for years. But, Calich said, the increasing public pressure that Erdogan was putting on the country’s central bank to cut interest rates this year led the fund to sell its entire position.

“As soon as we started seeing the changes this year going in the wrong direction, namely for further rate reductions, then we started getting worried about the currency,” Calich said. “That has been, so far, the wrong policy response. And yeah, we’ve been very happy to have exited that position.”

There are few politically palatable options for emerging market countries dealing with an inflationary upsurge and weakening currencies. But for a number of reasons, the inflationary rise is especially tricky political terrain for populists like Orban, Erdogan and Bolsonaro, who all face elections in 2022 or 2023.

Their personalized approach to politics — and the fact that they have all been in office for years — makes it difficult for them to sidestep blame for the condition of the economy. At the same time, their brand of populism, which emphasizes nationalist rivalries and has been effective in the past, can seem out of touch to citizens whose standards of living are swiftly plummeting.

The traditional remedy for inflation would call for some combination of higher interest rates from the central bank and skimpier government spending. But both moves would probably hurt economic growth and employment, at least in the short term, potentially worsening prospects of reelection.

In Turkey, Erdogan — who has adopted an increasingly authoritarian leadership style since surviving a coup attempt in 2016 — has ruled out such a conventional response. In recent weeks, the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey, essentially under Erdogan’s personal control, has repeatedly cut interest rates.

Most observers think Erdogan has made a difficult situation much worse, with the prospect of more interest rate cuts and currency declines driving foreign investors to pull their money from Turkey.

At the same time, the political winds also seem to be blowing against Erdogan. The worsening economic situation has prompted scattered street protests. Opposition politicians are calling for snap elections to deal with the crisis, while hammering Erdogan for what they call his disastrous management of the economy.

Orban and Bolsonaro, both of whom once fashioned themselves as conservative budgeteers, have abandoned their previous positions. Instead, they are pushing a short-term surge of spending to provide an influx of cash to voters before next year’s elections. It is unclear that such an approach will help, however, as it is likely to make inflationary pressures worse.

Sitting on a bench at a local farmers market in Budapest, Hungary, on a recent afternoon, Marton Varjai, 68, laughed at the $250 check Orban recently sent him, part of a payout his government authorized to all pensioners, who amount to roughly 20% of the population.

Varjai earns a monthly pension of about $358, of which 85% goes to covering medicine and utilities. “The rest is what I have to live off,” he said, adding that he was concerned about his ability to make ends meet.

Such sentiments are becoming an increasing focus for Hungarian voters. A recent study by Policy Solutions, a progressive think tank in Budapest, found that Hungarians are most concerned with the cost of living and low wages.

“If these issues dominate the campaign, it’s not good for Fidesz,” said Andras Biro-Nagy, director of Policy Solutions, referring to Orban’s ruling party.

To all those who would pose a challenge to Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil’s coming presidential election, including the press, the Supreme Court and liberals, the embattled right-wing leader has an answer: “Only God removes me.

To all those who would pose a challenge to Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil’s coming presidential election, including the press, the Supreme Court and liberals, the embattled right-wing leader has an answer: “Only God removes me.” But Bolsonaro might be unseated by an unexpected problem that his political playbook has no easy answer for: inflation. Prices are climbing faster than they have in almost two decades in Brazil, a country with a relatively recent history of disastrous inflationary episodes. The currency has steadily declined in value, losing roughly 10% against the dollar in the last six months alone. And the economy, Latin America’s largest, slipped back into recession in the third quarter. That has upset people like Lucia Regina da Silva. A 65-year-old retired nursing assistant and former Bolsonaro supporter, she has watched over the last year as surging prices have eroded the purchasing power of her modest monthly pension. “I believed this government would improve our lives,” said da Silva on a recent morning as she pushed a mostly empty shopping cart — a few vegetables and some personal products were all she could afford — through the aisles of Campeão, a cheap supermarket chain in Rio de Janeiro. “But that was flawed.” Bolsonaro is among a generation of right-wing populists who, in the past decade and a half, have risen to power in democracies like Turkey, Brazil and Hungary, and whose reigns have coincided, at least at first, with periods of solid economic performance in those countries. They have remained in power by stoking nationalist passions and driving deep wedges into the electorate with hot-button cultural issues. Along the way, they have co-opted the news media and cowed opponents. Now these strongmen — including Bolsonaro, Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey — are grappling with rising prices, even as they face national elections within the next two years. A new and unexpected peril, inflation is threatening to organize and animate political opposition in the countries of these three leaders in a way few would have predicted just a few months ago. In Hungary, where consumer prices are rising at their fastest pace since 2007, polls suggest that Orban will face his toughest election ever next year, as the cost of living and low wages become top concerns for voters. Voters in the nearby Czech Republic — which has faced rising inflation and soaring energy costs — just ousted Andrej Babis, the country’s billionaire right-wing populist prime minister, by a narrow margin. Bolsonaro’s standing, already damaged by his administration’s management of the COVID crisis, has tumbled, with polls showing him badly trailing his likely 2022 opponent, former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. In anticipation, Bolsonaro has begun laying the groundwork to dispute the results of next year’s vote, which the polls suggest he would lose badly if it were held today. “I want to tell those who want to make me unelectable in Brazil, only God removes me,” he told a cheering crowd in São Paulo in September. But da Silva has already incorporated the economic crisis into his recent campaign. “The Bolsonaro government is responsible for inflation,” he said in an interview. “Inflation is out of control.” The situation is most dire in Turkey, where the unorthodox economic policies of Erdogan have set off a full-on currency crisis. The value of the lira has collapsed roughly 45% this year. And prices are now rising at an official rate of more than 20% annually, with some unofficial estimates even higher. Countries with right-wing populist leaders are not the only ones reeling from inflation. In the United States, prices are rising at their fastest rate since 1982. And left-leaning populists, such as those in power in Argentina, are also contending with fierce inflationary currents, which have put them on the defensive. The upsurge represents a sudden break from the trend of sluggish growth and tepid inflation that dominated the global economy for roughly a dozen years before the pandemic hit. That low-growth backdrop allowed powerful central banks in the United States, the European Union and Britain to keep interest rates low. And those decisions had large implications for poorer countries around the world. That is because the low-rate policies made by central banks such as the Federal Reserve reduce the returns investors in wealthy nations can make by buying safe government bonds in their home countries, pushing them into riskier investments in emerging markets that promise higher returns. Economists say that flow of money toward developing nations might have been an underappreciated element of the success right-wing populist leaders have enjoyed in recent years, as it provided a steadily favorable economic tail wind that coincided with their time in power. Turkey, which suffered a sharp recession in 2009, was able to rebound relatively quickly thanks to a surge of borrowing from foreign investors that supercharged growth. Bolsonaro’s election in 2018 coincided with a fresh push to lower interest rates from the Federal Reserve, which prompted U.S. investors to buy more emerging market debt and helped prop up the real. “Since the global financial recession, the global macroeconomic environment was a godsend to authoritarians,” said Daron Acemoglu, a professor of economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology who has studied the deterioration of democracies. “Essentially, with very low interest rates, it made many countries that had either weak democracies or semi-authoritarianism, or sometimes fully fledged authoritarianism, still attractive to foreign capital.” But as the global economy began to heal from the pandemic this year, a combination of supply chain disruptions, central bank money-printing and government spending aimed at juicing the recovery ignited a sharp rise in prices around the world. That prompted leaders in many developing countries to tweak their policies — and global investors to rethink their investments in those markets. Claudia Calich, head of emerging market debt at M&G Investments in London, has invested in Turkish government bonds, denominated in lira, for years. But, Calich said, the increasing public pressure that Erdogan was putting on the country’s central bank to cut interest rates this year led the fund to sell its entire position. “As soon as we started seeing the changes this year going in the wrong direction, namely for further rate reductions, then we started getting worried about the currency,” Calich said. “That has been, so far, the wrong policy response. And yeah, we’ve been very happy to have exited that position.” There are few politically palatable options for emerging market countries dealing with an inflationary upsurge and weakening currencies. But for a number of reasons, the inflationary rise is especially tricky political terrain for populists like Orban, Erdogan and Bolsonaro, who all face elections in 2022 or 2023. Their personalized approach to politics — and the fact that they have all been in office for years — makes it difficult for them to sidestep blame for the condition of the economy. At the same time, their brand of populism, which emphasizes nationalist rivalries and has been effective in the past, can seem out of touch to citizens whose standards of living are swiftly plummeting. The traditional remedy for inflation would call for some combination of higher interest rates from the central bank and skimpier government spending. But both moves would probably hurt economic growth and employment, at least in the short term, potentially worsening prospects of reelection. In Turkey, Erdogan — who has adopted an increasingly authoritarian leadership style since surviving a coup attempt in 2016 — has ruled out such a conventional response. In recent weeks, the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey, essentially under Erdogan’s personal control, has repeatedly cut interest rates. Most observers think Erdogan has made a difficult situation much worse, with the prospect of more interest rate cuts and currency declines driving foreign investors to pull their money from Turkey. At the same time, the political winds also seem to be blowing against Erdogan. The worsening economic situation has prompted scattered street protests. Opposition politicians are calling for snap elections to deal with the crisis, while hammering Erdogan for what they call his disastrous management of the economy. Orban and Bolsonaro, both of whom once fashioned themselves as conservative budgeteers, have abandoned their previous positions. Instead, they are pushing a short-term surge of spending to provide an influx of cash to voters before next year’s elections. It is unclear that such an approach will help, however, as it is likely to make inflationary pressures worse. Sitting on a bench at a local farmers market in Budapest, Hungary, on a recent afternoon, Marton Varjai, 68, laughed at the $250 check Orban recently sent him, part of a payout his government authorized to all pensioners, who amount to roughly 20% of the population. Varjai earns a monthly pension of about $358, of which 85% goes to covering medicine and utilities. “The rest is what I have to live off,” he said, adding that he was concerned about his ability to make ends meet. Such sentiments are becoming an increasing focus for Hungarian voters. A recent study by Policy Solutions, a progressive think tank in Budapest, found that Hungarians are most concerned with the cost of living and low wages. “If these issues dominate the campaign, it’s not good for Fidesz,” said Andras Biro-Nagy, director of Policy Solutions, referring to Orban’s ruling party.

