Americans have bought nearly 17m guns so far in 2020, more than in any other single year, according to estimates from a firearms analytics company.

Americans have bought record 17m guns in year of unrest

The first polls will close at 6 p.m. Eastern time in parts of Indiana and Kentucky. Then there will be a steady stream of poll closings, every hour and sometimes every 30 minutes until the last polls in Alaska shut down at 1 a.m. Eastern time Wednesday.

In a normal year, results would start flowing in pretty quickly, and we might have a good picture within hours of which candidate was poised to reach 270 electoral votes. But this is not a normal year. Because so many Americans are voting by mail, it’s very possible that we won’t know who won on election night, or even Wednesday morning.

The keywords here are patience and caution. Do not expect states to be called quickly, and do not draw conclusions from partial results, which are likely to be misleading.

Early returns in states that count in-person votes first, like Pennsylvania, will probably be skewed toward President Donald Trump and other Republicans. Early returns in states that count pre-Election Day votes first, like Florida, will probably be skewed toward Joe Biden and other Democrats.

6 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: Indiana and Kentucky won’t tell us much — Trump is expected to win both of them easily, and Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky is expected to win easily, too.

In the unlikely event that McConnell’s Democratic challenger, Amy McGrath, becomes competitive, that could be a sign of a really bad night for Republicans. But early returns will not say much, because the polls will be open for another hour in parts of western Kentucky and Indiana that are on Central time.

7 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: Florida and Georgia are expected to count ballots faster than other swing states — Florida especially so — and if Biden wins either of them, he will be in a formidable position. If Trump wins them, then we may be looking at a long wait for results in the Midwest to decide the race. (Keep in mind that, because Florida reports early votes before Election Day votes and because polls in the conservative Panhandle are open for another hour, the first returns may be disproportionately Democratic.)

Georgia also has two competitive Senate races, both of which may require runoffs in January. In South Carolina, though, which is expected to count almost all of its votes Tuesday night, the race between Sen. Lindsey Graham and Jaime Harrison could be called quickly.

7:30 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: North Carolina and Ohio are key presidential swing states, but while they are expected to report a majority of results quickly, they will also continue to accept mail-in ballots for more than a week. That means in a close race, we might not know who won until mid-November.

North Carolina also has one of the most important Senate races this year, between Sen. Thom Tillis and his Democratic challenger, Cal Cunningham. If Democrats are going to take control of the Senate, this is close to a must-win.

8 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: The last polls in Florida close at this time, as do all or most polls in three other important swing states: Michigan, Pennsylvania and Texas. (Polls in far western parts of Michigan and Texas, including El Paso, are open for an additional hour.) Texas is expected to report most of its results Tuesday. But Michigan and Pennsylvania may take several days to count mail ballots, and the returns there on election night may be disproportionately Republican.

The polls also close at 8 p.m. in Alabama and Maine, which have competitive Senate races: Sen. Doug Jones, a Democrat, against Tommy Tuberville in Alabama, and Sen. Susan Collins, a Republican, against Sara Gideon in Maine. Keep an eye on the Senate races in Michigan (Sen. Gary Peters, a Democrat) and Texas (Sen. John Cornyn, a Republican), too.

8:30 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: There won’t be much to see at the statewide level in Arkansas, which is safe Republican territory for both Trump and Sen. Tom Cotton. But there is a competitive race in the 2nd Congressional District between Rep. French Hill and his Democratic challenger, Joyce Elliott.

9 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: Arizona, Colorado, Minnesota and Wisconsin are the states in play here. Arizona, Minnesota and Wisconsin will be closely watched in the presidential race, and Democrats are hoping to flip Senate seats in Arizona and Colorado.

Election officials expect to count votes fairly quickly in these states, but final results in Wisconsin may have to wait until Wednesday morning.

10 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: Iowa has one of the most competitive Senate races this year, between Sen. Joni Ernst and her Democratic challenger, Theresa Greenfield. There is also, to a somewhat lesser extent, a competitive Senate race in Montana between Sen. Steve Daines, a Republican, and Gov. Steve Bullock, a Democrat.

Iowa is also in play in the presidential race, but it is more Republican-leaning than the other swing states and is not particularly likely to decide the election — if Biden ends up winning here, he would probably already have passed 270 electoral votes elsewhere. The reverse is true in Nevada: Trump is targeting it, but it’s more Democratic-leaning than other swing states.

11 p.m.

WHAT TO WATCH: None of the states with polls closing this time have competitive presidential or Senate races. There are several House races to watch in California, but complete results may not come for weeks. Even before the pandemic, many Californians voted by mail, and the state took a long time to process the ballots.

WHAT TO WATCH: There is probably nothing to watch in Alaska or Hawaii on election night. Hawaii will report its results very quickly but does not have any competitive races. And while Alaska’s Senate and House races may be competitive, the state will not start — you read that right, &lt;em&gt;start&lt;/em&gt; — counting absentee ballots until Nov. 10.

The first polls will close at 6 p.m. Eastern time in parts of Indiana and Kentucky. Then there will be a steady stream of poll closings, every hour and sometimes every 30 minutes until the last polls in Alaska shut down at 1 a.

The first polls will close at 6 p.m. Eastern time in parts of Indiana and Kentucky. Then there will be a steady stream of poll closings, every hour and sometimes every 30 minutes until the last polls in Alaska shut down at 1 a.m. Eastern time Wednesday. In a normal year, results would start flowing in pretty quickly, and we might have a good picture within hours of which candidate was poised to reach 270 electoral votes. But this is not a normal year. Because so many Americans are voting by mail, it’s very possible that we won’t know who won on election night, or even Wednesday morning. The keywords here are patience and caution. Do not expect states to be called quickly, and do not draw conclusions from partial results, which are likely to be misleading. Early returns in states that count in-person votes first, like Pennsylvania, will probably be skewed toward President Donald Trump and other Republicans. Early returns in states that count pre-Election Day votes first, like Florida, will probably be skewed toward Joe Biden and other Democrats. 6 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: Indiana and Kentucky won’t tell us much — Trump is expected to win both of them easily, and Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky is expected to win easily, too. In the unlikely event that McConnell’s Democratic challenger, Amy McGrath, becomes competitive, that could be a sign of a really bad night for Republicans. But early returns will not say much, because the polls will be open for another hour in parts of western Kentucky and Indiana that are on Central time. 7 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: Florida and Georgia are expected to count ballots faster than other swing states — Florida especially so — and if Biden wins either of them, he will be in a formidable position. If Trump wins them, then we may be looking at a long wait for results in the Midwest to decide the race. (Keep in mind that, because Florida reports early votes before Election Day votes and because polls in the conservative Panhandle are open for another hour, the first returns may be disproportionately Democratic.) Georgia also has two competitive Senate races, both of which may require runoffs in January. In South Carolina, though, which is expected to count almost all of its votes Tuesday night, the race between Sen. Lindsey Graham and Jaime Harrison could be called quickly. 7:30 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: North Carolina and Ohio are key presidential swing states, but while they are expected to report a majority of results quickly, they will also continue to accept mail-in ballots for more than a week. That means in a close race, we might not know who won until mid-November. North Carolina also has one of the most important Senate races this year, between Sen. Thom Tillis and his Democratic challenger, Cal Cunningham. If Democrats are going to take control of the Senate, this is close to a must-win. 8 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: The last polls in Florida close at this time, as do all or most polls in three other important swing states: Michigan, Pennsylvania and Texas. (Polls in far western parts of Michigan and Texas, including El Paso, are open for an additional hour.) Texas is expected to report most of its results Tuesday. But Michigan and Pennsylvania may take several days to count mail ballots, and the returns there on election night may be disproportionately Republican. The polls also close at 8 p.m. in Alabama and Maine, which have competitive Senate races: Sen. Doug Jones, a Democrat, against Tommy Tuberville in Alabama, and Sen. Susan Collins, a Republican, against Sara Gideon in Maine. Keep an eye on the Senate races in Michigan (Sen. Gary Peters, a Democrat) and Texas (Sen. John Cornyn, a Republican), too. 8:30 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: There won’t be much to see at the statewide level in Arkansas, which is safe Republican territory for both Trump and Sen. Tom Cotton. But there is a competitive race in the 2nd Congressional District between Rep. French Hill and his Democratic challenger, Joyce Elliott. 9 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: Arizona, Colorado, Minnesota and Wisconsin are the states in play here. Arizona, Minnesota and Wisconsin will be closely watched in the presidential race, and Democrats are hoping to flip Senate seats in Arizona and Colorado. Election officials expect to count votes fairly quickly in these states, but final results in Wisconsin may have to wait until Wednesday morning. 10 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: Iowa has one of the most competitive Senate races this year, between Sen. Joni Ernst and her Democratic challenger, Theresa Greenfield. There is also, to a somewhat lesser extent, a competitive Senate race in Montana between Sen. Steve Daines, a Republican, and Gov. Steve Bullock, a Democrat. Iowa is also in play in the presidential race, but it is more Republican-leaning than the other swing states and is not particularly likely to decide the election — if Biden ends up winning here, he would probably already have passed 270 electoral votes elsewhere. The reverse is true in Nevada: Trump is targeting it, but it’s more Democratic-leaning than other swing states. 11 p.m. WHAT TO WATCH: None of the states with polls closing this time have competitive presidential or Senate races. There are several House races to watch in California, but complete results may not come for weeks. Even before the pandemic, many Californians voted by mail, and the state took a long time to process the ballots. WHAT TO WATCH: There is probably nothing to watch in Alaska or Hawaii on election night. Hawaii will report its results very quickly but does not have any competitive races. And while Alaska’s Senate and House races may be competitive, the state will not start — you read that right, start — counting absentee ballots until Nov. 10.

When polls close and what to watch for

It is now the last day for Americans to cast their ballots for the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election 2020</a> and choose their next President out of the Republican candidate&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>.

As the final day of voting starts, the predictions are also being made about who will be the next representative of the White House for the next four years. One such prediction has been made by an Indian astrologer 'Tripathi ji' has made his predictions according to the study of the planets and stars, and his answer is different from the rest.
<img alt="Indian astrologer predicts Donald Trump's win" data-align="center" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="d15ea230-903a-4706-9f0d-d4b619f5a09c" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Indian%20astrologer%20predicts%20Donald%20Trump%27s%20win.jpg" />
As per the predictions made by him, the current President Donald Trump will start his second term and continue living in&nbsp;the White House. Tripathi ji claims that the ruled of the &nbsp;Aquarius sign, Rahu,&nbsp;will help Trump win the election this year. "Shree Donald Trump having ascendant lion and placement of sun in 10th house along the dragon's head that is rahu gives him upper hand to repeat the second term as President of America because .. has exalted Jupiter to combine with sun," the prediction reads.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/donald-trump-or-joe-biden-check-out-what-various-polls-suggest-340066" hreflang="en">Donald Trump or Joe Biden: Check out what various polls suggest</a>

He also predicted that Trump will win by nearly 0.4 million votes against the former Vice President Joe Biden. This prediction is contrasting with majority of the other polls that suggest Biden's win, till now. However, experts have also hinted towards a sudden shift in the final hours of election as many voters who have to cast their ballots had admitted to voting for Donald trump, instead of the Democrat candidate.

One twist in his prediction, however, is that Trump will not have a smooth win. The Indian astrologer has predicted that Trump will be blamed for manipulation and hackling of votes. This has come as an expected prediction as Trump has been warning against a smooth transition of power, if he loses, and he has also been accused of interfering in the election process.

The Indian astrologer is one of the few to predict Trump's win. Meanwhile, American media house CNN International condicted various opinion polls and concluded that Joe Biden is leading in Michigan and Wisconsin by a large margin, and Trump is chasing Biden with a close competition in North Carolina and Arizona. Similarly,&nbsp;Real Clear Politics which maintains an average of major opinion polls has predicted Biden's lead&nbsp;in the key battleground states by 2.9 percentage points, which comes within a margin of error.

It is now the last day for Americans to cast their ballots for the US election 2020 and choose their next President out of the Republican candidate Donald Trump and Joe Biden.

It is now the last day for Americans to cast their ballots for the US election 2020 and choose their next President out of the Republican candidate Donald Trump and Joe Biden. As the final day of voting starts, the predictions are also being made about who will be the next representative of the White House for the next four years. One such prediction has been made by an Indian astrologer 'Tripathi ji' has made his predictions according to the study of the planets and stars, and his answer is different from the rest. As per the predictions made by him, the current President Donald Trump will start his second term and continue living in the White House. Tripathi ji claims that the ruled of the Aquarius sign, Rahu, will help Trump win the election this year. "Shree Donald Trump having ascendant lion and placement of sun in 10th house along the dragon's head that is rahu gives him upper hand to repeat the second term as President of America because .. has exalted Jupiter to combine with sun," the prediction reads. Also read| Donald Trump or Joe Biden: Check out what various polls suggest He also predicted that Trump will win by nearly 0.4 million votes against the former Vice President Joe Biden. This prediction is contrasting with majority of the other polls that suggest Biden's win, till now. However, experts have also hinted towards a sudden shift in the final hours of election as many voters who have to cast their ballots had admitted to voting for Donald trump, instead of the Democrat candidate. One twist in his prediction, however, is that Trump will not have a smooth win. The Indian astrologer has predicted that Trump will be blamed for manipulation and hackling of votes. This has come as an expected prediction as Trump has been warning against a smooth transition of power, if he loses, and he has also been accused of interfering in the election process. The Indian astrologer is one of the few to predict Trump's win. Meanwhile, American media house CNN International condicted various opinion polls and concluded that Joe Biden is leading in Michigan and Wisconsin by a large margin, and Trump is chasing Biden with a close competition in North Carolina and Arizona. Similarly, Real Clear Politics which maintains an average of major opinion polls has predicted Biden's lead in the key battleground states by 2.9 percentage points, which comes within a margin of error.

