'The happiest place on Earth' reopens with COVID-19 restrictions

An overcrowded smuggling boat capsized on Sunday off the California coast after crashing into the shoreline, killing three people and leaving 27 people hospitalized with a range of injuries.

3 dead, 27 injured after smuggling boat capsizes off California coast

California is witnessing second year of drought. The reservoir levels have gone, river water is evaporating and this may create problem for flora and fauna thereby affecting the ecosystem.

When things are normal, salmon fish swim from inland waterways to the Pacific Ocean. But the drought means these waterways are drying up and the temperature of whatever water remains is increasing.

In order to ensure that harsh conditions do not affect the ecosystem, authorities have decided to transport about 15 million salmons to the ocean via trucks. The authorities announced the trucking operation.

It is going to be a massive operation. 16.8 million young salmons, grown in hatcheries in Central Valley will be loaded in nearly 150 trucks and will be released into the ocean.

Salmon fish that are native to California need cold water to survive and thrive. But the drought means the conditions are exactly opposite.

It's good that the authorities are helping the little fish. They'll hit the road for the first time to go to the ocean!

California is witnessing second year of drought. The reservoir levels have gone, river water is evaporating and this may create problem for flora and fauna thereby affecting the ecosystem.

California is witnessing second year of drought. The reservoir levels have gone, river water is evaporating and this may create problem for flora and fauna thereby affecting the ecosystem. When things are normal, salmon fish swim from inland waterways to the Pacific Ocean. But the drought means these waterways are drying up and the temperature of whatever water remains is increasing. In order to ensure that harsh conditions do not affect the ecosystem, authorities have decided to transport about 15 million salmons to the ocean via trucks. The authorities announced the trucking operation. It is going to be a massive operation. 16.8 million young salmons, grown in hatcheries in Central Valley will be loaded in nearly 150 trucks and will be released into the ocean. Salmon fish that are native to California need cold water to survive and thrive. But the drought means the conditions are exactly opposite. It's good that the authorities are helping the little fish. They'll hit the road for the first time to go to the ocean!

Drought in California forces 15 million salmon fish to 'travel' by road

Masks, temperature checks and no hugs with Mickey Mouse greeted visitors to Disneyland in California on Friday as Walt Disney`s original theme park reopened for the first time in over a year. 
 
Under coronavirus pandemic guidelines, "The Happiest Place on Earth" was opened only to California residents and capacity was limited to 25% to allow for social distancing. 
 
Guests, age 2 and older, were required to wear face masks and there were none of the usual hugs with costumed characters like Mickey Mouse and Snow White. 
 
There will be no parades, and the nightly fireworks displays have been put on hold to prevent crowds from gathering closely together. 
Tickets to Disneyland are sold out through mid-June, according to the park`s online reservation system, but there is more availability in the adjacent California Adventure. 
 
Disneyland, located 35 miles south of Los Angeles in Anaheim, opened in 1955. Walt Disney Co closed its theme parks around the world in March 2020 to help curb the COVID-19 pandemic. 
 
The company`s most-visited resort, Walt Disney World in Orlando, Florida, reopened in July 2020. Disneyland Paris is currently closed. Disney parks in Shanghai, Tokyo and Hong Kong are open.

Masks, temperature checks and no hugs with Mickey Mouse greeted visitors to Disneyland in California on Friday as Walt Disney`s original theme park reopened for the first time in over a year.

Masks, temperature checks and no hugs with Mickey Mouse greeted visitors to Disneyland in California on Friday as Walt Disney`s original theme park reopened for the first time in over a year. Under coronavirus pandemic guidelines, "The Happiest Place on Earth" was opened only to California residents and capacity was limited to 25% to allow for social distancing. Guests, age 2 and older, were required to wear face masks and there were none of the usual hugs with costumed characters like Mickey Mouse and Snow White. There will be no parades, and the nightly fireworks displays have been put on hold to prevent crowds from gathering closely together. Tickets to Disneyland are sold out through mid-June, according to the park`s online reservation system, but there is more availability in the adjacent California Adventure. Disneyland, located 35 miles south of Los Angeles in Anaheim, opened in 1955. Walt Disney Co closed its theme parks around the world in March 2020 to help curb the COVID-19 pandemic. The company`s most-visited resort, Walt Disney World in Orlando, Florida, reopened in July 2020. Disneyland Paris is currently closed. Disney parks in Shanghai, Tokyo and Hong Kong are open.

California's Disneyland re-opens but don't expect hugs from Mickey Mouse

A research from the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in California identified a potential dump site for the chemical dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT).

Resting deep in the ocean, the exact location and extent of the dumping were not known until now.

According to Eric Terrill, chief scientist of the expedition and director of the Marine Physical Laboratory at Scripps Institution of Oceanography, "Looking at the historical records of those had potentially occurred for decades every month. It shouldn't have been a surprise to us, but it was still just not anything I had to wrap my head around in terms of envisioning what we might find."

Scientists used underwater “Roombas” — drones with sonar technology — to trawl more than 36,000 acres of seabed between Catalina Island and the waters off the coast of Los Angeles, a region previously known to contain high levels of DDT in the ecosystem.

"I think we surveyed 36,000 acres or 148 square kilometres, and this is all in a water depth of 3,000 feet. We had greater than 25,000 targets that were ascertained based on some of the data analytic tools that dr. Merrifield talked about, that we have a high degree of confidence that these are indeed barrels," he said.

High levels of DDT have been detected in the area’s marine mammals, and the chemical has been linked to cancer in sea lions.

With 25% of adult sea lions found to be suffering from cancer, DDT contamination has been the leading cause of this tragedy and it continues to enter the aquatic food chain to this day.

One clear lesson from this discovery is that when humans callously pollute the environment, the consequences last for generations to come.

The second lesson is those who have polluted the world more than anyone else historically should first pay up before they preach climate action.

A research from the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in California identified a potential dump site for the chemical dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT). Resting deep in the ocean, the exact location and extent of the dumping were not known until now.

A research from the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in California identified a potential dump site for the chemical dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT). Resting deep in the ocean, the exact location and extent of the dumping were not known until now. According to Eric Terrill, chief scientist of the expedition and director of the Marine Physical Laboratory at Scripps Institution of Oceanography, "Looking at the historical records of those had potentially occurred for decades every month. It shouldn't have been a surprise to us, but it was still just not anything I had to wrap my head around in terms of envisioning what we might find." Scientists used underwater “Roombas” — drones with sonar technology — to trawl more than 36,000 acres of seabed between Catalina Island and the waters off the coast of Los Angeles, a region previously known to contain high levels of DDT in the ecosystem. "I think we surveyed 36,000 acres or 148 square kilometres, and this is all in a water depth of 3,000 feet. We had greater than 25,000 targets that were ascertained based on some of the data analytic tools that dr. Merrifield talked about, that we have a high degree of confidence that these are indeed barrels," he said. High levels of DDT have been detected in the area’s marine mammals, and the chemical has been linked to cancer in sea lions. With 25% of adult sea lions found to be suffering from cancer, DDT contamination has been the leading cause of this tragedy and it continues to enter the aquatic food chain to this day. One clear lesson from this discovery is that when humans callously pollute the environment, the consequences last for generations to come. The second lesson is those who have polluted the world more than anyone else historically should first pay up before they preach climate action.

US should 'clean up' before preaching: 25,000 barrels of toxic DDT found dumped in ocean off California

The US state of California is planning to end issuing new permits for fracking in the state starting 2024. State governor Gavin Newsom on Friday announced the move as the state works to limit extraction of fossil fuel over the next few decades.

“Hydraulic fracturing”, or is it is commonly called “fracking” is a way to extract hydrocarbons. Largely, it has been criticised for its negative environmental impact. Even then, fracking amounts for over 17 per cent of California’s production, AFP reported.

"The climate crisis is real, and we continue to see the signs every day," governor Newsom said in a statement.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/entertainment/caitlyn-jenner-joins-republican-fray-seeking-to-unseat-california-governor-379640" hreflang="en">Caitlyn Jenner joins Republican fray seeking to unseat California governor</a>

"As we move to swiftly decarbonize our transportation sector and create a healthier future for our children, I've made it clear I don't see a role for fracking in that future and, similarly, believe that California needs to move beyond oil”, Newsom added.

Oil and gas regulator for California intends to stop handing out fracking permits from 2024. The work will be overseen by California’s Department of Conservation’s Geologic Energy Management.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/start-conserving-california-governor-declares-drought-emergency-in-2-counties-379278" hreflang="en">Start conserving: California governor declares drought emergency in 2 counties</a>

In addition, Newsom urged California to work out ways to eliminate oil extraction by 2045. California is hoping to be carbon neutral by 2045 and under Newsom intends to ban combustion-engine vehicles by 2035.

(With inputs from agencies)

The US state of California is planning to end issuing new permits for fracking in the state starting 2024. State governor Gavin Newsom on Friday announced the move as the state works to limit extraction of fossil fuel over the next few decades.

The US state of California is planning to end issuing new permits for fracking in the state starting 2024. State governor Gavin Newsom on Friday announced the move as the state works to limit extraction of fossil fuel over the next few decades. “Hydraulic fracturing”, or is it is commonly called “fracking” is a way to extract hydrocarbons. Largely, it has been criticised for its negative environmental impact. Even then, fracking amounts for over 17 per cent of California’s production, AFP reported. "The climate crisis is real, and we continue to see the signs every day," governor Newsom said in a statement. Also read: Caitlyn Jenner joins Republican fray seeking to unseat California governor "As we move to swiftly decarbonize our transportation sector and create a healthier future for our children, I've made it clear I don't see a role for fracking in that future and, similarly, believe that California needs to move beyond oil”, Newsom added. Oil and gas regulator for California intends to stop handing out fracking permits from 2024. The work will be overseen by California’s Department of Conservation’s Geologic Energy Management. Also read: Start conserving: California governor declares drought emergency in 2 counties In addition, Newsom urged California to work out ways to eliminate oil extraction by 2045. California is hoping to be carbon neutral by 2045 and under Newsom intends to ban combustion-engine vehicles by 2035. (With inputs from agencies)

No new fracking permits in California starting 2024

California Governor Gavin Newsom has declared a drought emergency in two North California counties on Wednesday.

The declaration has been specifically targeted to Mendocino and Sonoma counties where the drought conditions are worse than the rest of the state.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/drought-along-california-oregon-border-revives-debate-on-water-rights-377253">Drought along California-Oregon border revives debate on water rights</a>

California is now bracing itself for yet another year of drought and wildfire after massive destruction took place last year.

"Oftentimes we overstate the word historic, but this is indeed a historic moment, certainly historic for this particular lake, Mendocino," the governor said.

Also read |&nbsp;<a data-ctorig="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-addressing-climate-change-issue-efficiently-377435" data-cturl="https://www.google.com/url?client=internal-element-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;q=https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-addressing-climate-change-issue-efficiently-377435&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=2ahUKEwiVw8zT6pHwAhVNumMGHW5hCTYQFjAAegQIARAC&amp;usg=AOvVaw0je-HC7kf4d4MHJGvwowRm" dir="ltr" href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-addressing-climate-change-issue-efficiently-377435" target="_blank">'India addressing climate change issue efficiently'</a>

Newsom has also urged cities to prepare for water shortage in the upcoming months even though the Governor has not yet declared a drought emergency. However, the State Water Resources Control Board has issued warnings to 40,000 water rights holders to start conserving water.

“If you’re in a different part of the state, you probably need to know that this will one day happen to you,” Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources, said.

California Governor Gavin Newsom has declared a drought emergency in two North California counties on Wednesday. The declaration has been specifically targeted to Mendocino and Sonoma counties where the drought conditions are worse than the rest of the state.

California Governor Gavin Newsom has declared a drought emergency in two North California counties on Wednesday. The declaration has been specifically targeted to Mendocino and Sonoma counties where the drought conditions are worse than the rest of the state. Also read | Drought along California-Oregon border revives debate on water rights California is now bracing itself for yet another year of drought and wildfire after massive destruction took place last year. "Oftentimes we overstate the word historic, but this is indeed a historic moment, certainly historic for this particular lake, Mendocino," the governor said. Also read | 'India addressing climate change issue efficiently' Newsom has also urged cities to prepare for water shortage in the upcoming months even though the Governor has not yet declared a drought emergency. However, the State Water Resources Control Board has issued warnings to 40,000 water rights holders to start conserving water. “If you’re in a different part of the state, you probably need to know that this will one day happen to you,” Karla Nemeth, director of the California Department of Water Resources, said.

Start conserving: California governor declares drought emergency in 2 counties

Baseball is back across California. Tickets to see Bad Bunny early next year were snatched up in no time. The Musso &amp;amp; Frank Grill — the iconic, very much indoors Hollywood haunt — has announced it will reopen May 6.

That’s all been possible, officials and experts say, because increasing numbers of Californians are vaccinated.

And although the biggest hurdle for the state’s vaccine campaign has been a limited supply of doses, that’s changing quickly, officials say.

As of Monday, 1 in 4 Californians was fully inoculated and more than 40% of Californians have received at least one shot. All adults 16 and older are eligible to be vaccinated.

Many businesses have been allowed to reopen — but some can open at higher capacity if they require proof of vaccination or a negative coronavirus test. The state is also allowing larger groups to gather, if everyone is tested or fully vaccinated.

So how does one quickly and consistently prove they have been vaccinated? One option is what has come to be known as a “vaccine passport.”

Here’s what you need to know about what that would mean in California:

What is a vaccine passport?

Mostly, the term has been used to describe a digital certificate of vaccination.

Think of the boarding pass you would show on your phone to get through airport security, or of a digital concert ticket with a QR code.

You should receive a paper vaccination card when you get your first dose, but, of course, any kind of paper document is vulnerable.

Still, experts say that the term “passport” is misleading. It is actually more like vaccine verification — something that has long existed in various contexts and forms. (Schools and summer camps, for instance, often require children to be inoculated against certain diseases.)

“We’re not calling it a passport, because that implies it’s a government-issued document,” Dr. Christopher Longhurst, UC San Diego Health’s chief information officer, told me. “That’s not what we’re talking about.”

Why is there a debate over the use of vaccine passports?

As with most things that involve health data, there are concerns about privacy. And as with everything that involves sorting people into groups of haves and have-nots, there are questions about fairness and ethics.

There are wide disparities in vaccination rates among countries, and vaccine passports could make international travel much easier for residents of wealthy countries.

In the United States, conservative politicians have turned “vaccine passports” into a political and cultural flash point, arguing that they infringe on Americans’ freedom. Some states, like Texas, have barred organizations receiving state money from requiring vaccine credentials.

The White House has said the federal government will not support “a system that requires Americans to carry a credential.”

But legal experts have said that businesses like airlines, concert venues or warehouse operators are within their rights to require employees or customers to do things in the interest of public health. Many businesses have said they want to be able to assure customers that their fellow patrons are inoculated in order to coax them back.

Michael Jerrett, a professor of environmental health science at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health, told me that as long as there is “equal access” to vaccines themselves, vaccine verification could be used to help prevent workplace outbreaks in the future.

Will I need a vaccine passport if I live in California?

Not exactly. As The Los Angeles Times reported, the state is effectively encouraging venues to require proof of vaccination, as they are allowed to bring in more people if they do.

But state officials have emphasized they will not require them.

So, Longhurst said, the state has effectively “tossed the ball” to private companies.

UC San Diego Health is partnering with the Vaccine Credential Initiative in an effort to ensure that whatever digital vaccine verification is required, there is an “open standard” that is consistent and secure no matter where you go.

“The worst-case scenario is that venues and stadiums all have a different approach,” he said.

Longhurst added that a collaborative, open approach could also prevent a single private company from becoming the sole provider of vaccine verification services, as has been the case for New York, which became the first state to launch a digital health certificate called the Excelsior Pass.

A Republican state lawmaker has introduced a bill that would block state or other government agencies from enacting digital health documentation policies, according to The Sacramento Bee — but the effort is unlikely to go far.

Baseball is back across California. Tickets to see Bad Bunny early next year were snatched up in no time. The Musso &amp; Frank Grill — the iconic, very much indoors Hollywood haunt — has announced it will reopen May 6.

Baseball is back across California. Tickets to see Bad Bunny early next year were snatched up in no time. The Musso &amp; Frank Grill — the iconic, very much indoors Hollywood haunt — has announced it will reopen May 6. That’s all been possible, officials and experts say, because increasing numbers of Californians are vaccinated. And although the biggest hurdle for the state’s vaccine campaign has been a limited supply of doses, that’s changing quickly, officials say. As of Monday, 1 in 4 Californians was fully inoculated and more than 40% of Californians have received at least one shot. All adults 16 and older are eligible to be vaccinated. Many businesses have been allowed to reopen — but some can open at higher capacity if they require proof of vaccination or a negative coronavirus test. The state is also allowing larger groups to gather, if everyone is tested or fully vaccinated. So how does one quickly and consistently prove they have been vaccinated? One option is what has come to be known as a “vaccine passport.” Here’s what you need to know about what that would mean in California: What is a vaccine passport? Mostly, the term has been used to describe a digital certificate of vaccination. Think of the boarding pass you would show on your phone to get through airport security, or of a digital concert ticket with a QR code. You should receive a paper vaccination card when you get your first dose, but, of course, any kind of paper document is vulnerable. Still, experts say that the term “passport” is misleading. It is actually more like vaccine verification — something that has long existed in various contexts and forms. (Schools and summer camps, for instance, often require children to be inoculated against certain diseases.) “We’re not calling it a passport, because that implies it’s a government-issued document,” Dr. Christopher Longhurst, UC San Diego Health’s chief information officer, told me. “That’s not what we’re talking about.” Why is there a debate over the use of vaccine passports? As with most things that involve health data, there are concerns about privacy. And as with everything that involves sorting people into groups of haves and have-nots, there are questions about fairness and ethics. There are wide disparities in vaccination rates among countries, and vaccine passports could make international travel much easier for residents of wealthy countries. In the United States, conservative politicians have turned “vaccine passports” into a political and cultural flash point, arguing that they infringe on Americans’ freedom. Some states, like Texas, have barred organizations receiving state money from requiring vaccine credentials. The White House has said the federal government will not support “a system that requires Americans to carry a credential.” But legal experts have said that businesses like airlines, concert venues or warehouse operators are within their rights to require employees or customers to do things in the interest of public health. Many businesses have said they want to be able to assure customers that their fellow patrons are inoculated in order to coax them back. Michael Jerrett, a professor of environmental health science at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health, told me that as long as there is “equal access” to vaccines themselves, vaccine verification could be used to help prevent workplace outbreaks in the future. Will I need a vaccine passport if I live in California? Not exactly. As The Los Angeles Times reported, the state is effectively encouraging venues to require proof of vaccination, as they are allowed to bring in more people if they do. But state officials have emphasized they will not require them. So, Longhurst said, the state has effectively “tossed the ball” to private companies. UC San Diego Health is partnering with the Vaccine Credential Initiative in an effort to ensure that whatever digital vaccine verification is required, there is an “open standard” that is consistent and secure no matter where you go. “The worst-case scenario is that venues and stadiums all have a different approach,” he said. Longhurst added that a collaborative, open approach could also prevent a single private company from becoming the sole provider of vaccine verification services, as has been the case for New York, which became the first state to launch a digital health certificate called the Excelsior Pass. A Republican state lawmaker has introduced a bill that would block state or other government agencies from enacting digital health documentation policies, according to The Sacramento Bee — but the effort is unlikely to go far.

