<p>The announcement by Meta that it would ban kids aged below 16 from its massively popular social media networks, Instagram and Facebook, is a pivotal moment in addressing Big Tech influence over the lives of teens, and an example of how whistleblowers and a determined government can force these multinational firms to act. The ban will begin from December 4 this year, ahead of the law taking full effect on December 10. With this law, Australia has led the path for restrictions aimed at weaning away children from the mental-health issues linked to social media addiction. The ban is coming at the end of a long saga of whistleblower disclosures, parent complaints, government rule changes and public pressure on platform practices. Both sides of the Australian political establishment united in making one of the most powerful technology companies on the planet comply. Meta, which owns Instagram, Facebook and Threads fervently opposed the legislation until late 2024. But it will now be deactivating the accounts it had long insisted it could not reliably identify.</p><h2>A platform economy built on adolescent engagement faced whistleblower pressure</h2><p>The lid on Meta’s stranglehold on teen engagement was blown in 2023 and 2024, when whistleblowers from inside major social media companies stepped forward to tell the truth. They publicly described sophisticated internal systems used by these companies to estimate user ages and track behaviour patterns. The revelations showed that many social media companies have behind-the-scenes tech that actively tailors content and ads for young teens. This sharply contradicted years of claims by the tech giants that their platforms could not meaningfully detect underage users without forcing everyone to submit government IDs.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/meta-australia-to-ban-under-16s-from-facebook-instagram-how-whistleblowers-and-a-determined-government-forced-a-big-tech-giant-to-act-1763624351306">‘Reels vs Shorts’: Which short-video format Indians watch more?</a></p><h2>Targeted advertising is possible, but not targeted classification of users?</h2><p>The claims by insiders led Australian lawmakers and child-safety advocates to ask the key question: if these platforms already have enough tech and data to identify minors for targeted advertising and safety features, why can’t they introduce similar tools to stop children from opening accounts in the first place? Amid lawmaker pressure, the government commissioned age-assurance technology trials in 2024 and 2025. These trials offered a partial vindication: even though not perfect, platforms had enough signals and data to take what the law would later describe as “reasonable steps” to address teen use of social media.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/from-reposts-friends-tab-to-maps-instagram-launches-new-features-netizens-say-it-s-wannabe-tiktok-x-1754550475513">From Reposts to Maps: Instagram launches new features, netizens say 'it's wannabe TikTok, X'</a></p><h2>Australia passed a world-first law on under-16s' social media access</h2><p>The pivotal moment came on 28 November 2024, when the Australian Parliament passed a world-first law. The Online Safety Amendment (Social Media Minimum Age) Bill banned users under 16 from “age-restricted” platforms. It required companies to enforce the prohibition one way or another. It went beyond so-called parental consent, which is not always practical. What made the tech giants sit up and take Australia seriously was the steep penalties for non-compliance, set at up to A$49.5 million. The law’s obligations roll out from 10 December this year, giving companies nearly a year to prepare.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/instagram-to-limit-content-for-teens-here-s-what-we-know-about-meta-s-pg-13-safeguards-to-protect-children-1760464490383">Instagram to limit content for teens? Here’s what we know about Meta’s new move</a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>In June this year, an age-assurance trial report outlined what platforms could and could not reliably detect when it comes to underage access. On July 30, new rules were published defining which services counted as “age-restricted.” On November 5, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner finalised an initial list which included Facebook, Instagram, Threads, TikTok, Snapchat, X, YouTube, Reddit and Kick, while exempting messaging and education services.</p><h2>Meta eventually yields</h2><p>Meta was forced to shift from criticising the Australian law as ‘ineffective’ to pledging compliance, possibly because of the financial and reputational stakes involved. Facing a parliamentary hearing in October, representatives of Meta, TikTok and Snap agreed to deactivate underage accounts. On November 16, Meta began notifying Australian users aged 13 to 15 of their upcoming account deactivation. From 4 December, Meta will start the phased shutdown of under-16 accounts. It will also block new sign-ups ahead of the 10 December enforcement deadline.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/meta-to-pay-trump-25-million-to-settle-lawsuit-over-facebook-and-instagram-8675975/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/meta-to-pay-trump-25-million-to-settle-lawsuit-over-facebook-and-instagram-8675975/embed</a></p><h2>Will it end social media overuse by underage individuals?</h2><p>The calls for keeping underage individuals off social media came after a series of cases involving online bullying, self-harm and even suicides. The Australian government has now forced one of the world’s largest companies to deploy technology it had long resisted or said was impossible. Will the ban reduce harm for teens? Or will they go into new, harder-to-track services? That remains to be seen, but regulators across the world are watching developments in Australia closely.</p>


Australia’s under-16 social media ban has now forced Meta to deactivate Facebook, Instagram, and Threads accounts for the kids. This came after whistleblower revelations and government pressure on Big Tech compliance. How did this world-first move happen?

The announcement by Meta that it would ban kids aged below 16 from its massively popular social media networks, Instagram and Facebook, is a pivotal moment in addressing Big Tech influence over the lives of teens, and an example of how whistleblowers and a determined government can force these multinational firms to act. The ban will begin from December 4 this year, ahead of the law taking full effect on December 10. With this law, Australia has led the path for restrictions aimed at weaning away children from the mental-health issues linked to social media addiction. The ban is coming at the end of a long saga of whistleblower disclosures, parent complaints, government rule changes and public pressure on platform practices. Both sides of the Australian political establishment united in making one of the most powerful technology companies on the planet comply. Meta, which owns Instagram, Facebook and Threads fervently opposed the legislation until late 2024. But it will now be deactivating the accounts it had long insisted it could not reliably identify. A platform economy built on adolescent engagement faced whistleblower pressure The lid on Meta’s stranglehold on teen engagement was blown in 2023 and 2024, when whistleblowers from inside major social media companies stepped forward to tell the truth. They publicly described sophisticated internal systems used by these companies to estimate user ages and track behaviour patterns. The revelations showed that many social media companies have behind-the-scenes tech that actively tailors content and ads for young teens. This sharply contradicted years of claims by the tech giants that their platforms could not meaningfully detect underage users without forcing everyone to submit government IDs. Also read: ‘Reels vs Shorts’: Which short-video format Indians watch more? Targeted advertising is possible, but not targeted classification of users? The claims by insiders led Australian lawmakers and child-safety advocates to ask the key question: if these platforms already have enough tech and data to identify minors for targeted advertising and safety features, why can’t they introduce similar tools to stop children from opening accounts in the first place? Amid lawmaker pressure, the government commissioned age-assurance technology trials in 2024 and 2025. These trials offered a partial vindication: even though not perfect, platforms had enough signals and data to take what the law would later describe as “reasonable steps” to address teen use of social media. Also read: From Reposts to Maps: Instagram launches new features, netizens say 'it's wannabe TikTok, X' Australia passed a world-first law on under-16s' social media access The pivotal moment came on 28 November 2024, when the Australian Parliament passed a world-first law. The Online Safety Amendment (Social Media Minimum Age) Bill banned users under 16 from “age-restricted” platforms. It required companies to enforce the prohibition one way or another. It went beyond so-called parental consent, which is not always practical. What made the tech giants sit up and take Australia seriously was the steep penalties for non-compliance, set at up to A$49.5 million. The law’s obligations roll out from 10 December this year, giving companies nearly a year to prepare. Also read: Instagram to limit content for teens? Here’s what we know about Meta’s new move In June this year, an age-assurance trial report outlined what platforms could and could not reliably detect when it comes to underage access. On July 30, new rules were published defining which services counted as “age-restricted.” On November 5, Australia’s eSafety Commissioner finalised an initial list which included Facebook, Instagram, Threads, TikTok, Snapchat, X, YouTube, Reddit and Kick, while exempting messaging and education services. Meta eventually yields Meta was forced to shift from criticising the Australian law as ‘ineffective’ to pledging compliance, possibly because of the financial and reputational stakes involved. Facing a parliamentary hearing in October, representatives of Meta, TikTok and Snap agreed to deactivate underage accounts. On November 16, Meta began notifying Australian users aged 13 to 15 of their upcoming account deactivation. From 4 December, Meta will start the phased shutdown of under-16 accounts. It will also block new sign-ups ahead of the 10 December enforcement deadline. https://www.wionews.com/videos/meta-to-pay-trump-25-million-to-settle-lawsuit-over-facebook-and-instagram-8675975/embed Will it end social media overuse by underage individuals? The calls for keeping underage individuals off social media came after a series of cases involving online bullying, self-harm and even suicides. The Australian government has now forced one of the world’s largest companies to deploy technology it had long resisted or said was impossible. Will the ban reduce harm for teens? Or will they go into new, harder-to-track services? That remains to be seen, but regulators across the world are watching developments in Australia closely.