Inflationary wave changes political terrain for right-wing populists

Pope Francis used his short time in Budapest, Hungary, Sunday to urge his bishops to embrace diversity and send a message to the country’s hard-right, anti-migrant leader, Prime Minister Viktor Orban, that God is not a strongman who silences enemies and that religious roots, while vital for a country, also allow it to open up and extend “its arms toward everyone.”

The seven-hour visit, ostensibly a spiritual layover to celebrate the concluding Mass of a weeklong international conference on the Eucharist, was the first international trip for Francis since undergoing major surgery this summer. It opened a four-day visit to neighboring Slovakia, and the disparity of time spent in the two countries has prompted Hungarian prelates to lobby for a longer stay and allies of Orban to excoriate the pope, who regularly criticizes “national populism,” for the perceived snub.

Orban has portrayed himself as a defender of Christian Europe, and he has ramped up connections to church traditionalists, many of whom are critical of Francis, before expected elections in April. Some in the Hungarian church worried that Orban would exploit the pope’s visit for electoral gain. His government, they argue, has already essentially bought the independence and the silence of the church by showering it with many millions of dollars in subsidies.

On Sunday, Francis met for about 40 minutes with Orban and with other civil authorities in a gaping hall at the Museum of Fine Arts. The pope and his top foreign policy officials sat without masks and at a considerable distance across from Orban and Hungary’s president, Janos Ader.

But Orban quickly posted photographs of his greeting Francis on his Facebook page, writing that he had asked the pope “not to allow Christian Hungary to perish.” Hungarian media, where Orban’s government holds great sway, splashed the picture of the handshake on their homepages and reported that Orban, who has referred to the influx of migrants to Europe in 2015 as an “invasion,” gave Francis a copy of a letter sent by a 13th-century Hungarian king to the pope at the time. In the letter, the king complained that pleas to the church for help against an invasion from Mongol armies had resulted in only empty words.

The issue of migration apparently did not come up in the meeting, according to the Vatican, but, as anticipated by some of his confidants, the pope addressed the issue head-on in his subsequent meeting in the museum with a group of Hungarian bishops.

“Your country is a place in which people from other populations have long lived together,” he said. “Various ethnicities, minorities, religions and migrants have also transformed this country into a multicultural environment.”

Francis said that at the beginning, “diversity always causes some fear because it puts at risk the acquired security and upsets the achieved stability,” but he added that it was a great opportunity to reach out in brotherhood. “In front of cultural, ethnic, political and religious diversity,” the pope said, “we can have two reactions: close ourselves in a rigid defense of our so-called identity, or open ourselves to meet the other and cultivate together the dream of a fraternal society.”

He said that he wanted the Hungarian church to build new bridges of dialogue, to show, he said, its “true face” and become a “bright symbol for Hungary.”

In Francis’ public remarks — in the Heroes’ Square adjacent to the museum, which was spilling over with tens of thousands of people, including Orban in a front-row seat — the pope seemed to touch on those issues, if in biblical and religious terms.

Appearing strong after having about 13 inches of his colon removed in early July, Francis, 84, spoke about how religious sentiment, with which Orban imbues much of his political talk, “not only invites us to be well rooted, it also raises and extends its arms towards everyone.” He said that while it was important to keep the “roots firm,” it was also important to do so “without defensiveness.”

Francis also seemed to warn against the conflating of religion and politics.

“There is God’s side and the world’s side,” he said. “The difference is not between who is religious or not, but ultimately between the true God and the god of ‘self.’ How distant is the God who quietly reigns on the cross from the false god that we want to reign with power in order to silence our enemies.”

On the early plane ride to Budapest from Rome, Francis told reporters that he was happy to be traveling again, as the coronavirus pandemic and his own health challenges had kept him in the Vatican. “If I’m alive, it’s because bad weeds never die,” he joked. In Budapest, he rode in the so-called popemobile along avenues crowded with faithful waving flags. Hardly anyone on the streets, or in the square, or in the city’s bars or restaurants, for that matter, wore masks, and they all crammed closely together.

But Francis took breaks when he could. When, after his meeting with Orban, he met with Christian and Jewish leaders, he explained that he had to deliver his speech while sitting because “I’m not 15 anymore.”

In that speech, he expressed wariness about “the threat of anti-Semitism still lurking in Europe and elsewhere,” and he frequently used his familiar imagery of building bridges and breaking down walls.

During the pope’s morning meetings, prelates and faithful gathered in the square under hats and white umbrellas to shade themselves from the sun, and five members of the defunct Hapsburg empire, which ruled over Hungary and much of Europe for centuries, stood in a line together on the side of a stage that had been set up for Francis. Orban has appointed two of them as his ambassadors in the hopes of improving access in Western Europe.

Eduard Hapsburg, Orban’s ambassador to the Holy See, who worked with the Vatican to extend the pope’s stay, said he had met Francis at the airport. The pope, he said, told him that Hungarian was the language of heaven because it takes an eternity to learn. Hapsburg said that he had pretended not to know the joke and had laughed.

“I didn’t have the impression of a grim atmosphere,” he said. “It was very cheerful, enjoying very much, and yes, for us it’s incredible.”

His father, Archduke Michael Hapsburg-Lothringen, agreed with the rest of his family that the world unfairly treated Hungary as a pariah. He said he was deeply happy with Orban’s government, its handling of the migrant crisis and its advocacy of Hungary as a Christian nation. “I say we live in paradise,” he said. “Compared to neighbor countries, even. I mean, there is so much confusion.”

But Hungary, under Orban, is increasingly isolated in Europe. And as Francis and Orban met, some of those who had crowded around Heroes’ Square sensed the tension and felt torn between the two.

“For me, Catholicism is one thing, and politics is another,” said Eva Tamar, 34, who came from the Hungarian town of God. “I know what is right in religion, but in real life and in politics, I don’t know who to follow. It’s hard.”

Others clearly knew what side they were on.

Balazs Nacy, 23, an ethnic Hungarian who was born and raised in neighboring Slovakia, said he thought the short stay in Hungary was “a political message.”

“He doesn’t really agree with things happening here in Hungary and what Orban does here,” Nacy said. “They say it’s Christian politics, but I don’t think it’s Christianity what they do here. The pope is sending a message.”

Pope Francis used his short time in Budapest, Hungary, Sunday to urge his bishops to embrace diversity and send a message to the country’s hard-right, anti-migrant leader, Prime Minister Viktor Orban, that God is not a strongman who silences enemies and that religious roots, while vital for a country, also allow it to open up and extend “its arms toward everyone.