Will you need a vaccine passport in California?

The region along the California-Oregon border in the United States is witnessing one of the worst droughts in history. Owing to this, hundreds of farmers could have to suffice with less resources to irrigate.&nbsp;

These farmers are responsible for sustaining multiple endangered fish species that are important to local tribes in the region. To carve out a plan, the US Bureau of Reclamation will announce how the water this season will be divided after the decision was delayed by a month. The bureau is responsible for allocating water in the “Klamath” project.

Al Jazeera reported that for the first time in two decades, over 1,400 irrigators could be left without any water to farm their 225,000 acres of land. Besides local tribes, six wildlife refuges also depend on the project’s water, but may also be left without without this year.

Also read: <a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/recent-droughts-and-heatwaves-in-europe-worst-in-2000-years-study-claims-370852" hreflang="en">Recent droughts and heatwaves in Europe worst in 2,000 years, study claims</a>

Over the years, farmers, tribes, and conservationists have sparred over who has the right to use the water. Two tribes - the Klamath and Yurok have treaties that guarantee protection to their fisheries.

The last time water was cut off from the region was in 2001 when a protest took place whereby 15,000 people scooped up water from the Klamath River and passed it on an irrigation canal.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/opinions/the-country-must-prepare-for-a-drought-year-186760" hreflang="en">The country must prepare for a drought year</a>

The Klamath Water Users Association recently sent out a warning to its members that “little to no water” would be available for irrigation from the Upper Klamath Lake. A meeting to address the crisis is set to take place on Wednesday.

The region along the California-Oregon border in the United States is witnessing one of the worst droughts in history. Owing to this, hundreds of farmers could have to suffice with less resources to irrigate.

The region along the California-Oregon border in the United States is witnessing one of the worst droughts in history. Owing to this, hundreds of farmers could have to suffice with less resources to irrigate. These farmers are responsible for sustaining multiple endangered fish species that are important to local tribes in the region. To carve out a plan, the US Bureau of Reclamation will announce how the water this season will be divided after the decision was delayed by a month. The bureau is responsible for allocating water in the “Klamath” project. Al Jazeera reported that for the first time in two decades, over 1,400 irrigators could be left without any water to farm their 225,000 acres of land. Besides local tribes, six wildlife refuges also depend on the project’s water, but may also be left without without this year. Also read: Recent droughts and heatwaves in Europe worst in 2,000 years, study claims Over the years, farmers, tribes, and conservationists have sparred over who has the right to use the water. Two tribes - the Klamath and Yurok have treaties that guarantee protection to their fisheries. The last time water was cut off from the region was in 2001 when a protest took place whereby 15,000 people scooped up water from the Klamath River and passed it on an irrigation canal. Also read: The country must prepare for a drought year The Klamath Water Users Association recently sent out a warning to its members that “little to no water” would be available for irrigation from the Upper Klamath Lake. A meeting to address the crisis is set to take place on Wednesday.

Drought along California-Oregon border revives debate on water rights

Sports fans will be allowed to return to indoor arenas in California later this month under new guidelines announced by state authorities on Friday as the Covid-19 situation improves.

The California Department of Public Health said new rules would take effect from April 15 and were a result of increased vaccination rates and Covid-19 test positivity rates at a near-record low.

The updated rules include gatherings, private events or meetings such as receptions or conferences, and indoor seated live events and performances.

"Today's update ... is a result of the progress we are making both in vaccinations and in controlling the spread of Covid-19," said Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency.

"By following public health guidelines such as wearing masks and getting vaccinated when eligible, we can resume additional activities as we take steps to reduce risk."

How many fans allowed back into arenas would depend on the Covid-19 situation in a given county. California applies a system of four coloured tiers to each county based on the number of Covid-19 cases.

News of the updated guidelines was welcomed by California sports teams, who have played in empty indoor arenas since the pandemic began.

"We are incredibly excited that the State of California announced guidelines today that will allow Lakers fans to return to the Staples Center," the Los Angeles Lakers said.

"Now that we have the guidance, we will work with LA County Public Health and Staples Center to finalize our plans to have fans safely attend our games starting with the Lakers v Celtics game on April 15."

The Los Angeles Clippers meanwhile said the team would welcome back fans for home games from April 18.

"Can't wait to see you, #ClipperNation," the team tweeted.

The Golden State Warriors said the team was "extremely encouraged" by the state guidance, but did not give a date of when fans would return.

Sports fans will be allowed to return to indoor arenas in California later this month under new guidelines announced by state authorities on Friday as the Covid-19 situation improves.

Sports fans will be allowed to return to indoor arenas in California later this month under new guidelines announced by state authorities on Friday as the Covid-19 situation improves. The California Department of Public Health said new rules would take effect from April 15 and were a result of increased vaccination rates and Covid-19 test positivity rates at a near-record low. The updated rules include gatherings, private events or meetings such as receptions or conferences, and indoor seated live events and performances. "Today's update ... is a result of the progress we are making both in vaccinations and in controlling the spread of Covid-19," said Mark Ghaly, secretary of the California Health and Human Services Agency. "By following public health guidelines such as wearing masks and getting vaccinated when eligible, we can resume additional activities as we take steps to reduce risk." How many fans allowed back into arenas would depend on the Covid-19 situation in a given county. California applies a system of four coloured tiers to each county based on the number of Covid-19 cases. News of the updated guidelines was welcomed by California sports teams, who have played in empty indoor arenas since the pandemic began. "We are incredibly excited that the State of California announced guidelines today that will allow Lakers fans to return to the Staples Center," the Los Angeles Lakers said. "Now that we have the guidance, we will work with LA County Public Health and Staples Center to finalize our plans to have fans safely attend our games starting with the Lakers v Celtics game on April 15." The Los Angeles Clippers meanwhile said the team would welcome back fans for home games from April 18. "Can't wait to see you, #ClipperNation," the team tweeted. The Golden State Warriors said the team was "extremely encouraged" by the state guidance, but did not give a date of when fans would return.

Indoor fans set to return after California rule update

At least four people killed in a shooting incident at a business complex in the city of Orange in California. This is the second incident of a mass shooting in just 10 days.

News Alert: 4 dead in shooting at Orange business complex, California

Federal authorities in California charged a man Tuesday with coordinating a smuggling attempt that resulted in the deaths of 13 Mexican and Guatemalan citizens in one of the deadliest border-related crashes in decades.

The man, Jose Cruz Noguez, 47, a resident of the United States, was accused of arranging transportation for people entering the country illegally, according to a statement from the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of California.

The victims were riding in an SUV that was transporting 25 people when it crashed into a tractor-trailer just after sunrise March 2 on the outskirts of Holtville, California, in the Imperial Valley, a rich agricultural region and a busy corridor for migrant smuggling. The crash occurred about 12 miles from the Mexican border.

“These smuggling networks seek maximum profit by moving as many people as possible across the border with zero regard for their safety and well-being,” Randy Grossman, the acting U.S. attorney for the Southern District of California, said in the statement. “Cramming dozens of people into eight-passenger vehicles and driving recklessly to avoid detection shows an utter disregard for human life.”

Cruz was charged with conspiracy to bring aliens to the United States outside a port of entry and causing serious bodily injury or placing a life in jeopardy, which carries a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison; as well as transporting migrants without legal status for financial gain, which could carry a maximum penalty of 15 years of imprisonment.

He was arrested Monday and appeared in federal court in El Centro, California, before U.S. Magistrate Judge Ruth Bermudez Montenegro on Tuesday.

Smugglers along the U.S. border with Mexico often use vans or SUVs to transport large numbers of migrants to cities — often charging thousands of dollars per person — after meeting them in remote areas once they have managed to enter the United States. Car wrecks near the border are common, but fewer have occurred during the coronavirus pandemic.

About two weeks after the crash near Holtville, eight immigrants were killed in southwestern Texas when a pickup truck they were riding in crashed head-on into another pickup during a police chase, the authorities said.

No law enforcement agencies were chasing the SUV that crashed outside Holtville on March 2, according to the authorities.

The vehicle had entered the United States at a spot where a fence along the border had been dismantled. According to the authorities, surveillance footage reviewed by the Border Patrol showed two vehicles — a GMC Yukon and a Ford Expedition SUV — crossing through a 10-foot gap in the 18-foot-high steel bollard border fence around 5:30 a.m.

The Yukon apparently burst into flames after crossing through the fence; Border Patrol agents extinguished the fire and apprehended 19 people who were hiding in the surrounding brush.

The Expedition continued until around 6 a.m., when the driver pulled into the path of the tractor-trailer on State Route 115. The truck hit the SUV on the driver’s side. The driver of the tractor-trailer was hospitalized with moderate injuries, and many people in the SUV who survived the crash were seriously injured.

The Border Patrol did not immediately respond to a question about what happened to the survivors of the crash.

An associate of Cruz who was arrested in connection with a different episode of smuggling this month said he had originally been recruited to drive the Expedition on March 2, but declined, according to the U.S. attorney’s office.

The associate secretly recorded a conversation with Cruz, authorities said, in which Cruz said that he had been involved in the March 2 episode and that his other associates had cut the border fence.

Cruz will be represented by a federal public defender. An organization of federal defense lawyers in Southern California did not immediately respond to questions Wednesday evening.

Federal authorities in California charged a man Tuesday with coordinating a smuggling attempt that resulted in the deaths of 13 Mexican and Guatemalan citizens in one of the deadliest border-related crashes in decades.

Federal authorities in California charged a man Tuesday with coordinating a smuggling attempt that resulted in the deaths of 13 Mexican and Guatemalan citizens in one of the deadliest border-related crashes in decades. The man, Jose Cruz Noguez, 47, a resident of the United States, was accused of arranging transportation for people entering the country illegally, according to a statement from the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of California. The victims were riding in an SUV that was transporting 25 people when it crashed into a tractor-trailer just after sunrise March 2 on the outskirts of Holtville, California, in the Imperial Valley, a rich agricultural region and a busy corridor for migrant smuggling. The crash occurred about 12 miles from the Mexican border. “These smuggling networks seek maximum profit by moving as many people as possible across the border with zero regard for their safety and well-being,” Randy Grossman, the acting U.S. attorney for the Southern District of California, said in the statement. “Cramming dozens of people into eight-passenger vehicles and driving recklessly to avoid detection shows an utter disregard for human life.” Cruz was charged with conspiracy to bring aliens to the United States outside a port of entry and causing serious bodily injury or placing a life in jeopardy, which carries a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison; as well as transporting migrants without legal status for financial gain, which could carry a maximum penalty of 15 years of imprisonment. He was arrested Monday and appeared in federal court in El Centro, California, before U.S. Magistrate Judge Ruth Bermudez Montenegro on Tuesday. Smugglers along the U.S. border with Mexico often use vans or SUVs to transport large numbers of migrants to cities — often charging thousands of dollars per person — after meeting them in remote areas once they have managed to enter the United States. Car wrecks near the border are common, but fewer have occurred during the coronavirus pandemic. About two weeks after the crash near Holtville, eight immigrants were killed in southwestern Texas when a pickup truck they were riding in crashed head-on into another pickup during a police chase, the authorities said. No law enforcement agencies were chasing the SUV that crashed outside Holtville on March 2, according to the authorities. The vehicle had entered the United States at a spot where a fence along the border had been dismantled. According to the authorities, surveillance footage reviewed by the Border Patrol showed two vehicles — a GMC Yukon and a Ford Expedition SUV — crossing through a 10-foot gap in the 18-foot-high steel bollard border fence around 5:30 a.m. The Yukon apparently burst into flames after crossing through the fence; Border Patrol agents extinguished the fire and apprehended 19 people who were hiding in the surrounding brush. The Expedition continued until around 6 a.m., when the driver pulled into the path of the tractor-trailer on State Route 115. The truck hit the SUV on the driver’s side. The driver of the tractor-trailer was hospitalized with moderate injuries, and many people in the SUV who survived the crash were seriously injured. The Border Patrol did not immediately respond to a question about what happened to the survivors of the crash. An associate of Cruz who was arrested in connection with a different episode of smuggling this month said he had originally been recruited to drive the Expedition on March 2, but declined, according to the U.S. attorney’s office. The associate secretly recorded a conversation with Cruz, authorities said, in which Cruz said that he had been involved in the March 2 episode and that his other associates had cut the border fence. Cruz will be represented by a federal public defender. An organization of federal defense lawyers in Southern California did not immediately respond to questions Wednesday evening.

Man is charged with smuggling in crash that killed 13 migrants in California

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Gov. Gavin Newsom of California on Wednesday named Rob Bonta, a Democratic state legislator and loyal political ally, to succeed Xavier Becerra as attorney general, placing an advocate of criminal justice reform and a rising Asian American progressive at the helm of California’s largest law enforcement agency.

The announcement came slightly less than a week after Becerra’s narrow confirmation as health and human services secretary for President Joe Biden. It also came at a politically fraught time for Newsom, who has been under pressure to shore up his base in the face of a recall campaign and to take a hard line on recent racial violence against Asian Americans.

The son of civil rights activists, Bonta, 48, was born in the Philippines and will be the first Filipino American to hold the office. He grew up in California’s Central Valley, where his parents helped organize farmworkers before moving to the Sacramento area. Bonta, who called the appointment “an honor of a lifetime,” is a graduate of Yale University, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in history and his law degree.

A former San Francisco deputy city attorney, Bonta served briefly on the Alameda City Council before running for the state Assembly, where he has represented the East Bay since 2012. As a legislator, he carried bills to eliminate the use of cash bail — a measure that the state’s voters overturned in November — and to phase out California’s use of private prisons. He also was among numerous co-authors of an unsuccessful constitutional amendment to repeal the death penalty.

“Rob represents what makes California great — our desire to take on righteous fights and reverse systematic injustices,” Newsom said in a statement. “Most importantly, at this moment when so many communities are under attack for who they are and who they love, Rob has fought to strengthen hate crime laws and protect our communities from the forces of hate.”

Bonta will be the state’s second Asian American attorney general, after Vice President Kamala Harris, who is of Jamaican and Indian descent. Progressives and organized labor play a critical role in mobilizing Democratic voters in California, and no state’s population except Hawaii’s has a higher percentage of Asian Americans, who make up about 16%.

The nomination is subject to confirmation by the state’s Assembly and Senate within 90 days.

Becerra, who took office in the wake of Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential election, filed more than 100 lawsuits against actions taken by the Trump administration on matters ranging from immigration to auto emissions standards. With Biden, a fellow Democrat, now in the White House, allies had encouraged the governor to name an attorney general who might complement, rather than fight, presidential priorities.

Bonta was endorsed by Democrats seeking to overhaul the state’s criminal justice system, which in recent years has swung back from tough-on-crime policies. Bonta shares the governor’s opposition to the death penalty and supported a new law that will require him as attorney general to investigate fatal police shootings of unarmed civilians.

The attorney general’s office in California is viewed as a reliable springboard to higher office, and past occupants have included Harris and former Gov. Jerry Brown. Competition had intensified as it became clear that Becerra, a former congressman, might return to Washington.

The new state law giving the attorney general a pivotal role in police shootings also heightened interest in the appointment, as civil rights advocates pushed the governor to name someone who would aggressively investigate police misconduct, while law enforcement groups lobbied for a traditional law-and-order candidate.

Against that backdrop, the attorney general vacancy was less a political plum than an opportunity to disappoint factions. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi had urged Newsom to appoint Rep. Adam Schiff, who has long aspired to statewide office, and who, as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, managed Trump’s first impeachment. Newsom also was urged by various groups to name an African-American, a woman, a member of the LGBTQ community, another Latino or an Asian-American or Pacific Islander.

Supporters of other candidates noted that Newsom had already made history with several appointments: In November, he appointed Martin Jenkins, who is African American and openly gay, to the California Supreme Court. In December, as Harris was about to be inaugurated, he named California’s secretary of state, Alex Padilla, to serve the remainder of her term in the U.S. Senate, the first Latino in California history to hold that office.

Later the same day, he appointed Shirley Weber, who represented San Diego in the state Assembly, as California’s first African-American secretary of state.

Bonta, who has never campaigned outside the Bay Area, will have to run statewide in two years for reelection, as will the governor’s appointees for Senate and secretary of state and the governor himself, if he is not recalled in special election expected later this year.

State ethics watchdogs last year also questioned Bonta’s use of a nonprofit to raise money for other nonprofits where his wife worked — an aggressive but legal maneuver that prompted an author of California’s Political Reform Act to recommend a change in the state law.