Indian astrologer predicts Donald Trump's win against Joe Biden in US Election 2020

The Democrat contestant&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>&nbsp;is leading the race in the states&nbsp;Michigan and Wisconsin, according to a survey.&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>,&nbsp;however, is trying to match the increasing number in North Carolina and Arizona.

With just two days left for the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election</a>,&nbsp;opinion polls and surveys are calculating the chances of the two leaders in different states and demographics. The two leaders,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>&nbsp;and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>&nbsp;have been busy campaigning in the few key states.&nbsp;

The survey has been conducted by the Amerian media organisation CNN and concludes that Joe Biden is leading in the two states (Michigan and Wisconsin) and leading a close competition in North Carolina and Arizona — all these four states were winning territories of Donald trump in 2016 US elections.

As per the survey, Biden is leading the race among the people who have already voted, either in-person or through the in-mail voting system. However, Trump is leading by a huge margin among people who plan to vote on November 03. While Biden is leading the race, for now, this margin could help Trump win the election, which would be a repeat of the 2016 US election.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/joe-biden-leading-in-us-election-2020-against-donald-trump-survey-338733">Joe Biden leading in US Election 2020 against Donald Trump: Survey</a>

The figures from Arizona show Biden leading with a support figure of 50 per cent while Trump is following closely with a support sample of 46 per cent. In Wisconsin, a state that supported Trump in 2016, the President is trailing behind with 44 per cent support, and Biden is leading with 52 per cent votes. Michigan, on the other hand, is a state with one of the highest margins between the two candidates with Biden leading with 53 per cent and Trump struggling to diminish the widening ga with just 41 per cent supporters.

However, the scenario changes tad bit in North Carolina where Biden and Trump are closely rushing towards the finish line with 51 and 45 per cent votes. The gap is expected to fill in faster than expected once people start voting on the election day.&nbsp;

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Watch | As we are just days away from US election 2020, Joe Biden maintains a lead over Donald Trump but only by a slim margin 
 
Who will win the presidential race? This report from <a href="https://twitter.com/VOANews?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@VOANews</a> provides insights<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/USelection2020?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#USelection2020</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/USelection?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#USelection</a> <a href="https://t.co/ZqWKnMYWpZ">pic.twitter.com/ZqWKnMYWpZ</a>
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The voter demographic in state&nbsp;of&nbsp;Michigan and Wisconsin mainly comprises of white nationals, which is not the case for Arizona or North Carolina. Interestingly, the states with a larger White population have Joe Biden in the lead, and the states with lesser White population have a very little margin between the two candidates. This has come as an unexpected turn as the White voter bank has usually voted for Republicans, especially with the recent civil unrest due to the social movements such as Black Lives Matter.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/on-final-weekend-before-nov-3-vote-trump-and-biden-press-closing-arguments-339318" hreflang="en">On final weekend before Nov 3 vote, Trump and Biden press closing arguments</a>

White voters with college degrees in both Michigan and Wisconsin have lent nearly 61 per cent support to the Democrat candidate, and the state of North Carolina is lagging with 51 per cent and Arizona with 50 per cent supporters giving a chance&nbsp;to Biden. Trump, on the other hand, is winning among the white voters without a college degree with a winning number of 64 per cent supporters.

The voting pattern in the women of the four states is quite similar with nearly 55 per cent women supporting Biden, and abandoning Trump. However, men in&nbsp;North Carolina and Arizona are lending their support to trump, and&nbsp;Michigan and Wisconsin men are balancing between the two leaders, for now.

One major issue that has driven people away from trump in these four states, which he had won in the 2016 elections, is their disapproval with the way the President handled the coronavirus pandemic in the US. Nearly&nbsp;51 per cent people showed their&nbsp;disapproval in Arizona and&nbsp;56 per cent in Michigan.

The survey results have been observed through&nbsp;random samples of roughly 1,000 adults in each state who were interviewed on phone between&nbsp;October 23 and 30. "Results among likely voters have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 4.1 percentage points in Arizona, 3.8 points in Michigan, 4.0 points in North Carolina and 3.9 points in Wisconsin," CNN said.

The Democrat contestant Joe Biden is leading the race in the states Michigan and Wisconsin, according to a survey. Donald Trump, however, is trying to match the increasing number in North Carolina and Arizona.

The Democrat contestant Joe Biden is leading the race in the states Michigan and Wisconsin, according to a survey. Donald Trump, however, is trying to match the increasing number in North Carolina and Arizona. With just two days left for the US election, opinion polls and surveys are calculating the chances of the two leaders in different states and demographics. The two leaders, Donald Trump and Joe Biden have been busy campaigning in the few key states. The survey has been conducted by the Amerian media organisation CNN and concludes that Joe Biden is leading in the two states (Michigan and Wisconsin) and leading a close competition in North Carolina and Arizona — all these four states were winning territories of Donald trump in 2016 US elections. As per the survey, Biden is leading the race among the people who have already voted, either in-person or through the in-mail voting system. However, Trump is leading by a huge margin among people who plan to vote on November 03. While Biden is leading the race, for now, this margin could help Trump win the election, which would be a repeat of the 2016 US election. Also read| Joe Biden leading in US Election 2020 against Donald Trump: Survey The figures from Arizona show Biden leading with a support figure of 50 per cent while Trump is following closely with a support sample of 46 per cent. In Wisconsin, a state that supported Trump in 2016, the President is trailing behind with 44 per cent support, and Biden is leading with 52 per cent votes. Michigan, on the other hand, is a state with one of the highest margins between the two candidates with Biden leading with 53 per cent and Trump struggling to diminish the widening ga with just 41 per cent supporters. However, the scenario changes tad bit in North Carolina where Biden and Trump are closely rushing towards the finish line with 51 and 45 per cent votes. The gap is expected to fill in faster than expected once people start voting on the election day. Watch | As we are just days away from US election 2020, Joe Biden maintains a lead over Donald Trump but only by a slim margin Who will win the presidential race? This report from @VOANews provides insights#USelection2020 #USelection pic.twitter.com/ZqWKnMYWpZ — WION (@WIONews) November 1, 2020 × The voter demographic in state of Michigan and Wisconsin mainly comprises of white nationals, which is not the case for Arizona or North Carolina. Interestingly, the states with a larger White population have Joe Biden in the lead, and the states with lesser White population have a very little margin between the two candidates. This has come as an unexpected turn as the White voter bank has usually voted for Republicans, especially with the recent civil unrest due to the social movements such as Black Lives Matter. Also read| On final weekend before Nov 3 vote, Trump and Biden press closing arguments White voters with college degrees in both Michigan and Wisconsin have lent nearly 61 per cent support to the Democrat candidate, and the state of North Carolina is lagging with 51 per cent and Arizona with 50 per cent supporters giving a chance to Biden. Trump, on the other hand, is winning among the white voters without a college degree with a winning number of 64 per cent supporters. The voting pattern in the women of the four states is quite similar with nearly 55 per cent women supporting Biden, and abandoning Trump. However, men in North Carolina and Arizona are lending their support to trump, and Michigan and Wisconsin men are balancing between the two leaders, for now. One major issue that has driven people away from trump in these four states, which he had won in the 2016 elections, is their disapproval with the way the President handled the coronavirus pandemic in the US. Nearly 51 per cent people showed their disapproval in Arizona and 56 per cent in Michigan. The survey results have been observed through random samples of roughly 1,000 adults in each state who were interviewed on phone between October 23 and 30. "Results among likely voters have a margin of sampling error of plus or minus 4.1 percentage points in Arizona, 3.8 points in Michigan, 4.0 points in North Carolina and 3.9 points in Wisconsin," CNN said.

Joe Biden leads in Michigan and Wisconsin, Donald Trump struggling: Survey

The US presidential race is headed for a tight finish with the margin between US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden shrinking, particularly in key battleground states, latest opinion polls indicated on Monday on the eve of the elections.

Biden, 77, was leading Trump, 74, in the key battleground States by 2.9 percentage points, which comes within a margin of error, according to Real Clear Politics which maintains an average of major opinion polls.

Biden's lead has shrunk over the last few days, as Trump and his family have virtually carpet-bombed the key battleground states, including as many as 15 rallies by the president.

The first family along with Vice President Mike Pence have collectively held more than 40 rallies in the last three days of the election.

Biden, his running mate Senator Kamala Harris, along with the former president Barack Obama too have ramped up their public appearances in the last few days, but it's nowhere matching to that of the Trump campaign.

On the eve of the election, Biden was in Ohio, while Obama was campaigning in Florida. Harris was in Pennsylvania.

Trump was holding five rallies in five key battleground states – North Carolina, Florida, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan.

Nationally, Trump as per Real Clear Politics on an average was trailing by 6.5 percentage points against Biden.

Till a few days ago, Biden’s lead was around eight percentage points. On Monday both the Trump and Biden Campaigns exuded confidence of winning the race on Tuesday night.

A majority of the mainstream media, however, said Monday that Trump has an uphill task to win the elections, given that he continues to trail in polls in key states like Pennsylvania, Florida, Michigan, Arizona, and Wisconsin. A few outlets are saying that Texas, which has traditionally remained a GOP bastion is also in play this year.

Trump supporters argue that poll do not reflect the ground realities and like in 2016, the president would win the election with much stronger mandate.

Nate Silver from the important FiveThirtyEight.Com on Monday said that Trump has about 10 percent chance of winning the elections. Notably, he had gone wrong in 2016.

“As in 2016, Trump could potentially benefit from the Electoral College. Projected margins in the tipping-point states are considerably tighter than the margins in the national popular vote. More specifically, Joe Biden’s lead in Pennsylvania — the most likely tipping-point state, according to our forecast — is solid but not spectacular: about 5 points in our polling average,” Silver wrote.

Nate Silver said that if Biden wins the popular vote by 2 to 3 percentage points, the Electoral College is roughly a toss-up. But if Biden wins the popular vote by less than 2 points, Trump is a fairly heavy favourite to win the election, he wrote.

“Even popular vote margins of up to 6 points are not entirely safe for Biden if his votes are distributed in exactly the wrong way. So you can see why an 8- or 9-point lead in the popular vote shouldn't make Biden feel that secure; despite being a landslide margin, it's also only a few points removed from the inflection point where the Electoral College starts to become competitive,” he argued.

According to The New York Times, if the polls are right, Joe Biden could post the most decisive victory in a presidential election in three and a half decades, surpassing Bill Clinton's win in 1996. “That’s a big “if.”,” it said.

“The indelible memory of 2016’s polling misfire, when Donald J. Trump trailed in virtually every pre-election poll and yet swept the battleground states and won the Electoral College, has hovered over the 2020 campaign. Mr. Biden's unusually persistent lead has done little to dispel questions about whether the polls could be off again,” said the daily.

“President Trump needs a very large polling error to have a hope of winning the White House. Joe Biden would win even if polls were off by as much as they were in 2016,” it said.

The US presidential race is headed for a tight finish with the margin between US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden shrinking, particularly in key battleground states, latest opinion polls indicated on Monday on the eve of the elections.

The US presidential race is headed for a tight finish with the margin between US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden shrinking, particularly in key battleground states, latest opinion polls indicated on Monday on the eve of the elections. Biden, 77, was leading Trump, 74, in the key battleground States by 2.9 percentage points, which comes within a margin of error, according to Real Clear Politics which maintains an average of major opinion polls. Biden's lead has shrunk over the last few days, as Trump and his family have virtually carpet-bombed the key battleground states, including as many as 15 rallies by the president. The first family along with Vice President Mike Pence have collectively held more than 40 rallies in the last three days of the election. Biden, his running mate Senator Kamala Harris, along with the former president Barack Obama too have ramped up their public appearances in the last few days, but it's nowhere matching to that of the Trump campaign. On the eve of the election, Biden was in Ohio, while Obama was campaigning in Florida. Harris was in Pennsylvania. Trump was holding five rallies in five key battleground states – North Carolina, Florida, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan. Nationally, Trump as per Real Clear Politics on an average was trailing by 6.5 percentage points against Biden. Till a few days ago, Biden’s lead was around eight percentage points. On Monday both the Trump and Biden Campaigns exuded confidence of winning the race on Tuesday night. A majority of the mainstream media, however, said Monday that Trump has an uphill task to win the elections, given that he continues to trail in polls in key states like Pennsylvania, Florida, Michigan, Arizona, and Wisconsin. A few outlets are saying that Texas, which has traditionally remained a GOP bastion is also in play this year. Trump supporters argue that poll do not reflect the ground realities and like in 2016, the president would win the election with much stronger mandate. Nate Silver from the important FiveThirtyEight.Com on Monday said that Trump has about 10 percent chance of winning the elections. Notably, he had gone wrong in 2016. “As in 2016, Trump could potentially benefit from the Electoral College. Projected margins in the tipping-point states are considerably tighter than the margins in the national popular vote. More specifically, Joe Biden’s lead in Pennsylvania — the most likely tipping-point state, according to our forecast — is solid but not spectacular: about 5 points in our polling average,” Silver wrote. Nate Silver said that if Biden wins the popular vote by 2 to 3 percentage points, the Electoral College is roughly a toss-up. But if Biden wins the popular vote by less than 2 points, Trump is a fairly heavy favourite to win the election, he wrote. “Even popular vote margins of up to 6 points are not entirely safe for Biden if his votes are distributed in exactly the wrong way. So you can see why an 8- or 9-point lead in the popular vote shouldn't make Biden feel that secure; despite being a landslide margin, it's also only a few points removed from the inflection point where the Electoral College starts to become competitive,” he argued. According to The New York Times, if the polls are right, Joe Biden could post the most decisive victory in a presidential election in three and a half decades, surpassing Bill Clinton's win in 1996. “That’s a big “if.”,” it said. “The indelible memory of 2016’s polling misfire, when Donald J. Trump trailed in virtually every pre-election poll and yet swept the battleground states and won the Electoral College, has hovered over the 2020 campaign. Mr. Biden's unusually persistent lead has done little to dispel questions about whether the polls could be off again,” said the daily. “President Trump needs a very large polling error to have a hope of winning the White House. Joe Biden would win even if polls were off by as much as they were in 2016,” it said.