<p>Australia’s under-16 social media ban has now forced Meta to deactivate Facebook, Instagram, and Threads accounts for the kids. This came after whistleblower revelations and government pressure on Big Tech compliance. How did this world-first move happen?</p>

Meta Australia to ban under-16s from Facebook, Instagram: How whistleblowers and a determined government forced a Big Tech giant to act

Here is a a timeline of the Epstein files: From Jeffrey Epstein’s rise, abuse network, arrests, the Maxwell trial, victim tragedies, to political battles. Along with some rarely seen photos, we examine the lasting fallout for elites linked to his crimes.


<p>Here is a timeline of the Epstein files: From Jeffrey Epstein’s rise, abuse network, arrests and death, the Maxwell trial, victim tragedies, to political battles. Along with some rarely seen photos, we examine the lasting fallout for elites linked to his crimes.<br>&nbsp;</p>

Epstein Files timeline in PICS: A pedophile sex trafficker haunts America's elite from the grave- Have you seen these photos?

<p>Imran Khan, the jailed ex-prime minister of Pakistan and founder of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), has threatened legal action against The Economist, accusing it of defamation over a recent story. In its November 14 edition, the prestigious UK paper published an article titled <i>The Mystic, the Cricketer and the Spy: Pakistan’s Game of Thrones</i>. Written by Owen Bennett-Jones and Bushra Taskeen, the long-form piece explored the alleged role and influence of Imran’s third wife, Bushra Bibi, on political and policy matters during his premiership from 2018 to 2022.</p><h2>What The Economist story claimed</h2><p>The contentious article claimed that Bushra Bibi, the mystic and former spiritual healer, wielded deep influence behind the scenes and was closely involved in political decision-making, cabinet appointments, and even matters of national security. Citing anonymous sources, it alleged that operatives from Pakistan’s spy agency ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) fed her information, which she then allegedly presented to Imran Khan as spiritual revelation or divine insight. According to the article, Bushra guided Khan on which politicians to trust or dismiss, explaining her advice as coming through dreams, mystical visions, and what some allege was “black magic”.</p><p>The report also dwelt on her life before becoming Imran’s wife: her earlier marriage and divorce, and her life as a pirni, or female spiritual guide. It included details on the circumstances surrounding her marriage to Khan in February 2018 and alleged occult or black-magic practices. The article painted the Khan-Bushra relationship as a drama of power and religion that potentially shaped the course of Pakistani politics.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/pakistan-controversial-article-about-ex-pm-imran-khan-s-wife-bushra-bibi-1763303021495/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/pakistan-controversial-article-about-ex-pm-imran-khan-s-wife-bushra-bibi-1763303021495/embed</a></p><h2>How Imran Khan’s PTI responded to The Economist article</h2><p>Khan’s party vigorously rejected the article’s claims, describing it as “recycled propaganda masquerading as foreign analysis.” In formal statements and remarks, PTI leaders argued that the article relied on half-truths, innuendo, and a biased narrative. PTI also pointed out that co-author Bushra Taskeen has a history of criticising Khan’s party, questioning the story’s neutrality.</p><p>The party accused The Economist of deliberately ignoring real issues in Pakistan, such as human rights violations, economic collapse, constitutional breaches, and rigged elections.</p><p>PTI also questioned the article’s references to the Al-Qadir Trust case, which it described as an ongoing legal matter, not “fixed” as suggested. The Al-Qadir case involves allegations of kickbacks and corruption linked to government contracts during Khan’s premiership, which are currently under investigation.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/-acid-laced-food-solitary-confinement-imran-khan-s-sons-bushra-bibi-s-sister-appeal-to-un-over-torture-in-pakistan-jails-1757732133607">'Acid-laced food, solitary confinement': Imran Khan's sons, Bushra Bibi's sister appeal to UN over 'torture' in Pakistan jails</a></p><h2>Imran Khan’s party threatens to sue The Economist</h2><p>Demanding an immediate, full, and public apology from The Economist and its authors, PTI said it “reserves the right to initiate legal action” — likely a defamation suit in the UK — should their demand be ignored.</p><p>PTI chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan labelled the article “shameful and baseless” and part of a broader “character assassination campaign” against Imran and Bushra Bibi. Senior PTI leader Mohammad Ali Saif called the allegations in the article “fabricated and unfounded” while vowing the party will defend its reputation.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/bushra-bibi-gravely-ill-imran-khan-wife-in-jail-pti-party-pakistan-politics-even-saddam-hussein-showed-more-decency-1751278853145">'Even Saddam Hussein showed more decency': Is Bushra Bibi 'gravely ill'? What Imran Khan's PTI said about his wife</a></p><h2>What the Economist writer said about the article on Imran Khan and Bushra Bibi</h2><p>Bushra Taskeen defended the investigative report. Speaking on Pakistani channel Samaa TV’s <i>Mere Sawal with Absar Alam</i>, she claimed the reporting took more than a year to finish, and followed a rigorous verification process. She rejected claims that the story was commissioned or paid for by any political faction, and said The Economist journalists were ready to go to court over defamation if challenged.</p><h2>Political row erupts in Pakistan over The Economist article on Imran Khan and Bushra Bibi</h2><p>While the ruling party PML-N and critics of Khan welcomed the article, PTI has accused the government establishment of using global media to tarnish its leaders. &nbsp;Wading into the controversy, the ruling parties argued that the article exposed a long-hidden power dynamic.</p><p>Imran Khan and his party are treating the issue as a matter of protecting his and his family’s legacy.</p>

Imran Khan's party PTI has threatened to sue The Economist over its story on his wife Bushra Bibi’s alleged ISI links. The article has created a political row in Pakistan over alleged defamation and media bias.