A group of lawmakers and local elected officials renewed their push for Newsom to appoint an Asian-American or Pacific Islander to the post following last week’s shooting in Atlanta. They said that amid a rise in anti-Asian violence and harassment, the state’s “top cop” should understand the nuances and concerns of diverse communities, many members of whom may not trust law enforcement officers.

California, they said, should be a model for addressing those concerns.

“We need leadership across our state and the nation to take action,” David Chiu, a member of the Assembly, said in a virtual news conference. “We need to stand up against these hate crimes.”

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Gov. Gavin Newsom of California on Wednesday named Rob Bonta, a Democratic state legislator and loyal political ally, to succeed Xavier Becerra as attorney general, placing an advocate of criminal justice reform and a rising Asian American progressive at the helm of California’s largest law enforcement agency.

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — Gov. Gavin Newsom of California on Wednesday named Rob Bonta, a Democratic state legislator and loyal political ally, to succeed Xavier Becerra as attorney general, placing an advocate of criminal justice reform and a rising Asian American progressive at the helm of California’s largest law enforcement agency. The announcement came slightly less than a week after Becerra’s narrow confirmation as health and human services secretary for President Joe Biden. It also came at a politically fraught time for Newsom, who has been under pressure to shore up his base in the face of a recall campaign and to take a hard line on recent racial violence against Asian Americans. The son of civil rights activists, Bonta, 48, was born in the Philippines and will be the first Filipino American to hold the office. He grew up in California’s Central Valley, where his parents helped organize farmworkers before moving to the Sacramento area. Bonta, who called the appointment “an honor of a lifetime,” is a graduate of Yale University, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in history and his law degree. A former San Francisco deputy city attorney, Bonta served briefly on the Alameda City Council before running for the state Assembly, where he has represented the East Bay since 2012. As a legislator, he carried bills to eliminate the use of cash bail — a measure that the state’s voters overturned in November — and to phase out California’s use of private prisons. He also was among numerous co-authors of an unsuccessful constitutional amendment to repeal the death penalty. “Rob represents what makes California great — our desire to take on righteous fights and reverse systematic injustices,” Newsom said in a statement. “Most importantly, at this moment when so many communities are under attack for who they are and who they love, Rob has fought to strengthen hate crime laws and protect our communities from the forces of hate.” Bonta will be the state’s second Asian American attorney general, after Vice President Kamala Harris, who is of Jamaican and Indian descent. Progressives and organized labor play a critical role in mobilizing Democratic voters in California, and no state’s population except Hawaii’s has a higher percentage of Asian Americans, who make up about 16%. The nomination is subject to confirmation by the state’s Assembly and Senate within 90 days. Becerra, who took office in the wake of Donald Trump’s 2016 presidential election, filed more than 100 lawsuits against actions taken by the Trump administration on matters ranging from immigration to auto emissions standards. With Biden, a fellow Democrat, now in the White House, allies had encouraged the governor to name an attorney general who might complement, rather than fight, presidential priorities. Bonta was endorsed by Democrats seeking to overhaul the state’s criminal justice system, which in recent years has swung back from tough-on-crime policies. Bonta shares the governor’s opposition to the death penalty and supported a new law that will require him as attorney general to investigate fatal police shootings of unarmed civilians. The attorney general’s office in California is viewed as a reliable springboard to higher office, and past occupants have included Harris and former Gov. Jerry Brown. Competition had intensified as it became clear that Becerra, a former congressman, might return to Washington. The new state law giving the attorney general a pivotal role in police shootings also heightened interest in the appointment, as civil rights advocates pushed the governor to name someone who would aggressively investigate police misconduct, while law enforcement groups lobbied for a traditional law-and-order candidate. Against that backdrop, the attorney general vacancy was less a political plum than an opportunity to disappoint factions. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi had urged Newsom to appoint Rep. Adam Schiff, who has long aspired to statewide office, and who, as chairman of the House Intelligence Committee, managed Trump’s first impeachment. Newsom also was urged by various groups to name an African-American, a woman, a member of the LGBTQ community, another Latino or an Asian-American or Pacific Islander. Supporters of other candidates noted that Newsom had already made history with several appointments: In November, he appointed Martin Jenkins, who is African American and openly gay, to the California Supreme Court. In December, as Harris was about to be inaugurated, he named California’s secretary of state, Alex Padilla, to serve the remainder of her term in the U.S. Senate, the first Latino in California history to hold that office. Later the same day, he appointed Shirley Weber, who represented San Diego in the state Assembly, as California’s first African-American secretary of state. Bonta, who has never campaigned outside the Bay Area, will have to run statewide in two years for reelection, as will the governor’s appointees for Senate and secretary of state and the governor himself, if he is not recalled in special election expected later this year. State ethics watchdogs last year also questioned Bonta’s use of a nonprofit to raise money for other nonprofits where his wife worked — an aggressive but legal maneuver that prompted an author of California’s Political Reform Act to recommend a change in the state law. A group of lawmakers and local elected officials renewed their push for Newsom to appoint an Asian-American or Pacific Islander to the post following last week’s shooting in Atlanta. They said that amid a rise in anti-Asian violence and harassment, the state’s “top cop” should understand the nuances and concerns of diverse communities, many members of whom may not trust law enforcement officers. California, they said, should be a model for addressing those concerns. “We need leadership across our state and the nation to take action,” David Chiu, a member of the Assembly, said in a virtual news conference. “We need to stand up against these hate crimes.”

Rob Bonta, an Asian-American progressive, is named attorney general in California

California prosecutors sued the country’s largest chain of senior living communities on Monday, accusing the company, Brookdale Senior Living, of manipulating the federal government’s nursing-home ratings system.

The lawsuit was filed by California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and other prosecutors against Brookdale, which operates multiple nursing homes in the state.

The lawsuit is among the first of its kind to accuse nursing homes of submitting false information to Medicare’s ratings program. The system assigns stars — one being the worst, five being the best — to the nation’s more than 15,000 nursing homes.

The system is powered by largely unaudited data submitted by nursing homes, including the amount of time that nurses spend with residents, and in-person examinations by state health inspectors.

Since its rollout more than a decade ago, the rating system, overseen by the U.S. Centers for Medicare &amp; Medicaid Services, or CMS, has become an essential tool for nursing homes to woo potential customers. It can mean the difference between a nursing home making or losing money.

The lawsuit, brought in Superior Court in California, comes on the heels of a New York Times investigation that found the rating system is broken. The Times found that much of the information that nursing homes, including Brookdale’s, submit to the government is wrong, painting a badly distorted picture of the quality of care at many homes.

In the case filed Monday, the California prosecutors said that until April 2018, Brookdale won “undeserved higher star ratings” by submitting false information about its staffing. In particular, the lawsuit said, the company exaggerated the number of hours that registered nurses worked.

The prosecutors said that Brookdale continued to game the statistics even after CMS improved the way it collected staffing data in an attempt to crack down on nursing homes’ inflating their figures. Starting in 2018, CMS began using payroll records, which logged nurses’ daily hours, to calculate the homes’ ratings, rather than relying on nursing homes to report the amount of time nurses spent with patients. Prosecutors accused Brookdale of “falsifying its payroll-based journals.”

Heather Hunter, a spokeswoman for Brookdale, strongly denied on Monday that the company had “engaged in intentional or fraudulent conduct.”

President Joe Biden nominated Becerra, whose office brought the case against Brookdale, for secretary of Health and Human Services, which oversees CMS. The Senate has not yet voted on the nomination.

California prosecutors sued the country’s largest chain of senior living communities on Monday, accusing the company, Brookdale Senior Living, of manipulating the federal government’s nursing-home ratings system.

California prosecutors sued the country’s largest chain of senior living communities on Monday, accusing the company, Brookdale Senior Living, of manipulating the federal government’s nursing-home ratings system. The lawsuit was filed by California Attorney General Xavier Becerra and other prosecutors against Brookdale, which operates multiple nursing homes in the state. The lawsuit is among the first of its kind to accuse nursing homes of submitting false information to Medicare’s ratings program. The system assigns stars — one being the worst, five being the best — to the nation’s more than 15,000 nursing homes. The system is powered by largely unaudited data submitted by nursing homes, including the amount of time that nurses spend with residents, and in-person examinations by state health inspectors. Since its rollout more than a decade ago, the rating system, overseen by the U.S. Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, or CMS, has become an essential tool for nursing homes to woo potential customers. It can mean the difference between a nursing home making or losing money. The lawsuit, brought in Superior Court in California, comes on the heels of a New York Times investigation that found the rating system is broken. The Times found that much of the information that nursing homes, including Brookdale’s, submit to the government is wrong, painting a badly distorted picture of the quality of care at many homes. In the case filed Monday, the California prosecutors said that until April 2018, Brookdale won “undeserved higher star ratings” by submitting false information about its staffing. In particular, the lawsuit said, the company exaggerated the number of hours that registered nurses worked. The prosecutors said that Brookdale continued to game the statistics even after CMS improved the way it collected staffing data in an attempt to crack down on nursing homes’ inflating their figures. Starting in 2018, CMS began using payroll records, which logged nurses’ daily hours, to calculate the homes’ ratings, rather than relying on nursing homes to report the amount of time nurses spent with patients. Prosecutors accused Brookdale of “falsifying its payroll-based journals.” Heather Hunter, a spokeswoman for Brookdale, strongly denied on Monday that the company had “engaged in intentional or fraudulent conduct.” President Joe Biden nominated Becerra, whose office brought the case against Brookdale, for secretary of Health and Human Services, which oversees CMS. The Senate has not yet voted on the nomination.

California sues nursing home chain, saying it manipulated ratings system

California health officials set new ground rules on Friday that would allow Walt Disney Co`s Disneyland and other theme parks to reopen on a restricted basis as early as April 1, after a closure of nearly a year due to the coronavirus pandemic. 
 
Theme parks and amusement parks would be permitted to resume operations at a severely limited capacity next month as long as the counties where they are located move out of the most restrictive "purple" tier of California`s colour-coded system of public health constraints by then. 
 
Anaheim-based Disneyland lies in the heart of Orange County, which like neighbouring Los Angeles and San Diego counties, has remained purple for months, where the prevalence of COVID-19 cases and infection rates are deemed to be dangerously high. 
 
But Governor Gavin Newsom, under mounting pressure to lift social and economic restrictions as the spread of COVID-19 slows, announced on Thursday a "modest loosening" of tier definitions by factoring in increased vaccinations in vulnerable communities. 
This would allow counties designated purple, for example, to progress more quickly to the less-stringent red tier, which under previous ground rules still required theme and amusement parks to stay shuttered. 
 
Friday`s announcement means those venues could reopen at 15% capacity if they go from purple to red by April 1. The next tier up on the color ladder, orange, would allow theme park reopenings at 25% capacity, and the least restrictive tier, yellow, would permit operations at 35%. 
 
Masks and other safety measures would be required, and the parks initially would be open only to state residents. 
Outdoor stadiums, ballparks and live performance arenas would also be allowed to reopen at reduced capacity, starting April 1, under a similar regimen. 
 
However, traditional opening day turnout for Major League Baseball could be an extremely muted affair in Southern California, with no more than 100 spectators allowed for venues located in purple counties. 
 
That would currently include the home stadiums of the Los Angeles Dodgers, the San Diego Padres and the Anaheim Angels. San Francisco and Oakland, home of the Giants and the Athletics, respectively, are currently designated red, which would limit seating to 20% capacity. 
 
Ken Patrick, president of the Disneyland Resort, said in a statement that the decision meant "getting thousands of people back to work and greatly helping neighbouring businesses and our entire community." But it remained unclear whether rising vaccinations and falling COVID infection rates would go far enough for Anaheim to go from purple to red by the first of next month. And Patrick did not give a date for a Disneyland reopening. 
 
California-based baseball teams issued similar statements welcoming Friday`s announcement and the hope that improved conditions will allow stadiums to welcome back fans in limited numbers next month. 
 
Disney in September said it was furloughing some 28,000 workers, mostly across its U.S. theme parks in California and Florida. Walt Disney World in Florida reopened in July last year, with limited capacity. 
 
Dodger Stadium and a Disneyland parking lot are currently being used as mass-vaccination sites. 
 
Theme parks such as Disneyland, Universal Studios, Legoland and Knott`s Berry Farm protested strongly last October when California health officials ruled out any quick reopening of their attractions.

California health officials set new ground rules on Friday that would allow Walt Disney Co`s Disneyland and other theme parks to reopen on a restricted basis as early as April 1, after a closure of nearly a year due to the coronavirus pandemic.

California health officials set new ground rules on Friday that would allow Walt Disney Co`s Disneyland and other theme parks to reopen on a restricted basis as early as April 1, after a closure of nearly a year due to the coronavirus pandemic. Theme parks and amusement parks would be permitted to resume operations at a severely limited capacity next month as long as the counties where they are located move out of the most restrictive "purple" tier of California`s colour-coded system of public health constraints by then. Anaheim-based Disneyland lies in the heart of Orange County, which like neighbouring Los Angeles and San Diego counties, has remained purple for months, where the prevalence of COVID-19 cases and infection rates are deemed to be dangerously high. But Governor Gavin Newsom, under mounting pressure to lift social and economic restrictions as the spread of COVID-19 slows, announced on Thursday a "modest loosening" of tier definitions by factoring in increased vaccinations in vulnerable communities. This would allow counties designated purple, for example, to progress more quickly to the less-stringent red tier, which under previous ground rules still required theme and amusement parks to stay shuttered. Friday`s announcement means those venues could reopen at 15% capacity if they go from purple to red by April 1. The next tier up on the color ladder, orange, would allow theme park reopenings at 25% capacity, and the least restrictive tier, yellow, would permit operations at 35%. Masks and other safety measures would be required, and the parks initially would be open only to state residents. Outdoor stadiums, ballparks and live performance arenas would also be allowed to reopen at reduced capacity, starting April 1, under a similar regimen. However, traditional opening day turnout for Major League Baseball could be an extremely muted affair in Southern California, with no more than 100 spectators allowed for venues located in purple counties. That would currently include the home stadiums of the Los Angeles Dodgers, the San Diego Padres and the Anaheim Angels. San Francisco and Oakland, home of the Giants and the Athletics, respectively, are currently designated red, which would limit seating to 20% capacity. Ken Patrick, president of the Disneyland Resort, said in a statement that the decision meant "getting thousands of people back to work and greatly helping neighbouring businesses and our entire community." But it remained unclear whether rising vaccinations and falling COVID infection rates would go far enough for Anaheim to go from purple to red by the first of next month. And Patrick did not give a date for a Disneyland reopening. California-based baseball teams issued similar statements welcoming Friday`s announcement and the hope that improved conditions will allow stadiums to welcome back fans in limited numbers next month. Disney in September said it was furloughing some 28,000 workers, mostly across its U.S. theme parks in California and Florida. Walt Disney World in Florida reopened in July last year, with limited capacity. Dodger Stadium and a Disneyland parking lot are currently being used as mass-vaccination sites. Theme parks such as Disneyland, Universal Studios, Legoland and Knott`s Berry Farm protested strongly last October when California health officials ruled out any quick reopening of their attractions.

California theme parks, stadiums could reopen as early as April 1

California has found a much different way to beat stress– by breaking things into a million little pieces in rage rooms. These rage rooms have gained popularity in the United States, the step has been taken to distress from the COVID-19 pandemic and its effects on oneself.

California residents flock to Rage Rooms to fight COVID-19 stress

In a room with dimmed lights, a few brooms and a cart with heat protective gear sits a cremation chamber behind golden doors. It's where Eddie Martinez has been spending a lot of time lately.

Ashes and grief, the footprint of the pandemic in a crematorium

"rage room" just outside Los Angeles has found a steady stream of new customers looking to shed some stress by beating the heck out of things.

Novel idea to de-stress in California

At least 15 people were killed and a dozen others were taken to hospitals after a gravel truck slammed into an overloaded SUV car on a rural California road near the Mexican border.

California: At least 15 dead in massive car crash with gravel truck

The virtual videoconference in Zoom has become a sensation in times of novel coronavirus, but several weird and unexpected meetings have also been held on the platform.&nbsp;

And in the latest incident, a surgeon appeared in his trial while operating a patient at Sacramento superior court in California, reports Sacramento Bee.&nbsp;

In the trial on Zoom, the doctor was dressed in surgical scrubs with medical machinery beeping and the patient, who cannot be seen, undergoing the operation.&nbsp;

Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/i-am-not-a-cat-lawyer-shows-up-as-kitty-during-zoom-court-hearing-362557">'I am not a cat': Lawyer shows up as kitty during Zoom court hearing</a>

"Hello, Mr Green? Hi. Are you available for trial?" a courtroom clerk asked the surgeon who was facing hearings for a traffic violation.&nbsp;

"It kind of looks like you're in an operating room right now?"

"I am, sir," Green responded.&nbsp;

Watch | &nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/watch-mexican-politician-caught-on-camera-after-she-attempts-fleeing-zoom-meet-by-placing-photograph-329909">Mexican politician caught on camera after she attempts fleeing Zoom meet by placing photograph</a>&nbsp;

After confirming that he was in an operating room, the surgeon gave permission to the clerk to go ahead with the trial.&nbsp;

The clerk made the surgeon realise that the proceedings were being livestreamed as traffic trials are supposed to be open for public.&nbsp;

Till the time court commissioner, Gary Link was about to enter the chamber, the doctor kept his head down and was appeared to continue working.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
Seeing Green being involved in the surgery, the judge remained hesitant to start the trial.&nbsp;

"I have another surgeon right here who's doing the surgery with me, so I can stand here and allow them to do the surgery also," Green said.

The judge said it's not appropriate to continue the hearing as the surgeon was "not actively involved or participating and attending to the needs of a patient".

Following the incident, the Medical Board of California reminded the surgeon that it "expects physicians to follow the standard of care when treating their patients".

The board also said that it will probe the matter.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

The virtual videoconference in Zoom has become a sensation in times of novel coronavirus, but several weird and unexpected meetings have also been held on the platform.