US presidential elections headed for a tight finish: Polls

With&nbsp;President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a> and his Democratic challenger, <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>&nbsp;locked in a dead heat on&nbsp;the eve of the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election</a> 2020, the polls are trying the gauge the preference of the nation.

Latest opinion polls indicate the US presidential race is headed for a tight finish with the margin between Trump and Biden shrinking,&nbsp;particularly in key battleground states.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-most-respected-political-poll-shows-trump-leads-joe-biden-in-iowa-339850" hreflang="en">US election: Most respected political poll shows Trump leads Biden in Iowa</a>

YouGov America's final&nbsp;poll ahead of the election gives Joe Biden a 9-point lead over Donald Trump, with the Democrat on 53.2 per cent&nbsp;compared to the Republican's 44.3 per cent. The research group suggests this would convert into an electoral college 364—174 majority for Biden. The threshold to win is 270.

Its poll gives Biden a large majority among people who have already voted — and a large majority for Trump among those who intend to turn out on election day. A breakdown of the figures suggests a tight race in some key states.

YouGov says it has carried out more than 99,000 interviews, including over 1,400 in the final 24-hour period, for its weekly polling.

A final Reuters/Ipsos&nbsp;national poll showed Biden with an outright majority among all likely voters: 52&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;said they were backing the Democratic nominee while 44&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;said they were voting for the Republican Trump.

A CNN Poll of Polls&nbsp;tracking the average poll result in the race gives Biden a 10-point lead of 52&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;to Trump's 42 per cent. But the US broadcaster points out that the president is elected by the electoral college, not the popular vote which national polls can only approximate.

The website FiveThirtyEight, which focuses on opinion poll analysis, says Biden is "clearly favoured" to win the election, coming out top in 90&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;of its simulations. But, it adds, bigger polling errors have happened in the past — pointing out that a 10&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;chance attributed to Trump "is roughly the same as the odds that it’s raining in downtown Los Angeles. And it does rain there".

An analysis by RealClearPolitics&nbsp;of "top battleground" states gives Biden the lead in five out of six — in Florida, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Arizona. Trump is given a 0.6 per cent&nbsp;lead in North Carolina. But of the five states the polling aggregator suggests are leaning towards Biden, only in two does the Democrat's lead the top five per cent.

Trump has advanced to a 7-point lead over Biden in Iowa, 48&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;to 41 per cent, according to a&nbsp;Des Moines Register/Mediacom poll. But a&nbsp;RealClearPolitics&nbsp;polling average for the state puts the incumbent president's lead at under one percent — with Trump on 46.5&nbsp;per cent&nbsp;and Biden on 45.8 per cent.

In&nbsp;Euronews' previous analysis of the polls early last week, they reported that the Democrat's poll rating had increased by several percentage points over the incumbent.

Some conservative commentators argue that despite survey adjustments made by pollsters since 2016, they are still ignoring factors that do not show up in their polls — which they suggest underestimate the level of support for Trump.

With President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger, Joe Biden locked in a dead heat on the eve of the US election 2020, the polls are trying the gauge the preference of the nation.

With President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger, Joe Biden locked in a dead heat on the eve of the US election 2020, the polls are trying the gauge the preference of the nation. Latest opinion polls indicate the US presidential race is headed for a tight finish with the margin between Trump and Biden shrinking, particularly in key battleground states. Also read| US election: Most respected political poll shows Trump leads Biden in Iowa YouGov America's final poll ahead of the election gives Joe Biden a 9-point lead over Donald Trump, with the Democrat on 53.2 per cent compared to the Republican's 44.3 per cent. The research group suggests this would convert into an electoral college 364—174 majority for Biden. The threshold to win is 270. Its poll gives Biden a large majority among people who have already voted — and a large majority for Trump among those who intend to turn out on election day. A breakdown of the figures suggests a tight race in some key states. YouGov says it has carried out more than 99,000 interviews, including over 1,400 in the final 24-hour period, for its weekly polling. A final Reuters/Ipsos national poll showed Biden with an outright majority among all likely voters: 52 per cent said they were backing the Democratic nominee while 44 per cent said they were voting for the Republican Trump. A CNN Poll of Polls tracking the average poll result in the race gives Biden a 10-point lead of 52 per cent to Trump's 42 per cent. But the US broadcaster points out that the president is elected by the electoral college, not the popular vote which national polls can only approximate. The website FiveThirtyEight, which focuses on opinion poll analysis, says Biden is "clearly favoured" to win the election, coming out top in 90 per cent of its simulations. But, it adds, bigger polling errors have happened in the past — pointing out that a 10 per cent chance attributed to Trump "is roughly the same as the odds that it’s raining in downtown Los Angeles. And it does rain there". An analysis by RealClearPolitics of "top battleground" states gives Biden the lead in five out of six — in Florida, Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Arizona. Trump is given a 0.6 per cent lead in North Carolina. But of the five states the polling aggregator suggests are leaning towards Biden, only in two does the Democrat's lead the top five per cent. Trump has advanced to a 7-point lead over Biden in Iowa, 48 per cent to 41 per cent, according to a Des Moines Register/Mediacom poll. But a RealClearPolitics polling average for the state puts the incumbent president's lead at under one percent — with Trump on 46.5 per cent and Biden on 45.8 per cent. In Euronews' previous analysis of the polls early last week, they reported that the Democrat's poll rating had increased by several percentage points over the incumbent. Some conservative commentators argue that despite survey adjustments made by pollsters since 2016, they are still ignoring factors that do not show up in their polls — which they suggest underestimate the level of support for Trump.

Donald Trump or Joe Biden: Check out what various polls suggest

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#Election2020 has been the most divisive & unpredictable poll battle in years. The race which started with 28 Democrats against POTUS, has narrowed down to Joe Biden vs Donald Trump. WION reports some pivotal moments of the #PresidentialElection2020

Most crucial moments of 2020 election campaign

United States President Donald Trump cast doubt on the integrity of the US election again on Sunday, saying a vote count that stretched past November 3 would be a "terrible thing" and suggesting his lawyers might get involved.

With two days to go until Tuesday's election and trailing Democratic rival Joe Biden in opinion polls, Trump raced through battleground states in a late hunt for support, while Biden implored attendees at two rallies in the pivotal state of Pennsylvania to get out and vote.

Americans have rushed to vote early, already casting nearly 60 million mail-in ballots that could take days or weeks to be counted in some states - meaning a winner might not be declared in the hours after polls close on Tuesday night.

"I don’t think it’s fair that we have to wait for a long period of time after the election," Trump told reporters before a rally in North Carolina. Some states, including Pennsylvania, do not start processing mail-in votes until Election Day, slowing the process.

Trump has said repeatedly without evidence that mail-in votes are prone to fraud, although election experts say that is rare in US elections. Mail voting is a long-standing feature of American elections, and about one in four ballots was cast that way in 2016.

"We’re going in the night of - as soon as the election is over - we’re going in with our lawyers," Trump told reporters without offering further explanation.

Trump denied an Axios report that he has told confidants he will declare victory on Tuesday night if it looks like he is ahead, even if the Electoral College outcome is unclear. But he said it was a "terrible thing" that ballots would be counted after Election Day.

Trump trails Biden in national opinion polls. Democrats have pushed mail-in voting as a safe way to cast a ballot during the coronavirus pandemic, while Trump and Republicans are counting on a big Election Day in-person turnout.

The race is, howeverm seen as close in enough battleground states that Trump still could achieve the 270 votes needed to win in the state-by-state Electoral College that determines the victor. Trump held rallies in Michigan, Iowa, North Carolina and Georgia, and at midnight, a late one in Florida.

Meanwhile, a record-setting 92.2 million early votes have been cast either in-person or by mail, according to the U.S. Elections Project, representing about 40% of eligible voters. The early surge has led Michael McDonald of the University of Florida, who administers the project, to predict a turnout rate of about 65% of eligible voters, the highest since 1908.

(with inputs)

United States President Donald Trump cast doubt on the integrity of the US election again on Sunday, saying a vote count that stretched past November 3 would be a "terrible thing" and suggesting his lawyers might get involved.

United States President Donald Trump cast doubt on the integrity of the US election again on Sunday, saying a vote count that stretched past November 3 would be a "terrible thing" and suggesting his lawyers might get involved. With two days to go until Tuesday's election and trailing Democratic rival Joe Biden in opinion polls, Trump raced through battleground states in a late hunt for support, while Biden implored attendees at two rallies in the pivotal state of Pennsylvania to get out and vote. Americans have rushed to vote early, already casting nearly 60 million mail-in ballots that could take days or weeks to be counted in some states - meaning a winner might not be declared in the hours after polls close on Tuesday night. "I don’t think it’s fair that we have to wait for a long period of time after the election," Trump told reporters before a rally in North Carolina. Some states, including Pennsylvania, do not start processing mail-in votes until Election Day, slowing the process. Trump has said repeatedly without evidence that mail-in votes are prone to fraud, although election experts say that is rare in US elections. Mail voting is a long-standing feature of American elections, and about one in four ballots was cast that way in 2016. "We’re going in the night of - as soon as the election is over - we’re going in with our lawyers," Trump told reporters without offering further explanation. Trump denied an Axios report that he has told confidants he will declare victory on Tuesday night if it looks like he is ahead, even if the Electoral College outcome is unclear. But he said it was a "terrible thing" that ballots would be counted after Election Day. Trump trails Biden in national opinion polls. Democrats have pushed mail-in voting as a safe way to cast a ballot during the coronavirus pandemic, while Trump and Republicans are counting on a big Election Day in-person turnout. The race is, howeverm seen as close in enough battleground states that Trump still could achieve the 270 votes needed to win in the state-by-state Electoral College that determines the victor. Trump held rallies in Michigan, Iowa, North Carolina and Georgia, and at midnight, a late one in Florida. Meanwhile, a record-setting 92.2 million early votes have been cast either in-person or by mail, according to the U.S. Elections Project, representing about 40% of eligible voters. The early surge has led Michael McDonald of the University of Florida, who administers the project, to predict a turnout rate of about 65% of eligible voters, the highest since 1908. (with inputs)

With two days to go, Trump casts doubt on integrity of prolonged vote count

As America gets closer to the Election Day, The supporters of Donald Trump & Joe Biden clashed against each other & the police in several states. WION reports.

Trump & Biden supporters clash in Texas

Team Trump & Team Joe had one of the busiest weekends before the big Election day. In a final opportunity to shore up support, both the teams rallied across Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Iowa, Maryland, Minnesota & more. WION brings you a rally round-up.

Last opportunity to shore up support

48 hours to Election day. A Stanford study links additional 30,000 covid-19 cases & at least 700 deaths to Donald Trump's signature campaign rallies. Meanwhile, crowd chants 'Fire Fauci' at trump's Florida rally. Susan Tehrani brings the details.

What is the impact of Trump's packed rallies?

President Donald Trump cast doubt on the integrity of the U.S. election again on Sunday (November 1), saying a vote count that stretched past Election Day would be a "terrible thing" and suggesting his lawyers might get involved.

Donald Trump casts doubt on integrity of prolonged vote count

The stock market has given a key indication&nbsp;of who is going to win the US presidential election in 2020.

With two days to go until the US Presidential election, the stock market’s Friday fall spells trouble for President Donald Trump’s re-election hopes.

In 2016, the S&amp;P 500 indicator had predicted that the incumbent party in the White House—the Democrats—would be replaced.

And now the stock market's ‘presidential predictor’, as it's known by market analysts, is officially signalling that Joe Biden will win the election.

Meanwhile, US President and Republican candidate for US elections Donald Trump has taken over the lead in Iowa State. On the other hand, Joe Biden is handily beating Donald Trump in national polls.

In the poll, conducted by Selzer &amp; Co for the Des Moines Register and Mediacom between 26 and 29 October, Trump led by 48% to 41% for Biden. In September, the same poll showed the two men tied at 47%.

In September's Iowa Poll, the candidates were tied at 47% to 47%.

The state swung in favour for the Obama-Biden presidential ticket in 2008 and 2012, before flipping to Trump in 2016. 
 
(With inputs from agencies)

The stock market has given a key indication of who is going to win the US presidential election in 2020. With two days to go until the US Presidential election, the stock market’s Friday fall spells trouble for President Donald Trump’s re-election hopes.

The stock market has given a key indication of who is going to win the US presidential election in 2020. With two days to go until the US Presidential election, the stock market’s Friday fall spells trouble for President Donald Trump’s re-election hopes. In 2016, the S&P 500 indicator had predicted that the incumbent party in the White House—the Democrats—would be replaced. And now the stock market's ‘presidential predictor’, as it's known by market analysts, is officially signalling that Joe Biden will win the election. Meanwhile, US President and Republican candidate for US elections Donald Trump has taken over the lead in Iowa State. On the other hand, Joe Biden is handily beating Donald Trump in national polls. In the poll, conducted by Selzer & Co for the Des Moines Register and Mediacom between 26 and 29 October, Trump led by 48% to 41% for Biden. In September, the same poll showed the two men tied at 47%. In September's Iowa Poll, the candidates were tied at 47% to 47%. The state swung in favour for the Obama-Biden presidential ticket in 2008 and 2012, before flipping to Trump in 2016. (With inputs from agencies)

Who will win US Election 2020: The stock market has made its prediction

The Texas Supreme Court on Sunday denied a Republican-led petition to toss nearly 127,000 ballots cast at drive-thru voting places in the Houston area.

Texas Supreme Court denies Republican petition to toss votes

Whether Donald Trump returns to power or Joe Biden displaces him will determine the future of ideological norms and nature of political systems in the rest of the world

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Morning news brief: Updates on US election 2020, WHO chief in quarantine, and more

An indirect election is conducted to elect the president and the vice president of the United States. Those who are registered to vote cast ballots, both in person and via mail but not directly for those offices, but&nbsp;for&nbsp;members of the Electoral College.