Pope Francis used his short time in Budapest, Hungary, Sunday to urge his bishops to embrace diversity and send a message to the country’s hard-right, anti-migrant leader, Prime Minister Viktor Orban, that God is not a strongman who silences enemies and that religious roots, while vital for a country, also allow it to open up and extend “its arms toward everyone.” The seven-hour visit, ostensibly a spiritual layover to celebrate the concluding Mass of a weeklong international conference on the Eucharist, was the first international trip for Francis since undergoing major surgery this summer. It opened a four-day visit to neighboring Slovakia, and the disparity of time spent in the two countries has prompted Hungarian prelates to lobby for a longer stay and allies of Orban to excoriate the pope, who regularly criticizes “national populism,” for the perceived snub. Orban has portrayed himself as a defender of Christian Europe, and he has ramped up connections to church traditionalists, many of whom are critical of Francis, before expected elections in April. Some in the Hungarian church worried that Orban would exploit the pope’s visit for electoral gain. His government, they argue, has already essentially bought the independence and the silence of the church by showering it with many millions of dollars in subsidies. On Sunday, Francis met for about 40 minutes with Orban and with other civil authorities in a gaping hall at the Museum of Fine Arts. The pope and his top foreign policy officials sat without masks and at a considerable distance across from Orban and Hungary’s president, Janos Ader. But Orban quickly posted photographs of his greeting Francis on his Facebook page, writing that he had asked the pope “not to allow Christian Hungary to perish.” Hungarian media, where Orban’s government holds great sway, splashed the picture of the handshake on their homepages and reported that Orban, who has referred to the influx of migrants to Europe in 2015 as an “invasion,” gave Francis a copy of a letter sent by a 13th-century Hungarian king to the pope at the time. In the letter, the king complained that pleas to the church for help against an invasion from Mongol armies had resulted in only empty words. The issue of migration apparently did not come up in the meeting, according to the Vatican, but, as anticipated by some of his confidants, the pope addressed the issue head-on in his subsequent meeting in the museum with a group of Hungarian bishops. “Your country is a place in which people from other populations have long lived together,” he said. “Various ethnicities, minorities, religions and migrants have also transformed this country into a multicultural environment.” Francis said that at the beginning, “diversity always causes some fear because it puts at risk the acquired security and upsets the achieved stability,” but he added that it was a great opportunity to reach out in brotherhood. “In front of cultural, ethnic, political and religious diversity,” the pope said, “we can have two reactions: close ourselves in a rigid defense of our so-called identity, or open ourselves to meet the other and cultivate together the dream of a fraternal society.” He said that he wanted the Hungarian church to build new bridges of dialogue, to show, he said, its “true face” and become a “bright symbol for Hungary.” In Francis’ public remarks — in the Heroes’ Square adjacent to the museum, which was spilling over with tens of thousands of people, including Orban in a front-row seat — the pope seemed to touch on those issues, if in biblical and religious terms. Appearing strong after having about 13 inches of his colon removed in early July, Francis, 84, spoke about how religious sentiment, with which Orban imbues much of his political talk, “not only invites us to be well rooted, it also raises and extends its arms towards everyone.” He said that while it was important to keep the “roots firm,” it was also important to do so “without defensiveness.” Francis also seemed to warn against the conflating of religion and politics. “There is God’s side and the world’s side,” he said. “The difference is not between who is religious or not, but ultimately between the true God and the god of ‘self.’ How distant is the God who quietly reigns on the cross from the false god that we want to reign with power in order to silence our enemies.” On the early plane ride to Budapest from Rome, Francis told reporters that he was happy to be traveling again, as the coronavirus pandemic and his own health challenges had kept him in the Vatican. “If I’m alive, it’s because bad weeds never die,” he joked. In Budapest, he rode in the so-called popemobile along avenues crowded with faithful waving flags. Hardly anyone on the streets, or in the square, or in the city’s bars or restaurants, for that matter, wore masks, and they all crammed closely together. But Francis took breaks when he could. When, after his meeting with Orban, he met with Christian and Jewish leaders, he explained that he had to deliver his speech while sitting because “I’m not 15 anymore.” In that speech, he expressed wariness about “the threat of anti-Semitism still lurking in Europe and elsewhere,” and he frequently used his familiar imagery of building bridges and breaking down walls. During the pope’s morning meetings, prelates and faithful gathered in the square under hats and white umbrellas to shade themselves from the sun, and five members of the defunct Hapsburg empire, which ruled over Hungary and much of Europe for centuries, stood in a line together on the side of a stage that had been set up for Francis. Orban has appointed two of them as his ambassadors in the hopes of improving access in Western Europe. Eduard Hapsburg, Orban’s ambassador to the Holy See, who worked with the Vatican to extend the pope’s stay, said he had met Francis at the airport. The pope, he said, told him that Hungarian was the language of heaven because it takes an eternity to learn. Hapsburg said that he had pretended not to know the joke and had laughed. “I didn’t have the impression of a grim atmosphere,” he said. “It was very cheerful, enjoying very much, and yes, for us it’s incredible.” His father, Archduke Michael Hapsburg-Lothringen, agreed with the rest of his family that the world unfairly treated Hungary as a pariah. He said he was deeply happy with Orban’s government, its handling of the migrant crisis and its advocacy of Hungary as a Christian nation. “I say we live in paradise,” he said. “Compared to neighbor countries, even. I mean, there is so much confusion.” But Hungary, under Orban, is increasingly isolated in Europe. And as Francis and Orban met, some of those who had crowded around Heroes’ Square sensed the tension and felt torn between the two. “For me, Catholicism is one thing, and politics is another,” said Eva Tamar, 34, who came from the Hungarian town of God. “I know what is right in religion, but in real life and in politics, I don’t know who to follow. It’s hard.” Others clearly knew what side they were on. Balazs Nacy, 23, an ethnic Hungarian who was born and raised in neighboring Slovakia, said he thought the short stay in Hungary was “a political message.” “He doesn’t really agree with things happening here in Hungary and what Orban does here,” Nacy said. “They say it’s Christian politics, but I don’t think it’s Christianity what they do here. The pope is sending a message.”

In Orban’s Hungary, pope urges bishops to embrace diversity

Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary portrays himself as the defender of Christian Europe against migrants and multiculturalism. After years of his weakening of democratic institutions, the far-right strongman has prepared for coming elections in Catholic-majority Hungary by strengthening his links to Catholic traditionalists in Europe and the United States.

On Sunday, Orban will get a visit from the leader of the Roman Catholic world himself when Pope Francis drops into town to celebrate Mass. Allies of Orban, who is increasingly isolated and rarely receives high-profile visits from Western leaders, desperately sought to ensure face time with the pontiff, and the Vatican has confirmed a private courtesy meeting before the Mass.

But it is also possible, people close to Francis say, that Orban might get more than he asked for when he meets with perhaps the globe’s leading champion of migrants and a clear voice against creeping authoritarianism and nationalism in Europe.

“One of my ways is not to go around with a script,” Francis said in an interview with Spanish radio network COPE last month when asked what he expected to say to Orban. “When I am in front of a person, I look him in the eyes and let things come out.”

Whether Francis reads Orban the riot act on his first trip to Hungary — and his first trip abroad after major colon surgery in July — the meeting between two leaders with starkly different visions for Europe has already set off its fair share of intrigue, drama and name-calling.

Francis originally had planned to visit Budapest for only a few hours, before continuing on for three full days to neighboring Slovakia, which is led by a young, pro-environment woman.

Hungary’s top clerics and government officials lobbied the Vatican for more time, while Orban’s allies in the news media, where his party holds great sway, applied less polite pressure, excoriating Francis for insulting Hungary, “behaving in an anti-Christian manner” and “causing extraordinary damage to the Christian world.”

The Vatican tried to lower the temperature by knocking down the notion — first floated by Francis and later amplified in conservative Catholic media outlets — that a meeting with Orban was ever in doubt. The visit to Hungary was of layover length, the Vatican said, because it was spiritual in nature, with the pope there to preside over the final Mass of a weeklong Catholic Congress.

But the disparity between the duration of the trips to Hungary and Slovakia, Francis’ allies suggested, was perhaps no accident.

“You can interpret the fact that he is not making a long visit,” said the Rev. Antonio Spadaro, a Jesuit priest and confidant of Francis who will travel with him. “It is a short visit. Also, this can have a significance.”

Spadaro said he had no idea what Francis would say to the prime minister, but he expected the real message to Orban about his government’s policies would come after their private encounter, when the pope addresses about 35 Hungarian bishops.

“The confrontation with the country will happen at the moment he speaks to its bishops,” said Spadaro, adding that he would most likely address the context, and the government, within which his bishops had to operate. “That’s the right space for it.”

After years of surging populism, when Orban and other nationalists seemed on the upswing and Francis found himself in the political wilderness, the pope again has prominent allies in the United States and throughout Europe on issues like climate change.

But many of Hungary’s bishops are torn between their pontiff, who wants his priests to be on the front lines helping migrants and the destitute, and an Orban government, which showers the church with millions of dollars in subsidies for restorations and schools; enacts what the government calls pro-family “Christian” policies; and establishes offices to protect persecuted Christians in far-off lands.