The virtual videoconference in Zoom has become a sensation in times of novel coronavirus, but several weird and unexpected meetings have also been held on the platform. And in the latest incident, a surgeon appeared in his trial while operating a patient at Sacramento superior court in California, reports Sacramento Bee. In the trial on Zoom, the doctor was dressed in surgical scrubs with medical machinery beeping and the patient, who cannot be seen, undergoing the operation. Also read | 'I am not a cat': Lawyer shows up as kitty during Zoom court hearing "Hello, Mr Green? Hi. Are you available for trial?" a courtroom clerk asked the surgeon who was facing hearings for a traffic violation. "It kind of looks like you're in an operating room right now?" "I am, sir," Green responded. Watch | Mexican politician caught on camera after she attempts fleeing Zoom meet by placing photograph After confirming that he was in an operating room, the surgeon gave permission to the clerk to go ahead with the trial. The clerk made the surgeon realise that the proceedings were being livestreamed as traffic trials are supposed to be open for public. Till the time court commissioner, Gary Link was about to enter the chamber, the doctor kept his head down and was appeared to continue working. Seeing Green being involved in the surgery, the judge remained hesitant to start the trial. "I have another surgeon right here who's doing the surgery with me, so I can stand here and allow them to do the surgery also," Green said. The judge said it's not appropriate to continue the hearing as the surgeon was "not actively involved or participating and attending to the needs of a patient". Following the incident, the Medical Board of California reminded the surgeon that it "expects physicians to follow the standard of care when treating their patients". The board also said that it will probe the matter.

Doctor performs surgery while appearing in court trial on Zoom for traffic violation

It was a February day so overcast that noon looked like dusk, and Frances McDormand felt a little rattled. She told me this as we ambled down the main street of the small coastal town where she lives, a modest, hidden place so far from Hollywood that studio searchlights would have a hard time finding it. Still, someone had managed.

Earlier that day, the phone rang at McDormand’s house, and while she didn’t recognize the man on the other end, he certainly knew who &lt;em&gt;she &lt;/em&gt;was. When the caller told her he was watching “Three Billboards Outside Ebbing, Missouri,” the 2017 movie in which she plays an avenging mother named Mildred, McDormand realized she was on the phone with a fan who had tracked down her unlisted landline.

“It was the first creepy call I’ve gotten in 16 years here,” she told me. Though she hung up right away, McDormand now wondered what she might have asked him: “OK, what part were you watching? The scene where I threw the Molotov cocktail at the police station?”

Maybe the fan had hoped to speak with righteous Mildred, who harangues priests and cops and hurls fire bombs in the pursuit of justice. Instead, he reached Frances McDormand, a 63-year-old woman who chats up everybody she comes across in her small town, doesn’t like to think of herself as famous, and has won two Oscars.

This is the tricky thing about how persuasively McDormand embodies her characters: You think you know&lt;em&gt; her&lt;/em&gt; because you’re certain you know them. Whether it’s kindhearted Marge from “Fargo,” tetchy Olive from “Olive Kitteridge,” or bohemian Jane in “Laurel Canyon,” McDormand specializes in playing women with worldviews. You can tell right away what they like and don’t like, who they would be friendly with and who they can’t stand.

Since she rarely grants interviews, most people only see the real McDormand blazing an iconoclastic streak through televised awards shows, where she is barefaced instead of Botoxed and once wore her own jean jacket in lieu of borrowed couture. (In Hollywood, this mild noncompliance is tantamount to a declaration of war.) McDormand is highly skeptical of any ceremony where actors are done up like glamorous gladiators, and when her husband, filmmaker Joel Coen, was once asked to produce the Oscars alongside his brother, Ethan, McDormand suggested they set the telecast at Coney Island, which would have forced Hollywood glitterati to mingle with the freak show.

That irreverence is McDormand’s most endearing trait: On the day we met, she ducked into a liquor store to satisfy her craving for Fritos — “You know they’re gooood, right?” she teased — and before we sat together on a concrete wall by the coastline, McDormand clambered on top of it and used the length of her splayed body to measure a pandemic-appropriate distance between us. She makes a concerted effort not to treat herself like a precious movie star in the hopes that you won’t, either.

That’s why she lives where she lives and why, as she perched on the wall opposite me in an olive puffer jacket, she asked me not to divulge the name of her town. That morning’s phone call aside, “I get to live my more authentic self here,” she said, “and I don’t have to pretend to be anybody else.”

She nodded toward the beach, where a handful of people cavorted with their dogs and surfboards. “I don’t mind being&lt;em&gt; their&lt;/em&gt; movie star,” she said. “I’m just not going to be yours.”

STILL, THE LINE BETWEEN McDORMAND and her characters will only grow blurrier with the release of her intimate new film, “Nomadland.” In this sunset-dappled drama from the director Chloé Zhao, McDormand plays Fern, a widow who packs her things into a van and joins up with a tribe of older itinerant workers to spend their golden years working odd jobs all across the American West.

“Nomadland” would eventually require more from this private star than she is used to giving, but when McDormand first met with Zhao in early 2018, she was mostly curious what the up-and-coming director would think of her: “I was like, ‘Man, I just want to be relevant. Do you think I’m relevant?’”

Perhaps that’s a surprising admission for a woman who was then on the verge of winning her second Oscar, for “Three Billboards,” but McDormand had just entered her 60s and worried that good opportunities could prove harder to find. Even before that, most of her best-known roles had required some hustle to obtain, which is part of the reason McDormand has lately become a producer, too.

“Our industry is such an ageist industry,” Zhao told me by phone. “Someone like Frances McDormand who is just so authentically herself, who has not tried to erase those lines on her face or cover that up to fit into the industry — to me, she’ll be relevant forever.”

And it was exactly that authentic self that intrigued Zhao. In her previous films, “The Rider” and “Songs My Brothers Taught Me,” Zhao had cast nonprofessionals and built character arcs for them that were inspired by their actual experiences. “Nomadland,” based on a nonfiction book by Jessica Bruder, would offer her the same opportunity: Real nomads from Bruder’s book, like Linda May and Swankie, were enticed to play pivotal supporting roles in the film.

But since Zhao wanted those women to simply be themselves in front of the camera, she decided that for the sake of coherence, McDormand would need to play a version of herself, too. “It’s very interesting, the layers of it,” Zhao said. “Fran is playing Fern, but even the name ‘Fern’ came from herself and who she thinks she might be if she hit the road.”

In fact, McDormand had long harbored a fantasy of turning her back on Hollywood, changing her name, and setting off in an RV upon reaching her 60s. “Chloé tapped into the truth of it,” McDormand said, “which was at different points of my life, I’ve said to my husband, ‘I can’t take this anymore, I’m dropping out.’”

“Nomadland” let McDormand play out that dream and a few others. Many of the people McDormand interacts with in the film had no idea she was a famous actress — they figured she was just another nomad, and spoke to her like a normal person in exactly the way that she craves.

In some ways, all that verisimilitude could be grueling, too — McDormand was surprised at how exhausted she would feel after long days of simply being present in front of the camera, reacting to the stories real people unspooled. Zhao also asked McDormand to put in actual hours at Fern’s odd jobs, like harvesting beets in Nebraska or working at a warehouse in California.

But the result is a performance that McDormand has never given before, one that has less to do with acting and more to do with simply &lt;em&gt;being&lt;/em&gt;. As Los Angeles Times critic Justin Chang wrote in his “Nomadland” review, “McDormand doesn’t disappear into Fern; she’s revealed by Fern, and Fern is revealed by her.”

That sort of ineffable, hard-to-pin-down portrait was exactly Zhao’s intention. “I like to think that we have captured a great performance,” she said, “but also, an essence of Fran as well.”

Still, the director and her star sometimes disagreed on just how much of that essence to use. Details both large and small have been pulled directly from McDormand’s real life: Fern proudly shows off a set of plates that McDormand’s father bought her as a college graduation gift, and Zhao cast one of the actress’s oldest friends as Fern’s sister so the recriminations they air in the film could have a real weight.

But when Zhao floated the idea of finding a role in the film for McDormand’s son, Pedro, or suggested that Fern’s dead spouse, glimpsed only in a photograph, should be played by McDormand’s actual husband, Joel Coen, her lead drew a line in the sand. “I have to believe that it’s not just a documentary of me,” McDormand said. “I did create a character, just like I’ve created myself in 63 years, too.”

FOR MOST OF HER LIFE, McDormand has been fascinated by the formula through which one concocts a self-image. How much does it have to do with authenticity, and to what extent is it constructed by playing pretend?

“I would say probably fifth grade is the first time I can remember, ‘Oh, I know what they think I am, and I’m going to subvert it,’” she told me.

What they knew about McDormand then was that she was the adopted daughter of Vernon McDormand, a minister for the Disciples of Christ. That sort of role in that sort of family required a certain amount of public respectability, but as she got older, and an English teacher at McDormand’s school in Monessen, Pennsylvania, asked her to read the role of Lady Macbeth in a workshop, she found herself thrilled to leave propriety at the door.

“That was the hook,” McDormand said. “It was the power of being a really shy, slightly suspect seventh-grader who could stand in front of a group of people and keep their attention.” She loved, too, that Shakespeare’s female characters were as power-hungry as the men: “It’s like I used to say to Joel, ‘Why don’t you guys write better roles for women? In fact, why don’t you just write a role for men and then let me play it?’”

She had married Coen not long after making her screen debut in the 1984 noir “Blood Simple,” which he directed with Ethan. Twelve years later, the Coen brothers would give McDormand her signature role, one that could only be played by a woman: Marge, the chirpy, pregnant police chief in “Fargo.”

That film made her famous, a condition that McDormand considered a fire to be stomped out: After hiring a publicist, she almost immediately instructed him to turn down most requests.

“I made a very conscious effort not to do press and publicity for 10 years in what other people would think would be a very dangerous moment in a female actor’s career, but it paid off for exactly the reasons I wanted it to,” she said. “It gave me a mystery back to who I was, and then in the roles I performed, I could take an audience to a place where someone who sold watches or perfume and magazines couldn’t.”

To her, “Nomadland” is the culmination of that effort to keep herself unspoiled in the public eye. “That’s why it works,” she said. “That’s why Chloé could bear to even think of doing this with me, because of what I’ve created for years not just as an actor, but in my personal life.”

We traipsed back through town, and as we walked up a hill covered in overgrowth and eucalyptus trees, McDormand drew one final line: “So I’m going to pass my house, and then I’m going to leave you,” she said. She asked if I had dinner plans, and directed me to a farm stand I could stop by on the way home. “They’ve got gorgeous little gems and some good old arugula,” she said, “but no eggs right now because the chickens are all cold.”

As McDormand offered me kindly advice while standing in front of a felled eucalyptus trunk, I could have sworn I was talking to Fern, who is so practical and self-reliant. It reminded me of a story she had told me earlier: Not long ago, for the drive-in premiere of “Nomadland” in Pasadena, California, McDormand had decided to pull the van from the film out of storage. She thought it would be fun to sit in during the screening, but when she came face to face with the car she had lovingly named “Vanguard,” McDormand found herself overcome.

She had considered that van “the interior life of Fern, and therefore me,” she said, and to see Vanguard dirty and filled with junk after two years apart was almost too much to bear. An hour and a half into their reunion, Coen found McDormand still scrubbing the car, dripping sweat, insisting that she needed just a little more time with Vanguard. “I’m cleaning her,” McDormand told him. “I can’t let her go!”

It isn’t easy to move on when you’ve made something that requires so much of you. Before we parted ways, I asked McDormand how she felt after making “Nomadland.” I thought she scoffed at me, but she was laughing at the very idea.

“Well, at what point?” she said. “&lt;em&gt;Is&lt;/em&gt; it afterwards? I don’t know!” Then she shoved her hands into the pockets of her puffer jacket and disappeared into the eucalyptus grove, taking Fern with her.

It was a February day so overcast that noon looked like dusk, and Frances McDormand felt a little rattled. She told me this as we ambled down the main street of the small coastal town where she lives, a modest, hidden place so far from Hollywood that studio searchlights would have a hard time finding it.

It was a February day so overcast that noon looked like dusk, and Frances McDormand felt a little rattled. She told me this as we ambled down the main street of the small coastal town where she lives, a modest, hidden place so far from Hollywood that studio searchlights would have a hard time finding it. Still, someone had managed. Earlier that day, the phone rang at McDormand’s house, and while she didn’t recognize the man on the other end, he certainly knew who she was. When the caller told her he was watching “Three Billboards Outside Ebbing, Missouri,” the 2017 movie in which she plays an avenging mother named Mildred, McDormand realized she was on the phone with a fan who had tracked down her unlisted landline. “It was the first creepy call I’ve gotten in 16 years here,” she told me. Though she hung up right away, McDormand now wondered what she might have asked him: “OK, what part were you watching? The scene where I threw the Molotov cocktail at the police station?” Maybe the fan had hoped to speak with righteous Mildred, who harangues priests and cops and hurls fire bombs in the pursuit of justice. Instead, he reached Frances McDormand, a 63-year-old woman who chats up everybody she comes across in her small town, doesn’t like to think of herself as famous, and has won two Oscars. This is the tricky thing about how persuasively McDormand embodies her characters: You think you know her because you’re certain you know them. Whether it’s kindhearted Marge from “Fargo,” tetchy Olive from “Olive Kitteridge,” or bohemian Jane in “Laurel Canyon,” McDormand specializes in playing women with worldviews. You can tell right away what they like and don’t like, who they would be friendly with and who they can’t stand. Since she rarely grants interviews, most people only see the real McDormand blazing an iconoclastic streak through televised awards shows, where she is barefaced instead of Botoxed and once wore her own jean jacket in lieu of borrowed couture. (In Hollywood, this mild noncompliance is tantamount to a declaration of war.) McDormand is highly skeptical of any ceremony where actors are done up like glamorous gladiators, and when her husband, filmmaker Joel Coen, was once asked to produce the Oscars alongside his brother, Ethan, McDormand suggested they set the telecast at Coney Island, which would have forced Hollywood glitterati to mingle with the freak show. That irreverence is McDormand’s most endearing trait: On the day we met, she ducked into a liquor store to satisfy her craving for Fritos — “You know they’re gooood, right?” she teased — and before we sat together on a concrete wall by the coastline, McDormand clambered on top of it and used the length of her splayed body to measure a pandemic-appropriate distance between us. She makes a concerted effort not to treat herself like a precious movie star in the hopes that you won’t, either. That’s why she lives where she lives and why, as she perched on the wall opposite me in an olive puffer jacket, she asked me not to divulge the name of her town. That morning’s phone call aside, “I get to live my more authentic self here,” she said, “and I don’t have to pretend to be anybody else.” She nodded toward the beach, where a handful of people cavorted with their dogs and surfboards. “I don’t mind being their movie star,” she said. “I’m just not going to be yours.” STILL, THE LINE BETWEEN McDORMAND and her characters will only grow blurrier with the release of her intimate new film, “Nomadland.” In this sunset-dappled drama from the director Chloé Zhao, McDormand plays Fern, a widow who packs her things into a van and joins up with a tribe of older itinerant workers to spend their golden years working odd jobs all across the American West. “Nomadland” would eventually require more from this private star than she is used to giving, but when McDormand first met with Zhao in early 2018, she was mostly curious what the up-and-coming director would think of her: “I was like, ‘Man, I just want to be relevant. Do you think I’m relevant?’” Perhaps that’s a surprising admission for a woman who was then on the verge of winning her second Oscar, for “Three Billboards,” but McDormand had just entered her 60s and worried that good opportunities could prove harder to find. Even before that, most of her best-known roles had required some hustle to obtain, which is part of the reason McDormand has lately become a producer, too. “Our industry is such an ageist industry,” Zhao told me by phone. “Someone like Frances McDormand who is just so authentically herself, who has not tried to erase those lines on her face or cover that up to fit into the industry — to me, she’ll be relevant forever.” And it was exactly that authentic self that intrigued Zhao. In her previous films, “The Rider” and “Songs My Brothers Taught Me,” Zhao had cast nonprofessionals and built character arcs for them that were inspired by their actual experiences. “Nomadland,” based on a nonfiction book by Jessica Bruder, would offer her the same opportunity: Real nomads from Bruder’s book, like Linda May and Swankie, were enticed to play pivotal supporting roles in the film. But since Zhao wanted those women to simply be themselves in front of the camera, she decided that for the sake of coherence, McDormand would need to play a version of herself, too. “It’s very interesting, the layers of it,” Zhao said. “Fran is playing Fern, but even the name ‘Fern’ came from herself and who she thinks she might be if she hit the road.” In fact, McDormand had long harbored a fantasy of turning her back on Hollywood, changing her name, and setting off in an RV upon reaching her 60s. “Chloé tapped into the truth of it,” McDormand said, “which was at different points of my life, I’ve said to my husband, ‘I can’t take this anymore, I’m dropping out.’” “Nomadland” let McDormand play out that dream and a few others. Many of the people McDormand interacts with in the film had no idea she was a famous actress — they figured she was just another nomad, and spoke to her like a normal person in exactly the way that she craves. In some ways, all that verisimilitude could be grueling, too — McDormand was surprised at how exhausted she would feel after long days of simply being present in front of the camera, reacting to the stories real people unspooled. Zhao also asked McDormand to put in actual hours at Fern’s odd jobs, like harvesting beets in Nebraska or working at a warehouse in California. But the result is a performance that McDormand has never given before, one that has less to do with acting and more to do with simply being. As Los Angeles Times critic Justin Chang wrote in his “Nomadland” review, “McDormand doesn’t disappear into Fern; she’s revealed by Fern, and Fern is revealed by her.” That sort of ineffable, hard-to-pin-down portrait was exactly Zhao’s intention. “I like to think that we have captured a great performance,” she said, “but also, an essence of Fran as well.” Still, the director and her star sometimes disagreed on just how much of that essence to use. Details both large and small have been pulled directly from McDormand’s real life: Fern proudly shows off a set of plates that McDormand’s father bought her as a college graduation gift, and Zhao cast one of the actress’s oldest friends as Fern’s sister so the recriminations they air in the film could have a real weight. But when Zhao floated the idea of finding a role in the film for McDormand’s son, Pedro, or suggested that Fern’s dead spouse, glimpsed only in a photograph, should be played by McDormand’s actual husband, Joel Coen, her lead drew a line in the sand. “I have to believe that it’s not just a documentary of me,” McDormand said. “I did create a character, just like I’ve created myself in 63 years, too.” FOR MOST OF HER LIFE, McDormand has been fascinated by the formula through which one concocts a self-image. How much does it have to do with authenticity, and to what extent is it constructed by playing pretend? “I would say probably fifth grade is the first time I can remember, ‘Oh, I know what they think I am, and I’m going to subvert it,’” she told me. What they knew about McDormand then was that she was the adopted daughter of Vernon McDormand, a minister for the Disciples of Christ. That sort of role in that sort of family required a certain amount of public respectability, but as she got older, and an English teacher at McDormand’s school in Monessen, Pennsylvania, asked her to read the role of Lady Macbeth in a workshop, she found herself thrilled to leave propriety at the door. “That was the hook,” McDormand said. “It was the power of being a really shy, slightly suspect seventh-grader who could stand in front of a group of people and keep their attention.” She loved, too, that Shakespeare’s female characters were as power-hungry as the men: “It’s like I used to say to Joel, ‘Why don’t you guys write better roles for women? In fact, why don’t you just write a role for men and then let me play it?’” She had married Coen not long after making her screen debut in the 1984 noir “Blood Simple,” which he directed with Ethan. Twelve years later, the Coen brothers would give McDormand her signature role, one that could only be played by a woman: Marge, the chirpy, pregnant police chief in “Fargo.” That film made her famous, a condition that McDormand considered a fire to be stomped out: After hiring a publicist, she almost immediately instructed him to turn down most requests. “I made a very conscious effort not to do press and publicity for 10 years in what other people would think would be a very dangerous moment in a female actor’s career, but it paid off for exactly the reasons I wanted it to,” she said. “It gave me a mystery back to who I was, and then in the roles I performed, I could take an audience to a place where someone who sold watches or perfume and magazines couldn’t.” To her, “Nomadland” is the culmination of that effort to keep herself unspoiled in the public eye. “That’s why it works,” she said. “That’s why Chloé could bear to even think of doing this with me, because of what I’ve created for years not just as an actor, but in my personal life.” We traipsed back through town, and as we walked up a hill covered in overgrowth and eucalyptus trees, McDormand drew one final line: “So I’m going to pass my house, and then I’m going to leave you,” she said. She asked if I had dinner plans, and directed me to a farm stand I could stop by on the way home. “They’ve got gorgeous little gems and some good old arugula,” she said, “but no eggs right now because the chickens are all cold.” As McDormand offered me kindly advice while standing in front of a felled eucalyptus trunk, I could have sworn I was talking to Fern, who is so practical and self-reliant. It reminded me of a story she had told me earlier: Not long ago, for the drive-in premiere of “Nomadland” in Pasadena, California, McDormand had decided to pull the van from the film out of storage. She thought it would be fun to sit in during the screening, but when she came face to face with the car she had lovingly named “Vanguard,” McDormand found herself overcome. She had considered that van “the interior life of Fern, and therefore me,” she said, and to see Vanguard dirty and filled with junk after two years apart was almost too much to bear. An hour and a half into their reunion, Coen found McDormand still scrubbing the car, dripping sweat, insisting that she needed just a little more time with Vanguard. “I’m cleaning her,” McDormand told him. “I can’t let her go!” It isn’t easy to move on when you’ve made something that requires so much of you. Before we parted ways, I asked McDormand how she felt after making “Nomadland.” I thought she scoffed at me, but she was laughing at the very idea. “Well, at what point?” she said. “Is it afterwards? I don’t know!” Then she shoved her hands into the pockets of her puffer jacket and disappeared into the eucalyptus grove, taking Fern with her.