Imran Khan, the jailed ex-prime minister of Pakistan and founder of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), has threatened legal action against The Economist, accusing it of defamation over a recent story. In its November 14 edition, the prestigious UK paper published an article titled The Mystic, the Cricketer and the Spy: Pakistan’s Game of Thrones. Written by Owen Bennett-Jones and Bushra Taskeen, the long-form piece explored the alleged role and influence of Imran’s third wife, Bushra Bibi, on political and policy matters during his premiership from 2018 to 2022. What The Economist story claimed The contentious article claimed that Bushra Bibi, the mystic and former spiritual healer, wielded deep influence behind the scenes and was closely involved in political decision-making, cabinet appointments, and even matters of national security. Citing anonymous sources, it alleged that operatives from Pakistan’s spy agency ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) fed her information, which she then allegedly presented to Imran Khan as spiritual revelation or divine insight. According to the article, Bushra guided Khan on which politicians to trust or dismiss, explaining her advice as coming through dreams, mystical visions, and what some allege was “black magic”. The report also dwelt on her life before becoming Imran’s wife: her earlier marriage and divorce, and her life as a pirni, or female spiritual guide. It included details on the circumstances surrounding her marriage to Khan in February 2018 and alleged occult or black-magic practices. The article painted the Khan-Bushra relationship as a drama of power and religion that potentially shaped the course of Pakistani politics. https://www.wionews.com/videos/pakistan-controversial-article-about-ex-pm-imran-khan-s-wife-bushra-bibi-1763303021495/embed How Imran Khan’s PTI responded to The Economist article Khan’s party vigorously rejected the article’s claims, describing it as “recycled propaganda masquerading as foreign analysis.” In formal statements and remarks, PTI leaders argued that the article relied on half-truths, innuendo, and a biased narrative. PTI also pointed out that co-author Bushra Taskeen has a history of criticising Khan’s party, questioning the story’s neutrality. The party accused The Economist of deliberately ignoring real issues in Pakistan, such as human rights violations, economic collapse, constitutional breaches, and rigged elections. PTI also questioned the article’s references to the Al-Qadir Trust case, which it described as an ongoing legal matter, not “fixed” as suggested. The Al-Qadir case involves allegations of kickbacks and corruption linked to government contracts during Khan’s premiership, which are currently under investigation. Also read: 'Acid-laced food, solitary confinement': Imran Khan's sons, Bushra Bibi's sister appeal to UN over 'torture' in Pakistan jails Imran Khan’s party threatens to sue The Economist Demanding an immediate, full, and public apology from The Economist and its authors, PTI said it “reserves the right to initiate legal action” — likely a defamation suit in the UK — should their demand be ignored. PTI chairman Barrister Gohar Ali Khan labelled the article “shameful and baseless” and part of a broader “character assassination campaign” against Imran and Bushra Bibi. Senior PTI leader Mohammad Ali Saif called the allegations in the article “fabricated and unfounded” while vowing the party will defend its reputation. Also read: 'Even Saddam Hussein showed more decency': Is Bushra Bibi 'gravely ill'? What Imran Khan's PTI said about his wife What the Economist writer said about the article on Imran Khan and Bushra Bibi Bushra Taskeen defended the investigative report. Speaking on Pakistani channel Samaa TV’s Mere Sawal with Absar Alam, she claimed the reporting took more than a year to finish, and followed a rigorous verification process. She rejected claims that the story was commissioned or paid for by any political faction, and said The Economist journalists were ready to go to court over defamation if challenged. Political row erupts in Pakistan over The Economist article on Imran Khan and Bushra Bibi While the ruling party PML-N and critics of Khan welcomed the article, PTI has accused the government establishment of using global media to tarnish its leaders. Wading into the controversy, the ruling parties argued that the article exposed a long-hidden power dynamic. Imran Khan and his party are treating the issue as a matter of protecting his and his family’s legacy.

<p>Imran Khan's party PTI has threatened to sue The Economist over its story on his wife Bushra Bibi’s alleged ISI links. The article has created a political row in Pakistan over alleged defamation and media bias.</p>

Imran Khan vs The Economist: Why is ex-Pak PM threatening to sue global publication? Story on his wife said...

<p>For all the hullabaloo around the hot potato called Epstein files, the final disclosures might not reveal much if and when the documents related to the late sex trafficker and paedophile Jeffrey Epstein are released to the public. Epstein's own brother has hinted at it, as have several conspiracy theorists online. There are four possibilities: A) The Republicans may have already scrubbed any name that could incriminate them or President Donald Trump. B) It could be a selective, politically motivated disclosure only naming Democrats and Trump foes. C) The Republicans and Democrats could have reached some kind of backroom deal or arrangement in which no big names from either party would be released. D) The disclosures might have so many redacted and classified sections that they would add nothing new to what is already known. In this context, what Mark Epstein, the brother of Epstein, said is significant.</p><h2>Trump's unexplained, dramatic reversal on release of Epstein files leads to more questions</h2><p>The claims by Mark, a real estate developer, came even as the House voted on Tuesday (Nov 18) to release the files, and the Senate decided to move the bill to Trump's desk for signing it into law. The House vote followed an unexplained, dramatic U-turn by Trump, asking Republicans to vote in favour of releasing the files. Trump could have done that only after making sure that he and those close to him in the party would not be affected by the eventual release, whenever that happens.</p><p>Trump had been visibly annoyed by journalists’ questions on the issue, calling it a “Democrat hoax.” But he abruptly urged House Republicans to support the bipartisan bill forcing disclosure, which passed the House 427–1 on Tuesday.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/marjorie-taylor-greene-s-explosive-threat-on-epstein-files-if-those-names-reach-me-i-will-read-them-on-1763530324420">Marjorie Taylor Greene's EXPLOSIVE threat on Epstein Files: 'If those names reach me, I will read them on...'</a></p><h2>What did Mark Epstein, Jeffrey Epstein's younger brother, say on the Epstein files?</h2><p>In a NewsNation interview on Tuesday, Jeffrey’s younger brother Mark said that Republicans under the Trump administration were “scrubbing” or “sanitising” the Epstein files to remove Republican names before release. Mark expressed deep scepticism, claiming that the Trump reversal happened only because incriminating Republican references were being edited out.</p><p>“I’ve been recently told, the reason they’re going to be releasing the files and the reason for the flip is that they’re sabotaging these files... they’re scrubbing the files to take Republican names out.”</p><p>“The reason they’re gonna be releasing these things, the reason for the flip is that they’re sanitising these files,” Mark told the interviewer.&nbsp;</p><h2>Where are the Epstein files being ‘scrubbed’?</h2><p>In Mark Epstein’s telling, there is a facility in Winchester, Virginia where he said “they’re scrubbing the files to take Republican names out of it. That’s what I was told by a pretty good source.”</p><p>Mark cited this unnamed “pretty good source” for the claim about a Virginia facility handling the edits.</p><p>The younger Epstein also reiterated suspicions of broader cover-ups, allegedly involving FBI officials regarding Jeffrey’s death, although he did not provide evidence. Mark also alleged that his brother had “dirt” on Trump from 2016, without providing any specifics.</p><p>Mark’s claims fuelled further speculation, but there is no corroborating evidence from official sources to back up his words.&nbsp;</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-congress-approves-release-of-epstein-files-when-will-us-president-donald-trump-sign-the-bill-1763516986501">When will Trump sign the bill to release Epstein files? Here's what we know</a></p><h2>Epstein files: Will victims ever get closure?</h2><p>Trump, while indicating he would sign the bill, had insisted that Republicans have “nothing to hide.” But will we see anything new, or will the Epstein files be yet another hogwash?&nbsp;</p><p>Either way, it will decide whether Epstein’s dozens of child sexual abuse and trafficking victims will get justice and closure.</p>

Jeffrey Epstein's brother Mark Epstein has claimed that Republicans sanitised the Epstein files before release. Will the upcoming disclosures reveal anything substantial despite Trump’s sudden support for publication? Here are the possibilities