“The primary problem is that the big funding from the government is compromising the church’s independence,” said Bishop Miklos Beer, one of Hungary’s few bishops willing to speak critically of Orban. “There is silence on the part of the church on the issue of migration, and this is the issue where we need” to represent what the pope says, he added.

That lack of independence was dangerous, Beer said Friday, because it potentially tied the Hungarian church’s fate and financial assistance to Orban’s electoral success. He said that Orban was perilously wrapping himself in Christian imagery; reaching out to Catholic traditionalists, many of whom oppose Francis; and seeking to meet the pope — all to win the election expected in April.

“I don’t think there is any question about how he hopes to protect his voter base,” Beer said.

Some Hungarian clerics worked hard to ensure that the meeting happened and that the pope stayed as long as possible.

Asked about his role in extending the pope’s trip so Francis could meet local authorities, Cardinal Peter Erdo, Hungary’s most powerful prelate, said in an email that “the fact that the Holy Father, despite his brief time, could meet the representatives from the political world” as well as leaders of other faiths is a “great sign of his friendship.”

Monsignor Norbert Nemeth, an adviser to the Hungarian Embassy to the Holy See, said he worked with the Vatican on preparing the pope’s trip.

“The Hungarian bishops wanted him to stay longer, for the afternoon and even the next day,” said Nemeth, who insisted that a meeting with Orban was always on the books because the pope “could not avoid these meetings of protocol.” He added that Francis “is not meeting a person who doesn’t accept Christian values.”

He said the Vatican told the Hungarians to keep the pope’s visit centered next to the Square of the Heroes, where Sunday’s Mass is scheduled.

“We wanted to help the Holy Father in this sense, because he is elderly and just had a surgery,” Nemeth said.

After about seven hours in Budapest, Francis will spend the following three days on planes and in motorcades traversing much of Slovakia in an exhausting schedule of speeches and meetings. “So we sacrificed his trip a little,” Nemeth said, “according to the wishes of the Holy See.”

Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary portrays himself as the defender of Christian Europe against migrants and multiculturalism. After years of his weakening of democratic institutions, the far-right strongman has prepared for coming elections in Catholic-majority Hungary by strengthening his links to Catholic traditionalists in Europe and the United States.

Prime Minister Viktor Orban of Hungary portrays himself as the defender of Christian Europe against migrants and multiculturalism. After years of his weakening of democratic institutions, the far-right strongman has prepared for coming elections in Catholic-majority Hungary by strengthening his links to Catholic traditionalists in Europe and the United States. On Sunday, Orban will get a visit from the leader of the Roman Catholic world himself when Pope Francis drops into town to celebrate Mass. Allies of Orban, who is increasingly isolated and rarely receives high-profile visits from Western leaders, desperately sought to ensure face time with the pontiff, and the Vatican has confirmed a private courtesy meeting before the Mass. But it is also possible, people close to Francis say, that Orban might get more than he asked for when he meets with perhaps the globe’s leading champion of migrants and a clear voice against creeping authoritarianism and nationalism in Europe. “One of my ways is not to go around with a script,” Francis said in an interview with Spanish radio network COPE last month when asked what he expected to say to Orban. “When I am in front of a person, I look him in the eyes and let things come out.” Whether Francis reads Orban the riot act on his first trip to Hungary — and his first trip abroad after major colon surgery in July — the meeting between two leaders with starkly different visions for Europe has already set off its fair share of intrigue, drama and name-calling. Francis originally had planned to visit Budapest for only a few hours, before continuing on for three full days to neighboring Slovakia, which is led by a young, pro-environment woman. Hungary’s top clerics and government officials lobbied the Vatican for more time, while Orban’s allies in the news media, where his party holds great sway, applied less polite pressure, excoriating Francis for insulting Hungary, “behaving in an anti-Christian manner” and “causing extraordinary damage to the Christian world.” The Vatican tried to lower the temperature by knocking down the notion — first floated by Francis and later amplified in conservative Catholic media outlets — that a meeting with Orban was ever in doubt. The visit to Hungary was of layover length, the Vatican said, because it was spiritual in nature, with the pope there to preside over the final Mass of a weeklong Catholic Congress. But the disparity between the duration of the trips to Hungary and Slovakia, Francis’ allies suggested, was perhaps no accident. “You can interpret the fact that he is not making a long visit,” said the Rev. Antonio Spadaro, a Jesuit priest and confidant of Francis who will travel with him. “It is a short visit. Also, this can have a significance.” Spadaro said he had no idea what Francis would say to the prime minister, but he expected the real message to Orban about his government’s policies would come after their private encounter, when the pope addresses about 35 Hungarian bishops. “The confrontation with the country will happen at the moment he speaks to its bishops,” said Spadaro, adding that he would most likely address the context, and the government, within which his bishops had to operate. “That’s the right space for it.” After years of surging populism, when Orban and other nationalists seemed on the upswing and Francis found himself in the political wilderness, the pope again has prominent allies in the United States and throughout Europe on issues like climate change. But many of Hungary’s bishops are torn between their pontiff, who wants his priests to be on the front lines helping migrants and the destitute, and an Orban government, which showers the church with millions of dollars in subsidies for restorations and schools; enacts what the government calls pro-family “Christian” policies; and establishes offices to protect persecuted Christians in far-off lands. “The primary problem is that the big funding from the government is compromising the church’s independence,” said Bishop Miklos Beer, one of Hungary’s few bishops willing to speak critically of Orban. “There is silence on the part of the church on the issue of migration, and this is the issue where we need” to represent what the pope says, he added. That lack of independence was dangerous, Beer said Friday, because it potentially tied the Hungarian church’s fate and financial assistance to Orban’s electoral success. He said that Orban was perilously wrapping himself in Christian imagery; reaching out to Catholic traditionalists, many of whom oppose Francis; and seeking to meet the pope — all to win the election expected in April. “I don’t think there is any question about how he hopes to protect his voter base,” Beer said. Some Hungarian clerics worked hard to ensure that the meeting happened and that the pope stayed as long as possible. Asked about his role in extending the pope’s trip so Francis could meet local authorities, Cardinal Peter Erdo, Hungary’s most powerful prelate, said in an email that “the fact that the Holy Father, despite his brief time, could meet the representatives from the political world” as well as leaders of other faiths is a “great sign of his friendship.” Monsignor Norbert Nemeth, an adviser to the Hungarian Embassy to the Holy See, said he worked with the Vatican on preparing the pope’s trip. “The Hungarian bishops wanted him to stay longer, for the afternoon and even the next day,” said Nemeth, who insisted that a meeting with Orban was always on the books because the pope “could not avoid these meetings of protocol.” He added that Francis “is not meeting a person who doesn’t accept Christian values.” He said the Vatican told the Hungarians to keep the pope’s visit centered next to the Square of the Heroes, where Sunday’s Mass is scheduled. “We wanted to help the Holy Father in this sense, because he is elderly and just had a surgery,” Nemeth said. After about seven hours in Budapest, Francis will spend the following three days on planes and in motorcades traversing much of Slovakia in an exhausting schedule of speeches and meetings. “So we sacrificed his trip a little,” Nemeth said, “according to the wishes of the Holy See.”

Meeting Hungary’s strongman, Pope treads a fine line with an embattled leader

Hungary's authoritarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has been criticised by fellow EU members for policies they say are hostile to LGBTQ people and immigrants. He has also faced international condemnation for cracking down on the press and judiciary.

Orban tightens grip over Hungary, introduces policies hostile to LGBTQ people

The European Commission on Thursday launched legal action against the conservative governments of EU members Hungary and Poland in response to measures seen as discriminating against LGBTQ citizens.

As the "guardian of the treaties" binding the European Union together, the commission can launch infringement procedures against member states.

Such a procedure involves several steps and could drag out over years but could ultimately result in going to the European Court of Justice, which could impose financial penalties.

Both Hungary and Poland are ruled by right-wing, socially conservative governments whose policies have raised rule-of-law questions.

Hungary's so-called "anti-paedophilia" law, which among other things bans the "promotion" of homosexuality and gender reassignment to under-18s, came into force last week despite many warnings from Brussels and pushback by EU leaders.

EU commission chief Ursula von der Leyen said last week that the EU executive would use "all powers available" to force Hungary to repeal or modify the law.

"Europe will never allow parts of our society to be stigmatised: be it because of whom they love, because of their age, their ethnicity, their political opinions, or their religious beliefs," she told MEPs.

Hungary's legislation was billed as a way to protect children, but opponents argue that it conflates paedophilia with homosexuality and stigmatises the LGBTQ community.