What Frances McDormand would (and wouldn’t) give to 'Nomadland'

To Black Americans in the 1960s who were targeted and harassed by the police, 21-year-old Fred Hampton was an empowering figure.

To the FBI and its director, J. Edgar Hoover, Hampton, the chairman of the Illinois Black Panther Party, was a radical threat.

Hampton was killed by Chicago police officers early on the morning of Dec. 4, 1969, during a raid on his West Side apartment, which was a block south of the Black Panther Party’s Chicago headquarters. The ambush, and the months of FBI surveillance of Hampton and the Panthers that preceded it, are dramatized in Shaka King’s film “Judas and the Black Messiah,” which began streaming Friday on HBO Max.

 
At the time of Hampton’s death, Chicago was the site of political protests and violent clashes with law enforcement. The infamous trial of the Chicago 7, a court battle that involved seven Vietnam War protesters charged with conspiring to incite riots during the 1968 Democratic National Convention (a saga chronicled in Aaron Sorkin’s recent film “The Trial of the Chicago 7”), had been underway for a little over two months.

King, who co-wrote the script with Will Berson, drew mostly from fact while taking viewers inside the Black Panther Party in the months leading up to Hampton’s death, though they took a few dramatic liberties. For instance, the film’s star, Daniel Kaluuya, is a decade older than the 21-year-old Hampton was when he was killed.

Here is a guide to the real-life people, groups and events that feature in “Judas and the Black Messiah.” Be warned, there are spoilers, if such a thing is possible when speaking of history.

Who were the Black Panthers?

The Black Panther Party was founded in 1966 in Oakland, California, by a pair of Black college students, Bobby Seale and Huey P. Newton, to oppose police brutality and racism in local neighborhoods. The Panthers, who were known for their military-style black berets, leather jackets and raised-fist salute, believed in removing abusive officers from communities by any means necessary, including armed resistance.

The FBI viewed the Panthers as a radical group capable of galvanizing a militant Black nationalist movement. (Hoover, the bureau’s first director, called the Black Panther Party “the greatest threat to the internal security of the country”). But the Panthers also launched a number of social initiatives: Members ran medical clinics, provided free transportation to prisons for family members of inmates, and started a free breakfast program that fed thousands of schoolchildren.

Who was Fred Hampton?

The charismatic community organizer enjoyed a meteoric rise that took him from campaigning for an integrated community pool and recreational center in his hometown, Maywood, Illinois, to preaching to thousands as the chairman of the Illinois Black Panther Party.

In 1969, a few months after helping to found the party’s Illinois chapter, the 20-year-old Hampton brokered an alliance he called the Rainbow Coalition, which united the Black Panthers, the Young Patriots (Southern white leftists) and the Young Lords (a Puerto Rican civil and human rights organization) in an effort to combat poverty and racism in their Chicago communities.

Hampton’s rapid ascent through the ranks of the Black Panther Party landed him in the cross hairs of a secret FBI counterintelligence program, known as Cointelpro, that Hoover formed to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit or otherwise neutralize the activities of Black nationalist, hate-type organizations.” Targets included both the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Ku Klux Klan. Hoover declared in an internal memo that he sought to prevent the “rise of a ‘messiah’ who could unify and electrify the militant Black nationalist movement.”

Under Cointelpro, the FBI tried a number of tactics to sow discord within the Black Panther Party at the national and local levels, including sending bogus letters to two of its leaders, Eldridge Cleaver and Huey Newton, which claimed that each sought to depose the other. Authorities also arrested Hampton and several other Panthers in an effort to publicly discredit the group.

In the months before the raid on Hampton’s apartment, the Panthers and the police also faced off in two gunbattles: One in July 1969 at the party’s West Side headquarters in which five police officers and three Panthers were injured, and a South Side fight that November that left two officers and one Panther dead.

 
Who was William O’Neal?

At 17, O’Neal (Lakeith Stanfield in the movie) already had a criminal record when the FBI agent Roy Mitchell (Jesse Plemons) tracked him down after he stole a car in 1966. But O’Neal soon took on a new role: FBI informant. Given the choice between facing felony charges or agreeing to infiltrate the Panthers, he opted for the latter: as a security captain in the Illinois Black Panther Party, he infiltrated Hampton’s inner circle.

In 1969, O’Neal sketched a floor plan of Hampton’s West Side apartment, including where everyone slept, which the FBI then shared with the Chicago Police Department, the agency that conducted the fatal raid. But unlike the character in “Judas and the Black Messiah,” the real O’Neal did not see his actions as a betrayal of Hampton or the Panthers. “I had no allegiance to the Panthers,” he recalled in an interview for the PBS docuseries “Eyes on the Prize,” which chronicled the history of the civil rights movement in the United States.

What happened the morning Fred Hampton was killed?

Fourteen Chicago police officers showed up before dawn on Dec. 4, 1969, at Hampton’s apartment, acting on the orders of Edward V. Hanrahan, the Cook County state’s attorney. Over the course of about 10 minutes, more than 80 shots were fired. When the smoke cleared, Hampton, 21, and another party leader, Mark Clark, 22, were dead, and four other Panthers and two police officers were wounded.

At first, the police claimed they killed Hampton in self-defense after people in the apartment began firing shotguns at them as they tried to execute a search warrant for illegal weapons. But ballistics experts determined that only one of the bullets was probably discharged from a weapon belonging to an occupant of the apartment. A federal grand jury investigation also revealed that the “bullet holes” in the apartment’s front door, which officers had cited as evidence that the Panthers had shot at them, were in fact nail holes created by police.

Though the Chicago Police Department had led the raid, the grand jury concluded that it had been coordinated by the FBI as part of Hoover’s mission to cripple the Black Panther Party — and an FBI memo later revealed that the bureau had authorized a bonus payment to O’Neal.

The first federal grand jury declined to indict anyone involved in the raid, and though a subsequent grand jury indicted Hanrahan and the police officers who participated in the shootings, all the charges were dismissed. In 1982, without admitting any wrongdoing, the federal government, the city of Chicago and Cook County agreed to pay $1.85 million to the families of Hampton and Clark and to survivors of the raid.

Clarence M. Kelley, who succeeded Hoover as head of the FBI in 1973, issued a public apology three years later for the bureau’s abuse of power in the “twilight” of Hoover’s career. “Some of those activities were clearly wrong and quite indefensible,” Kelley said. “We most certainly must never allow them to be repeated.”

To Black Americans in the 1960s who were targeted and harassed by the police, 21-year-old Fred Hampton was an empowering figure. To the FBI and its director, J. Edgar Hoover, Hampton, the chairman of the Illinois Black Panther Party, was a radical threat.

To Black Americans in the 1960s who were targeted and harassed by the police, 21-year-old Fred Hampton was an empowering figure. To the FBI and its director, J. Edgar Hoover, Hampton, the chairman of the Illinois Black Panther Party, was a radical threat. Hampton was killed by Chicago police officers early on the morning of Dec. 4, 1969, during a raid on his West Side apartment, which was a block south of the Black Panther Party’s Chicago headquarters. The ambush, and the months of FBI surveillance of Hampton and the Panthers that preceded it, are dramatized in Shaka King’s film “Judas and the Black Messiah,” which began streaming Friday on HBO Max. At the time of Hampton’s death, Chicago was the site of political protests and violent clashes with law enforcement. The infamous trial of the Chicago 7, a court battle that involved seven Vietnam War protesters charged with conspiring to incite riots during the 1968 Democratic National Convention (a saga chronicled in Aaron Sorkin’s recent film “The Trial of the Chicago 7”), had been underway for a little over two months. King, who co-wrote the script with Will Berson, drew mostly from fact while taking viewers inside the Black Panther Party in the months leading up to Hampton’s death, though they took a few dramatic liberties. For instance, the film’s star, Daniel Kaluuya, is a decade older than the 21-year-old Hampton was when he was killed. Here is a guide to the real-life people, groups and events that feature in “Judas and the Black Messiah.” Be warned, there are spoilers, if such a thing is possible when speaking of history. Who were the Black Panthers? The Black Panther Party was founded in 1966 in Oakland, California, by a pair of Black college students, Bobby Seale and Huey P. Newton, to oppose police brutality and racism in local neighborhoods. The Panthers, who were known for their military-style black berets, leather jackets and raised-fist salute, believed in removing abusive officers from communities by any means necessary, including armed resistance. The FBI viewed the Panthers as a radical group capable of galvanizing a militant Black nationalist movement. (Hoover, the bureau’s first director, called the Black Panther Party “the greatest threat to the internal security of the country”). But the Panthers also launched a number of social initiatives: Members ran medical clinics, provided free transportation to prisons for family members of inmates, and started a free breakfast program that fed thousands of schoolchildren. Who was Fred Hampton? The charismatic community organizer enjoyed a meteoric rise that took him from campaigning for an integrated community pool and recreational center in his hometown, Maywood, Illinois, to preaching to thousands as the chairman of the Illinois Black Panther Party. In 1969, a few months after helping to found the party’s Illinois chapter, the 20-year-old Hampton brokered an alliance he called the Rainbow Coalition, which united the Black Panthers, the Young Patriots (Southern white leftists) and the Young Lords (a Puerto Rican civil and human rights organization) in an effort to combat poverty and racism in their Chicago communities. Hampton’s rapid ascent through the ranks of the Black Panther Party landed him in the cross hairs of a secret FBI counterintelligence program, known as Cointelpro, that Hoover formed to “expose, disrupt, misdirect, discredit or otherwise neutralize the activities of Black nationalist, hate-type organizations.” Targets included both the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Ku Klux Klan. Hoover declared in an internal memo that he sought to prevent the “rise of a ‘messiah’ who could unify and electrify the militant Black nationalist movement.” Under Cointelpro, the FBI tried a number of tactics to sow discord within the Black Panther Party at the national and local levels, including sending bogus letters to two of its leaders, Eldridge Cleaver and Huey Newton, which claimed that each sought to depose the other. Authorities also arrested Hampton and several other Panthers in an effort to publicly discredit the group. In the months before the raid on Hampton’s apartment, the Panthers and the police also faced off in two gunbattles: One in July 1969 at the party’s West Side headquarters in which five police officers and three Panthers were injured, and a South Side fight that November that left two officers and one Panther dead. Who was William O’Neal? At 17, O’Neal (Lakeith Stanfield in the movie) already had a criminal record when the FBI agent Roy Mitchell (Jesse Plemons) tracked him down after he stole a car in 1966. But O’Neal soon took on a new role: FBI informant. Given the choice between facing felony charges or agreeing to infiltrate the Panthers, he opted for the latter: as a security captain in the Illinois Black Panther Party, he infiltrated Hampton’s inner circle. In 1969, O’Neal sketched a floor plan of Hampton’s West Side apartment, including where everyone slept, which the FBI then shared with the Chicago Police Department, the agency that conducted the fatal raid. But unlike the character in “Judas and the Black Messiah,” the real O’Neal did not see his actions as a betrayal of Hampton or the Panthers. “I had no allegiance to the Panthers,” he recalled in an interview for the PBS docuseries “Eyes on the Prize,” which chronicled the history of the civil rights movement in the United States. What happened the morning Fred Hampton was killed? Fourteen Chicago police officers showed up before dawn on Dec. 4, 1969, at Hampton’s apartment, acting on the orders of Edward V. Hanrahan, the Cook County state’s attorney. Over the course of about 10 minutes, more than 80 shots were fired. When the smoke cleared, Hampton, 21, and another party leader, Mark Clark, 22, were dead, and four other Panthers and two police officers were wounded. At first, the police claimed they killed Hampton in self-defense after people in the apartment began firing shotguns at them as they tried to execute a search warrant for illegal weapons. But ballistics experts determined that only one of the bullets was probably discharged from a weapon belonging to an occupant of the apartment. A federal grand jury investigation also revealed that the “bullet holes” in the apartment’s front door, which officers had cited as evidence that the Panthers had shot at them, were in fact nail holes created by police. Though the Chicago Police Department had led the raid, the grand jury concluded that it had been coordinated by the FBI as part of Hoover’s mission to cripple the Black Panther Party — and an FBI memo later revealed that the bureau had authorized a bonus payment to O’Neal. The first federal grand jury declined to indict anyone involved in the raid, and though a subsequent grand jury indicted Hanrahan and the police officers who participated in the shootings, all the charges were dismissed. In 1982, without admitting any wrongdoing, the federal government, the city of Chicago and Cook County agreed to pay $1.85 million to the families of Hampton and Clark and to survivors of the raid. Clarence M. Kelley, who succeeded Hoover as head of the FBI in 1973, issued a public apology three years later for the bureau’s abuse of power in the “twilight” of Hoover’s career. “Some of those activities were clearly wrong and quite indefensible,” Kelley said. “We most certainly must never allow them to be repeated.”

'Judas and the Black Messiah': What to know about this much-talked about film

Soviet spy gadgets, such as cyanide-filled fake teeth and cigarette packs concealing cameras, are going under the hammer at a Beverly Hills auction this week.&nbsp;

Many retro espionage devices in the sale by US-based Julien's Auctions -- known for Hollywood and pop culture memorabilia -- would not be out of place in a classic James Bond movie, including microphones hidden within pens, ashtrays and porcelain plates.&nbsp;

"The people that actually created these things were the pioneers of miniaturization," said director of gallery operations Kody Frederick.&nbsp;

"Everybody now carries a camera, everybody now has a microphone," but many of the auction's spy gadgets hail from an era when cell phones were 'as big as six bricks,' Frederick said.&nbsp;

Miniature cameras fitted inside women's handbags, birdboxes, belt buckles, shoebrushes, signet rings and ties -- and used by real secret agents -- are all going on the block.&nbsp;

"People are looking to get their hands on really unique, different pieces from a time when digital didn't exist and analog was the way of life," Frederick added.&nbsp;

Following the fall of the Soviet Union, many items were discarded in Eastern Europe and eventually made their way to New York's short-lived KGB museum, which opened in January 2019 but closed last year due to the pandemic.&nbsp;

Among those for sale on this Saturday, both on-site in California and via the internet, are a fake tooth containing deadly cyanide expected to fetch up to $1,200.&nbsp;

"The tooth was designed to shatter when bitten a certain way so that captured agents could end their own lives when necessary to avoid torture or the release of compromising information," explains the auction catalog.&nbsp;

The collection also includes a replica of the 'Bulgarian umbrella' used in 1978 in London to fatally poison Bulgarian dissident Georgi Markov in one particularly infamous Cold War episode. It is estimated at between $3,000 and $5,000.&nbsp;

But other initially announced items including a lipstick tube and a pen designed to fire bullets had to be withdrawn due to California's gun laws.&nbsp;

Soviet spy gadgets, such as cyanide-filled fake teeth and cigarette packs concealing cameras, are going under the hammer at a Beverly Hills auction this week. Many retro espionage devices in the sale by US-based Julien's Auctions -- known for Hollywood and pop culture memorabilia -- would not be out of place in a classic James Bond movie, including microphones hidden within pens, ashtrays and porcelain plates.