For all the hullabaloo around the hot potato called Epstein files, the final disclosures might not reveal much if and when the documents related to the late sex trafficker and paedophile Jeffrey Epstein are released to the public. Epstein's own brother has hinted at it, as have several conspiracy theorists online. There are four possibilities: A) The Republicans may have already scrubbed any name that could incriminate them or President Donald Trump. B) It could be a selective, politically motivated disclosure only naming Democrats and Trump foes. C) The Republicans and Democrats could have reached some kind of backroom deal or arrangement in which no big names from either party would be released. D) The disclosures might have so many redacted and classified sections that they would add nothing new to what is already known. In this context, what Mark Epstein, the brother of Epstein, said is significant. Trump's unexplained, dramatic reversal on release of Epstein files leads to more questions The claims by Mark, a real estate developer, came even as the House voted on Tuesday (Nov 18) to release the files, and the Senate decided to move the bill to Trump's desk for signing it into law. The House vote followed an unexplained, dramatic U-turn by Trump, asking Republicans to vote in favour of releasing the files. Trump could have done that only after making sure that he and those close to him in the party would not be affected by the eventual release, whenever that happens. Trump had been visibly annoyed by journalists’ questions on the issue, calling it a “Democrat hoax.” But he abruptly urged House Republicans to support the bipartisan bill forcing disclosure, which passed the House 427–1 on Tuesday. Also read: Marjorie Taylor Greene's EXPLOSIVE threat on Epstein Files: 'If those names reach me, I will read them on...' What did Mark Epstein, Jeffrey Epstein's younger brother, say on the Epstein files? In a NewsNation interview on Tuesday, Jeffrey’s younger brother Mark said that Republicans under the Trump administration were “scrubbing” or “sanitising” the Epstein files to remove Republican names before release. Mark expressed deep scepticism, claiming that the Trump reversal happened only because incriminating Republican references were being edited out. “I’ve been recently told, the reason they’re going to be releasing the files and the reason for the flip is that they’re sabotaging these files... they’re scrubbing the files to take Republican names out.” “The reason they’re gonna be releasing these things, the reason for the flip is that they’re sanitising these files,” Mark told the interviewer. Where are the Epstein files being ‘scrubbed’? In Mark Epstein’s telling, there is a facility in Winchester, Virginia where he said “they’re scrubbing the files to take Republican names out of it. That’s what I was told by a pretty good source.” Mark cited this unnamed “pretty good source” for the claim about a Virginia facility handling the edits. The younger Epstein also reiterated suspicions of broader cover-ups, allegedly involving FBI officials regarding Jeffrey’s death, although he did not provide evidence. Mark also alleged that his brother had “dirt” on Trump from 2016, without providing any specifics. Mark’s claims fuelled further speculation, but there is no corroborating evidence from official sources to back up his words. Also read: When will Trump sign the bill to release Epstein files? Here's what we know Epstein files: Will victims ever get closure? Trump, while indicating he would sign the bill, had insisted that Republicans have “nothing to hide.” But will we see anything new, or will the Epstein files be yet another hogwash? Either way, it will decide whether Epstein’s dozens of child sexual abuse and trafficking victims will get justice and closure.

<p>Jeffrey Epstein's brother Mark Epstein has claimed that Republicans sanitised the Epstein files before release. Will the upcoming disclosures reveal anything substantial despite Trump’s sudden support for publication? Here are the possibilities</p>

Epstein files to be a HOGWASH? His brother claims Republicans already cleaned it up. Will it be much ado about nothing?

<p>As Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman visits the United States on Tuesday (Nov 18), there are signs of bilateral engagements that point to intensifying security ties among Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the US. This raises the question of whether both Saudi Arabia and Pakistan could be used by Washington as vantage points for monitoring Iran. It also prompts a wider inquiry into what a Saudi–Pakistan–US security arrangement might mean for India. The Crown Prince’s visit is expected to cement the US–Saudi partnership even as the kingdom’s longstanding security ties with Pakistan remain well-known. These tracks could intersect when it comes to managing their shared regional rival, Iran. But where would India figure in all these?</p><h2>Setting the context: Saudi Crown Prince visit and growing US ties</h2><p>MBS’s visit might see the firming up of major Saudi investment commitments in the US economy. President Donald Trump has hinted that F-35 fighter jets and other advanced American defence equipment could be made available to Riyadh. Discussions around a Saudi civilian nuclear programme continue, alongside consultations on technological cooperation in artificial intelligence, energy infrastructure, and semiconductor supply chains. The White House is also pushing for Saudi–Israeli normalisation under the broader framework of the Abraham Accords, a process already underway in several Gulf and Arab states.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/donald-trump-in-saudi-arabia-meets-crown-prince-mbs-elon-musk-joins-in-for-vip-lunch-9064561">Donald Trump in Saudi Arabia, meets Crown Prince MBS; Elon Musk joins in for VIP lunch: See pics here</a></p><h2>Saudi–Pakistan strategic ties are firming up</h2><p>Meanwhile, Saudi-Pakistan cooperation took a dramatic step forward in September with the signing of the Saudi–Pakistan Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement. Coming in the aftermath of India–Pakistan tensions and Operation Sindoor - India’s response to the Pahalgam terror attack- &nbsp;the pact declared that an attack on either state would be treated as an attack on both, echoing the collective defence logic of NATO’s Article 5. Saudi Arabia faces ongoing threats from the Houthis in Yemen even as it seeks to balance Iran’s influence, and Pakistan continues to provide the kingdom with military training and manpower. Reports that Pakistani nuclear capabilities could be used to support Saudi deterrence, although officially denied, have contributed to the perception that Riyadh is developing fallback security options should its relationship with the US deteriorate. The Saudi-Pakistan pact had ruffled some feathers in India.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/starlink-tesla-optimus-and-more-why-was-elon-musk-in-saudi-arabia-during-trumps-west-asia-visit-9067875">Starlink, Tesla robots and more: Here's why Elon Musk accompanied Trump in his Saudi Arabia visit</a></p><h2>America's new interest in Pakistan: A useful nuisance</h2><p>Trump’s renewed interest in Pakistan adds a further layer of complexity to these arragements. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and its army chief Gen Asim Munir visited Washington recently for meetings centred on counterterrorism cooperation and the revival of military-to-military engagement. To India’s discomfort, these interactions signalled that the US continues to see strategic value in maintaining a working relationship with Islamabad.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-saudi-arabia-ties-saudi-crown-prince-to-visit-us-us-will-sell-f-35-jets-to-saudi-1763456903081/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-saudi-arabia-ties-saudi-crown-prince-to-visit-us-us-will-sell-f-35-jets-to-saudi-1763456903081/embed</a></p><h2>Iran remains a central concern for all three states</h2><p>Despite the Saudi–Iran détente that followed the 2023 agreement brokered by China, the two remain strategic adversaries divided by deep-rooted sectarian, geopolitical, and ideological differences. Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal, its nuclear programme, and the activities of Iranian-backed groups across the region are regarded by Saudi Arabia as long-term security challenges. Pakistan, for its part, has had a troubled history with Iran involving border instability, sectarian militancy, rivalry in Afghanistan, and mutual accusations of supporting militant actors. Although Pakistan maintains formal diplomatic ties with Tehran, its strategic alignment with Saudi Arabia is much stronger.</p><h2>Saudi Arabia is also &nbsp;attempting to reduce regional tensions&nbsp;</h2><p>Vision 2030 agenda, Mohammed bin Salman’s economic and social transformation plan requires a stable regional environment, which explains both the pursuit of détente with Iran and efforts to normalise ties with Israel in coordination with the US. Reducing the likelihood of major regional conflicts is a core priority for the kingdom’s long-term strategic trajectory.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-they-ve-been-a-great-ally-trump-teases-f-35-jet-sale-to-saudi-arabia-a-day-before-mohammed-bin-salman-meeting-1763433097070">'They've been a great ally': Trump teases F-35 jet sale to Saudi Arabia a day before Mohammed bin Salman meeting</a></p><h2>For India, a fast-shifting landscape demanding careful attention</h2><p>The Saudi–Pakistan defence pact initially created suspicion in New Delhi, as it theoretically could be invoked during a future India–Pakistan confrontation. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly assured India that its commitments to Pakistan are not directed against Indian interests. The kingdom maintains extensive economic ties with India: energy, investment, and throgh Indian expat workers. India also continues to maintain strong relations with the US despite recent fluctuations linked to American domestic politics and Trump's tariff tantrums. These diversified partnerships provide New Delhi with diplomatic leverage.</p><p>Nonetheless, India faces a more complex regional environment as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan strengthen their ties with Washington. For now, India retains both the political influence and economic capability to navigate a situation in which Saudi Arabia and Pakistan move closer to the United States. But a tighter embrace among the three could pose a problem in future.<br>&nbsp;</p>

Saudi Crown Prince MBS’s US visit boosts Saudi–US ties while Saudi–Pakistan defence links deepen and Pakistan-US relationship improves separately. India must watch this three-way relationship and how it could shift regional dynamics. Here is why


As Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman visits the United States on Tuesday (Nov 18), there are signs of bilateral engagements that point to intensifying security ties among Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the US. This raises the question of whether both Saudi Arabia and Pakistan could be used by Washington as vantage points for monitoring Iran. It also prompts a wider inquiry into what a Saudi–Pakistan–US security arrangement might mean for India. The Crown Prince’s visit is expected to cement the US–Saudi partnership even as the kingdom’s longstanding security ties with Pakistan remain well-known. These tracks could intersect when it comes to managing their shared regional rival, Iran. But where would India figure in all these? Setting the context: Saudi Crown Prince visit and growing US ties MBS’s visit might see the firming up of major Saudi investment commitments in the US economy. President Donald Trump has hinted that F-35 fighter jets and other advanced American defence equipment could be made available to Riyadh. Discussions around a Saudi civilian nuclear programme continue, alongside consultations on technological cooperation in artificial intelligence, energy infrastructure, and semiconductor supply chains. The White House is also pushing for Saudi–Israeli normalisation under the broader framework of the Abraham Accords, a process already underway in several Gulf and Arab states. Also read: Donald Trump in Saudi Arabia, meets Crown Prince MBS; Elon Musk joins in for VIP lunch: See pics here Saudi–Pakistan strategic ties are firming up Meanwhile, Saudi-Pakistan cooperation took a dramatic step forward in September with the signing of the Saudi–Pakistan Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement. Coming in the aftermath of India–Pakistan tensions and Operation Sindoor - India’s response to the Pahalgam terror attack- the pact declared that an attack on either state would be treated as an attack on both, echoing the collective defence logic of NATO’s Article 5. Saudi Arabia faces ongoing threats from the Houthis in Yemen even as it seeks to balance Iran’s influence, and Pakistan continues to provide the kingdom with military training and manpower. Reports that Pakistani nuclear capabilities could be used to support Saudi deterrence, although officially denied, have contributed to the perception that Riyadh is developing fallback security options should its relationship with the US deteriorate. The Saudi-Pakistan pact had ruffled some feathers in India. Also read: Starlink, Tesla robots and more: Here's why Elon Musk accompanied Trump in his Saudi Arabia visit America's new interest in Pakistan: A useful nuisance Trump’s renewed interest in Pakistan adds a further layer of complexity to these arragements. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and its army chief Gen Asim Munir visited Washington recently for meetings centred on counterterrorism cooperation and the revival of military-to-military engagement. To India’s discomfort, these interactions signalled that the US continues to see strategic value in maintaining a working relationship with Islamabad. https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-saudi-arabia-ties-saudi-crown-prince-to-visit-us-us-will-sell-f-35-jets-to-saudi-1763456903081/embed Iran remains a central concern for all three states Despite the Saudi–Iran détente that followed the 2023 agreement brokered by China, the two remain strategic adversaries divided by deep-rooted sectarian, geopolitical, and ideological differences. Iran’s ballistic missile arsenal, its nuclear programme, and the activities of Iranian-backed groups across the region are regarded by Saudi Arabia as long-term security challenges. Pakistan, for its part, has had a troubled history with Iran involving border instability, sectarian militancy, rivalry in Afghanistan, and mutual accusations of supporting militant actors. Although Pakistan maintains formal diplomatic ties with Tehran, its strategic alignment with Saudi Arabia is much stronger. Saudi Arabia is also attempting to reduce regional tensions Vision 2030 agenda, Mohammed bin Salman’s economic and social transformation plan requires a stable regional environment, which explains both the pursuit of détente with Iran and efforts to normalise ties with Israel in coordination with the US. Reducing the likelihood of major regional conflicts is a core priority for the kingdom’s long-term strategic trajectory. Also read: 'They've been a great ally': Trump teases F-35 jet sale to Saudi Arabia a day before Mohammed bin Salman meeting For India, a fast-shifting landscape demanding careful attention The Saudi–Pakistan defence pact initially created suspicion in New Delhi, as it theoretically could be invoked during a future India–Pakistan confrontation. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly assured India that its commitments to Pakistan are not directed against Indian interests. The kingdom maintains extensive economic ties with India: energy, investment, and throgh Indian expat workers. India also continues to maintain strong relations with the US despite recent fluctuations linked to American domestic politics and Trump's tariff tantrums. These diversified partnerships provide New Delhi with diplomatic leverage. Nonetheless, India faces a more complex regional environment as Saudi Arabia and Pakistan strengthen their ties with Washington. For now, India retains both the political influence and economic capability to navigate a situation in which Saudi Arabia and Pakistan move closer to the United States. But a tighter embrace among the three could pose a problem in future.

<p>Crown Prince MBS’s US visit boosts Saudi–US ties while Saudi–Pakistan defence links deepen and Pakistan-US relationship improves separately. India must watch this three-way relationship and how it could shift regional dynamics. Here is why<br>&nbsp;</p>

Crown Prince MBS US visit: Will Saudi–Pak–US relationships cause worry for India?