These electors cast direct votes called 'electoral votes' for electing the president and the vice president. For an absolute majority, a candidate needs 270 out of 538 votes and is then elected to that office.&nbsp;

<img alt="US election 2020" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="375bc43a-56d1-4c07-9fa9-ecf4115ee605" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%288%29_39.jpg" />

In picture:&nbsp;Graphic shows when states may count advance votes and where mail-in ballots are accepted after Election Day

Federal agency National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is responsible for coordinating certain functions of the Electoral College between the States and Congress in regard to the Electoral College vote for President.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/you-may-never-get-election-results-trump-warns-against-vote-count-322329">You may never get election results: Trump warns against vote count</a>

Although it takes several days for every vote to be counted, it usually becomes clear who the winner will be by the early morning of the next day of the scheduled date for the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election</a>, which this year is November 3.

Different states stop voting at different times:

The voting is halted by different states at different times. On the East Coast, the first polls are closed at 19:00 local time (00:00 GMT).

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-election-2020-how-is-the-vote-counted-on-election-night-338814/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Major US media outlets call various states when they believe a certain candidate has an unbeatable lead.

However, with a growing tendency among voters to not disclose their true voting intentions on election day, exit polls have become largely unreliable.

Too much dependence on crowd-sourcing or vulnerable technology can act as a disadvantage.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/inside-the-trump-campaigns-strategy-to-make-voting-a-tooth-and-nail-fight-334209">Inside the Trump campaign’s strategy to make voting a tooth-and-nail fight</a>

Counting of mail ballots:

Mail-in voting surged in states that held presidential primaries after mid-March when the COVID-19 pandemic exploded.&nbsp;

Millions of Americans are projected to cast mail ballots for the first time this November, with coronavirus expected to drive record-high absentee turnout.

Votes which are sent via mail take a long time to count once they have arrived because every vote must have a signature that is matched with a separate signature on a registration card.&nbsp;

Also, the 50 states in the United States have different rules over how and when they count mail-in ballots.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/in-record-turnout-over-16-million-americans-vote-ahead-of-election-day-on-november-3-335400">In record turnout, over 16 million Americans vote ahead of election day on November 3</a>

While majority states only include postal ballots received by the time polls close on election day, some states such as California will accept votes as long as they are sent by the day of the election. Even if they arrive weeks later.

Whether or not a mail ballot is counted could depend to a large degree on how local election workers enforce mail-in voting rules, how they notify voters who submit deficient ballots, and whether they allow them to fix such errors.&nbsp;

Election experts believe that the number of rejected mail ballots is almost certain to be higher in November than it was in this year’s primaries because of the higher expected turnout.

Each of the US states has a central election authority, but ballots are processed by dozens of separate county or municipal election offices within each state.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/shift-to-mail-in-voting-could-lead-to-re-do-of-november-election-donald-trump-321567">Shift to mail-in voting could lead to re-do of November election: Donald Trump&nbsp;</a>

'Re-do the vote'

US President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>&nbsp;has said repeatedly and without evidence that a shift to universal mail-in voting,&nbsp;something most states have not proposed doing, will lead to fraud in the November 3 election, when he faces Democratic challenger <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a> who currently holds a substantial lead in public opinion polls.

Counting at the polling station:

While voting by mail is an option, many voters wanted to cast their ballot early and in-person to make sure their vote would count.

More than 16&nbsp;million Americans have cast ballots, setting a record early pace, according to the US Elections Project at the University of Florida. Many seek to avoid the large crowds expected on the election day,due to the risk of contracting coronavirus.

In the last presidential election, some 1.4 million Americans had cast early votes as of October 16, 2016.

However, a majority of people will vote on November 3 and it is expected that fewer polling stations will be open than usual which can lead to a shortage of workers and long queues of voters outside the stations.

This, along with faulty voting machines can also cause delays in counting.

An indirect election is conducted to elect the president and the vice president of the United States. Those who are registered to vote cast ballots, both in person and via mail but not directly for those offices, but for members of the Electoral College.

An indirect election is conducted to elect the president and the vice president of the United States. Those who are registered to vote cast ballots, both in person and via mail but not directly for those offices, but for members of the Electoral College. These electors cast direct votes called 'electoral votes' for electing the president and the vice president. For an absolute majority, a candidate needs 270 out of 538 votes and is then elected to that office. In picture: Graphic shows when states may count advance votes and where mail-in ballots are accepted after Election Day Federal agency National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is responsible for coordinating certain functions of the Electoral College between the States and Congress in regard to the Electoral College vote for President. Also read: You may never get election results: Trump warns against vote count Although it takes several days for every vote to be counted, it usually becomes clear who the winner will be by the early morning of the next day of the scheduled date for the US election, which this year is November 3. Different states stop voting at different times: The voting is halted by different states at different times. On the East Coast, the first polls are closed at 19:00 local time (00:00 GMT). Major US media outlets call various states when they believe a certain candidate has an unbeatable lead. However, with a growing tendency among voters to not disclose their true voting intentions on election day, exit polls have become largely unreliable. Too much dependence on crowd-sourcing or vulnerable technology can act as a disadvantage. Also read: Inside the Trump campaign’s strategy to make voting a tooth-and-nail fight Counting of mail ballots: Mail-in voting surged in states that held presidential primaries after mid-March when the COVID-19 pandemic exploded. Millions of Americans are projected to cast mail ballots for the first time this November, with coronavirus expected to drive record-high absentee turnout. Votes which are sent via mail take a long time to count once they have arrived because every vote must have a signature that is matched with a separate signature on a registration card. Also, the 50 states in the United States have different rules over how and when they count mail-in ballots. Also read: In record turnout, over 16 million Americans vote ahead of election day on November 3 While majority states only include postal ballots received by the time polls close on election day, some states such as California will accept votes as long as they are sent by the day of the election. Even if they arrive weeks later. Whether or not a mail ballot is counted could depend to a large degree on how local election workers enforce mail-in voting rules, how they notify voters who submit deficient ballots, and whether they allow them to fix such errors. Election experts believe that the number of rejected mail ballots is almost certain to be higher in November than it was in this year’s primaries because of the higher expected turnout. Each of the US states has a central election authority, but ballots are processed by dozens of separate county or municipal election offices within each state. Also read: Shift to mail-in voting could lead to re-do of November election: Donald Trump 'Re-do the vote' US President Donald Trump has said repeatedly and without evidence that a shift to universal mail-in voting, something most states have not proposed doing, will lead to fraud in the November 3 election, when he faces Democratic challenger Joe Biden who currently holds a substantial lead in public opinion polls. Counting at the polling station: While voting by mail is an option, many voters wanted to cast their ballot early and in-person to make sure their vote would count. More than 16 million Americans have cast ballots, setting a record early pace, according to the US Elections Project at the University of Florida. Many seek to avoid the large crowds expected on the election day,due to the risk of contracting coronavirus. In the last presidential election, some 1.4 million Americans had cast early votes as of October 16, 2016. However, a majority of people will vote on November 3 and it is expected that fewer polling stations will be open than usual which can lead to a shortage of workers and long queues of voters outside the stations. This, along with faulty voting machines can also cause delays in counting.

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Two days before the November 3 vote, US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden raced against time across the battleground states to make themselves heard.

On Sunday, Trump made appearances in Iowa and Michigan, while Biden in pivotal Pennsylvania implored his supporters to turn out to vote.

Trump is aiming to avoid becoming the first incumbent president to lose a re-election bid since fellow Republican George HW Bush in 1992. He has a frenetic schedule for Sunday, with stops also planned in North Carolina, Georgia and Florida.

Biden leads in national opinion polls though the race is seen as close in enough battleground states that Trump could achieve the 270 votes needed to win in the state-by-state Electoral College that determines the overall victor.

The former vice president made the latest in a series of appearances in closely contested Pennsylvania, the state where he was born.

"We have to earn our democracy. We have to get out and vote," Biden said at a drive-in rally in a parking lot outside a Philadelphia church, with supporters honking their car horns.

"We're at an inflection point. So we have to vote like we never did before. Every day - every day - is a new reminder of how high the stakes are, of how far the other side will go to try to suppress the turnout, especially here in Philadelphia," Biden added.

Buffeted by snow flurries in Washington, a town north of Detroit, in his first appearance of the day Trump wore his trademark red cap emblazoned with the words "Make America Great Again" and was bundled up in an overcoat as he addressed a boisterous crowd on a cold and blustery morning.

After the crowd loudly chanted, "We love you" Trump responded, "I love you, too. If I didn't, I wouldn't be standing here because it's freezing out here."

"You better get out there and vote," Trump told the crowd.

Trump predicted he would repeat his 2016 victory in Michigan and touted his efforts to create auto jobs, a key issue for the auto manufacturing state.

"We brought back your car industry. Your car industry was finished. You would have had nothing left," Trump said.

Trump then addressed another spirited rally in windy Dubuque, where he made his pitch to Iowa farmers in the important corn-growing state and predicted he would win there as he did four years ago.

Biden was ahead 51% to 43% nationally in the latest Reuters/Ipsos poll, taken October 27-29. A coronavirus pandemic that has killed more than 230,000 Americans and battered the economy has weighed on Trump's campaign.

The race, however, remains a toss-up in Florida, North Carolina and Arizona, while Trump trails by 7 percentage points in Pennsylvania and 10 percentage points in Michigan and Wisconsin.

In his 2016 victory over Democrat Hillary Clinton, the real estate developer and reality TV personality-turned-politician took Pennsylvania and Wisconsin as well as Michigan, states that for decades had gone in the Democratic column.

Polls show a tight race in Iowa.

Biden underscored the importance of Pennsylvania in Tuesday's election.

"President trump is terrified what will happen in Pennsylvania. He knows that if you get to have your say, he doesn't stand a chance," Biden told the Philadelphia event.

"There's too much on the line to sit it out," Biden added. "We only have two more days. In two more days, we can put an end to this presidency that has from the very beginning sought to divide us, to tear us apart."

Biden is scheduled to appear again on Monday in Pennsylvania and added a stop in Ohio on Monday, indicating his campaign views that Midwestern state as winnable.

A record-setting 93 million early votes have already cast either in-person or by mail -- something that stands to boost Biden's chances.

Trump is due to stage 10 rallies - five a day - on Sunday and Monday, the campaign's busiest stretch, with Monday appearances planned in North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and back in Michigan.

Hitting on familiar themes, Trump portrayed himself as running against "a corrupt politician" and "a dummy and a half" in Biden as well as a "left-wing mob" and Democratic "maniacs." Both men have previously mused about physically striking one another.

The contest has proven unexpectedly close in Texas, typically a reliable Republican state.

Two days before the November 3 vote, US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden raced against time across the battleground states to make themselves heard.

Two days before the November 3 vote, US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden raced against time across the battleground states to make themselves heard. On Sunday, Trump made appearances in Iowa and Michigan, while Biden in pivotal Pennsylvania implored his supporters to turn out to vote. Trump is aiming to avoid becoming the first incumbent president to lose a re-election bid since fellow Republican George HW Bush in 1992. He has a frenetic schedule for Sunday, with stops also planned in North Carolina, Georgia and Florida. Biden leads in national opinion polls though the race is seen as close in enough battleground states that Trump could achieve the 270 votes needed to win in the state-by-state Electoral College that determines the overall victor. The former vice president made the latest in a series of appearances in closely contested Pennsylvania, the state where he was born. "We have to earn our democracy. We have to get out and vote," Biden said at a drive-in rally in a parking lot outside a Philadelphia church, with supporters honking their car horns. "We're at an inflection point. So we have to vote like we never did before. Every day - every day - is a new reminder of how high the stakes are, of how far the other side will go to try to suppress the turnout, especially here in Philadelphia," Biden added. Buffeted by snow flurries in Washington, a town north of Detroit, in his first appearance of the day Trump wore his trademark red cap emblazoned with the words "Make America Great Again" and was bundled up in an overcoat as he addressed a boisterous crowd on a cold and blustery morning. After the crowd loudly chanted, "We love you" Trump responded, "I love you, too. If I didn't, I wouldn't be standing here because it's freezing out here." "You better get out there and vote," Trump told the crowd. Trump predicted he would repeat his 2016 victory in Michigan and touted his efforts to create auto jobs, a key issue for the auto manufacturing state. "We brought back your car industry. Your car industry was finished. You would have had nothing left," Trump said. Trump then addressed another spirited rally in windy Dubuque, where he made his pitch to Iowa farmers in the important corn-growing state and predicted he would win there as he did four years ago. Biden was ahead 51% to 43% nationally in the latest Reuters/Ipsos poll, taken October 27-29. A coronavirus pandemic that has killed more than 230,000 Americans and battered the economy has weighed on Trump's campaign. The race, however, remains a toss-up in Florida, North Carolina and Arizona, while Trump trails by 7 percentage points in Pennsylvania and 10 percentage points in Michigan and Wisconsin. In his 2016 victory over Democrat Hillary Clinton, the real estate developer and reality TV personality-turned-politician took Pennsylvania and Wisconsin as well as Michigan, states that for decades had gone in the Democratic column. Polls show a tight race in Iowa. Biden underscored the importance of Pennsylvania in Tuesday's election. "President trump is terrified what will happen in Pennsylvania. He knows that if you get to have your say, he doesn't stand a chance," Biden told the Philadelphia event. "There's too much on the line to sit it out," Biden added. "We only have two more days. In two more days, we can put an end to this presidency that has from the very beginning sought to divide us, to tear us apart." Biden is scheduled to appear again on Monday in Pennsylvania and added a stop in Ohio on Monday, indicating his campaign views that Midwestern state as winnable. A record-setting 93 million early votes have already cast either in-person or by mail -- something that stands to boost Biden's chances. Trump is due to stage 10 rallies - five a day - on Sunday and Monday, the campaign's busiest stretch, with Monday appearances planned in North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and back in Michigan. Hitting on familiar themes, Trump portrayed himself as running against "a corrupt politician" and "a dummy and a half" in Biden as well as a "left-wing mob" and Democratic "maniacs." Both men have previously mused about physically striking one another. The contest has proven unexpectedly close in Texas, typically a reliable Republican state.