In Poland, around 100 towns and villages have adopted the "anti-LGBT" resolution, which some describe as a "charter for family rights". They cover about a third of Polish territory and are mainly located in the country's east and southeast, traditionally very Catholic.

"The commission considers that Polish authorities failed to fully and appropriately respond to its inquiry regarding the nature and impact of the so-called 'LGBT-ideology free zones'," a statement said.

Poland is already in Brussels' bad books for judicial reforms, which have several times been ruled to go against EU standards on judges' independence.

The two member states now have two months to respond to the arguments put forward by the commission before the procedure enters the next stage.

The European Commission on Thursday launched legal action against the conservative governments of EU members Hungary and Poland in response to measures seen as discriminating against LGBTQ citizens.

The European Commission on Thursday launched legal action against the conservative governments of EU members Hungary and Poland in response to measures seen as discriminating against LGBTQ citizens. As the "guardian of the treaties" binding the European Union together, the commission can launch infringement procedures against member states. Such a procedure involves several steps and could drag out over years but could ultimately result in going to the European Court of Justice, which could impose financial penalties. Both Hungary and Poland are ruled by right-wing, socially conservative governments whose policies have raised rule-of-law questions. Hungary's so-called "anti-paedophilia" law, which among other things bans the "promotion" of homosexuality and gender reassignment to under-18s, came into force last week despite many warnings from Brussels and pushback by EU leaders. EU commission chief Ursula von der Leyen said last week that the EU executive would use "all powers available" to force Hungary to repeal or modify the law. "Europe will never allow parts of our society to be stigmatised: be it because of whom they love, because of their age, their ethnicity, their political opinions, or their religious beliefs," she told MEPs. Hungary's legislation was billed as a way to protect children, but opponents argue that it conflates paedophilia with homosexuality and stigmatises the LGBTQ community. In Poland, around 100 towns and villages have adopted the "anti-LGBT" resolution, which some describe as a "charter for family rights". They cover about a third of Polish territory and are mainly located in the country's east and southeast, traditionally very Catholic. "The commission considers that Polish authorities failed to fully and appropriately respond to its inquiry regarding the nature and impact of the so-called 'LGBT-ideology free zones'," a statement said. Poland is already in Brussels' bad books for judicial reforms, which have several times been ruled to go against EU standards on judges' independence. The two member states now have two months to respond to the arguments put forward by the commission before the procedure enters the next stage.

EU launches legal action against Hungary, Poland over LGBTQ rights

German Chancellor Angela Merkel slammed Hungary's proposed new law prohibiting the distribution of homosexuality and gender change materials in schools.

"I believe this law is incorrect and incompatible with my beliefs," Merkel said in a statement to the Bundestag, the lower house of parliament, adding that the bill was something she would vote against politically.

Last week, the Hungarian parliament passed a new rule proposed by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's cabinet that prohibits the portrayal of homosexuality and sex reassignment in school education materials and television programmes aimed at children under the age of 18.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/britain-slams-hungarys-anti-lgbt-law-as-an-affront-to-human-rights-392475" hreflang="en">Britain slams Hungary's anti-LGBT+ law as an 'affront to human rights'</a>

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/japan-at-turning-point-for-lgbtq-rights-campaigners-390341" hreflang="en">Japan at 'turning point' for LGBTQ rights: Campaigners</a>

High-ranking officials from numerous EU countries and organisations in the European Parliament immediately condemned the bill, which was passed during Pride month.

The EU Council discussed the uproar over the Hungarian law on Tuesday afternoon, with the Benelux ministers bringing together like-minded countries in a scathing declaration against the legislation. &nbsp;

"The law represents a flagrant form of discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity and expression and hence deserves to be condemned. Inclusion, human dignity and equality are core values of our European Union, and we cannot compromise on these principles," the countries said.

Merkel is one of a small number of European Union leaders who have spoken out against the legislation.

Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, called it a "shame" and pledged in a statement to utilise all of the commission's powers to preserve LGBT rights in the EU.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel slammed Hungary's proposed new law prohibiting the distribution of homosexuality and gender change materials in schools. "I believe this law is incorrect and incompatible with my beliefs," Merkel said in a statement to the Bundestag, the lower house of parliament, adding that the bill was something she would vote against politically.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel slammed Hungary's proposed new law prohibiting the distribution of homosexuality and gender change materials in schools. "I believe this law is incorrect and incompatible with my beliefs," Merkel said in a statement to the Bundestag, the lower house of parliament, adding that the bill was something she would vote against politically. Last week, the Hungarian parliament passed a new rule proposed by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán's cabinet that prohibits the portrayal of homosexuality and sex reassignment in school education materials and television programmes aimed at children under the age of 18. Also read: Britain slams Hungary's anti-LGBT+ law as an 'affront to human rights' Also read: Japan at 'turning point' for LGBTQ rights: Campaigners High-ranking officials from numerous EU countries and organisations in the European Parliament immediately condemned the bill, which was passed during Pride month. The EU Council discussed the uproar over the Hungarian law on Tuesday afternoon, with the Benelux ministers bringing together like-minded countries in a scathing declaration against the legislation. "The law represents a flagrant form of discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity and expression and hence deserves to be condemned. Inclusion, human dignity and equality are core values of our European Union, and we cannot compromise on these principles," the countries said. Merkel is one of a small number of European Union leaders who have spoken out against the legislation. Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, called it a "shame" and pledged in a statement to utilise all of the commission's powers to preserve LGBT rights in the EU.

'This law is wrong': Angela Merkel joins other EU leaders in criticising Hungary's anti-LGBT law

Hungary's ban on school talks about sexuality or transgender issues is "an affront to human rights", Britain's first Special Envoy on LGBT Rights said on Thursday, saying he would join the&nbsp;European Union (EU) in fighting the new law.

The&nbsp;EU&nbsp;has criticised the law, passed on Tuesday, outlawing the dissemination in schools of content deemed to "promote homosexuality and gender change", with Equality Commissioner Helena Dalli raising the possibility of sanctions.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/hungary-adopts-child-sex-abuse-law-that-also-targets-lgbt-community-391725">Hungary adopts child sex abuse law that also targets LGBT community</a>

"This kind of law is obviously completely unacceptable," Nick Herbert, who was the first Conservative Party lawmaker to be openly gay when elected in 2005, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in a video call.

"It's an affront to human rights (and) it's very concerning that&nbsp;European countries should be going backwards like this," said Herbert, who stood down from parliament in 2019.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Wednesday that she was "very concerned" about the new law and was assessing whether it breached "relevant&nbsp;EU&nbsp;legislation".

Herbert, 58, said he could not speak for ministers as to whether Britain was considering sanctions, but said he intended to "look at any proposal" by the government in response to Hungary's move.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/hungary-passes-laws-curtailing-gay-rights-and-expanding-executive-power-350032">Hungary passes laws curtailing gay rights and expanding executive power</a>

Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban has grown increasingly radical on social policy ahead of an election next year, railing against LGBT+ people and immigrants.

Herbert said British Prime Minister Boris Johnson discussed LGBT+ rights with Orban when they met in London last month.

"It's already been raised at a high level and we will continue to press this issue working with our allies," said Herbert, who previously served as a minister at the Home Office and Ministry of Justice.

Herbert was appointed as Special Envoy on LGBT Rights last month and will next year lead Britain's first global LGBT+ conference, aimed at promoting legal reform and tackling violence and discrimination.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/poland-hungary-push-against-gender-equality-at-eu-social-summit-383530">Poland, Hungary push against 'gender equality' at EU social summit</a>

"(Johnson) is clearly sending a signal of his own concern for these issues and the progress he wants to see," said Herbert, who was an outspoken advocate for same-sex marriage before it was legalised in Britain in 2013.

The government has faced criticism for a delay in banning so-called conversion therapy, which aims to change a person's sexual orientation or gender identity, and for not simplifying the procedure for changing gender on legal documents.

"It's true that the government decided not to proceed with self-certification for trans people, but we do want to make the process of transition easier," Herbert said.

Hungary's ban on school talks about sexuality or transgender issues is "an affront to human rights", Britain's first Special Envoy on LGBT Rights said on Thursday, saying he would join the European Union (EU) in fighting the new law.