Soviet spy gadgets, such as cyanide-filled fake teeth and cigarette packs concealing cameras, are going under the hammer at a Beverly Hills auction this week. Many retro espionage devices in the sale by US-based Julien's Auctions -- known for Hollywood and pop culture memorabilia -- would not be out of place in a classic James Bond movie, including microphones hidden within pens, ashtrays and porcelain plates. "The people that actually created these things were the pioneers of miniaturization," said director of gallery operations Kody Frederick. "Everybody now carries a camera, everybody now has a microphone," but many of the auction's spy gadgets hail from an era when cell phones were 'as big as six bricks,' Frederick said. Miniature cameras fitted inside women's handbags, birdboxes, belt buckles, shoebrushes, signet rings and ties -- and used by real secret agents -- are all going on the block. "People are looking to get their hands on really unique, different pieces from a time when digital didn't exist and analog was the way of life," Frederick added. Following the fall of the Soviet Union, many items were discarded in Eastern Europe and eventually made their way to New York's short-lived KGB museum, which opened in January 2019 but closed last year due to the pandemic. Among those for sale on this Saturday, both on-site in California and via the internet, are a fake tooth containing deadly cyanide expected to fetch up to $1,200. "The tooth was designed to shatter when bitten a certain way so that captured agents could end their own lives when necessary to avoid torture or the release of compromising information," explains the auction catalog. The collection also includes a replica of the 'Bulgarian umbrella' used in 1978 in London to fatally poison Bulgarian dissident Georgi Markov in one particularly infamous Cold War episode. It is estimated at between $3,000 and $5,000. But other initially announced items including a lipstick tube and a pen designed to fire bullets had to be withdrawn due to California's gun laws.

Soviet spy gadgets to go for sale in Beverly Hills

LOS ANGELES — An out-of-work stand-up comic originally from New Jersey. An actor and conservative podcast host dressed in a white lab coat. A gadfly who has run several unsuccessful campaigns for Congress in Los Angeles. And at least a few who had been in Washington the day of the Capitol riot.

They were among the motley crew of so-called anti-vaxxers who recently converged on the entrance of the mass vaccination site at Dodger Stadium to protest distribution of a coronavirus vaccine.

The loosely formed coalition represents a new faction in California’s long-established anti-vaccine movement. And the protest was the latest sign that Californians have become the unlikely standard-bearers for aggressive criticism of the vaccines even as virus cases continue to spread in the state.

California, which has averaged 500 daily deaths tied to the virus over the past week, will soon become the state with the largest number of coronavirus deaths, surpassing New York.

For months, far-right activists across the country have been rallying against mask-wearing rules, business lockdowns, curfews and local public health officials, casting the government’s response to the virus as an intrusion on individual liberties. But as masks and lockdowns become an increasingly routine part of American life, some protesters have shifted the focus of their anti-government anger to the COVID-19 vaccines.

Last week at Dodger Stadium, the same small but vocal band of demonstrators who previously staged anti-mask and anti-lockdown protests in the Los Angeles area disrupted a mass vaccination site that gives an average of 6,120 shots daily. About 50 protesters — some carrying signs reading “Don’t be a lab rat!” and “COVID = Scam” — marched to the entrance and caused the Los Angeles Fire Department to shut down the city-run site for about an hour.

The disruption illustrates the increasingly confrontational bent of some of the state’s vaccine opponents, who have long claimed that mandatory school vaccine laws represent governmental overreach. Many were already skeptical about vaccine science, having read online disinformation sites that claimed early childhood vaccines caused autism, an allegation long refuted.

In California, the anti-vaccine movement has been popular for decades among Hollywood celebrities and wealthy parents, gaining momentum as state lawmakers passed one of the nation’s toughest mandatory vaccination laws for children in 2015. Previously, parents had opted out of vaccinations by seeking exemptions claiming that vaccines conflicted with their personal beliefs, but the law eliminated that option. The popularity of those exemptions led to immunization rates that dropped to 80% or lower at public and private schools and preschools in Beverly Hills, Santa Monica and other affluent Los Angeles area communities.

“Anti-vaccine attitudes are as old as vaccines themselves,” said Richard Carpiano, who is a professor of public policy and sociology at the University of California, Riverside, and who studies the anti-vaccine movement. “The other thing that gets tied into this is the wellness movement, this idea that natural is better. There’s a broader kind of mistrust of Big Pharma, and about medical care and medical professions. There is this real market for discontent that these groups can really kind of seize upon.”

In the COVID-19 era in California, vaccine opponents have found themselves increasingly in alignment with pro-Trump, working-class people sometimes eager to embrace extreme tactics to express their beliefs.

Anti-vaccine activists in the state have long been aggressive at times. But in the past two years, and in the months of the coronavirus pandemic, there has been an uptick in confrontational and threatening tactics.

They assaulted a lawmaker in Sacramento and threw menstrual blood onto legislators in the Senate chambers at the state Capitol in 2019, and last spring they helped pressure the chief health officer in Orange County to resign by publicly revealing the official’s home address. Last month, two weeks before the stadium vaccination protest, a group of women threatened lawmakers at a budget hearing at the Capitol, telling senators that they were “not taking your shot” and that they “didn’t buy guns for nothing.”

“I think the thing that’s most concerning is that they’re escalating,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, a pediatrician and Democrat who wrote vaccination legislation. Pan was struck in the back in 2019 by an anti-vaccine activist and was the likely target of the blood-throwing incident in the Senate chambers that year.

“This movement not only puts out mis- or disinformation about vaccines or lies about vaccines, which in itself can be harmful, but they are also aggressively bullying, threatening and intimidating people who are trying to share accurate information about vaccines,” he said.

Protesters who attended and helped organize the Dodger Stadium demonstration said they did not attempt to enter the site and did not block the entrance. They blamed firefighters for overreacting to their presence and shutting the gates and said their goal was to educate those waiting for vaccinations but not prevent them from driving inside to get their shots.

One of the protesters, a 48-year-old actor whose first name is Nick and who asked that his last name not be published because of death threats the group had received, said he did not believe that any of the protesters were part of previously established anti-vaccine groups in the state. “This has all stemmed as a result of this whole COVID-19 crisis,” he said. “It started with the mask-wearing and evolved to now being concerned over the vaccine. It’s all about civil liberties.”

The lead organizer, Jason Lefkowitz, 42, a stand-up comic and server at a Beverly Hills restaurant, said the catalyst for the stadium protest was the death of Hank Aaron, the baseball legend who died at the age of 86 on Jan. 22.

Aaron was vaccinated for the coronavirus in Atlanta on Jan. 5, and anti-vaccine activists, including Robert F. Kennedy Jr., have seized on his death to draw a link. The Fulton County medical examiner has said there was no evidence that he had an allergic or anaphylactic reaction to the vaccine.

“I’m not a violent person,” Lefkowitz said. “Nobody in my group is violent or physical or anything, but there’s a lot of people that don’t want to take this vaccine or be forced into it.”

No one was arrested, but city officials, including the police chief, were disturbed by the symbolism and the global headlines — that a small group of vaccine opponents had temporarily shut down one of the country’s largest vaccination sites and was walking and chanting mask-free among older residents waiting in their cars for their vaccine appointments.

“The optics of it is that it appeared that the protesters were able to symbolically interfere with that line, and I think that we have a greater public responsibility to ensure that that symbolism is not repeated,” Chief Michel Moore told the Los Angeles Police Commission at a virtual meeting.

Protesters were planning to return to Dodger Stadium and were more energized by the attention than discouraged by the social media criticism. Lefkowitz said that after the Fire Department shut the gates, he immediately took it as a positive sign for his group.

“They’re indirectly helping us, because now I’m like, ‘Oh, this is going to make the news,’” Lefkowitz said.

The ease with which many of the protesters have slipped from anti-mask to anti-vaccine ideology was on display in one Facebook livestream.

A protester at the site, Omar Navarro, a frequent Republican challenger to Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., told his Facebook viewers that he was “100% certain” that voter fraud led to President Joe Biden’s victory; touted the effort to recall the Democratic governor of California, Gavin Newsom; and called Democrats “the real virus.”

“They want to deceive us,” Navarro said in the video. “They want to control us. They want to put this muzzle on our face, this mask, which I don’t use.”

One of the most prominent anti-vaccine activists in Southern California, Leigh Dundas, a lawyer, spoke at a rally in Washington the day before the Capitol riot and posted videos on social media as she stood outside the building Jan. 6, shouting, “This is 1776 all over again!”

In May, Dundas led a push to force out Orange County’s chief health officer, Dr. Nichole Quick, over her mask order, which was unpopular in the historically conservative county. Quick received death threats and was given a security detail. During a Board of Supervisors meeting, Dundas ridiculed Quick’s credentials, announced her home address and said she was going to have people “do calisthenics in masks on her front doorstep, and when people start dropping like flies, and they will, I am going to ask every single first responder in a 30-mile radius to roll lights and sirens to her front door.”

Quick resigned nearly two weeks later.

Kenneth Austin Bennett, the activist who attacked Pan, the state senator, was charged with misdemeanor battery and was scheduled to be rearraigned in a few weeks. Rebecca Dalelio, who was arrested after throwing blood from the Senate gallery, was charged with felony assault on a public official and felony vandalism and has a preliminary hearing this month. A spokesperson for state Sen. Toni Atkins, the Senate president pro tempore, said a report was filed with law enforcement after the women made the threatening gun-related remarks in January.

Pan said the lack of arrests at the Dodger Stadium protest suggested that anti-vaccine extremists would feel emboldened.

“There’s a history of people being bullying and intimidating, and there’s very little consequence for doing this, and so they escalate, and they escalate, and they escalate,” he said.

LOS ANGELES — An out-of-work stand-up comic originally from New Jersey. An actor and conservative podcast host dressed in a white lab coat. A gadfly who has run several unsuccessful campaigns for Congress in Los Angeles.

LOS ANGELES — An out-of-work stand-up comic originally from New Jersey. An actor and conservative podcast host dressed in a white lab coat. A gadfly who has run several unsuccessful campaigns for Congress in Los Angeles. And at least a few who had been in Washington the day of the Capitol riot. They were among the motley crew of so-called anti-vaxxers who recently converged on the entrance of the mass vaccination site at Dodger Stadium to protest distribution of a coronavirus vaccine. The loosely formed coalition represents a new faction in California’s long-established anti-vaccine movement. And the protest was the latest sign that Californians have become the unlikely standard-bearers for aggressive criticism of the vaccines even as virus cases continue to spread in the state. California, which has averaged 500 daily deaths tied to the virus over the past week, will soon become the state with the largest number of coronavirus deaths, surpassing New York. For months, far-right activists across the country have been rallying against mask-wearing rules, business lockdowns, curfews and local public health officials, casting the government’s response to the virus as an intrusion on individual liberties. But as masks and lockdowns become an increasingly routine part of American life, some protesters have shifted the focus of their anti-government anger to the COVID-19 vaccines. Last week at Dodger Stadium, the same small but vocal band of demonstrators who previously staged anti-mask and anti-lockdown protests in the Los Angeles area disrupted a mass vaccination site that gives an average of 6,120 shots daily. About 50 protesters — some carrying signs reading “Don’t be a lab rat!” and “COVID = Scam” — marched to the entrance and caused the Los Angeles Fire Department to shut down the city-run site for about an hour. The disruption illustrates the increasingly confrontational bent of some of the state’s vaccine opponents, who have long claimed that mandatory school vaccine laws represent governmental overreach. Many were already skeptical about vaccine science, having read online disinformation sites that claimed early childhood vaccines caused autism, an allegation long refuted. In California, the anti-vaccine movement has been popular for decades among Hollywood celebrities and wealthy parents, gaining momentum as state lawmakers passed one of the nation’s toughest mandatory vaccination laws for children in 2015. Previously, parents had opted out of vaccinations by seeking exemptions claiming that vaccines conflicted with their personal beliefs, but the law eliminated that option. The popularity of those exemptions led to immunization rates that dropped to 80% or lower at public and private schools and preschools in Beverly Hills, Santa Monica and other affluent Los Angeles area communities. “Anti-vaccine attitudes are as old as vaccines themselves,” said Richard Carpiano, who is a professor of public policy and sociology at the University of California, Riverside, and who studies the anti-vaccine movement. “The other thing that gets tied into this is the wellness movement, this idea that natural is better. There’s a broader kind of mistrust of Big Pharma, and about medical care and medical professions. There is this real market for discontent that these groups can really kind of seize upon.” In the COVID-19 era in California, vaccine opponents have found themselves increasingly in alignment with pro-Trump, working-class people sometimes eager to embrace extreme tactics to express their beliefs. Anti-vaccine activists in the state have long been aggressive at times. But in the past two years, and in the months of the coronavirus pandemic, there has been an uptick in confrontational and threatening tactics. They assaulted a lawmaker in Sacramento and threw menstrual blood onto legislators in the Senate chambers at the state Capitol in 2019, and last spring they helped pressure the chief health officer in Orange County to resign by publicly revealing the official’s home address. Last month, two weeks before the stadium vaccination protest, a group of women threatened lawmakers at a budget hearing at the Capitol, telling senators that they were “not taking your shot” and that they “didn’t buy guns for nothing.” “I think the thing that’s most concerning is that they’re escalating,” said state Sen. Richard Pan, a pediatrician and Democrat who wrote vaccination legislation. Pan was struck in the back in 2019 by an anti-vaccine activist and was the likely target of the blood-throwing incident in the Senate chambers that year. “This movement not only puts out mis- or disinformation about vaccines or lies about vaccines, which in itself can be harmful, but they are also aggressively bullying, threatening and intimidating people who are trying to share accurate information about vaccines,” he said. Protesters who attended and helped organize the Dodger Stadium demonstration said they did not attempt to enter the site and did not block the entrance. They blamed firefighters for overreacting to their presence and shutting the gates and said their goal was to educate those waiting for vaccinations but not prevent them from driving inside to get their shots. One of the protesters, a 48-year-old actor whose first name is Nick and who asked that his last name not be published because of death threats the group had received, said he did not believe that any of the protesters were part of previously established anti-vaccine groups in the state. “This has all stemmed as a result of this whole COVID-19 crisis,” he said. “It started with the mask-wearing and evolved to now being concerned over the vaccine. It’s all about civil liberties.” The lead organizer, Jason Lefkowitz, 42, a stand-up comic and server at a Beverly Hills restaurant, said the catalyst for the stadium protest was the death of Hank Aaron, the baseball legend who died at the age of 86 on Jan. 22. Aaron was vaccinated for the coronavirus in Atlanta on Jan. 5, and anti-vaccine activists, including Robert F. Kennedy Jr., have seized on his death to draw a link. The Fulton County medical examiner has said there was no evidence that he had an allergic or anaphylactic reaction to the vaccine. “I’m not a violent person,” Lefkowitz said. “Nobody in my group is violent or physical or anything, but there’s a lot of people that don’t want to take this vaccine or be forced into it.” No one was arrested, but city officials, including the police chief, were disturbed by the symbolism and the global headlines — that a small group of vaccine opponents had temporarily shut down one of the country’s largest vaccination sites and was walking and chanting mask-free among older residents waiting in their cars for their vaccine appointments. “The optics of it is that it appeared that the protesters were able to symbolically interfere with that line, and I think that we have a greater public responsibility to ensure that that symbolism is not repeated,” Chief Michel Moore told the Los Angeles Police Commission at a virtual meeting. Protesters were planning to return to Dodger Stadium and were more energized by the attention than discouraged by the social media criticism. Lefkowitz said that after the Fire Department shut the gates, he immediately took it as a positive sign for his group. “They’re indirectly helping us, because now I’m like, ‘Oh, this is going to make the news,’” Lefkowitz said. The ease with which many of the protesters have slipped from anti-mask to anti-vaccine ideology was on display in one Facebook livestream. A protester at the site, Omar Navarro, a frequent Republican challenger to Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., told his Facebook viewers that he was “100% certain” that voter fraud led to President Joe Biden’s victory; touted the effort to recall the Democratic governor of California, Gavin Newsom; and called Democrats “the real virus.” “They want to deceive us,” Navarro said in the video. “They want to control us. They want to put this muzzle on our face, this mask, which I don’t use.” One of the most prominent anti-vaccine activists in Southern California, Leigh Dundas, a lawyer, spoke at a rally in Washington the day before the Capitol riot and posted videos on social media as she stood outside the building Jan. 6, shouting, “This is 1776 all over again!” In May, Dundas led a push to force out Orange County’s chief health officer, Dr. Nichole Quick, over her mask order, which was unpopular in the historically conservative county. Quick received death threats and was given a security detail. During a Board of Supervisors meeting, Dundas ridiculed Quick’s credentials, announced her home address and said she was going to have people “do calisthenics in masks on her front doorstep, and when people start dropping like flies, and they will, I am going to ask every single first responder in a 30-mile radius to roll lights and sirens to her front door.” Quick resigned nearly two weeks later. Kenneth Austin Bennett, the activist who attacked Pan, the state senator, was charged with misdemeanor battery and was scheduled to be rearraigned in a few weeks. Rebecca Dalelio, who was arrested after throwing blood from the Senate gallery, was charged with felony assault on a public official and felony vandalism and has a preliminary hearing this month. A spokesperson for state Sen. Toni Atkins, the Senate president pro tempore, said a report was filed with law enforcement after the women made the threatening gun-related remarks in January. Pan said the lack of arrests at the Dodger Stadium protest suggested that anti-vaccine extremists would feel emboldened. “There’s a history of people being bullying and intimidating, and there’s very little consequence for doing this, and so they escalate, and they escalate, and they escalate,” he said.