Trump and Biden sprint across US battleground states two days before election

US President and Republican candidate for US elections Donald Trump has taken over the lead in Iowa state. On the other hand, Joe Biden is handily beating Donald Trump in national polls. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-suggests-he-might-try-to-fire-fauci-post-election-339759">Also read: Trump suggests he might try to fire Fauci post-election</a> 
 
In the poll, conducted by Selzer &amp; Co for the Des Moines Register and Mediacom between 26 and 29 October, Trump led by 48% to 41% for Biden. In September, the same poll showed the two men tied at 47%. 
 
In September's Iowa Poll, the candidates were tied at 47% to 47%. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-honking-gets-a-new-meaning-in-american-politics-339813">Also read: Honking gets a new meaning in American politics</a> 
 
The state swung in favour for the Obama-Biden presidential ticket in 2008 and 2012, before flipping to Trump in 2016. 
 
Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-president-donald-trumps-wildest-prediction-till-date-338554" hreflang="en">US election 2020: President Donald Trump's wildest prediction till date</a> 
 
Trump won 51.15% of the votes in the 2016 presidential election, while his then-Democratic rival garnered 41.74 per cent of the ballots. 
 
Earlier in October, a Monmouth University Poll revealed that Trump was ahead with 48 per cent compared to Biden's 47 per cent. 
 
Both Trump and Biden campaigned in Iowa in October. 
 
With just two days left for the November 3 US presidential election, a new poll placing President Donald Trump in a lead against his Democratic rival in the battleground state of Iowa shows the last-minute shift in support towards Trump. 
 
The Register’s pre-election poll has been a critical marker of which candidates will carry the state and Iowa has emerged as a critical battleground in Tuesday's election.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

US President and Republican candidate for US elections Donald Trump has taken over the lead in Iowa state. On the other hand, Joe Biden is handily beating Donald Trump in national polls.

US President and Republican candidate for US elections Donald Trump has taken over the lead in Iowa state. On the other hand, Joe Biden is handily beating Donald Trump in national polls. Also read: Trump suggests he might try to fire Fauci post-election In the poll, conducted by Selzer & Co for the Des Moines Register and Mediacom between 26 and 29 October, Trump led by 48% to 41% for Biden. In September, the same poll showed the two men tied at 47%. In September's Iowa Poll, the candidates were tied at 47% to 47%. Also read: Honking gets a new meaning in American politics The state swung in favour for the Obama-Biden presidential ticket in 2008 and 2012, before flipping to Trump in 2016. Also read | US election 2020: President Donald Trump's wildest prediction till date Trump won 51.15% of the votes in the 2016 presidential election, while his then-Democratic rival garnered 41.74 per cent of the ballots. Earlier in October, a Monmouth University Poll revealed that Trump was ahead with 48 per cent compared to Biden's 47 per cent. Both Trump and Biden campaigned in Iowa in October. With just two days left for the November 3 US presidential election, a new poll placing President Donald Trump in a lead against his Democratic rival in the battleground state of Iowa shows the last-minute shift in support towards Trump. The Register’s pre-election poll has been a critical marker of which candidates will carry the state and Iowa has emerged as a critical battleground in Tuesday's election. (With inputs from agencies)

US election 2020: Most respected political poll shows Trump leads Joe Biden in Iowa

Honking has got a new meaning in the US politics with the annoying sound replacing clapping, cheers and even boos in election campaigns, in particularly the drive-in car rallies of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris.

Drive-in car rallies have become a signature election event of the Democratic Party which has taken the innovative path wherein a select group of supporters gather in a parking lot to be addressed by the party’s top leadership as part of its efforts to maintain social distancing due to the coronavirus.

Both Biden, 77, and Harris, 56, ask their supporters sitting in their cars to honk to express their sentiments.

In fact, honking in the election rallies of the Democratic Party has replaced all kinds of emotion in election rallies.

In the election rallies of Republican incumbent President Donald Trump, thousands of his supporters cheer, clap and chant slogans like “We Love You” and “Four More Years.”

Most of these drive-in car rallies are very selective in nature and they are not publicised. In their rallies, it’s all honking.

The level of honking reflects the sentiments, happiness and anger of their supporters.

On Sunday at a drive-in rally attended by less than 100 cars, invited by the local campaign officials, every time Harris’ supporters got excited with her remarks, they honked. Every time she was critical of Trump, they honked. Every time she spoke about “Black Lives Matter”, they honked.

It was once in a while that some of the supporters peeked out of their car windows. Those who were standing outside their cars ensured that they were maintaining social distancing as they clapped. There were no cheers at all. Same was the case with shouting slogans.

Unlike the Trump rallies, which are publicised locally much in advance and people are encouraged to participate, the car drive-in rallies of Biden and Harris are by invitation only.

The invitees are asked to drive in at the rally venue well in advance. Volunteers of the Biden campaign check the names, do a temperature check of all those inside the car.

A maximum of three people is allowed inside the car, whose names are required to be informed to the campaign much in advance.

Before the cars are driven into the venue, all of them go through a security check which takes time, at least a few minutes per car.

Biden and Harris's supporters patiently go through the process to listen to their leaders. Unlike in the past, or practice of their predecessors like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, neither Biden nor Harris interacts with the crowd. Gone are the days of shaking hands across the rope, giving autographs or taking selfies.

Some of the enterprising supporters on Sunday took selfies while Harris was speaking. Over the past few days, she has been delivering identical speeches at all her rallies. On Sunday, she was in Georgia and North Carolina including in this city.

At the Fayetteville drive-in rally, she asked her supporters to go out and vote if they have not voted yet.

Honking has got a new meaning in the US politics with the annoying sound replacing clapping, cheers and even boos in election campaigns, in particularly the drive-in car rallies of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris.

Honking has got a new meaning in the US politics with the annoying sound replacing clapping, cheers and even boos in election campaigns, in particularly the drive-in car rallies of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris. Drive-in car rallies have become a signature election event of the Democratic Party which has taken the innovative path wherein a select group of supporters gather in a parking lot to be addressed by the party’s top leadership as part of its efforts to maintain social distancing due to the coronavirus. Both Biden, 77, and Harris, 56, ask their supporters sitting in their cars to honk to express their sentiments. In fact, honking in the election rallies of the Democratic Party has replaced all kinds of emotion in election rallies. In the election rallies of Republican incumbent President Donald Trump, thousands of his supporters cheer, clap and chant slogans like “We Love You” and “Four More Years.” Most of these drive-in car rallies are very selective in nature and they are not publicised. In their rallies, it’s all honking. The level of honking reflects the sentiments, happiness and anger of their supporters. On Sunday at a drive-in rally attended by less than 100 cars, invited by the local campaign officials, every time Harris’ supporters got excited with her remarks, they honked. Every time she was critical of Trump, they honked. Every time she spoke about “Black Lives Matter”, they honked. It was once in a while that some of the supporters peeked out of their car windows. Those who were standing outside their cars ensured that they were maintaining social distancing as they clapped. There were no cheers at all. Same was the case with shouting slogans. Unlike the Trump rallies, which are publicised locally much in advance and people are encouraged to participate, the car drive-in rallies of Biden and Harris are by invitation only. The invitees are asked to drive in at the rally venue well in advance. Volunteers of the Biden campaign check the names, do a temperature check of all those inside the car. A maximum of three people is allowed inside the car, whose names are required to be informed to the campaign much in advance. Before the cars are driven into the venue, all of them go through a security check which takes time, at least a few minutes per car. Biden and Harris's supporters patiently go through the process to listen to their leaders. Unlike in the past, or practice of their predecessors like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, neither Biden nor Harris interacts with the crowd. Gone are the days of shaking hands across the rope, giving autographs or taking selfies. Some of the enterprising supporters on Sunday took selfies while Harris was speaking. Over the past few days, she has been delivering identical speeches at all her rallies. On Sunday, she was in Georgia and North Carolina including in this city. At the Fayetteville drive-in rally, she asked her supporters to go out and vote if they have not voted yet.

US election 2020: Honking gets a new meaning in American politics

A Biden campaign official said the incident occurred Friday on I-35 between Austin and San Antonio.

FBI investigating after Trump supporters surround Biden campaign bus in Texas

Tuesday’s election will be seen globally as a referendum on the durability of democracy. If American democracy, long a beacon, cannot self-correct, then all democracies are at risk. European nations have watched with alarm as President Donald Trump has set about undermining American democracy while attacking the very foundations — the European Union and NATO — that allowed war-torn Europe to become whole, democratic and free.

The Oval Office was once the focal point of the respect the United States commanded around the world; no longer. It has become impossible for democracies today to believe it is in their national interest to take Trump’s America seriously. With this president, there are simply too many petulant reversals of course. The presidency and dishonesty have become synonymous. Alliances are founded on trust. When that goes, they begin to dissolve.

Hence the talk in European capitals of the need to “contain” the United States, a verb once reserved for the Soviet Union. America, under Trump, has lost the credibility and legitimacy that were cornerstones of its influence.

Allies believe a second Trump term could lead to the United States’ leaving NATO, following the decision to leave the World Health Organization. Departure from the World Trade Organization is also possible. Trump has yet to encounter a multilateral organization he does not want dead.

The values of liberty, democracy, freedom of expression and the rule of law for which the United States has stood, albeit with conspicuous failings, over the postwar decades have been abandoned. Despite the horrors of Vietnam and Abu Ghraib, and Cold War support for dictatorial regimes, America led not just because it had a huge army and nuclear arsenal, but also because it shared beliefs with its allies and worked with them. The United States has become a values-free international actor under a president who has led a values-free life.

This American abdication has allowed President Vladimir Putin of Russia to proclaim liberalism “obsolete.” It has led Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany to say Europeans must “take our fate into our own hands.” It has empowered President Xi Jinping of China to offer his country’s one-party system as an alternative model for developing countries. It has turned the phrase “leader of the free world,” as applied to the United States, into a laughable notion.

The Trump administration has unrelentingly undermined proven international relationships. America-first nationalism (even on vaccine development) has replaced the stabilizing commitment of the United States to multilateral institutions, a rules-based order and painstakingly negotiated international accords, like the Paris Agreement on climate change and the Iran nuclear deal.

Over the past four years, America has come close to exiting the global community of democracies. Trump is far more comfortable with autocrats like Putin and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia than with a democratic leader like Merkel. (She has, for the president, the added drawback of being a woman.)

Human rights have all but disappeared from the American agenda. This has been evident in the brutality at the Mexican border. America has long had a complicated relationship with immigration, but underlying it there has always existed, as a core element in the national identity, a commitment to openness and an understanding that constant demographic renewal was a unique source of American strength. By ripping children from their parents (545 of those children have not been reunited), barring entry from some majority-Muslim countries and largely closing American doors to refugees, Trump has trampled on the idea of America as a land of immigrants.

The aura that once set America apart has dimmed. The country, under Trump, has lost its compassion; it has appeared crueler to the world. Trump has severed America from the idea of America. Liberty’s torch cannot be the symbol of a country committed to building walls.

Trump’s nationalism has done great harm. The pandemic has been the first major global crisis since 1945 in which the United States has gone AWOL. Nobody is inclined to trust in the competence of an America whose response to the pandemic has been so incoherent that it now comfortably leads the world in coronavirus cases and deaths. Trump’s “fake news” accusations and lies about the coronavirus have been relentless.

The democratic framework of the United States rests on certain principles: checks and balances, a vigorous free press, an independent judiciary, protection of the individual against forms of racial, religious or sexual prejudice. All these principles, inspirations to democracies across the world, have been attacked by Trump. He has turned the Department of Justice into his personal fief. The president has even refused to commit to leaving office if he loses the election.

None of this has been lost on a world where the United States once built democracies: in Germany, in Japan, throughout Central Europe after the collapse of the Soviet imperium.

In the European Union the realization that it may now stand alone against Russia, China and the United States in embodying liberal democratic principles and the defense of human rights has come as a painful, if galvanizing, shock.

Almost four years of Trump’s rule has left an anchorless international order, in which an old American-led system is dead and the new is not yet born. How far a Joe Biden presidency could reverse this dangerous drift is an open question. But the damage is deep; the old status quo will not return.

A second Trump term of erratic American belligerence meeting growing Chinese assertiveness would be pregnant with the possibility of violence. The big powers would be on the march, freed of the multilateral safety net slowly constructed in the second half of the 20th century. America-the-beacon would be lost, and the world darker still.

Tuesday’s election will be seen globally as a referendum on the durability of democracy. If American democracy, long a beacon, cannot self-correct, then all democracies are at risk.