Hungary's ban on school talks about sexuality or transgender issues is "an affront to human rights", Britain's first Special Envoy on LGBT Rights said on Thursday, saying he would join the European Union (EU) in fighting the new law. The EU has criticised the law, passed on Tuesday, outlawing the dissemination in schools of content deemed to "promote homosexuality and gender change", with Equality Commissioner Helena Dalli raising the possibility of sanctions. Also read | Hungary adopts child sex abuse law that also targets LGBT community "This kind of law is obviously completely unacceptable," Nick Herbert, who was the first Conservative Party lawmaker to be openly gay when elected in 2005, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in a video call. "It's an affront to human rights (and) it's very concerning that European countries should be going backwards like this," said Herbert, who stood down from parliament in 2019. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Wednesday that she was "very concerned" about the new law and was assessing whether it breached "relevant EU legislation". Herbert, 58, said he could not speak for ministers as to whether Britain was considering sanctions, but said he intended to "look at any proposal" by the government in response to Hungary's move. Also read | Hungary passes laws curtailing gay rights and expanding executive power Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban has grown increasingly radical on social policy ahead of an election next year, railing against LGBT+ people and immigrants. Herbert said British Prime Minister Boris Johnson discussed LGBT+ rights with Orban when they met in London last month. "It's already been raised at a high level and we will continue to press this issue working with our allies," said Herbert, who previously served as a minister at the Home Office and Ministry of Justice. Herbert was appointed as Special Envoy on LGBT Rights last month and will next year lead Britain's first global LGBT+ conference, aimed at promoting legal reform and tackling violence and discrimination. Also read | Poland, Hungary push against 'gender equality' at EU social summit "(Johnson) is clearly sending a signal of his own concern for these issues and the progress he wants to see," said Herbert, who was an outspoken advocate for same-sex marriage before it was legalised in Britain in 2013. The government has faced criticism for a delay in banning so-called conversion therapy, which aims to change a person's sexual orientation or gender identity, and for not simplifying the procedure for changing gender on legal documents. "It's true that the government decided not to proceed with self-certification for trans people, but we do want to make the process of transition easier," Herbert said.

Britain slams Hungary's anti-LGBT+ law as an 'affront to human rights'

Hungary’s parliament voted Tuesday to adopt legislation that would increase sentences for sex crimes against children, but critics say the law is being used to target the country’s LGBT community before crunch elections for Prime Minister Viktor Orban next year.

Last-minute changes to the bill, which was prompted by public outrage after a series of sex scandals involving governing party and government officials, included restrictions against showing or “popularizing” homosexuality and content that promotes a gender that diverges from the one assigned at birth.

Orban’s critics say the changes were made to target the country’s LGBT community in an effort to rally support from his conservative base and shift the focus away from the failures of his administration before elections in 2022.

The new rules, unexpectedly added to the bill by government-aligned lawmakers last week, require the labeling of all content that might fall into that category of “not recommended for those under 18 years of age.” Such content would be restricted for media like television to the hours between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. The restrictions extend to advertisements and even sexual education, which the law would restrict to teachers and organizations approved by the government. The bill would also create a public database of sex offenders.

Orban has increasingly presented himself as a protector of traditional Christian values, although that image has been undermined somewhat by the sex scandals involving officials and allies of his Fidesz party over the past few years.

Last year, a Hungarian diplomat in Peru was convicted of possession of child pornography and handed a $1,800 fine and a suspended prison sentence after being brought home and charged in Hungary. That case, which sparked the public pressure on the legislature to enact stricter sentencing for pedophilia crimes, was just one in a series of scandals that has undermined public faith in Orban’s government.

Before Hungary’s 2019 municipal elections, a series of video clips released online by an anonymous source showed a prominent Fidesz mayor participating in an orgy on a yacht.

The next year a Fidesz lawmaker in Brussels was detained after trying to escape out of a window and down a drainpipe when police raided a party being held in violation of COVID restrictions that Belgian news media described as an all-male orgy.

The last-minute additions to the legislation were criticized by human rights groups, including Foundation for Rainbow Families, which promotes legal equality for all Hungarian families with children.

“Fidesz does this to take the public conversation away from major happenings in the country,” said Krisztian Rozsa, a psychologist and board member with the foundation, citing corruption and the government’s responses to the pedophilia scandal and the coronavirus pandemic.

Content providers such as RTL Klub, Hungary’s largest commercial television station, and the Hungarian Advertising Association have come out against the new law, saying the rules restrict them from depicting the diversity of society.

“Children don’t need protection from exposure to diversity,” said Lydia Gall, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch. “On the contrary, LGBT children and families need protection from discrimination and violence.”

Linking the LGBT community to pedophilia is a tactic that may score Orban and his party points with conservative rural voters, many of whom, spurred on by a steady stream of government propaganda, see the government as a bulwark against the cosmopolitan liberalism symbolized by opposition political figures in the capital.

Last year, the Fidesz-controlled parliament enacted legislation that effectively bars gay couples from adopting children in Hungary through a narrow definition of the family as having to include a man as the father and a woman as the mother.

Shaken by a bungled response to the coronavirus pandemic, a foreign policy pivot toward China and Russia that has angered his partners within the European Union, and increasing international isolation, Orban is facing a tough election campaign against a six-party opposition alliance.

Balint Ruff, a political strategist, said the move to target the LGBT community was a “cynical and evil trap.” He added: “It’s a method used in authoritarian regimes to turn their citizens against each other for their own political gain.”

It is not uncommon for someone who has spent their whole life in rural Hungary to have never met an openly gay person, Ruff said, adding that by inundating rural voters with conspiracies about gay propaganda taking over the world, Orban has found an effective tool for mobilizing voters.

“The theme of the campaign will be liberal homosexual Budapest versus the normal people,” he said.

By not supporting the new law, the opposition would be branded supporters of pedophilia for the duration of the campaign, Ruff said. But supporting the bill would betray more liberal voters who find linking pedophilia and the LGBT community deplorable.

For those whose families are directly impacted by such laws, the effects hit closer to home.

Rozsa, from the Foundation for Rainbow Families, said he was worried that bullying and exclusion among Hungarian teenagers would increase against those not seen as heterosexual — and also feared the implications of the governing party’s move for the children of same-sex couples who attend public schools.

“Our kids are also going to be targeted,” Rozsa said. “Our kids have same-sex parents.”

This article originally appeared in &lt;a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/15/world/europe/hungary-orban-child-sex-lgbt.html"&gt;The New York Times&lt;/a&gt;.

Hungary’s parliament voted Tuesday to adopt legislation that would increase sentences for sex crimes against children, but critics say the law is being used to target the country’s LGBT community before crunch elections for Prime Minister Viktor Orban next year.

Hungary’s parliament voted Tuesday to adopt legislation that would increase sentences for sex crimes against children, but critics say the law is being used to target the country’s LGBT community before crunch elections for Prime Minister Viktor Orban next year. Last-minute changes to the bill, which was prompted by public outrage after a series of sex scandals involving governing party and government officials, included restrictions against showing or “popularizing” homosexuality and content that promotes a gender that diverges from the one assigned at birth. Orban’s critics say the changes were made to target the country’s LGBT community in an effort to rally support from his conservative base and shift the focus away from the failures of his administration before elections in 2022. The new rules, unexpectedly added to the bill by government-aligned lawmakers last week, require the labeling of all content that might fall into that category of “not recommended for those under 18 years of age.” Such content would be restricted for media like television to the hours between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. The restrictions extend to advertisements and even sexual education, which the law would restrict to teachers and organizations approved by the government. The bill would also create a public database of sex offenders. Orban has increasingly presented himself as a protector of traditional Christian values, although that image has been undermined somewhat by the sex scandals involving officials and allies of his Fidesz party over the past few years. Last year, a Hungarian diplomat in Peru was convicted of possession of child pornography and handed a $1,800 fine and a suspended prison sentence after being brought home and charged in Hungary. That case, which sparked the public pressure on the legislature to enact stricter sentencing for pedophilia crimes, was just one in a series of scandals that has undermined public faith in Orban’s government. Before Hungary’s 2019 municipal elections, a series of video clips released online by an anonymous source showed a prominent Fidesz mayor participating in an orgy on a yacht. The next year a Fidesz lawmaker in Brussels was detained after trying to escape out of a window and down a drainpipe when police raided a party being held in violation of COVID restrictions that Belgian news media described as an all-male orgy. The last-minute additions to the legislation were criticized by human rights groups, including Foundation for Rainbow Families, which promotes legal equality for all Hungarian families with children. “Fidesz does this to take the public conversation away from major happenings in the country,” said Krisztian Rozsa, a psychologist and board member with the foundation, citing corruption and the government’s responses to the pedophilia scandal and the coronavirus pandemic. Content providers such as RTL Klub, Hungary’s largest commercial television station, and the Hungarian Advertising Association have come out against the new law, saying the rules restrict them from depicting the diversity of society. “Children don’t need protection from exposure to diversity,” said Lydia Gall, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch. “On the contrary, LGBT children and families need protection from discrimination and violence.” Linking the LGBT community to pedophilia is a tactic that may score Orban and his party points with conservative rural voters, many of whom, spurred on by a steady stream of government propaganda, see the government as a bulwark against the cosmopolitan liberalism symbolized by opposition political figures in the capital. Last year, the Fidesz-controlled parliament enacted legislation that effectively bars gay couples from adopting children in Hungary through a narrow definition of the family as having to include a man as the father and a woman as the mother. Shaken by a bungled response to the coronavirus pandemic, a foreign policy pivot toward China and Russia that has angered his partners within the European Union, and increasing international isolation, Orban is facing a tough election campaign against a six-party opposition alliance. Balint Ruff, a political strategist, said the move to target the LGBT community was a “cynical and evil trap.” He added: “It’s a method used in authoritarian regimes to turn their citizens against each other for their own political gain.” It is not uncommon for someone who has spent their whole life in rural Hungary to have never met an openly gay person, Ruff said, adding that by inundating rural voters with conspiracies about gay propaganda taking over the world, Orban has found an effective tool for mobilizing voters. “The theme of the campaign will be liberal homosexual Budapest versus the normal people,” he said. By not supporting the new law, the opposition would be branded supporters of pedophilia for the duration of the campaign, Ruff said. But supporting the bill would betray more liberal voters who find linking pedophilia and the LGBT community deplorable. For those whose families are directly impacted by such laws, the effects hit closer to home. Rozsa, from the Foundation for Rainbow Families, said he was worried that bullying and exclusion among Hungarian teenagers would increase against those not seen as heterosexual — and also feared the implications of the governing party’s move for the children of same-sex couples who attend public schools. “Our kids are also going to be targeted,” Rozsa said. “Our kids have same-sex parents.” This article originally appeared in <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/15/world/europe/hungary-orban-child-sex-lgbt.html">The New York Times</a>.