A new front in the anti-vaccine fight emerges in California

A splintered Supreme Court late Friday partly lifted restrictions on religious services in California that had been prompted by the coronavirus pandemic.

The court ruled in cases brought by South Bay United Pentecostal Church in Chula Vista and Harvest Rock Church in Pasadena. The churches said restrictions imposed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, violated the Constitution’s protection of the free exercise of religion.

The restrictions set varying limits on attendance at religious services by county, depending on infection rates. With the pandemic raging, in-person worship services were entirely barred in Tier 1, which covers almost all of the state.

In a brief, unsigned opinion, the court blocked that total ban but left in place a 25% capacity restriction and a prohibition on singing and chanting. Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch said they would have blocked all of the restrictions. Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan dissented, saying they would have left all of the restrictions in place.

Chief Justice John Roberts, in a concurring opinion, explained why a middle ground was appropriate. He said that the court should generally defer to public health experts but that there were limits to that deference.

“The state has concluded, for example, that singing indoors poses a heightened risk of transmitting COVID-19,” he wrote. “I see no basis in this record for overriding that aspect of the state public health framework.”

“At the same time,” the chief justice continued, “the state’s present determination — that the maximum number of adherents who can safely worship in the most cavernous cathedral is zero — appears to reflect not expertise or discretion, but instead insufficient appreciation or consideration of the interests at stake.”

Justice Amy Coney Barrett, in her first opinion, wrote that she would not have blocked the restrictions on singing and chanting based on the available evidence. Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined her opinion.

Gorsuch, joined by Thomas and Justice Samuel Alito, said the state had favored its entertainment industry over worship services.

“If Hollywood may host a studio audience or film a singing competition while not a single soul may enter California’s churches, synagogues and mosques,” Gorsuch wrote, “something has gone seriously awry.”

In dissent, Kagan, joined by Breyer and Sotomayor, said the majority had intruded into matters best left to public health officials.

“Justices of this court are not scientists,” Kagan wrote. “Nor do we know much about public health policy. Yet today the court displaces the judgments of experts about how to respond to a raging pandemic.”

“The state is desperately trying to slow the spread of a deadly disease,” she wrote. “It has concluded, based on essentially undisputed epidemiological findings, that congregating together indoors poses a special threat of contagion. So it has devised regulations to curb attendance at those assemblies and — in the worst times — to force them outdoors.”

“In the worst public health crisis in a century,” Kagan wrote, “this foray into armchair epidemiology cannot end well.”

The ruling followed a similar one in November in a case from New York, and it cemented the court’s change of direction on the issue after the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, whose vacancy was filled by Barrett.

In the latest case, a unanimous three-judge panel of the 9th US&nbsp;Circuit Court of Appeals, in San Francisco, refused to block the most severe restrictions in the case concerning the church in Chula Vista.

Judge Kim McLane Wardlaw, writing for the panel, said the church had not met its burden for obtaining an injunction.

“Notably, in response to the state’s mountain of scientific evidence, South Bay has not pointed to anything in the record to support the notion that the lesser restriction that it seeks — 100% occupancy with a reliance solely on mask-wearing, social distancing, and sanitation measures — would be effective to meet California’s compelling interest in controlling community spread,” Wardlaw wrote. “South Bay’s self-serving assertion that it has experienced no incidence of the virus among its worshippers is entirely anecdotal and undermined by evidence of outbreaks in similarly situated places of worship.”

Relying on that ruling, a different three-judge panel of the 9th Circuit followed suit in the case concerning Harvest Rock Church. In a reluctant concurring opinion, Judge Diarmuid O’Scannlain urged the Supreme Court to intervene.

“California’s uniquely severe restrictions against religious worship services — including its total ban against indoor worship in nearly the entire state — are patently unconstitutional and should be enjoined,” he wrote. “The court’s refusal to do so in South Bay cries out for correction.”

“In exactly the same locales where indoor worship is prohibited,” O’Scannlain wrote, “California still allows a vast array of secular facilities to open indoors, including (to name only a few): retail stores, shopping malls, factories, food-processing plants, warehouses, transportation facilities, child care centers, colleges, libraries, professional sports facilities and movie studios.”

Last year, before the death of Ginsburg, the Supreme Court allowed the governors of California and Nevada to restrict attendance at religious services. In a pair of 5-4 orders, Roberts joined what was then the court’s four-member liberal wing to form a majority.

The court changed course in November after the arrival of Barrett, in a case from New York. Disavowing the chief justice’s approach, the majority barred restrictions on religious services in New York that Gov. Andrew Cuomo had imposed to combat the coronavirus.

In an unsigned opinion, the majority said Cuomo’s restrictions violated the First Amendment’s protection of the free exercise of religion.

A splintered Supreme Court late Friday partly lifted restrictions on religious services in California that had been prompted by the coronavirus pandemic. The court ruled in cases brought by South Bay United Pentecostal Church in Chula Vista and Harvest Rock Church in Pasadena.

A splintered Supreme Court late Friday partly lifted restrictions on religious services in California that had been prompted by the coronavirus pandemic. The court ruled in cases brought by South Bay United Pentecostal Church in Chula Vista and Harvest Rock Church in Pasadena. The churches said restrictions imposed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, a Democrat, violated the Constitution’s protection of the free exercise of religion. The restrictions set varying limits on attendance at religious services by county, depending on infection rates. With the pandemic raging, in-person worship services were entirely barred in Tier 1, which covers almost all of the state. In a brief, unsigned opinion, the court blocked that total ban but left in place a 25% capacity restriction and a prohibition on singing and chanting. Justices Clarence Thomas and Neil Gorsuch said they would have blocked all of the restrictions. Justices Stephen Breyer, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan dissented, saying they would have left all of the restrictions in place. Chief Justice John Roberts, in a concurring opinion, explained why a middle ground was appropriate. He said that the court should generally defer to public health experts but that there were limits to that deference. “The state has concluded, for example, that singing indoors poses a heightened risk of transmitting COVID-19,” he wrote. “I see no basis in this record for overriding that aspect of the state public health framework.” “At the same time,” the chief justice continued, “the state’s present determination — that the maximum number of adherents who can safely worship in the most cavernous cathedral is zero — appears to reflect not expertise or discretion, but instead insufficient appreciation or consideration of the interests at stake.” Justice Amy Coney Barrett, in her first opinion, wrote that she would not have blocked the restrictions on singing and chanting based on the available evidence. Justice Brett Kavanaugh joined her opinion. Gorsuch, joined by Thomas and Justice Samuel Alito, said the state had favored its entertainment industry over worship services. “If Hollywood may host a studio audience or film a singing competition while not a single soul may enter California’s churches, synagogues and mosques,” Gorsuch wrote, “something has gone seriously awry.” In dissent, Kagan, joined by Breyer and Sotomayor, said the majority had intruded into matters best left to public health officials. “Justices of this court are not scientists,” Kagan wrote. “Nor do we know much about public health policy. Yet today the court displaces the judgments of experts about how to respond to a raging pandemic.” “The state is desperately trying to slow the spread of a deadly disease,” she wrote. “It has concluded, based on essentially undisputed epidemiological findings, that congregating together indoors poses a special threat of contagion. So it has devised regulations to curb attendance at those assemblies and — in the worst times — to force them outdoors.” “In the worst public health crisis in a century,” Kagan wrote, “this foray into armchair epidemiology cannot end well.” The ruling followed a similar one in November in a case from New York, and it cemented the court’s change of direction on the issue after the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, whose vacancy was filled by Barrett. In the latest case, a unanimous three-judge panel of the 9th US Circuit Court of Appeals, in San Francisco, refused to block the most severe restrictions in the case concerning the church in Chula Vista. Judge Kim McLane Wardlaw, writing for the panel, said the church had not met its burden for obtaining an injunction. “Notably, in response to the state’s mountain of scientific evidence, South Bay has not pointed to anything in the record to support the notion that the lesser restriction that it seeks — 100% occupancy with a reliance solely on mask-wearing, social distancing, and sanitation measures — would be effective to meet California’s compelling interest in controlling community spread,” Wardlaw wrote. “South Bay’s self-serving assertion that it has experienced no incidence of the virus among its worshippers is entirely anecdotal and undermined by evidence of outbreaks in similarly situated places of worship.” Relying on that ruling, a different three-judge panel of the 9th Circuit followed suit in the case concerning Harvest Rock Church. In a reluctant concurring opinion, Judge Diarmuid O’Scannlain urged the Supreme Court to intervene. “California’s uniquely severe restrictions against religious worship services — including its total ban against indoor worship in nearly the entire state — are patently unconstitutional and should be enjoined,” he wrote. “The court’s refusal to do so in South Bay cries out for correction.” “In exactly the same locales where indoor worship is prohibited,” O’Scannlain wrote, “California still allows a vast array of secular facilities to open indoors, including (to name only a few): retail stores, shopping malls, factories, food-processing plants, warehouses, transportation facilities, child care centers, colleges, libraries, professional sports facilities and movie studios.” Last year, before the death of Ginsburg, the Supreme Court allowed the governors of California and Nevada to restrict attendance at religious services. In a pair of 5-4 orders, Roberts joined what was then the court’s four-member liberal wing to form a majority. The court changed course in November after the arrival of Barrett, in a case from New York. Disavowing the chief justice’s approach, the majority barred restrictions on religious services in New York that Gov. Andrew Cuomo had imposed to combat the coronavirus. In an unsigned opinion, the majority said Cuomo’s restrictions violated the First Amendment’s protection of the free exercise of religion.

Supreme Court partly backs religious challenge to California virus restrictions

"Black Panther" director and co-writer Ryan Coogler is developing a streaming television series set in the movie's fictional futuristic kingdom of Wakanda, Walt Disney Co said on Monday (February 1).

'Black Panther' director developing Wakanda TV series for Disney+

U.S. singer-songwriter Halsey surprised fans on Wednesday (January 27) by posting a series of photographs on her Instagram account that revealed a growing baby bump.

Singer Halsey reveals she is pregnant

A parched swath of Central California is set to receive welcome rounds of rain and snow over the next week, but the forecast is raising concerns about flash flooding and mudslides in areas that endured a treacherous wildfire season last year.

Starting Friday, weather systems will bring a mix of rain and snow to parts of Northern and Central California through the middle of next week, with much of the snow expected in higher elevations of the Sierra Nevada. Between 5 to 10 inches of precipitation are expected, though some areas could receive up to 15 inches in the next two weeks, said Greg Carbin, head of the forecast operations branch at the National Weather Service’s Weather Prediction Center.

“These areas have been unusually dry,” Carbin said. “In fact, much of California has had well below normal rainfall and precipitation for many months on end, which had led to the dramatic wildfire activity that we’ve seen as well.”

A group of fires known as the LNU Lightning Complex stretched across Napa County and surrounding areas starting in August, burning more than 360,000 acres. It was 100% contained by early October, but the charred terrain it left behind is more susceptible to rainfall runoff, according to the National Weather Service.

“If you have too much rain in an area that the vegetation has been burned off from wildfire activity, that can cause a problem with debris flow, mudslides and some flash flooding,” Carbin said.

Mountainous and hilly terrain could be vulnerable to flash flooding and landslides, particularly where there are burn scars — charred, barren areas scorched by wildfires. In 2018, at least 17 people died in mudslides in Montecito, in Southern California, after a storm hit hillsides that had been stripped of the vegetation in the Thomas Fire.

The weather systems affecting Central California are not out of the ordinary as the state receives the majority of its rainfall during the cooler months, particularly the period from January through March. But the forecast is notable for a region where rainfall and snowfall “have been so far below normal” in recent years, Carbin said. (Parts of Central California and the Sierra Nevada region are currently experiencing extreme and severe drought, according to the National Drought Mitigation Center.)

California’s 2020 “water year” — the 12-month period that ended on Sept. 30, 2020 — was rather dry for the state’s northern region, the state’s Department of Water Resources reported.

The Sierra Nevada can receive anywhere from about 70 inches of precipitation to more than 100 inches in an average year, Carbin said. According to the Western Regional Climate Center, the state’s North Central and North Coast regions received more than 50 inches of precipitation in 2017.

A parched swath of Central California is set to receive welcome rounds of rain and snow over the next week, but the forecast is raising concerns about flash flooding and mudslides in areas that endured a treacherous wildfire season last year.

A parched swath of Central California is set to receive welcome rounds of rain and snow over the next week, but the forecast is raising concerns about flash flooding and mudslides in areas that endured a treacherous wildfire season last year. Starting Friday, weather systems will bring a mix of rain and snow to parts of Northern and Central California through the middle of next week, with much of the snow expected in higher elevations of the Sierra Nevada. Between 5 to 10 inches of precipitation are expected, though some areas could receive up to 15 inches in the next two weeks, said Greg Carbin, head of the forecast operations branch at the National Weather Service’s Weather Prediction Center. “These areas have been unusually dry,” Carbin said. “In fact, much of California has had well below normal rainfall and precipitation for many months on end, which had led to the dramatic wildfire activity that we’ve seen as well.” A group of fires known as the LNU Lightning Complex stretched across Napa County and surrounding areas starting in August, burning more than 360,000 acres. It was 100% contained by early October, but the charred terrain it left behind is more susceptible to rainfall runoff, according to the National Weather Service. “If you have too much rain in an area that the vegetation has been burned off from wildfire activity, that can cause a problem with debris flow, mudslides and some flash flooding,” Carbin said. Mountainous and hilly terrain could be vulnerable to flash flooding and landslides, particularly where there are burn scars — charred, barren areas scorched by wildfires. In 2018, at least 17 people died in mudslides in Montecito, in Southern California, after a storm hit hillsides that had been stripped of the vegetation in the Thomas Fire. The weather systems affecting Central California are not out of the ordinary as the state receives the majority of its rainfall during the cooler months, particularly the period from January through March. But the forecast is notable for a region where rainfall and snowfall “have been so far below normal” in recent years, Carbin said. (Parts of Central California and the Sierra Nevada region are currently experiencing extreme and severe drought, according to the National Drought Mitigation Center.) California’s 2020 “water year” — the 12-month period that ended on Sept. 30, 2020 — was rather dry for the state’s northern region, the state’s Department of Water Resources reported. The Sierra Nevada can receive anywhere from about 70 inches of precipitation to more than 100 inches in an average year, Carbin said. According to the Western Regional Climate Center, the state’s North Central and North Coast regions received more than 50 inches of precipitation in 2017.

Rain and snow headed for wildfire-damaged areas of California

California is the most populated state in America and also the most hard-hitting state with an ongoing Pandemic in California. Every minute 10 people test positive for COVID-19 in Los Angeles. Every hour the Ambulance crew got a call for help. Here's the report.

California is the most hard-hitting state with ongoing Pandemic

United States Vice President Mike Pence addressed a crowd of the Service Members in California and touted the Trump administration's foreign policy achievements.

US Vice President Pence addressed a crowd of service members

The day Paradise burned, Aaron Singer was a skeptic. Then he saw the flames in his rearview mirror.

This was November 2018, and the Camp Fire, the most destructive wildfire in California history, was making swift and smoky headway through the Sierra Nevada foothills. It took less than four hours to rip through this town of 26,000 residents, reducing schools, businesses and 11,000 homes into piles of smoldering ash.

When Singer got the evacuation order, he thought it was another false alarm. But he peeled out of his driveway as flames licked his yard, making it out of town with minutes to spare.

Paradise was lost. Eighty-five people died, and more than 90% of its population was driven out. Two years later, about 4,000 residents have returned to its scorched earth to lay new foundations and test fate once again. Singer is among them.

Now he is having second thoughts.

For decades in this chaparral-covered ecosystem, it has been a ritual: After the burn comes the rebuild. But as the nation’s most populous state stares down a seething climate crisis, one that cranked temperatures into triple digits last fall and set off a series of infernos that exploded into bone-dry air, the rebuilding process is beginning to look different.

California has battled dual crises, with the largest wildfire season on record breaking out in the midst of the pandemic. At the close of 2020, as millions of Californians were put under a second lockdown in a bid to quell a massive second surge in COVID-19 cases, more than 4.2 million acres of the state had been scorched by nearly 10,000 fires. But in many ways, the crises have split the state into two: Northern California continues to reel from multiple megafires, including the August Complex Fire and the SCU Lightning Complex Fire that exploded in late summer. And in Southern California, Los Angeles is now the epicenter of the pandemic, leading the nation both in confirmed cases and number of deaths.

In the midst of this, a historic housing shortage and low interest rates have pushed California’s home prices to record highs. In August, the median cost of a single-family home in the state crossed $700,000; in September it climbed further.

And while the cost of new homes is on the rise, many homeowners are finding the cost of rebuilding after a fire is even higher.

Home rebuilds are on the decline across the entire state, triggered by a combination of contractor shortages, pressures on the rental market and an ever-escalating climate crisis that has become impossible to ignore.

California, which remains mired in an affordable-housing crisis, has seen new construction permits dwindle for the past two years after more than a decade of rebounding steadily after the 2008 recession. New home construction permits reached 120,000 in 2018, then dipped to 110,000 in 2019.

The California Industry Research Board, which monitors construction and permit activity statewide, will publish its 2020 numbers in February but estimates that only 103,670 total housing units were issued last year.

The board doesn’t track when permits are issued for fire-related losses. And “analyzing the effect of California’s wildfires on homebuilding has historically been difficult, as wildfires typically do not enclose themselves in one municipality alone,” Marissa Saldivar, the board’s data journalist intern, wrote in a recent report.