Tuesday’s election will be seen globally as a referendum on the durability of democracy. If American democracy, long a beacon, cannot self-correct, then all democracies are at risk. European nations have watched with alarm as President Donald Trump has set about undermining American democracy while attacking the very foundations — the European Union and NATO — that allowed war-torn Europe to become whole, democratic and free. The Oval Office was once the focal point of the respect the United States commanded around the world; no longer. It has become impossible for democracies today to believe it is in their national interest to take Trump’s America seriously. With this president, there are simply too many petulant reversals of course. The presidency and dishonesty have become synonymous. Alliances are founded on trust. When that goes, they begin to dissolve. Hence the talk in European capitals of the need to “contain” the United States, a verb once reserved for the Soviet Union. America, under Trump, has lost the credibility and legitimacy that were cornerstones of its influence. Allies believe a second Trump term could lead to the United States’ leaving NATO, following the decision to leave the World Health Organization. Departure from the World Trade Organization is also possible. Trump has yet to encounter a multilateral organization he does not want dead. The values of liberty, democracy, freedom of expression and the rule of law for which the United States has stood, albeit with conspicuous failings, over the postwar decades have been abandoned. Despite the horrors of Vietnam and Abu Ghraib, and Cold War support for dictatorial regimes, America led not just because it had a huge army and nuclear arsenal, but also because it shared beliefs with its allies and worked with them. The United States has become a values-free international actor under a president who has led a values-free life. This American abdication has allowed President Vladimir Putin of Russia to proclaim liberalism “obsolete.” It has led Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany to say Europeans must “take our fate into our own hands.” It has empowered President Xi Jinping of China to offer his country’s one-party system as an alternative model for developing countries. It has turned the phrase “leader of the free world,” as applied to the United States, into a laughable notion. The Trump administration has unrelentingly undermined proven international relationships. America-first nationalism (even on vaccine development) has replaced the stabilizing commitment of the United States to multilateral institutions, a rules-based order and painstakingly negotiated international accords, like the Paris Agreement on climate change and the Iran nuclear deal. Over the past four years, America has come close to exiting the global community of democracies. Trump is far more comfortable with autocrats like Putin and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia than with a democratic leader like Merkel. (She has, for the president, the added drawback of being a woman.) Human rights have all but disappeared from the American agenda. This has been evident in the brutality at the Mexican border. America has long had a complicated relationship with immigration, but underlying it there has always existed, as a core element in the national identity, a commitment to openness and an understanding that constant demographic renewal was a unique source of American strength. By ripping children from their parents (545 of those children have not been reunited), barring entry from some majority-Muslim countries and largely closing American doors to refugees, Trump has trampled on the idea of America as a land of immigrants. The aura that once set America apart has dimmed. The country, under Trump, has lost its compassion; it has appeared crueler to the world. Trump has severed America from the idea of America. Liberty’s torch cannot be the symbol of a country committed to building walls. Trump’s nationalism has done great harm. The pandemic has been the first major global crisis since 1945 in which the United States has gone AWOL. Nobody is inclined to trust in the competence of an America whose response to the pandemic has been so incoherent that it now comfortably leads the world in coronavirus cases and deaths. Trump’s “fake news” accusations and lies about the coronavirus have been relentless. The democratic framework of the United States rests on certain principles: checks and balances, a vigorous free press, an independent judiciary, protection of the individual against forms of racial, religious or sexual prejudice. All these principles, inspirations to democracies across the world, have been attacked by Trump. He has turned the Department of Justice into his personal fief. The president has even refused to commit to leaving office if he loses the election. None of this has been lost on a world where the United States once built democracies: in Germany, in Japan, throughout Central Europe after the collapse of the Soviet imperium. In the European Union the realization that it may now stand alone against Russia, China and the United States in embodying liberal democratic principles and the defense of human rights has come as a painful, if galvanizing, shock. Almost four years of Trump’s rule has left an anchorless international order, in which an old American-led system is dead and the new is not yet born. How far a Joe Biden presidency could reverse this dangerous drift is an open question. But the damage is deep; the old status quo will not return. A second Trump term of erratic American belligerence meeting growing Chinese assertiveness would be pregnant with the possibility of violence. The big powers would be on the march, freed of the multilateral safety net slowly constructed in the second half of the 20th century. America-the-beacon would be lost, and the world darker still.

How Trump lowered America’s standing in the world

There is much to fear this year, as campaign speeches and ads remind voters. The virus is surging, hospitals are filling again, and children are falling behind in school. Renters risk eviction, and businesses remain boarded up. Violent crime has risen and could reach your neighborhood, the president warns. And in this unsettling time, you could lose your health care, your job, your property values or your local police department.

But when asked what really worries them on the eve of this election, most voters don’t cite their own finances, job prospects or personal safety. According to a national survey conducted by The Upshot and Siena College, they aren’t so much fretting about themselves as they are anxious about the country.

They fear the next generation in America will be worse off. Even some voters who say they are personally better off than four years ago say the country as a whole is worse off. And by wide margins, voters on the left and right say they’re concerned about the stability of American democracy.

These findings reflect long-standing research about the politics of fear: Broad anxieties about society tend to influence voters, and how they view government, much more than personal worries do. Even with that truism, voters in the poll described in follow-up interviews a level of alarm about the country — and American democracy in particular — that they say is new to them.

“I’ve never felt this way about our country,” said Jerry Thatcher, a 76-year-old Trump voter in Yamhill, Oregon. He doesn’t recognize the country that he says broke out in riots this year, or the politicians he believes did little about it. And he’s still haunted by the policy promises of Democrats in the primary. “It’s just not the country I fought for anymore,” he said. “They’re trying to change it over to socialism. And I’m just worried that they might get it done.”

Diane Haller, a 50-year-old Biden supporter in Avon, Ohio, says President Donald Trump has threatened the country’s foundations by bending the Department of Justice to his personal ends. “How is a democracy going to work if that’s allowed?” she said. “We’re just teetering, and it’s scary as all get-out.”

There have certainly been other moments of interlocking crises and deep anxiety in America in the past century. The 1920 election followed a world war and a pandemic, and came at a time of labor strife and racial violence. The 1968 campaign was contested amid urban unrest and anti-war protests.

But in those moments, the country didn’t have a president seen by many as having “taken a pickax to the tent poles of democratic institutions,” said David Bennett, a historian at Syracuse University.

And American sentiment has changed, too, said Beverly Gage, a Yale historian.

“People a century ago or even 50 years ago tended to still believe in a kind of narrative of progress,” she said. “‘Things are unstable now, but we are surging forth into some better future’ — even when they’re deeply, deeply anxious.”

That belief has been eroding for a couple of decades, she said. Today, there is little precedent in modern surveys for Americans expressing so much worry about democracy itself.

“Normally, these are concerns Americans have about other countries but not about their own,” said Ted Brader, a political scientist at the University of Michigan.

This presidential election, in other words, was for many voters never going to be about some of the personal fears Trump has emphasized: that your neighborhood could change for the worse in Joe Biden’s America; that you, personally, could be less safe.

Nor was it likely to be broadly about personal economic instability or job loss, the kinds of pocketbook issues Kamala Harris has often described as keeping voters up at night.

That’s in part because most voters simply don’t see how their personal circumstances relate to federal policy and the people who set it, political scientists say.

“It’s hard to make those connections — to think that your individual job is directly connected to what the government is doing,” said Jennifer Merolla, a political scientist at the University of California, Riverside. “That’s a really complex evaluation to make.”

For Trump, who effectively wielded fear of immigration and demographic change in 2016, this campaign has been more challenging.

“There are a couple ways in which the president has chosen an ineffective strategy,” said Shana Gadarian, a political scientist at Syracuse. The first is that he has tried to tug on personal worries, like falling property values. “The second,” she said, “is telling people not to be worried about something that is in fact worrisome.”

That is, the pandemic. In the Times/Siena survey, independent voters the president needs to win were far more likely than Republicans to say that they fear the worst of the coronavirus is yet to come, and that they worry their own family will become ill.

The voters who are most concerned about crime and neighborhood decline, on the other hand, are not the voters Trump’s messages appear intended to reach: They are African Americans, not white suburbanites. On crime, 38% of African American voters described themselves as very concerned, compared with just 13% of white suburban voters. The difference is similarly wide on voters’ fears that the character of their community could change for the worse.

Gayle Headen, an African American voter in New Hill, North Carolina, responded in the survey that she was very concerned about being a victim of crime — “a crime committed against me by the police,” she clarified in a follow-up interview.

That fear is both personal to her family and much wider, she said, and she connects it to her deeper worries about American democracy. She learned on her car radio about the death of Walter Wallace Jr., a Black man shot by police in Philadelphia. The news brought her to tears.

“When I was crying, I was praying, saying, ‘God, please keep me from falling into despair,’” Headen said. Racial injustice against African Americans has been at the front of her mind each day, and it is central to her family’s concerns, she said. “It is a part of our consciousness in a way that it has not been for the majority of my life,” said Headen, who is 53.

She knows that Pennsylvania could be pivotal to the outcome of the election, and that the president has repeatedly disparaged Philadelphia. She worries that the protests there in the election’s final days could discourage African Americans from voting, or that jailed protesters will be unable to cast a ballot. She, too, has never felt this anxious.

“I have more fear in 2020,” she said, “because I really see us falling over a cliff.”

The fears that Tom Scribner holds won’t be fixed by this election, he said. Scribner, a 36-year-old Hispanic voter in Gainesville, Florida, doesn’t believe the country holds the same values it did when he enlisted in the Marine Corps at 18. He opposes defunding the police and removing the statues of Confederate generals and Founding Fathers, and he feels disrespected as a veteran by athletes who kneel during the national anthem. He worries that his two children will grow up walking on eggshells in America, for fear of saying the wrong thing.

He plans to vote for Trump. But he doesn’t believe any one president or election can alter underlying shifts in American values.

“That’s why I fear for our democracy,” Scribner said. “I feel like it may just crumble. It may not happen in the next four years. It may take 20 years for it to happen, and it’s going to be chaos for however long until it does. That saddens me deeply.”

In earlier moments of anxiety about democracy itself, reforms followed, said Gage, the historian. When Americans grew anxious about corrupt political machines and concentrated economic power in the early 20th century, what followed were civil-service laws, new political primaries, the direct election of senators and voting rights for women. Out of the 1960s, the voting age was lowered so Americans old enough to be sent to war would also be old enough to vote. And political primaries were reformed again to give voters more say in the nominees.

It’s unclear whether something similar will happen this time.

“If people have actually lost faith in the idea that you can fix things and make them better,” Gage said, “then that’s not a great political moment to be in.”

There is much to fear this year, as campaign speeches and ads remind voters. The virus is surging, hospitals are filling again, and children are falling behind in school.

There is much to fear this year, as campaign speeches and ads remind voters. The virus is surging, hospitals are filling again, and children are falling behind in school. Renters risk eviction, and businesses remain boarded up. Violent crime has risen and could reach your neighborhood, the president warns. And in this unsettling time, you could lose your health care, your job, your property values or your local police department. But when asked what really worries them on the eve of this election, most voters don’t cite their own finances, job prospects or personal safety. According to a national survey conducted by The Upshot and Siena College, they aren’t so much fretting about themselves as they are anxious about the country. They fear the next generation in America will be worse off. Even some voters who say they are personally better off than four years ago say the country as a whole is worse off. And by wide margins, voters on the left and right say they’re concerned about the stability of American democracy. These findings reflect long-standing research about the politics of fear: Broad anxieties about society tend to influence voters, and how they view government, much more than personal worries do. Even with that truism, voters in the poll described in follow-up interviews a level of alarm about the country — and American democracy in particular — that they say is new to them. “I’ve never felt this way about our country,” said Jerry Thatcher, a 76-year-old Trump voter in Yamhill, Oregon. He doesn’t recognize the country that he says broke out in riots this year, or the politicians he believes did little about it. And he’s still haunted by the policy promises of Democrats in the primary. “It’s just not the country I fought for anymore,” he said. “They’re trying to change it over to socialism. And I’m just worried that they might get it done.” Diane Haller, a 50-year-old Biden supporter in Avon, Ohio, says President Donald Trump has threatened the country’s foundations by bending the Department of Justice to his personal ends. “How is a democracy going to work if that’s allowed?” she said. “We’re just teetering, and it’s scary as all get-out.” There have certainly been other moments of interlocking crises and deep anxiety in America in the past century. The 1920 election followed a world war and a pandemic, and came at a time of labor strife and racial violence. The 1968 campaign was contested amid urban unrest and anti-war protests. But in those moments, the country didn’t have a president seen by many as having “taken a pickax to the tent poles of democratic institutions,” said David Bennett, a historian at Syracuse University. And American sentiment has changed, too, said Beverly Gage, a Yale historian. “People a century ago or even 50 years ago tended to still believe in a kind of narrative of progress,” she said. “‘Things are unstable now, but we are surging forth into some better future’ — even when they’re deeply, deeply anxious.” That belief has been eroding for a couple of decades, she said. Today, there is little precedent in modern surveys for Americans expressing so much worry about democracy itself. “Normally, these are concerns Americans have about other countries but not about their own,” said Ted Brader, a political scientist at the University of Michigan. This presidential election, in other words, was for many voters never going to be about some of the personal fears Trump has emphasized: that your neighborhood could change for the worse in Joe Biden’s America; that you, personally, could be less safe. Nor was it likely to be broadly about personal economic instability or job loss, the kinds of pocketbook issues Kamala Harris has often described as keeping voters up at night. That’s in part because most voters simply don’t see how their personal circumstances relate to federal policy and the people who set it, political scientists say. “It’s hard to make those connections — to think that your individual job is directly connected to what the government is doing,” said Jennifer Merolla, a political scientist at the University of California, Riverside. “That’s a really complex evaluation to make.” For Trump, who effectively wielded fear of immigration and demographic change in 2016, this campaign has been more challenging. “There are a couple ways in which the president has chosen an ineffective strategy,” said Shana Gadarian, a political scientist at Syracuse. The first is that he has tried to tug on personal worries, like falling property values. “The second,” she said, “is telling people not to be worried about something that is in fact worrisome.” That is, the pandemic. In the Times/Siena survey, independent voters the president needs to win were far more likely than Republicans to say that they fear the worst of the coronavirus is yet to come, and that they worry their own family will become ill. The voters who are most concerned about crime and neighborhood decline, on the other hand, are not the voters Trump’s messages appear intended to reach: They are African Americans, not white suburbanites. On crime, 38% of African American voters described themselves as very concerned, compared with just 13% of white suburban voters. The difference is similarly wide on voters’ fears that the character of their community could change for the worse. Gayle Headen, an African American voter in New Hill, North Carolina, responded in the survey that she was very concerned about being a victim of crime — “a crime committed against me by the police,” she clarified in a follow-up interview. That fear is both personal to her family and much wider, she said, and she connects it to her deeper worries about American democracy. She learned on her car radio about the death of Walter Wallace Jr., a Black man shot by police in Philadelphia. The news brought her to tears. “When I was crying, I was praying, saying, ‘God, please keep me from falling into despair,’” Headen said. Racial injustice against African Americans has been at the front of her mind each day, and it is central to her family’s concerns, she said. “It is a part of our consciousness in a way that it has not been for the majority of my life,” said Headen, who is 53. She knows that Pennsylvania could be pivotal to the outcome of the election, and that the president has repeatedly disparaged Philadelphia. She worries that the protests there in the election’s final days could discourage African Americans from voting, or that jailed protesters will be unable to cast a ballot. She, too, has never felt this anxious. “I have more fear in 2020,” she said, “because I really see us falling over a cliff.” The fears that Tom Scribner holds won’t be fixed by this election, he said. Scribner, a 36-year-old Hispanic voter in Gainesville, Florida, doesn’t believe the country holds the same values it did when he enlisted in the Marine Corps at 18. He opposes defunding the police and removing the statues of Confederate generals and Founding Fathers, and he feels disrespected as a veteran by athletes who kneel during the national anthem. He worries that his two children will grow up walking on eggshells in America, for fear of saying the wrong thing. He plans to vote for Trump. But he doesn’t believe any one president or election can alter underlying shifts in American values. “That’s why I fear for our democracy,” Scribner said. “I feel like it may just crumble. It may not happen in the next four years. It may take 20 years for it to happen, and it’s going to be chaos for however long until it does. That saddens me deeply.” In earlier moments of anxiety about democracy itself, reforms followed, said Gage, the historian. When Americans grew anxious about corrupt political machines and concentrated economic power in the early 20th century, what followed were civil-service laws, new political primaries, the direct election of senators and voting rights for women. Out of the 1960s, the voting age was lowered so Americans old enough to be sent to war would also be old enough to vote. And political primaries were reformed again to give voters more say in the nominees. It’s unclear whether something similar will happen this time. “If people have actually lost faith in the idea that you can fix things and make them better,” Gage said, “then that’s not a great political moment to be in.”