<p>In 2011, &nbsp;Indian Mujahideen was a familiar name for security agencies, who described it as India’s first truly domestic terrorist organisation. The group’s objective was to carry out bomb blasts across multiple Indian cities, and for several it succeeded, including in Delhi. Eventually, the NIA and other agencies arrested its leaders and dismantled its networks. At the time, many believed India had defeated domestic Islamist terrorism — home-grown plots carried out by radicalised individuals who, at least on the surface, did not have detailed operational links to global jihadist groups. Further investigations revealed that IM was not just domestic: It had backing from Pakistan-based groups and possibly its spy agency, ISI. Cut to 2025: An apparently accidental blast in Delhi’s Red Fort area on November 10 opened the eyes of security forces to a new era of domestically grown terrorism, this time with some help from neighbouring countries and global jihadist organisations.</p><h2>Indian Mujahideen and the crackdown on domestic terror</h2><p>Indian security agencies dismantled the Indian Mujahideen through a series of arrests, including its founder Yasin Bhatkal in 2013 and Abdul Subhan Qureshi in 2018. This was followed by a period of relative calm in major Indian cities, interrupted only by the large-scale cross-border terror attacks in Uri (2016) and Pulwama (2019) and Pehelgam attack this year, &nbsp;all attributed to Pakistan-based handlers. Indian Mujahideen, despite being described as a domestic group, was rooted in Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) networks. It received ideological, logistical, and some operational support from Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba and HuJI. Its bomb-making expertise and funding was tracked to Karachi and Gulf-based handlers.<br>Today, India is once again confronting a resurgence of a similar threat — but the new version looks different.</p><p>Also read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/delhi-blast-suspects-used-dead-drop-emails-to-plan-attacks-reveals-probe-1763220717682"> Delhi blast suspects used ‘dead drop’ emails to plan attacks, reveals probe</a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><h2>What’s same and what’s different about the new domestic terrorists?</h2><p>The most disturbing aspect of the new wave of Islamist domestic terrorism is how elusive these actors have been, and the fact that they consist of “white-collar terrorists” — doctors, lecturers, software engineers, clerics, and university students hiding in plain sight. Unlike the IM’s centralised Pakistan-linked structure, these new modules consist of self-radicalised professionals operating in decentralised sleeper cells. Their radicalisation is largely online, inspired by the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, without requiring them to physically travel to conflict zones or to Pakistan-based terror training camps.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-delhi-blast-probe-raids-at-several-locations-in-j-k-1763439792375/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-delhi-blast-probe-raids-at-several-locations-in-j-k-1763439792375/embed</a></p><h2>New domestic terrorists are adept at the use of technology</h2><p>Investigations show that many members of these modules maintained double lives, working as doctors, teachers, or tech professionals while quietly plotting attacks. They used a mix of old and new technologies: dead-drop emails, encrypted communications through WhatsApp, Telegram, Signal, Threema, and WhatsApp clones. They consumed and circulated online propaganda, often through dark web channels. Despite being fragmented, they established transnational linkages both online and offline. Support from handlers or aligned groups in Pakistan, and allegedly in Turkey, has also emerged in several investigations.</p><h2>Sleeper cells uncovered — but who was sleeping?</h2><p>While it must be acknowledged that alert security agencies have thwarted several potential attacks and arrested ISIS- and al-Qaeda-linked modules since the Delhi blast, one cannot ignore the question: how were these groups not detected earlier, especially as reports now indicate that the Delhi module had been plotting attacks for three years? The answer may be in how difficult it is to crack open these sleeper modules, because most of them are autonomous, decentralised and self-organised.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/delhi-blast-over-2-000-kashmiri-students-tenants-questioned-13k-cctv-footage-scanned-1763371739821">Delhi blast: Over 2,000 Kashmiri students, tenants questioned, 13k CCTV footage scanned</a></p><h2>The self-starter terrorist: A new breed of globally linked domestic extremist</h2><p>Once the genie was out of the bottle following the Faridabad raid and the Delhi blast, security agencies moved swiftly, disrupting ISIS-inspired cells from Hyderabad in the south to Kashmir in the north. The sheer number of professionals involved has shocked investigators: doctors, engineers, IT experts, and corporate executives. Many of them are believed to have self-radicalised on Telegram, dark web forums, and ISIS publications tailored to South Asia, such as “Voice of Hind”. Most operate autonomously with no need for the old model of crossing borders.<br>Funding appears to rely on hawala-based micro-transfers, online donations and cryptocurrency, rather than large foreign remittances.</p><h2>A pan-India threat: What the investigations revealed</h2><p>What is worrying is the near-national footprint of these groups. In the Pune–Thane region of Maharashtra, anaesthesiologist Dr Adnan Ali Sarkar and IT professional Tabish Siddiqui were charged with recruiting youth, manufacturing improvised explosive devices, and preparing to impose “Islamic rule” in India. Another conspirator, Rizwan Ali, was arrested in Lucknow after avoiding capture for months.<br>In Karnataka, a Ballari-based cell led by Minaj, alias Md Sulaiman, was found with sulphur, potassium nitrate, weapons, and ISIS literature, and is believed to have radicalised young men online. A Hyderabad-based suspect previously investigated for attempting to produce ricin poison has also resurfaced in ISIS-linked probes. In Tamil Nadu's Chennai, ISIS recruiter Abdul Basith was arrested for radicalising youth through restricted WhatsApp groups.</p><h2>The global reach of India’s domestic terrorists</h2><p>Despite many not having fought alongside foreign terrorist groups, the new domestic terrorists in India have demonstrated the ability to form transnational linkages. In Vizianagaram, Andhra Pradesh, accused operative Arif Husain is believed to have procured weapons through the Nepal border. A couple, including one person with an OCI (Overseas Citizen of India) card, was arrested in Nepal with suspected links to the Delhi blast module. International hideouts are also becoming part of their ecosystem. Pune conspirators Abdullah Faiyaz Shaikh and Talha Khan were detained after months of hiding in Indonesia.</p><h2>Delhi blast: Only the tip of the iceberg?</h2><p>The premature blast on November 10 is emblematic of this new threat. The bomber, Dr Umar Un Nabi, was an assistant professor of general medicine from Pulwama working at Al-Falah University in Faridabad. He was part of a Jaish-e-Mohammed-linked white-collar module of Kashmiri doctors radicalised online. Reports suggest the group had planned a series of blasts similar to the one at Red Fort for at least three years. Their aim was to deploy as many as 32 vehicles in serial VBIED (Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device) attacks.<br>Some members were in the process of modifying drones for Hamas-style strikes and experimenting with crude rocket fabrication. Jasir Bilal Wani, one of the arrested, is being described as a “drone technician”.<br>More than 2,900 kg of explosives seized in raids in Faridabad near Delhi revealed the shocking scale of the threat. While this seizure may have prevented a devastating chain of attacks, the accidental explosion at Nowgam police station during the handling of the seized material showed just how potent it was.</p><h2>Universities as operational hubs: The shift from the IM era to the white-collar module era</h2><p>At least in the Faridabad module, a university campus was used as an operational base, raising serious concerns about how deeply India’s professional and academic spaces have been infiltrated.</p><p>IM grew out of SIMI and had a hierarchical structure supported by handlers in Pakistan. Today’s domestic terrorist modules do not appear to have rigid structures or defined leadership. They form in online echo chambers. Radicalisation no longer requires madrassa networks or riot-linked grievances; it now happens through targeted digital propaganda. Jihad has been gamified for young Indian recruits.<br>While IM used basic emails and low-tech devices, the 2020s modules operate at the cutting edge of technology: encrypted apps, cryptocurrency-based funding, and carefully maintained digital invisibility.</p><h2>The new demographic of terror in India</h2><p>This is no longer a profile of angry, lower-middle-class youths with limited exposure. The new recruits are doctors, engineers, corporate employees, and university students — people with access to money, mobility, professional networks, and technical expertise.</p><p>Earlier, domestic groups depended heavily on Pakistan-based LeT, JeM, and HuJI for training and funding. While some links still exist, today’s cells pledge allegiance online to ISIS’s global caliphate or al-Qaeda’s Ghazwa-e-Hind vision, which refers to a theological narrative about the conquest of India. There is no proven direct physical contact with these groups, though Pakistan’s proxies and handlers may still exert influence. Operationally, however, the engine is domestic and self-driven.</p><h2>Islamist domestic terrorism never disappeared — it adapted</h2><p>All evidence points to a disturbing conclusion: domestic terrorism in India with global linkages never truly ended; it adapted to a new era. Its tactics have shifted dramatically. Instead of serial blasts in crowded markets, the new wave features suicide VBIEDs, drone experiments, rocket prototypes, and multi-city attack plans executed with professional precision. Long-term planning and sophisticated communication methods have made detection harder, especially as these operatives blend seamlessly into mainstream society.<br>India is now confronting a more sophisticated, decentralised, and transnational version of a monster once believed to be defeated — but clearly rising again.</p>

Domestically grown terrorism, the monster once thought defeated, is resurging in India. How is it different from the old avatars, like the Indian Mujahideen?