Hungary adopts child sex abuse law that also targets LGBT community

Hungary appeared to backtrack on plans to build a Chinese university in the capital Budapest after thousands took to the streets at the weekend accusing the government of cosying up to Beijing, provoking an angry Chinese response.

Opponents of nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban fear the planned $2 billion campus could undercut the quality of higher education and help Beijing increase its influence in Hungary and the European Union.

A senior Orban aide said late on Sunday the university was not even at the planning phase, and once the plan took shape, in early 2023, it could be put to a referendum.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/budapest-renames-streets-near-planned-chinese-university-to-highlight-human-rights-abuses-389076">Budapest renames streets near planned Chinese university to highlight human rights abuses</a>

"Once the project's conditions are known, we support a referendum in Budapest to decide whether locals want Fudan University here," Gergely Gulyas, Orban's chief of staff, told the pro-government news web site Mandiner late on Sunday.

Orban, a self-styled illiberal, has built cordial ties with China, including massive joint business projects, and has several times this year blocked EU statements denouncing China's record on human rights, angering his allies.

According to media reports, the government was willing to pay for the construction of Shanghai-based Fudan University's first campus in Europe with a Chinese loan. The campus would displace a planned local student housing area.

Public support for the campus is low, according to an opinion survey conducted last month, and Orban's ruling Fidesz party has weak support in Budapest, so a referendum could turn out against the project.

Orban and Fidesz face their first competitive elections next year after three successive landslides since 2010. Opposition parties have united against Fidesz for the first time and caught up with them in polls.

Political observers say Orban could decide to bide his time on Fudan and return to the idea after the election.

"It is hallmark Fidesz to take two steps back to wait until the issue loses political steam, then attempt it again when it is more convenient politically," Political Capital analyst Peter Kreko said.

Orban has abandoned unpopular projects before, such as a tax on internet traffic, a separate administrative court system and plans to privatise marinas at Lake Balaton.

Opposition spars with China

Gergely Karacsony, the opposition mayor of Budapest and a top contender to challenge Orban in elections next year, said on Saturday the university protest was a symbol of Hungarians rejecting heavy-handed government decisions.

"Although we are worlds apart on human rights... we really just don't want a Chinese elite school built at the expense of Hungarian taxpayers," Karacsony told Saturday's rally.

A media spokesman at the Chinese Embassy in Hungary, who did not give his name, criticised Karacsony's comments on the embassy's Facebook page.

"In broad daylight, it is unseemly to criticize the internal affairs of another country, especially when I heard some key words in his speech, such as 'Tiananmen Square protests', 'democracy', 'human rights' and 'values'," the official said.

The Chinese embassy said it would address Reuters questions on a planned Fudan referendum at a later stage.

Hungary blocked an EU statement in April criticising China's new security law in Hong Kong, undermining the bloc's efforts to confront Beijing's curbing of freedoms in the former British colony.

Hungary appeared to backtrack on plans to build a Chinese university in the capital Budapest after thousands took to the streets at the weekend accusing the government of cosying up to Beijing, provoking an angry Chinese response.

Hungary appeared to backtrack on plans to build a Chinese university in the capital Budapest after thousands took to the streets at the weekend accusing the government of cosying up to Beijing, provoking an angry Chinese response. Opponents of nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban fear the planned $2 billion campus could undercut the quality of higher education and help Beijing increase its influence in Hungary and the European Union. A senior Orban aide said late on Sunday the university was not even at the planning phase, and once the plan took shape, in early 2023, it could be put to a referendum. Also read | Budapest renames streets near planned Chinese university to highlight human rights abuses "Once the project's conditions are known, we support a referendum in Budapest to decide whether locals want Fudan University here," Gergely Gulyas, Orban's chief of staff, told the pro-government news web site Mandiner late on Sunday. Orban, a self-styled illiberal, has built cordial ties with China, including massive joint business projects, and has several times this year blocked EU statements denouncing China's record on human rights, angering his allies. According to media reports, the government was willing to pay for the construction of Shanghai-based Fudan University's first campus in Europe with a Chinese loan. The campus would displace a planned local student housing area. Public support for the campus is low, according to an opinion survey conducted last month, and Orban's ruling Fidesz party has weak support in Budapest, so a referendum could turn out against the project. Orban and Fidesz face their first competitive elections next year after three successive landslides since 2010. Opposition parties have united against Fidesz for the first time and caught up with them in polls. Political observers say Orban could decide to bide his time on Fudan and return to the idea after the election. "It is hallmark Fidesz to take two steps back to wait until the issue loses political steam, then attempt it again when it is more convenient politically," Political Capital analyst Peter Kreko said. Orban has abandoned unpopular projects before, such as a tax on internet traffic, a separate administrative court system and plans to privatise marinas at Lake Balaton. Opposition spars with China Gergely Karacsony, the opposition mayor of Budapest and a top contender to challenge Orban in elections next year, said on Saturday the university protest was a symbol of Hungarians rejecting heavy-handed government decisions. "Although we are worlds apart on human rights... we really just don't want a Chinese elite school built at the expense of Hungarian taxpayers," Karacsony told Saturday's rally. A media spokesman at the Chinese Embassy in Hungary, who did not give his name, criticised Karacsony's comments on the embassy's Facebook page. "In broad daylight, it is unseemly to criticize the internal affairs of another country, especially when I heard some key words in his speech, such as 'Tiananmen Square protests', 'democracy', 'human rights' and 'values'," the official said. The Chinese embassy said it would address Reuters questions on a planned Fudan referendum at a later stage. Hungary blocked an EU statement in April criticising China's new security law in Hong Kong, undermining the bloc's efforts to confront Beijing's curbing of freedoms in the former British colony.

Hungary appears to back-pedal on Chinese university plans after protests

Hungarian PM Viktor Orban hosted the Polish Premier and Italian leader Matteo Salvini for discussions on a right-wing alliance in Europe. Is the new project driven by conservative Christian beliefs or the failure of left-wing European politics?

Gravitas: European leaders discuss right-wing alliance

Hungarian politician Jozsef Szajer, who was conservative Prime Minister Viktor Orban's strongest voice in the European Parliament, resigned from his ruling party as more details emerged of how he fled a gay sex party in Brussels by clambering down a gutter.

Hungary's Fidesz party is widely seen as a nationalist ultra-conservative right-wing party, which touts support for traditional family values, and openly opposes the rights of LGBT+ people.

The affair is an embarrassment to Orban, a right-wing nationalist who told the Magyar Nemzet newspaper that Szajer's actions were "indefensible".

"He took the only appropriate decision when he apologised and resigned from his position as a member of the European Parliament and left Fidesz," Orban said.

Police in Belgium, where gay sex and marriage, as well as sex parties between consenting adults, are legal, broke up the party last Friday because it was breaking coronavirus lockdown rules.

Szajer was a founding member of Fidesz and an ally of Orban for more than 30 years. In Brussels as a European deputy, he was the party's leading force in the European Parliament and he had an instrumental role in rewriting Hungary's constitution after Orban won elections in 2010.