Americans are afraid. Not for themselves, but for the country

The&nbsp;US&nbsp;presidential election 2020 was&nbsp;expected to be a dramatic and eventful ride with Republican candidate Donald Trump running for re-election and competing with Democratic candidate Joe Biden.

However, nobody predicted a global pandemic that would upend every facet of the campaign.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-president-donald-trumps-wildest-prediction-till-date-338554" hreflang="en">US election 2020: President Donald Trump's wildest prediction till date</a>

This is the first time in the history of American politics that the early voter count has reached 90 million. As per a tally posted by the US Elections Project at the University of Florida, more than 90 million Americans have already cast their ballots and the number is expected to grow as the residents still have two more days to vote.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/more-than-90-million-voters-cast-ballots-two-days-before-us-election-2020-339354" hreflang="en">More than 90 million voters cast ballots two days before US election 2020</a>

Here are 10 pivotal moments from a dizzying election year:

1. Trump acquitted, February&nbsp;5, 2020, At the beginning of the year, things were looking up for the Republican president. Trump's Senate impeachment trial ended with him cleared on two charges brought by Democrats. The fallout from the Mueller Report was no longer hanging over his head. The economy was roaring - and prospects for his re-election looked relatively strong. After years of strife, the moment offered him a chance for a reset. But even as things looked rosier for the president, cases of COVID-19 were beginning to circulate in California and the Pacific Northwest.

2. Biden wins South Carolina primary, February&nbsp;29, 2020, After disappointing finishes in the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary, Joe Biden's presidential bid looked cooked. But his campaign aides asserted that things would turn around as soon as African Americans began voting in large numbers - and they were right. Biden blew the field away in South Carolina, causing several rivals to drop out immediately and setting the stage for a stunning run that sewed up the Democratic nomination in a matter of weeks. Biden would perhaps prove to be the one Democrat best suited to pull moderate voters in the Midwest and elsewhere away from Trump.

3. Trump delivers coronavirus address, March 11, 2020, After weeks of downplaying the coronavirus threat and with cases skyrocketing in the country, Trump delivered a rare national address from the Oval Office in an attempt to reassure a jittery public. Two days later, he would declare a national emergency. The virus would reshape American life, closing schools, businesses, and restaurants, trapping millions at home, and becoming the dominant issue of the 2020 election. It would also keep Trump - and Biden even more so - off the campaign trail for months.

4. Sanders drops out, April 8, 2020, Trailing Biden badly in delegates, and with the coronavirus outbreak paralyzing the nation, Bernie Sanders became the final rival for the Democratic nomination to drop out of the race. He would endorse Biden a few days later, ensuring that the party would not be riven by discord as it was four years earlier when Sanders refused to concede to Hillary Clinton until the party's national convention. Sanders' move allowed Biden to turn his focus squarely to the general election with nearly seven months to go. Biden worked to make Sanders' supporters feel welcome, establishing a series of policy working groups that included progressive voices.

5. Trump's 'bleach' moment, April 23, 2020, With the death toll from the pandemic nearing 50,000, Trump at one of his daily virus briefings spontaneously suggested that injecting disinfectants into the human body could eliminate the virus. Public health experts quickly warned the public that doing so would be toxic, and Trump later claimed he was being sarcastic. The resulting furor was a factor in his deciding, days later, to suspend the briefings entirely, even though opinion polls in April had shown an uptick in public approval of his handling of the crisis.

6. Protesters tear gassed outside the White House, June 1, 2020, Washington was one of several cities convulsed by largely peaceful protests in the wake of the death on May 25 of George Floyd, a Black man, under the knee of a white Minneapolis police officer. On June 1, Trump gave an address at the White House invoking the "law and order" theme he would employ during the rest of his campaign. US&nbsp;Park Police and National Guard troops, clad in riot gear, then used pepper spray to clear the park outside the White House of protesters so that Trump could walk to historic St. John's Church and pose for a photo holding up a Bible. The melee became an image that would haunt Trump, as polls showed Americans largely supportive of the protests for racial justice. His approval rating soon dropped to a seven-month low.

7. Harris joins Biden's ticket, August&nbsp;11, 2020, Biden tapping Senator Kamala Harris of California, a former rival for the nomination, as his running mate didn't come as a surprise. She had been the favorite all along. But she swiftly proved herself to be everything Biden needed, giving him a practiced and polished campaign partner and energizing the Democratic base. She also brought her own fundraising prowess to bear, with contributions to Biden's campaign reaching stratospheric levels once she was in the fold.

8. Justice Ginsburg dies, September&nbsp;18, 2020, The worst fears of liberals came true as the storied Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg succumbed to cancer less than two months before the November&nbsp;3 election. Trump did not hesitate to fill her Supreme Court slot, nominating Judge Amy Coney Barrett to the court and likely ensuring a conservative majority for years to come. The move gave conservatives a reason to cheer in what had been a challenging year for the president. But it also galvanized Democrats, particularly women, while allowing the Biden campaign's warnings of threats to the Affordable Care Act and abortion rights to be thrown into stark relief.

9. The first Trump-Biden debate, September&nbsp;29, 2020, Needing something to turn his fortunes around, Trump came into his first debate with Biden looking for a fight. But his belligerence worked against him. He repeatedly interrupted Biden and the moderator, Chris Wallace, to the point where the entire event veered out of control. He attacked Biden's family. Polls and focus groups conducted afterward showed swing voters were repulsed by his behavior. Trump would later drop out of the second debate after it was switched to a virtual format in the wake of his COVID-19 diagnosis. He then adopted a more restrained tone for the final face-off with Biden on Oct. 22.

10. Trump gets COVID-19, October&nbsp;2, 2020, After weeks of holding in-person rallies in which safety measures against the spread of the coronavirus were largely ignored, Trump and several aides tested positive for the disease. A short illness and quarantine period kept him off the campaign trail for 10 days. The bigger damage, however, may have been to the president's image. With Trump already faulted by a majority of Americans for his handling of the pandemic, his diagnosis made the White House look bumbling and hypocritical. And it ensured the virus would remain the central issue of the campaign just weeks before Election Day.

The US presidential election 2020 was expected to be a dramatic and eventful ride with Republican candidate Donald Trump running for re-election and competing with Democratic candidate Joe Biden.

The US presidential election 2020 was expected to be a dramatic and eventful ride with Republican candidate Donald Trump running for re-election and competing with Democratic candidate Joe Biden. However, nobody predicted a global pandemic that would upend every facet of the campaign. Also read| US election 2020: President Donald Trump's wildest prediction till date This is the first time in the history of American politics that the early voter count has reached 90 million. As per a tally posted by the US Elections Project at the University of Florida, more than 90 million Americans have already cast their ballots and the number is expected to grow as the residents still have two more days to vote. Also read: More than 90 million voters cast ballots two days before US election 2020 Here are 10 pivotal moments from a dizzying election year: 1. Trump acquitted, February 5, 2020, At the beginning of the year, things were looking up for the Republican president. Trump's Senate impeachment trial ended with him cleared on two charges brought by Democrats. The fallout from the Mueller Report was no longer hanging over his head. The economy was roaring - and prospects for his re-election looked relatively strong. After years of strife, the moment offered him a chance for a reset. But even as things looked rosier for the president, cases of COVID-19 were beginning to circulate in California and the Pacific Northwest. 2. Biden wins South Carolina primary, February 29, 2020, After disappointing finishes in the Iowa caucuses and New Hampshire primary, Joe Biden's presidential bid looked cooked. But his campaign aides asserted that things would turn around as soon as African Americans began voting in large numbers - and they were right. Biden blew the field away in South Carolina, causing several rivals to drop out immediately and setting the stage for a stunning run that sewed up the Democratic nomination in a matter of weeks. Biden would perhaps prove to be the one Democrat best suited to pull moderate voters in the Midwest and elsewhere away from Trump. 3. Trump delivers coronavirus address, March 11, 2020, After weeks of downplaying the coronavirus threat and with cases skyrocketing in the country, Trump delivered a rare national address from the Oval Office in an attempt to reassure a jittery public. Two days later, he would declare a national emergency. The virus would reshape American life, closing schools, businesses, and restaurants, trapping millions at home, and becoming the dominant issue of the 2020 election. It would also keep Trump - and Biden even more so - off the campaign trail for months. 4. Sanders drops out, April 8, 2020, Trailing Biden badly in delegates, and with the coronavirus outbreak paralyzing the nation, Bernie Sanders became the final rival for the Democratic nomination to drop out of the race. He would endorse Biden a few days later, ensuring that the party would not be riven by discord as it was four years earlier when Sanders refused to concede to Hillary Clinton until the party's national convention. Sanders' move allowed Biden to turn his focus squarely to the general election with nearly seven months to go. Biden worked to make Sanders' supporters feel welcome, establishing a series of policy working groups that included progressive voices. 5. Trump's 'bleach' moment, April 23, 2020, With the death toll from the pandemic nearing 50,000, Trump at one of his daily virus briefings spontaneously suggested that injecting disinfectants into the human body could eliminate the virus. Public health experts quickly warned the public that doing so would be toxic, and Trump later claimed he was being sarcastic. The resulting furor was a factor in his deciding, days later, to suspend the briefings entirely, even though opinion polls in April had shown an uptick in public approval of his handling of the crisis. 6. Protesters tear gassed outside the White House, June 1, 2020, Washington was one of several cities convulsed by largely peaceful protests in the wake of the death on May 25 of George Floyd, a Black man, under the knee of a white Minneapolis police officer. On June 1, Trump gave an address at the White House invoking the "law and order" theme he would employ during the rest of his campaign. US Park Police and National Guard troops, clad in riot gear, then used pepper spray to clear the park outside the White House of protesters so that Trump could walk to historic St. John's Church and pose for a photo holding up a Bible. The melee became an image that would haunt Trump, as polls showed Americans largely supportive of the protests for racial justice. His approval rating soon dropped to a seven-month low. 7. Harris joins Biden's ticket, August 11, 2020, Biden tapping Senator Kamala Harris of California, a former rival for the nomination, as his running mate didn't come as a surprise. She had been the favorite all along. But she swiftly proved herself to be everything Biden needed, giving him a practiced and polished campaign partner and energizing the Democratic base. She also brought her own fundraising prowess to bear, with contributions to Biden's campaign reaching stratospheric levels once she was in the fold. 8. Justice Ginsburg dies, September 18, 2020, The worst fears of liberals came true as the storied Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg succumbed to cancer less than two months before the November 3 election. Trump did not hesitate to fill her Supreme Court slot, nominating Judge Amy Coney Barrett to the court and likely ensuring a conservative majority for years to come. The move gave conservatives a reason to cheer in what had been a challenging year for the president. But it also galvanized Democrats, particularly women, while allowing the Biden campaign's warnings of threats to the Affordable Care Act and abortion rights to be thrown into stark relief. 9. The first Trump-Biden debate, September 29, 2020, Needing something to turn his fortunes around, Trump came into his first debate with Biden looking for a fight. But his belligerence worked against him. He repeatedly interrupted Biden and the moderator, Chris Wallace, to the point where the entire event veered out of control. He attacked Biden's family. Polls and focus groups conducted afterward showed swing voters were repulsed by his behavior. Trump would later drop out of the second debate after it was switched to a virtual format in the wake of his COVID-19 diagnosis. He then adopted a more restrained tone for the final face-off with Biden on Oct. 22. 10. Trump gets COVID-19, October 2, 2020, After weeks of holding in-person rallies in which safety measures against the spread of the coronavirus were largely ignored, Trump and several aides tested positive for the disease. A short illness and quarantine period kept him off the campaign trail for 10 days. The bigger damage, however, may have been to the president's image. With Trump already faulted by a majority of Americans for his handling of the pandemic, his diagnosis made the White House look bumbling and hypocritical. And it ensured the virus would remain the central issue of the campaign just weeks before Election Day.

US election 2020: Top 10 pivotal moments of the presidential campaign

With Donald Trump running for re-election, the 2020 U.S. presidential election was always expected to be a dramatic and eventful ride. But nobody predicted a global pandemic that would upend every facet of the campaign. Here are 10 pivotal moments from a dizzying election year.

Ten moments that defined the 2020 U.S. presidential campaign

U.S. President Donald Trump suggested early on Monday that he might seek to fire a highly respected member of his coronavirus task force, Anthony Fauci, after Fauci further criticized Trump's handling of the virus.