In 2011, Indian Mujahideen was a familiar name for security agencies, who described it as India’s first truly domestic terrorist organisation. The group’s objective was to carry out bomb blasts across multiple Indian cities, and for several it succeeded, including in Delhi. Eventually, the NIA and other agencies arrested its leaders and dismantled its networks. At the time, many believed India had defeated domestic Islamist terrorism — home-grown plots carried out by radicalised individuals who, at least on the surface, did not have detailed operational links to global jihadist groups. Further investigations revealed that IM was not just domestic: It had backing from Pakistan-based groups and possibly its spy agency, ISI. Cut to 2025: An apparently accidental blast in Delhi’s Red Fort area on November 10 opened the eyes of security forces to a new era of domestically grown terrorism, this time with some help from neighbouring countries and global jihadist organisations. Indian Mujahideen and the crackdown on domestic terror Indian security agencies dismantled the Indian Mujahideen through a series of arrests, including its founder Yasin Bhatkal in 2013 and Abdul Subhan Qureshi in 2018. This was followed by a period of relative calm in major Indian cities, interrupted only by the large-scale cross-border terror attacks in Uri (2016) and Pulwama (2019) and Pehelgam attack this year, all attributed to Pakistan-based handlers. Indian Mujahideen, despite being described as a domestic group, was rooted in Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) networks. It received ideological, logistical, and some operational support from Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba and HuJI. Its bomb-making expertise and funding was tracked to Karachi and Gulf-based handlers. Today, India is once again confronting a resurgence of a similar threat — but the new version looks different. Also read: Delhi blast suspects used ‘dead drop’ emails to plan attacks, reveals probe What’s same and what’s different about the new domestic terrorists? The most disturbing aspect of the new wave of Islamist domestic terrorism is how elusive these actors have been, and the fact that they consist of “white-collar terrorists” — doctors, lecturers, software engineers, clerics, and university students hiding in plain sight. Unlike the IM’s centralised Pakistan-linked structure, these new modules consist of self-radicalised professionals operating in decentralised sleeper cells. Their radicalisation is largely online, inspired by the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, without requiring them to physically travel to conflict zones or to Pakistan-based terror training camps. https://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-delhi-blast-probe-raids-at-several-locations-in-j-k-1763439792375/embed New domestic terrorists are adept at the use of technology Investigations show that many members of these modules maintained double lives, working as doctors, teachers, or tech professionals while quietly plotting attacks. They used a mix of old and new technologies: dead-drop emails, encrypted communications through WhatsApp, Telegram, Signal, Threema, and WhatsApp clones. They consumed and circulated online propaganda, often through dark web channels. Despite being fragmented, they established transnational linkages both online and offline. Support from handlers or aligned groups in Pakistan, and allegedly in Turkey, has also emerged in several investigations. Sleeper cells uncovered — but who was sleeping? While it must be acknowledged that alert security agencies have thwarted several potential attacks and arrested ISIS- and al-Qaeda-linked modules since the Delhi blast, one cannot ignore the question: how were these groups not detected earlier, especially as reports now indicate that the Delhi module had been plotting attacks for three years? The answer may be in how difficult it is to crack open these sleeper modules, because most of them are autonomous, decentralised and self-organised. Also read: Delhi blast: Over 2,000 Kashmiri students, tenants questioned, 13k CCTV footage scanned The self-starter terrorist: A new breed of globally linked domestic extremist Once the genie was out of the bottle following the Faridabad raid and the Delhi blast, security agencies moved swiftly, disrupting ISIS-inspired cells from Hyderabad in the south to Kashmir in the north. The sheer number of professionals involved has shocked investigators: doctors, engineers, IT experts, and corporate executives. Many of them are believed to have self-radicalised on Telegram, dark web forums, and ISIS publications tailored to South Asia, such as “Voice of Hind”. Most operate autonomously with no need for the old model of crossing borders. Funding appears to rely on hawala-based micro-transfers, online donations and cryptocurrency, rather than large foreign remittances. A pan-India threat: What the investigations revealed What is worrying is the near-national footprint of these groups. In the Pune–Thane region of Maharashtra, anaesthesiologist Dr Adnan Ali Sarkar and IT professional Tabish Siddiqui were charged with recruiting youth, manufacturing improvised explosive devices, and preparing to impose “Islamic rule” in India. Another conspirator, Rizwan Ali, was arrested in Lucknow after avoiding capture for months. In Karnataka, a Ballari-based cell led by Minaj, alias Md Sulaiman, was found with sulphur, potassium nitrate, weapons, and ISIS literature, and is believed to have radicalised young men online. A Hyderabad-based suspect previously investigated for attempting to produce ricin poison has also resurfaced in ISIS-linked probes. In Tamil Nadu's Chennai, ISIS recruiter Abdul Basith was arrested for radicalising youth through restricted WhatsApp groups. The global reach of India’s domestic terrorists Despite many not having fought alongside foreign terrorist groups, the new domestic terrorists in India have demonstrated the ability to form transnational linkages. In Vizianagaram, Andhra Pradesh, accused operative Arif Husain is believed to have procured weapons through the Nepal border. A couple, including one person with an OCI (Overseas Citizen of India) card, was arrested in Nepal with suspected links to the Delhi blast module. International hideouts are also becoming part of their ecosystem. Pune conspirators Abdullah Faiyaz Shaikh and Talha Khan were detained after months of hiding in Indonesia. Delhi blast: Only the tip of the iceberg? The premature blast on November 10 is emblematic of this new threat. The bomber, Dr Umar Un Nabi, was an assistant professor of general medicine from Pulwama working at Al-Falah University in Faridabad. He was part of a Jaish-e-Mohammed-linked white-collar module of Kashmiri doctors radicalised online. Reports suggest the group had planned a series of blasts similar to the one at Red Fort for at least three years. Their aim was to deploy as many as 32 vehicles in serial VBIED (Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device) attacks. Some members were in the process of modifying drones for Hamas-style strikes and experimenting with crude rocket fabrication. Jasir Bilal Wani, one of the arrested, is being described as a “drone technician”. More than 2,900 kg of explosives seized in raids in Faridabad near Delhi revealed the shocking scale of the threat. While this seizure may have prevented a devastating chain of attacks, the accidental explosion at Nowgam police station during the handling of the seized material showed just how potent it was. Universities as operational hubs: The shift from the IM era to the white-collar module era At least in the Faridabad module, a university campus was used as an operational base, raising serious concerns about how deeply India’s professional and academic spaces have been infiltrated. IM grew out of SIMI and had a hierarchical structure supported by handlers in Pakistan. Today’s domestic terrorist modules do not appear to have rigid structures or defined leadership. They form in online echo chambers. Radicalisation no longer requires madrassa networks or riot-linked grievances; it now happens through targeted digital propaganda. Jihad has been gamified for young Indian recruits. While IM used basic emails and low-tech devices, the 2020s modules operate at the cutting edge of technology: encrypted apps, cryptocurrency-based funding, and carefully maintained digital invisibility. The new demographic of terror in India This is no longer a profile of angry, lower-middle-class youths with limited exposure. The new recruits are doctors, engineers, corporate employees, and university students — people with access to money, mobility, professional networks, and technical expertise. Earlier, domestic groups depended heavily on Pakistan-based LeT, JeM, and HuJI for training and funding. While some links still exist, today’s cells pledge allegiance online to ISIS’s global caliphate or al-Qaeda’s Ghazwa-e-Hind vision, which refers to a theological narrative about the conquest of India. There is no proven direct physical contact with these groups, though Pakistan’s proxies and handlers may still exert influence. Operationally, however, the engine is domestic and self-driven. Islamist domestic terrorism never disappeared — it adapted All evidence points to a disturbing conclusion: domestic terrorism in India with global linkages never truly ended; it adapted to a new era. Its tactics have shifted dramatically. Instead of serial blasts in crowded markets, the new wave features suicide VBIEDs, drone experiments, rocket prototypes, and multi-city attack plans executed with professional precision. Long-term planning and sophisticated communication methods have made detection harder, especially as these operatives blend seamlessly into mainstream society. India is now confronting a more sophisticated, decentralised, and transnational version of a monster once believed to be defeated — but clearly rising again.

<p>Domestically grown terrorism, the monster once thought defeated, is resurging in India. How is it different from the old avatars, like the Indian Mujahideen?</p>

Return of domestic terrorism in India, this time with help from neighbours and global Jihadist groups

