Donald Trump wants Americans to vote in November as though his name were on the ballot.Republicans may want to consider carefully what that means.At a campaign rally in Nebraska, the US president once again placed himself at the centre of the Republican midterm campaign. But it was another extraordinary remark that quickly dominated the headlines.Speaking about the war with Iran, Trump joked about allowing Tehran to “take out” Los Angeles and San Diego — two Democratic strongholds in California.The backlash was swift.California Governor Gavin Newsom and the mayors of both cities condemned the remarks, turning what was supposed to be another Republican campaign stop into another controversy over Trump himself.And therein lies the problem.Trump remains the undisputed centre of Republican politics. He commands enormous loyalty among the party's base, dominates media attention and can turn an otherwise ordinary campaign rally into an international headline.But attention and persuasion are not necessarily the same thing.And with the midterm elections approaching, Republicans need more than the voters already committed to Donald Trump.&nbsp;<h2>From campaign asset to campaign complication?</h2>&nbsp;Trump's latest Reuters/Ipsos approval rating stands at 32 percent.In the same poll, registered voters preferred Democratic congressional candidates to Republican candidates by 44 percent to 37 percent.That is only one national poll and congressional elections will ultimately be decided district by district and state by state. But it illustrates why the president's campaign appearances matter.Trump himself has effectively acknowledged the stakes.In Nebraska, he urged Republicans to vote as though he personally were on the ballot.That strategy may energise MAGA loyalists.It could also nationalise hundreds of congressional races around one extraordinarily polarising political figure.Instead of Republican candidates talking primarily about their districts, affordability, immigration, security or the economy, every Trump controversy risks forcing them to answer questions about something the president has said.&nbsp;<h2>Even mail-in voting is back</h2>&nbsp;Perhaps nothing illustrates the changing political calculation better than Trump's message on postal voting.For years, Trump attacked mail-in voting, repeatedly associating it with electoral fraud despite the absence of evidence supporting claims of widespread fraud capable of changing national election results.Now his message is different.“Vote early, vote by mail or vote in person,” Trump told supporters.Republicans have increasingly encouraged early and postal voting as they seek to maximise turnout.Strategically, that makes sense.Politically, however, it exposes an uncomfortable contradiction.If mail-in voting was supposedly so dangerous when Democrats used it effectively, why is it acceptable when Republicans need every possible vote?The answer may be less ideological than electoral.November is getting closer.&nbsp;<h2>The politics of provocation</h2>&nbsp;Trump's defenders will argue that his California comments were typical Trump — provocative humour intended to entertain supporters rather than a serious suggestion that Iran should attack American cities.His critics see something far more troubling: an American president making light of foreign attacks against millions of Americans because they live in overwhelmingly Democratic territory.Either way, the controversy demonstrates the political risk of Trump's campaign style.The United States remains deeply polarised.Americans are dealing with questions about affordability, foreign wars, immigration, jobs and the economy.Against that backdrop, Republicans must decide whether another headline about Trump's rhetoric helps them communicate their own message — or buries it.&nbsp;<h2>Trump is effectively on the ballot</h2>&nbsp;There is also a deeper irony.Midterm elections traditionally become judgments on the president occupying the White House.Trump is now explicitly encouraging that dynamic.He wants Republicans to imagine that his name appears beside every congressional candidate.Perhaps his supporters will.But so might his opponents.That is the gamble.Donald Trump remains capable of electrifying the Republican base in a way few politicians can.But elections are not won merely by exciting people who already agree with you.They require persuasion beyond the faithful.Trump wants November to become a referendum on Donald Trump.Republicans may discover that getting exactly what the president asked for is the biggest gamble of all.

President Donald Trump remains the undisputed centre of Republican politics. He commands enormous loyalty among the party's base, dominates media attention and can turn an otherwise ordinary campaign rally into an international headline.