Fauci, the country's leading infectious-disease expert who is director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, has taken issue with Trump's repeated assertions that the U.S. fight against the virus was "rounding the turn" when in fact tens of thousands of people are being infected daily.

“We're in for a whole lot of hurt. It’s not a good situation," Fauci told The Washington Post on Friday. "All the stars are aligned in the wrong place as you go into the fall and winter season, with people congregating at home indoors. You could not possibly be positioned more poorly."

When Trump defended his handling of the virus at a late-night campaign rally at Opa-Locka airport in the Miami area, a "Fire Fauci" chant broke out.

In response to the chant, Trump said: "Don't tell anybody, but let me wait until a little bit after the election."

Election Day is on Tuesday, with Trump trailing Democratic rival Joe Biden in opinion polls.

Fauci is one of the most popular health experts in the United States, a fact that Trump has cited in the past to avoid getting into tangles with him.

U.S. President Donald Trump suggested early on Monday that he might seek to fire a highly respected member of his coronavirus task force, Anthony Fauci, after Fauci further criticized Trump's handling of the virus. Fauci, the country's leading infectious-disease expert who is director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, has taken issue with Trump's repeated assertions that the U.S. fight against the virus was "rounding the turn" when in fact tens of thousands of people are being infected daily. “We're in for a whole lot of hurt. It’s not a good situation," Fauci told The Washington Post on Friday. "All the stars are aligned in the wrong place as you go into the fall and winter season, with people congregating at home indoors. You could not possibly be positioned more poorly." When Trump defended his handling of the virus at a late-night campaign rally at Opa-Locka airport in the Miami area, a "Fire Fauci" chant broke out. In response to the chant, Trump said: "Don't tell anybody, but let me wait until a little bit after the election." Election Day is on Tuesday, with Trump trailing Democratic rival Joe Biden in opinion polls. Fauci is one of the most popular health experts in the United States, a fact that Trump has cited in the past to avoid getting into tangles with him.

Trump suggests he might try to fire Fauci post-election

If the 2016 election pitted feminism against machismo, this one asks voters to consider what masculinity means.

President Donald Trump, in his personality and policies, has presented himself as hypermasculine: tough, plain-spoken, the patriarch who is unafraid to offend and unapologetic when he does. Joe Biden has emphasized family, empathy and caring for others — the loving, supportive and protective father.

Despite trailing in polls nationally by an average of around 9 percentage points, Trump has continued to lead Biden with male voters. Now, in the final days of the campaign, both sides are trying to appeal to voters’ sense of what a man should be.

Last week, a male conservative pundit posted a photograph on Twitter of Biden embracing his son Hunter, and asked, “Does this look like an appropriate father/son interaction to you?” A female conservative media figure taunted Biden for wearing a mask, saying he should carry a purse with it. The message was clear: To show vulnerability isn’t masculine.

Biden’s campaign suggests that not only can men express love for their family members, admit when they’re wrong and tear up in public — but that it’s also manly to do so.

“There are a lot of Biden tropes that link up with masculinity — protecting, serving, sacrificing, being the rock that the family can depend on,” said Matthew Gutmann, author of “Are Men Animals? How Modern Masculinity Sells Men Short,” and an anthropologist at Brown who has studied masculinity around the world.

As for Trump, Gutmann said: “I think the misogyny is front and center and absolutely essential to his total persona, his total appeal. And not just to men. A lot of women think that’s the way guys should be. They’re not just begrudgingly voting for Trump, but saying, ‘He’s a real man.’”

During the first debate, when Trump criticized Hunter, Biden responded with emotion: “My son had a drug problem. He’s overtaken it. He’s fixed it. He’s worked on it. And I’m proud of him.” In recent days, male Biden supporters flooded social media with their own photos of hugging their fathers or sons.

The Lincoln Project, a group of anti-Trump Republicans, released a new ad titled “Men,” narrated by Sam Elliott, the quintessential Hollywood cowboy. It shows fathers and sons changing a tire, throwing a football and embracing.

“Our dads weren’t perfect, but they did their best to raise us to be good, to be honorable, to be men of family and faith,” it says. “But above all, they taught us to own up to it when we did something wrong.”

Implying that one of those wrong things was voting for Trump last time, the ad concludes: “It’s time to own up, to be the men our dads raised us to be and the fathers our sons need us to be. It’s our turn to set the example.”

Honor and family are values that voters in either party would support. But the goal is to convince male voters that Biden is the candidate who most embodies the men they want themselves and their sons to be, said Rick Wilson, a Republican strategist and co-founder of the Lincoln Project: “We’re asking these people, ‘Are you going to defy your own upbringing, the things you know you should do? And if you choose not to, are you willing to watch your child’s behavior be modeled on Donald Trump versus what your dad taught you?’”

Though Trump’s version of masculinity appeals to a large segment of voters, both male and female, it has also repelled many of the white women who once supported him. This election has a large gender gap among voters, with women supporting Biden by 23 points, and just over half of white women supporting him, according to a national poll this month by The New York Times and Siena College. Biden may also have gained more college-educated men.

Now, Wilson said, they are making their case to less educated men, who were instrumental in Trump’s 2016 victory: “It’s a harder set of targets, but it’s more rewarding if we’re able to drop off even 2 or 3% of the men who voted for him.”

Sixty-seven percent of white men without college degrees support Trump, according to the Times/Siena poll. Also, a small but potentially significant number of Black and Latino men have shifted their support from the Democratic Party to Trump, in part because of the president’s macho appeal, analysts say.

Trump’s approach can be seen as a throwback to a time when men’s main role was to provide for and lead their family, researchers said. Trump’s children briefly greeted him in his office before and after school, recalls his first wife, Ivana, in her book “Raising Trump.” Today, he relies on his children professionally — both in business and politics — and publicly praises them, but is rarely seen showing them affection.

Biden has been fully hands-on with his children, and was their primary caregiver long before that became less of a rarity. He became a single father early in his career after his wife and daughter were killed in a car crash, and he helped care for his son Beau while he had cancer (he died of it in 2015).

“He’s lived that experience of ‘What will I do? I have to go to a meeting, and where will my kids be?’” said Cynthia Hogan, who served as Biden’s counsel starting in 1991 when he was a senator and again when he became vice president in 2009. “At that time — and I think even today — a lot of men really weren’t doing that.”

The two political parties in the United States have long differed along stereotypically gendered lines, as have voters, according to research by Monika McDermott, a political scientist at Fordham.

“The Democrats are the more feminine party: They’re willing to tax more and have bigger government because they’re willing to care for people,” she said. “Republicans are more about rugged individualism, being independent and fending for yourself.”

For the current candidates, their views of manhood are reflected in their policies and politics.

Trump prioritizes strength and patriarchy. “Don’t let it dominate your lives,” he said of the coronavirus, for which he was hospitalized. His foreign policy is called “America First.” He disparages or fires political enemies. At a rally this week, he told voters he wants to get “husbands back to work.” Though Trump has spoken of the need for family policies, he has delegated them to his daughter Ivanka, and very little has been done.

Biden has made caregiving a big part of his economic proposals, with a $775 billion plan to help young children, older adults and people with disabilities, and to increase pay for caregivers. He has drawn upon the grief he’s experienced to comfort families touched by the coronavirus. And he has promised to try to build consensus and share power — starting with his choice of a woman as his running mate, Kamala Harris.

“The gender norms around caregiving are changing,” said Ai-jen Poo, senior adviser for Care in Action, a nonprofit, and an expert on the care economy. “I think representation matters, and it’s not just in terms of race and ethnicity, it’s also in terms of experience. People want to see somebody who understands the kind of caregiving struggles they’ve been through.”

Still, as much as gender roles are evolving, the candidates that voters are choosing between are both straight white men in their 70s, and versions of traditional men and fathers. No matter the outcome, it will be at least four more years before America is asked to consider any version of a leader that breaks that mold.

If the 2016 election pitted feminism against machismo, this one asks voters to consider what masculinity means. President Donald Trump, in his personality and policies, has presented himself as hypermasculine: tough, plain-spoken, the patriarch who is unafraid to offend and unapologetic when he does.

If the 2016 election pitted feminism against machismo, this one asks voters to consider what masculinity means. President Donald Trump, in his personality and policies, has presented himself as hypermasculine: tough, plain-spoken, the patriarch who is unafraid to offend and unapologetic when he does. Joe Biden has emphasized family, empathy and caring for others — the loving, supportive and protective father. Despite trailing in polls nationally by an average of around 9 percentage points, Trump has continued to lead Biden with male voters. Now, in the final days of the campaign, both sides are trying to appeal to voters’ sense of what a man should be. Last week, a male conservative pundit posted a photograph on Twitter of Biden embracing his son Hunter, and asked, “Does this look like an appropriate father/son interaction to you?” A female conservative media figure taunted Biden for wearing a mask, saying he should carry a purse with it. The message was clear: To show vulnerability isn’t masculine. Biden’s campaign suggests that not only can men express love for their family members, admit when they’re wrong and tear up in public — but that it’s also manly to do so. “There are a lot of Biden tropes that link up with masculinity — protecting, serving, sacrificing, being the rock that the family can depend on,” said Matthew Gutmann, author of “Are Men Animals? How Modern Masculinity Sells Men Short,” and an anthropologist at Brown who has studied masculinity around the world. As for Trump, Gutmann said: “I think the misogyny is front and center and absolutely essential to his total persona, his total appeal. And not just to men. A lot of women think that’s the way guys should be. They’re not just begrudgingly voting for Trump, but saying, ‘He’s a real man.’” During the first debate, when Trump criticized Hunter, Biden responded with emotion: “My son had a drug problem. He’s overtaken it. He’s fixed it. He’s worked on it. And I’m proud of him.” In recent days, male Biden supporters flooded social media with their own photos of hugging their fathers or sons. The Lincoln Project, a group of anti-Trump Republicans, released a new ad titled “Men,” narrated by Sam Elliott, the quintessential Hollywood cowboy. It shows fathers and sons changing a tire, throwing a football and embracing. “Our dads weren’t perfect, but they did their best to raise us to be good, to be honorable, to be men of family and faith,” it says. “But above all, they taught us to own up to it when we did something wrong.” Implying that one of those wrong things was voting for Trump last time, the ad concludes: “It’s time to own up, to be the men our dads raised us to be and the fathers our sons need us to be. It’s our turn to set the example.” Honor and family are values that voters in either party would support. But the goal is to convince male voters that Biden is the candidate who most embodies the men they want themselves and their sons to be, said Rick Wilson, a Republican strategist and co-founder of the Lincoln Project: “We’re asking these people, ‘Are you going to defy your own upbringing, the things you know you should do? And if you choose not to, are you willing to watch your child’s behavior be modeled on Donald Trump versus what your dad taught you?’” Though Trump’s version of masculinity appeals to a large segment of voters, both male and female, it has also repelled many of the white women who once supported him. This election has a large gender gap among voters, with women supporting Biden by 23 points, and just over half of white women supporting him, according to a national poll this month by The New York Times and Siena College. Biden may also have gained more college-educated men. Now, Wilson said, they are making their case to less educated men, who were instrumental in Trump’s 2016 victory: “It’s a harder set of targets, but it’s more rewarding if we’re able to drop off even 2 or 3% of the men who voted for him.” Sixty-seven percent of white men without college degrees support Trump, according to the Times/Siena poll. Also, a small but potentially significant number of Black and Latino men have shifted their support from the Democratic Party to Trump, in part because of the president’s macho appeal, analysts say. Trump’s approach can be seen as a throwback to a time when men’s main role was to provide for and lead their family, researchers said. Trump’s children briefly greeted him in his office before and after school, recalls his first wife, Ivana, in her book “Raising Trump.” Today, he relies on his children professionally — both in business and politics — and publicly praises them, but is rarely seen showing them affection. Biden has been fully hands-on with his children, and was their primary caregiver long before that became less of a rarity. He became a single father early in his career after his wife and daughter were killed in a car crash, and he helped care for his son Beau while he had cancer (he died of it in 2015). “He’s lived that experience of ‘What will I do? I have to go to a meeting, and where will my kids be?’” said Cynthia Hogan, who served as Biden’s counsel starting in 1991 when he was a senator and again when he became vice president in 2009. “At that time — and I think even today — a lot of men really weren’t doing that.” The two political parties in the United States have long differed along stereotypically gendered lines, as have voters, according to research by Monika McDermott, a political scientist at Fordham. “The Democrats are the more feminine party: They’re willing to tax more and have bigger government because they’re willing to care for people,” she said. “Republicans are more about rugged individualism, being independent and fending for yourself.” For the current candidates, their views of manhood are reflected in their policies and politics. Trump prioritizes strength and patriarchy. “Don’t let it dominate your lives,” he said of the coronavirus, for which he was hospitalized. His foreign policy is called “America First.” He disparages or fires political enemies. At a rally this week, he told voters he wants to get “husbands back to work.” Though Trump has spoken of the need for family policies, he has delegated them to his daughter Ivanka, and very little has been done. Biden has made caregiving a big part of his economic proposals, with a $775 billion plan to help young children, older adults and people with disabilities, and to increase pay for caregivers. He has drawn upon the grief he’s experienced to comfort families touched by the coronavirus. And he has promised to try to build consensus and share power — starting with his choice of a woman as his running mate, Kamala Harris. “The gender norms around caregiving are changing,” said Ai-jen Poo, senior adviser for Care in Action, a nonprofit, and an expert on the care economy. “I think representation matters, and it’s not just in terms of race and ethnicity, it’s also in terms of experience. People want to see somebody who understands the kind of caregiving struggles they’ve been through.” Still, as much as gender roles are evolving, the candidates that voters are choosing between are both straight white men in their 70s, and versions of traditional men and fathers. No matter the outcome, it will be at least four more years before America is asked to consider any version of a leader that breaks that mold.

What makes a man manly? Trump and Biden offer competing answers

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