He resigned as European deputy on Sunday, citing unspecified moral reasons. He said he regretted having broken Belgian lockdown rules.

Belgian police detained about 20 people at the house party. Belgian prosecutors did not name anyone, including the 59-year-old Szajer, but said police had detained a man with initials S. J. and born in 1961 who had tried to flee the venue along the gutter and was found with narcotics in his backpack.

Szajer denied taking drugs and said he had offered to take a drugs test at the scene but police did not carry one out.

"The police said they had found ecstasy pills. They were not mine, I know nothing of who put them there and how. I told that to police," he said in a statement.

Scandal at sensitive time

Party organizer Manzheley said that 30 people came to the event on Friday evening, many fewer than the regular 100 or so. He did not know everyone there but recognised Szajer subsequently, he said.

Guests at his parties would undress on arrival, some of them donning fetish gear, he said, showing a Reuters correspondent the flashing lights he puts up for his gatherings.

"We have Christmas coming. People are thirsty for meetings... It is absolutely normal that guys in the gay community are going to be searching for solutions to meet.

"Yes, he (Szajer) was present, like many other politicians from different countries," he said.

Manzheley said he had not been charged and complained of rough treatment by the police.

The incident has caused a scandal in Hungary and political analysts said it could have implications for Orban.

It comes at a sensitive time. Hungary, along with Poland, is in dispute with the European Union over linking funds from its budget and recovery fund to the rule of law. The EU is currently investigating both governments for undermining the independence of their judiciaries and media.

The two countries are blocking about 1.8 trillion euros worth of EU funds, including hundreds of billions due to be disbursed soon to help pull the bloc out of a double-dip recession caused by a second wave of COVID-19.

Orban has also clashed with the EU over policy on migrants and asylum-seekers.

"The actions of our fellow deputy, Jozsef Szajer, are incompatible with the values of our political family," the Magyar Nemzet quoted Orban as saying.

&nbsp;

Hungarian politician Jozsef Szajer, who was conservative Prime Minister Viktor Orban's strongest voice in the European Parliament, resigned from his ruling party as more details emerged of how he fled a gay sex party in Brussels by clambering down a gutter.

Hungarian politician Jozsef Szajer, who was conservative Prime Minister Viktor Orban's strongest voice in the European Parliament, resigned from his ruling party as more details emerged of how he fled a gay sex party in Brussels by clambering down a gutter. Hungary's Fidesz party is widely seen as a nationalist ultra-conservative right-wing party, which touts support for traditional family values, and openly opposes the rights of LGBT+ people. The affair is an embarrassment to Orban, a right-wing nationalist who told the Magyar Nemzet newspaper that Szajer's actions were "indefensible". "He took the only appropriate decision when he apologised and resigned from his position as a member of the European Parliament and left Fidesz," Orban said. Police in Belgium, where gay sex and marriage, as well as sex parties between consenting adults, are legal, broke up the party last Friday because it was breaking coronavirus lockdown rules. Szajer was a founding member of Fidesz and an ally of Orban for more than 30 years. In Brussels as a European deputy, he was the party's leading force in the European Parliament and he had an instrumental role in rewriting Hungary's constitution after Orban won elections in 2010. He resigned as European deputy on Sunday, citing unspecified moral reasons. He said he regretted having broken Belgian lockdown rules. Belgian police detained about 20 people at the house party. Belgian prosecutors did not name anyone, including the 59-year-old Szajer, but said police had detained a man with initials S. J. and born in 1961 who had tried to flee the venue along the gutter and was found with narcotics in his backpack. Szajer denied taking drugs and said he had offered to take a drugs test at the scene but police did not carry one out. "The police said they had found ecstasy pills. They were not mine, I know nothing of who put them there and how. I told that to police," he said in a statement. Scandal at sensitive time Party organizer Manzheley said that 30 people came to the event on Friday evening, many fewer than the regular 100 or so. He did not know everyone there but recognised Szajer subsequently, he said. Guests at his parties would undress on arrival, some of them donning fetish gear, he said, showing a Reuters correspondent the flashing lights he puts up for his gatherings. "We have Christmas coming. People are thirsty for meetings... It is absolutely normal that guys in the gay community are going to be searching for solutions to meet. "Yes, he (Szajer) was present, like many other politicians from different countries," he said. Manzheley said he had not been charged and complained of rough treatment by the police. The incident has caused a scandal in Hungary and political analysts said it could have implications for Orban. It comes at a sensitive time. Hungary, along with Poland, is in dispute with the European Union over linking funds from its budget and recovery fund to the rule of law. The EU is currently investigating both governments for undermining the independence of their judiciaries and media. The two countries are blocking about 1.8 trillion euros worth of EU funds, including hundreds of billions due to be disbursed soon to help pull the bloc out of a double-dip recession caused by a second wave of COVID-19. Orban has also clashed with the EU over policy on migrants and asylum-seekers. "The actions of our fellow deputy, Jozsef Szajer, are incompatible with the values of our political family," the Magyar Nemzet quoted Orban as saying.

Hungarian deputy Jozsef Szajer quits Fidesz party after getting caught attending party during lockdown

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban said Friday he has "no time" for scathing criticism by EU allies of sweeping powers he took on this week to tackle the coronavirus threat.

Thirteen European centre-right parties urged their European Peoples Party (EPP) political group to expel Orban's Fidesz party after he assumed emergency powers on Monday.

Orban insists he must rule by decree to tackle the spread of the new coronavirus pandemic. But many, including some of his allies in the EPP, accuse him of a power grab gone too far.

"With all due respect I have no time for this," said Orban in a letter to EPP Secretary-General Antonio Lopez-Isturiz White posted on Twitter by one of his ministers Katalin Novak.

"I can hardly imagine any of us having time for fantasies about the intentions of other countries. This seems to me to be a costly luxury these days," he wrote.

"I am ready to discuss this once the pandemic is over," he added.

The Scandinavian, Greek, Belgian, Lithuanian, Czech and Slovak conservatives, who signed Thursday's statement calling for Fidesz to be kicked out of the EPP, do not represent a majority of the group.

But their letter strengthens the hand of party chairman Donald Tusk, the former Polish leader and president of the European Council, who is pushing the EPP to distance itself from Orban.

The signatories call on the EU executive, the European Commission, to "address the situation in Hungary forcefully" and brand Orban's move a "violation of the founding principles of liberal democracy and European values".

Under the emergency law, Orban has the power to rule by decree until his government decides the virus crisis is over.

It also threatens journalists with prison if they publish "falsehoods" about the virus or the government's actions to slow it.

The EPP is the biggest single voting bloc in the European Parliament and the party of both European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen and Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban said Friday he has "no time" for scathing criticism by EU allies of sweeping powers he took on this week to tackle the coronavirus threat.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban said Friday he has "no time" for scathing criticism by EU allies of sweeping powers he took on this week to tackle the coronavirus threat. Thirteen European centre-right parties urged their European Peoples Party (EPP) political group to expel Orban's Fidesz party after he assumed emergency powers on Monday. Orban insists he must rule by decree to tackle the spread of the new coronavirus pandemic. But many, including some of his allies in the EPP, accuse him of a power grab gone too far. "With all due respect I have no time for this," said Orban in a letter to EPP Secretary-General Antonio Lopez-Isturiz White posted on Twitter by one of his ministers Katalin Novak. "I can hardly imagine any of us having time for fantasies about the intentions of other countries. This seems to me to be a costly luxury these days," he wrote. "I am ready to discuss this once the pandemic is over," he added. The Scandinavian, Greek, Belgian, Lithuanian, Czech and Slovak conservatives, who signed Thursday's statement calling for Fidesz to be kicked out of the EPP, do not represent a majority of the group. But their letter strengthens the hand of party chairman Donald Tusk, the former Polish leader and president of the European Council, who is pushing the EPP to distance itself from Orban. The signatories call on the EU executive, the European Commission, to "address the situation in Hungary forcefully" and brand Orban's move a "violation of the founding principles of liberal democracy and European values". Under the emergency law, Orban has the power to rule by decree until his government decides the virus crisis is over. It also threatens journalists with prison if they publish "falsehoods" about the virus or the government's actions to slow it. The EPP is the biggest single voting bloc in the European Parliament and the party of both European Commission chief Ursula von der Leyen and Germany's Chancellor Angela Merkel.

Hungary PM 'no time' for European Union allies' criticism

viktor-orban

Viktor Orban, News on Viktor Orban, stories on Viktor Orban, articles on Viktor Orban, Viktor Orban stories at Wion, Viktor Orban news, Viktor Orban latest news

viktor orban