But the statewide decline in rebuilds, coupled with the increase and intensity in fires, points to a clear trend: Faced with the choice of rebuilding or starting afresh, more homeowners than ever before are choosing to cut their losses.

A critical piece of the puzzle? The state is also short on contractors, which means homeowners looking to rebuild can find themselves in limbo for four or even five years.

“Even after the Camp Fire, you’d think we would have seen a spike in the number of permits, and yet we haven’t,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president and chief executive of the California Building Industry Association. “Most big insurance companies will just cut you a big check, and you can be sitting there looking at a check for $900,000. And you talk to contractors and they say: ‘Sure, I can build you a home, but I’m backed up for a year and a half.’ So we’re seeing a lot people just cut and run.”

There is one exception: Rebuilds are holding steady where the land is particularly valuable, as it was in 2018 when the devastating Woolsey Fire tore through Malibu, one of the Los Angeles area's most exclusive cliffside hideaways. Three people were killed. The entire city was evacuated, and 650 of its multimillion-dollar homes, including those belonging to Miley Cyrus, Gerard Butler and Robin Thicke, were vanquished, but today more than one-third of those homes have rebuild permits (in Paradise, the number stands at just over 10%).

“Rebuilding after a fire is sort of like someone who gets a shark bite and still goes back and surfs,” said Michael Nourmand, president of the Los Angeles real estate brokerage Nourmand &amp; Associates. “But people in LA have a short memory. Most people are planning to rebuild.”

It’s always easier to indulge an urge to rebuild, however, if you have deep pockets. California in 2008 enforced strict fire-safe building codes, which require reinforced roofs made of brick, masonry or concrete; walls that can withstand high temperatures; and landscaping that is free of highly flammable flora. In 2011, the state also required all single-family homes to be equipped with sprinkler systems. These codes can increase costs by $20,000 or more for homeowners looking to rebuild a pre-2008 home.

Homeowners who do choose to rebuild must enter the rental market while waiting it out, putting pressure on a housing system where prices are already inflated and demand far outstrips supply. And the state’s most vulnerable residents inevitably suffer the domino effects. California’s homelessness numbers rose 16% in 2019 and have now swelled to more than 150,000 of its residents. Because of COVID-19, those numbers are expected to rise.

“When thousands of homes burn down, those people are pushed elsewhere, which pushes rental prices up. That means affordable housing also goes up and housing insecurity goes by the wayside,” said James Ryan, president of Time for Homes, a nonprofit dedicated to eliminating chronic homelessness.

Gov. Gavin Newsom’s eviction moratorium, meant to protect tenants from losing their homes because of hardships during the COVID-19 pandemic, expires Feb. 1. But some reports point to evictions rising during the pandemic, despite the moratorium.

“There are always people who get lost in the shuffle,” Ryan said. “There are forced evictions, and those people will be looking for other housing, just as people who have lost homes from fire will be looking for temporary housing too. You have more and more people looking for fewer and fewer homes.”

The crunch is causing a population shift to California’s more rural enclaves. In tiny El Dorado County, east of Sacramento, sales in 2020 were up 28% (compared with a small decline in Sacramento).

But it’s the Inland Empire, the swath of Riverside and San Bernardino counties that sits inland and adjacent to Los Angeles, that is the fastest-growing sector of the state, and it has largely been spared the megafires that have raged through many of the state’s major metropolitan areas, including San Diego, Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area, over the last two decades. COVID-19, which has prompted an upsizing, exurban surge, has only increased this trend.

The median home price in Riverside County in November was $490,000; in San Bernardino County it was $380,250. That’s a fraction of Orange County’s median, which was $930,000; Los Angeles County, meanwhile, saw a median of $664,160. And in the Inland Empire, job growth is strong — for fire-stricken families staring at insurance checks and weighing their options, Dunmoyer said, heading east presents an appealing option.

But it’s also impossible to pinpoint cause and effect.

“We’ve been seeing a lot of movement toward areas like the Inland Empire, and also out in Joshua Tree and Palm Springs. It’s difficult to say how much is flight away from fire risk and how much is just movement toward affordability. It’s been happening since about 2010,” Dunmoyer said.

But moving away from fire risk isn’t a viable option for everyone, especially not in a state already facing an extreme housing shortfall.

Since the Camp Fire, Singer and his wife, Shannon, have been renting an apartment in Chico, about 20 miles away, while navigating the various headaches — insurance, zoning, construction, planning — to rebuild their home. They have also started a nonprofit, Paradise Stronger, which utilizes their background in fitness coaching to bring mental health care to residents coping with trauma from the disaster.

At first, they were committed to being part of Paradise’s ambitious recovery plan to rebuild the entire city from scratch, which includes more parks and green space, fire-safe landscaping, and improved evacuation routes and warning systems.

But then came the 2020 fire season, which pushed new hellish vocabulary into the lexicon — “megafires,” “hot drought.” Fire-whipping winds, which force preventive power shut-offs, are now standard practice. In October, the Singers found themselves once again evacuating their land, except this time, the fire was both on its way and had already had its feast.

“This time around, the area that got evacuated first was exactly where our home would have been,” Singer, 43, said. “All you could see was smoke. The PTSD was rampant.”

His wife decided she had had enough.

“She turned to me and said, ‘I’m not sure I want to rebuild. I’m not sure this is where I want to be anymore,’” Singer said. For his part, he says, he would be willing to stick it out — but not at the expense of his relationship.

“I see the vision of this town, and I want to be a part of that, but not if it means my marriage,” Singer said.

For now, the couple have hit the pause button on their rebuild plans. If they do move forward, they’re also looking at spending $100,000 out of pocket. Their rebuild plans are for a smaller but more fire-safe home on the same property, and the estimated cost is $250,000. They received $145,000 for the structure that burned; like nearly 60% of American households, they learned after the fact that they were vastly underinsured.

Many insurers have also abandoned policies altogether in areas deemed too high a risk: The California Department of Insurance in October reported that refusals from home insurers to renew policies rose by 31% statewide in 2019, and that percentage jumped to 61% in ZIP codes with an elevated fire risk.

A handful of new developments have responded by incorporating new resilience protocols into their building strategies in areas well acquainted with wildfire. In Southern California, Rancho Mission Viejo, which is in the southern part of Orange County and is the largest new community in the state, has been in development since 2001 on 23,000 acres of open space. When completed, it will provide 14,000 homes (including 6,000 homes for 55-plus residents), and its development plans stipulate that 75% of that open space be preserved.

Fire resilience is a tenet of the construction, and the community implemented many wildfire resistance tactics long before they became state and local requirements. The community was recently highlighted in a report by the Urban Land Institute (as was the entire town of Paradise, whose rebuild, the report said, could serve as a template for other wildfire-affected communities).

Each neighborhood in Rancho Mission Viejo is surrounded by a 110-foot-wide fuel modification zone — a strip of land where combustible vegetation has been replaced with fire-resistant plants. Certain plant species are prohibited. Construction materials are noncombustible; automatic fire sprinklers were mandatory in every home well before the California law changed in 2011. And the added cost is now negligible; when construction began, those fire-safe modifications were adding between $4,000 and $10,000 to the bottom line of each home, compared with a comparable-size new home in the area, but have since dipped to as low as $1,000.

Jay Bullock, Rancho Mission Viejo’s vice president for planning and entitlement, said that is because fire-safe methods, once considered radical, have become more commonplace.

“The market has caught up,” he said.

And in a state where livable space is at a premium, building safely in high fire hazard zones is the key to a sustainable future, said Mike Balsamo, Rancho Mission Viejo’s senior vice president for governmental relations.

“There is a playbook,” he said. “We can create the most fire-safe community possible.”

The day Paradise burned, Aaron Singer was a skeptic. Then he saw the flames in his rearview mirror. This was November 2018, and the Camp Fire, the most destructive wildfire in California history, was making swift and smoky headway through the Sierra Nevada foothills.

The day Paradise burned, Aaron Singer was a skeptic. Then he saw the flames in his rearview mirror. This was November 2018, and the Camp Fire, the most destructive wildfire in California history, was making swift and smoky headway through the Sierra Nevada foothills. It took less than four hours to rip through this town of 26,000 residents, reducing schools, businesses and 11,000 homes into piles of smoldering ash. When Singer got the evacuation order, he thought it was another false alarm. But he peeled out of his driveway as flames licked his yard, making it out of town with minutes to spare. Paradise was lost. Eighty-five people died, and more than 90% of its population was driven out. Two years later, about 4,000 residents have returned to its scorched earth to lay new foundations and test fate once again. Singer is among them. Now he is having second thoughts. For decades in this chaparral-covered ecosystem, it has been a ritual: After the burn comes the rebuild. But as the nation’s most populous state stares down a seething climate crisis, one that cranked temperatures into triple digits last fall and set off a series of infernos that exploded into bone-dry air, the rebuilding process is beginning to look different. California has battled dual crises, with the largest wildfire season on record breaking out in the midst of the pandemic. At the close of 2020, as millions of Californians were put under a second lockdown in a bid to quell a massive second surge in COVID-19 cases, more than 4.2 million acres of the state had been scorched by nearly 10,000 fires. But in many ways, the crises have split the state into two: Northern California continues to reel from multiple megafires, including the August Complex Fire and the SCU Lightning Complex Fire that exploded in late summer. And in Southern California, Los Angeles is now the epicenter of the pandemic, leading the nation both in confirmed cases and number of deaths. In the midst of this, a historic housing shortage and low interest rates have pushed California’s home prices to record highs. In August, the median cost of a single-family home in the state crossed $700,000; in September it climbed further. And while the cost of new homes is on the rise, many homeowners are finding the cost of rebuilding after a fire is even higher. Home rebuilds are on the decline across the entire state, triggered by a combination of contractor shortages, pressures on the rental market and an ever-escalating climate crisis that has become impossible to ignore. California, which remains mired in an affordable-housing crisis, has seen new construction permits dwindle for the past two years after more than a decade of rebounding steadily after the 2008 recession. New home construction permits reached 120,000 in 2018, then dipped to 110,000 in 2019. The California Industry Research Board, which monitors construction and permit activity statewide, will publish its 2020 numbers in February but estimates that only 103,670 total housing units were issued last year. The board doesn’t track when permits are issued for fire-related losses. And “analyzing the effect of California’s wildfires on homebuilding has historically been difficult, as wildfires typically do not enclose themselves in one municipality alone,” Marissa Saldivar, the board’s data journalist intern, wrote in a recent report. But the statewide decline in rebuilds, coupled with the increase and intensity in fires, points to a clear trend: Faced with the choice of rebuilding or starting afresh, more homeowners than ever before are choosing to cut their losses. A critical piece of the puzzle? The state is also short on contractors, which means homeowners looking to rebuild can find themselves in limbo for four or even five years. “Even after the Camp Fire, you’d think we would have seen a spike in the number of permits, and yet we haven’t,” said Dan Dunmoyer, president and chief executive of the California Building Industry Association. “Most big insurance companies will just cut you a big check, and you can be sitting there looking at a check for $900,000. And you talk to contractors and they say: ‘Sure, I can build you a home, but I’m backed up for a year and a half.’ So we’re seeing a lot people just cut and run.” There is one exception: Rebuilds are holding steady where the land is particularly valuable, as it was in 2018 when the devastating Woolsey Fire tore through Malibu, one of the Los Angeles area's most exclusive cliffside hideaways. Three people were killed. The entire city was evacuated, and 650 of its multimillion-dollar homes, including those belonging to Miley Cyrus, Gerard Butler and Robin Thicke, were vanquished, but today more than one-third of those homes have rebuild permits (in Paradise, the number stands at just over 10%). “Rebuilding after a fire is sort of like someone who gets a shark bite and still goes back and surfs,” said Michael Nourmand, president of the Los Angeles real estate brokerage Nourmand & Associates. “But people in LA have a short memory. Most people are planning to rebuild.” It’s always easier to indulge an urge to rebuild, however, if you have deep pockets. California in 2008 enforced strict fire-safe building codes, which require reinforced roofs made of brick, masonry or concrete; walls that can withstand high temperatures; and landscaping that is free of highly flammable flora. In 2011, the state also required all single-family homes to be equipped with sprinkler systems. These codes can increase costs by $20,000 or more for homeowners looking to rebuild a pre-2008 home. Homeowners who do choose to rebuild must enter the rental market while waiting it out, putting pressure on a housing system where prices are already inflated and demand far outstrips supply. And the state’s most vulnerable residents inevitably suffer the domino effects. California’s homelessness numbers rose 16% in 2019 and have now swelled to more than 150,000 of its residents. Because of COVID-19, those numbers are expected to rise. “When thousands of homes burn down, those people are pushed elsewhere, which pushes rental prices up. That means affordable housing also goes up and housing insecurity goes by the wayside,” said James Ryan, president of Time for Homes, a nonprofit dedicated to eliminating chronic homelessness. Gov. Gavin Newsom’s eviction moratorium, meant to protect tenants from losing their homes because of hardships during the COVID-19 pandemic, expires Feb. 1. But some reports point to evictions rising during the pandemic, despite the moratorium. “There are always people who get lost in the shuffle,” Ryan said. “There are forced evictions, and those people will be looking for other housing, just as people who have lost homes from fire will be looking for temporary housing too. You have more and more people looking for fewer and fewer homes.” The crunch is causing a population shift to California’s more rural enclaves. In tiny El Dorado County, east of Sacramento, sales in 2020 were up 28% (compared with a small decline in Sacramento). But it’s the Inland Empire, the swath of Riverside and San Bernardino counties that sits inland and adjacent to Los Angeles, that is the fastest-growing sector of the state, and it has largely been spared the megafires that have raged through many of the state’s major metropolitan areas, including San Diego, Los Angeles and the San Francisco Bay Area, over the last two decades. COVID-19, which has prompted an upsizing, exurban surge, has only increased this trend. The median home price in Riverside County in November was $490,000; in San Bernardino County it was $380,250. That’s a fraction of Orange County’s median, which was $930,000; Los Angeles County, meanwhile, saw a median of $664,160. And in the Inland Empire, job growth is strong — for fire-stricken families staring at insurance checks and weighing their options, Dunmoyer said, heading east presents an appealing option. But it’s also impossible to pinpoint cause and effect. “We’ve been seeing a lot of movement toward areas like the Inland Empire, and also out in Joshua Tree and Palm Springs. It’s difficult to say how much is flight away from fire risk and how much is just movement toward affordability. It’s been happening since about 2010,” Dunmoyer said. But moving away from fire risk isn’t a viable option for everyone, especially not in a state already facing an extreme housing shortfall. Since the Camp Fire, Singer and his wife, Shannon, have been renting an apartment in Chico, about 20 miles away, while navigating the various headaches — insurance, zoning, construction, planning — to rebuild their home. They have also started a nonprofit, Paradise Stronger, which utilizes their background in fitness coaching to bring mental health care to residents coping with trauma from the disaster. At first, they were committed to being part of Paradise’s ambitious recovery plan to rebuild the entire city from scratch, which includes more parks and green space, fire-safe landscaping, and improved evacuation routes and warning systems. But then came the 2020 fire season, which pushed new hellish vocabulary into the lexicon — “megafires,” “hot drought.” Fire-whipping winds, which force preventive power shut-offs, are now standard practice. In October, the Singers found themselves once again evacuating their land, except this time, the fire was both on its way and had already had its feast. “This time around, the area that got evacuated first was exactly where our home would have been,” Singer, 43, said. “All you could see was smoke. The PTSD was rampant.” His wife decided she had had enough. “She turned to me and said, ‘I’m not sure I want to rebuild. I’m not sure this is where I want to be anymore,’” Singer said. For his part, he says, he would be willing to stick it out — but not at the expense of his relationship. “I see the vision of this town, and I want to be a part of that, but not if it means my marriage,” Singer said. For now, the couple have hit the pause button on their rebuild plans. If they do move forward, they’re also looking at spending $100,000 out of pocket. Their rebuild plans are for a smaller but more fire-safe home on the same property, and the estimated cost is $250,000. They received $145,000 for the structure that burned; like nearly 60% of American households, they learned after the fact that they were vastly underinsured. Many insurers have also abandoned policies altogether in areas deemed too high a risk: The California Department of Insurance in October reported that refusals from home insurers to renew policies rose by 31% statewide in 2019, and that percentage jumped to 61% in ZIP codes with an elevated fire risk. A handful of new developments have responded by incorporating new resilience protocols into their building strategies in areas well acquainted with wildfire. In Southern California, Rancho Mission Viejo, which is in the southern part of Orange County and is the largest new community in the state, has been in development since 2001 on 23,000 acres of open space. When completed, it will provide 14,000 homes (including 6,000 homes for 55-plus residents), and its development plans stipulate that 75% of that open space be preserved. Fire resilience is a tenet of the construction, and the community implemented many wildfire resistance tactics long before they became state and local requirements. The community was recently highlighted in a report by the Urban Land Institute (as was the entire town of Paradise, whose rebuild, the report said, could serve as a template for other wildfire-affected communities). Each neighborhood in Rancho Mission Viejo is surrounded by a 110-foot-wide fuel modification zone — a strip of land where combustible vegetation has been replaced with fire-resistant plants. Certain plant species are prohibited. Construction materials are noncombustible; automatic fire sprinklers were mandatory in every home well before the California law changed in 2011. And the added cost is now negligible; when construction began, those fire-safe modifications were adding between $4,000 and $10,000 to the bottom line of each home, compared with a comparable-size new home in the area, but have since dipped to as low as $1,000. Jay Bullock, Rancho Mission Viejo’s vice president for planning and entitlement, said that is because fire-safe methods, once considered radical, have become more commonplace. “The market has caught up,” he said. And in a state where livable space is at a premium, building safely in high fire hazard zones is the key to a sustainable future, said Mike Balsamo, Rancho Mission Viejo’s senior vice president for governmental relations. “There is a playbook,” he said. “We can create the most fire-safe community possible.”

Hounded by wildfires, Californians rethink their willingness to rebuild

california

California, News on California, stories on California, articles on California, California stories at Wion, California news, California latest news