Donald Trump wants Americans to vote in November as though his name were on the ballot. Republicans may want to consider carefully what that means. At a campaign rally in Nebraska, the US president once again placed himself at the centre of the Republican midterm campaign. But it was another extraordinary remark that quickly dominated the headlines. Speaking about the war with Iran, Trump joked about allowing Tehran to “take out” Los Angeles and San Diego — two Democratic strongholds in California. The backlash was swift. California Governor Gavin Newsom and the mayors of both cities condemned the remarks, turning what was supposed to be another Republican campaign stop into another controversy over Trump himself. And therein lies the problem. Trump remains the undisputed centre of Republican politics. He commands enormous loyalty among the party's base, dominates media attention and can turn an otherwise ordinary campaign rally into an international headline. But attention and persuasion are not necessarily the same thing. And with the midterm elections approaching, Republicans need more than the voters already committed to Donald Trump. From campaign asset to campaign complication? Trump's latest Reuters/Ipsos approval rating stands at 32 percent. In the same poll, registered voters preferred Democratic congressional candidates to Republican candidates by 44 percent to 37 percent. That is only one national poll and congressional elections will ultimately be decided district by district and state by state. But it illustrates why the president's campaign appearances matter. Trump himself has effectively acknowledged the stakes. In Nebraska, he urged Republicans to vote as though he personally were on the ballot. That strategy may energise MAGA loyalists. It could also nationalise hundreds of congressional races around one extraordinarily polarising political figure. Instead of Republican candidates talking primarily about their districts, affordability, immigration, security or the economy, every Trump controversy risks forcing them to answer questions about something the president has said. Even mail-in voting is back Perhaps nothing illustrates the changing political calculation better than Trump's message on postal voting. For years, Trump attacked mail-in voting, repeatedly associating it with electoral fraud despite the absence of evidence supporting claims of widespread fraud capable of changing national election results. Now his message is different. “Vote early, vote by mail or vote in person,” Trump told supporters. Republicans have increasingly encouraged early and postal voting as they seek to maximise turnout. Strategically, that makes sense. Politically, however, it exposes an uncomfortable contradiction. If mail-in voting was supposedly so dangerous when Democrats used it effectively, why is it acceptable when Republicans need every possible vote? The answer may be less ideological than electoral. November is getting closer. The politics of provocation Trump's defenders will argue that his California comments were typical Trump — provocative humour intended to entertain supporters rather than a serious suggestion that Iran should attack American cities. His critics see something far more troubling: an American president making light of foreign attacks against millions of Americans because they live in overwhelmingly Democratic territory. Either way, the controversy demonstrates the political risk of Trump's campaign style. The United States remains deeply polarised. Americans are dealing with questions about affordability, foreign wars, immigration, jobs and the economy. Against that backdrop, Republicans must decide whether another headline about Trump's rhetoric helps them communicate their own message — or buries it. Trump is effectively on the ballot There is also a deeper irony. Midterm elections traditionally become judgments on the president occupying the White House. Trump is now explicitly encouraging that dynamic. He wants Republicans to imagine that his name appears beside every congressional candidate. Perhaps his supporters will. But so might his opponents. That is the gamble. Donald Trump remains capable of electrifying the Republican base in a way few politicians can. But elections are not won merely by exciting people who already agree with you. They require persuasion beyond the faithful. Trump wants November to become a referendum on Donald Trump. Republicans may discover that getting exactly what the president asked for is the biggest gamble of all.

President Donald Trump remains the undisputed centre of Republican politics. He commands enormous loyalty among the party's base, dominates media attention and can turn an otherwise ordinary campaign rally into an international headline.

The Verdict | Trump wants the midterms to be about him. Republicans may regret it

US towns are using referendums, zoning fights, and petitions to resist massive AI data centres over land, water, and power demands. The towns which have voted include Port Washington (WI), Augusta (MI), Coweta (GA), and Kansas towns.

US towns are using referendums, zoning fights, and petitions to resist massive AI data centres over land, water, and power demands. The towns which have voted include Port Washington (WI), Augusta (MI), Coweta (GA), and Kansas towns.

US midterm elections 2026 | Land, water and power lines: List of US towns pushed back against AI data centres

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The Verdict | Trump wants the midterms to be about him. Republicans may regret it

Land, water and power lines: These US towns pushed back against AI data centres