<p>Lenskart has joined a growing list of Indian companies that performed weakly on their stock market debut. This appears to be becoming a steady phenomenon: despite hype and lofty grey‑market premiums (GMP), the actual stock market showing of several IPOs is modest. The GMP — once considered a reliable predictor of listing performance — is proving less accurate. Is India’s IPO landscape shifting from irrational exuberance to investor scrutiny?</p><h2>LIC’s blockbuster IPO that turned into a dud</h2><p>Back in May 2022, the pandemic‑era investor euphoria ran into a reality check. LIC, the state‑owned insurance giant, listed at around ₹867 on the BSE — about 8.6 per cent below its issue price of ₹949. By the end of the trading day, shares settled at roughly ₹875. Earlier, its GMP had been quoted as high as ₹85, suggesting a possible listing at a premium — an expectation that was sharply reversed.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/boat-gets-regulatory-nod-for-ipo-aman-gupta-s-offer-for-sale-revealed-report-1761733594231">Boat gets regulatory nod for IPO, Aman Gupta's&nbsp;offer for sale revealed: Report</a></p><h2>The Lenskart IPO and flat returns</h2><p>Three years since the LIC shocker, Lenskart, backed by investor giants such as SoftBank, listed on November 10, only to emerge as a cautionary tale. The eyewear retailer had strong credentials going into the IPO: a 28.3× subscription, FY25 revenue of ₹66.53 billion (up 23 per cent), and a GMP that had peaked around ₹108. But, just before listing, the GMP collapsed to roughly ₹10. Lenskart’s shares opened at ₹395 on the NSE — 1.75 per cent below the ₹402 issue price — and closed the day at ₹404.55, barely +0.6 per cent. As of now, its share price hovers around ₹405, just 0.7 per cent above issue, a far cry from the earlier GMP-driven optimism.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/inside-india-s-ipo-boom-what-s-driving-record-breaking-listings-1762417418183/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/inside-india-s-ipo-boom-what-s-driving-record-breaking-listings-1762417418183/embed</a></p><h2>What Lenskart IPO tells us about Indian stock market</h2><p>Lenskart’s flat debut raises a stark question: is the IPO boom over, or are investors simply waking up? Compared with the frenetic market of 2021–22, when GMP often converted into 50 per cent+ listing gains, recent IPOs suggest a more cautious, measured investor mindset. In Lenskart’s case, despite aggressive bidding during subscription, the grey market cooled markedly before listing — implying that speculative FOMO - fear of missing out - may be waning.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/lg-electronics-to-bring-ipo-in-india-5-points-on-south-korean-giant-s-planned-offering-1757316356342">LG Electronics to bring IPO in India: 5 points on South Korean giant's planned offering</a></p><h2>Not all IPOs are disappointing, because…</h2><p>In spite of the waxing and waning, some IPOs have done well. For example, IREDA — the government-backed renewable energy financier — saw GMP near +37.5  per cent and went on to list at a 56.25  per cent premium from its ₹32 issue price. Since then, its shares have steadily moved, up to 365 per cent from issue price. This suggests that if fundamentals align — especially in policy-driven or growth sectors — patient, long-term investors can be rewarded.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/india-s-ipo-market-holds-firm-in-h1-2025-despite-global-jitters-says-ey-report-1752990788054">India’s IPO market holds firm in H1 2025 despite global jitters, says EY report</a></p><h2>GMP failed to translate into real gains</h2><p>Analysts had warned that Lenskart’s business model was capital-intensive and that returns on capital might remain modest. That caution seems justified now, as GMP failed to translate into real gains, reinforcing the idea that grey‑market premiums are poor proxies for long-term profitability.</p><p>In short, GMP may no longer be a sign of long-term strength of a company, with recent listings proving the clear disconnect. Investors — both retail and institutional — now appear to be focusing more on metrics such as revenue growth, cash flows, and profitability, rather than just hype.</p><h2>So, is the Indian IPO market dead?&nbsp;</h2><p>Not at all. But the era of “get-rich-quick” IPO plays, driven purely by GMP and marketing hype, seems to be fading. We may be entering a phase of greater market maturity, where capital flows are more discerning. Companies will need to price their IPOs more sensibly, and investors will need to exercise more discipline.</p><p>The Lenskart episode is not the death knell of IPOs, but it is a wake-up call.&nbsp;<br>&nbsp;</p>

India’s IPO market is maturing as GMP hype fades. Lenskart IPO resulted in modest listings, while IREDA's IPO soared. These mixed market response signals a shift from speculative frenzy to disciplined investing.

Lenskart has joined a growing list of Indian companies that performed weakly on their stock market debut. This appears to be becoming a steady phenomenon: despite hype and lofty grey‑market premiums (GMP), the actual stock market showing of several IPOs is modest. The GMP — once considered a reliable predictor of listing performance — is proving less accurate. Is India’s IPO landscape shifting from irrational exuberance to investor scrutiny? LIC’s blockbuster IPO that turned into a dud Back in May 2022, the pandemic‑era investor euphoria ran into a reality check. LIC, the state‑owned insurance giant, listed at around ₹867 on the BSE — about 8.6 per cent below its issue price of ₹949. By the end of the trading day, shares settled at roughly ₹875. Earlier, its GMP had been quoted as high as ₹85, suggesting a possible listing at a premium — an expectation that was sharply reversed. Also read: Boat gets regulatory nod for IPO, Aman Gupta's offer for sale revealed: Report The Lenskart IPO and flat returns Three years since the LIC shocker, Lenskart, backed by investor giants such as SoftBank, listed on November 10, only to emerge as a cautionary tale. The eyewear retailer had strong credentials going into the IPO: a 28.3× subscription, FY25 revenue of ₹66.53 billion (up 23 per cent), and a GMP that had peaked around ₹108. But, just before listing, the GMP collapsed to roughly ₹10. Lenskart’s shares opened at ₹395 on the NSE — 1.75 per cent below the ₹402 issue price — and closed the day at ₹404.55, barely +0.6 per cent. As of now, its share price hovers around ₹405, just 0.7 per cent above issue, a far cry from the earlier GMP-driven optimism. https://www.wionews.com/videos/inside-india-s-ipo-boom-what-s-driving-record-breaking-listings-1762417418183/embed What Lenskart IPO tells us about Indian stock market Lenskart’s flat debut raises a stark question: is the IPO boom over, or are investors simply waking up? Compared with the frenetic market of 2021–22, when GMP often converted into 50 per cent+ listing gains, recent IPOs suggest a more cautious, measured investor mindset. In Lenskart’s case, despite aggressive bidding during subscription, the grey market cooled markedly before listing — implying that speculative FOMO - fear of missing out - may be waning. Also read: LG Electronics to bring IPO in India: 5 points on South Korean giant's planned offering Not all IPOs are disappointing, because… In spite of the waxing and waning, some IPOs have done well. For example, IREDA — the government-backed renewable energy financier — saw GMP near +37.5  per cent and went on to list at a 56.25  per cent premium from its ₹32 issue price. Since then, its shares have steadily moved, up to 365 per cent from issue price. This suggests that if fundamentals align — especially in policy-driven or growth sectors — patient, long-term investors can be rewarded. Also read: India’s IPO market holds firm in H1 2025 despite global jitters, says EY report GMP failed to translate into real gains Analysts had warned that Lenskart’s business model was capital-intensive and that returns on capital might remain modest. That caution seems justified now, as GMP failed to translate into real gains, reinforcing the idea that grey‑market premiums are poor proxies for long-term profitability. In short, GMP may no longer be a sign of long-term strength of a company, with recent listings proving the clear disconnect. Investors — both retail and institutional — now appear to be focusing more on metrics such as revenue growth, cash flows, and profitability, rather than just hype. So, is the Indian IPO market dead? Not at all. But the era of “get-rich-quick” IPO plays, driven purely by GMP and marketing hype, seems to be fading. We may be entering a phase of greater market maturity, where capital flows are more discerning. Companies will need to price their IPOs more sensibly, and investors will need to exercise more discipline. The Lenskart episode is not the death knell of IPOs, but it is a wake-up call.

<p>India’s IPO market is maturing as GMP hype fades. Lenskart IPO resulted in modest listings, while IREDA's IPO soared. These mixed market response signals a shift from speculative frenzy to disciplined investing.<br>&nbsp;</p>

LIC to Lenskart: Is India’s IPO party over, or are investors growing up? Lessons and cautionary tales

<p>They say you don’t need to put a lid on a bucket full of crabs for fear of them escaping: they will just pull each other down and make sure none rises above the others. Something similar to this ‘crab mentality’ is happening in China’s economy. Intense competition is slowing growth across multiple sectors. Economists are describing this race to the bottom as ‘involution’, or ‘neijuan’ in Mandarin. Despite massive investment, Chinese companies report slower revenue growth, and workers face rising pressure for little gain. Here is what you should know about this phenomenon.</p><h2>What is involution? Self-defeating competition affecting Chinese firms</h2><p>China has launched an anti-involution campaign to curb overexpansion and enforce industry consolidation. Involution occurs when companies, workers, or industries invest heavily in resources and capital into a fixed or shrinking set of opportunities and sectors, resulting in diminishing returns, overcapacity, and little real progress. Firms engage in price wars, overproduction, leading to margin erosion. Workers face heavier workloads and credential inflation without corresponding wage or productivity gains. Weak domestic demand, excess capacity, and difficulty shifting from investment-led growth to consumption-driven models exacerbate the problem. Since the early 2020s, the term has been widely used to describe challenges in manufacturing, tech, real estate, and education.</p><h2>Factors that show China’s economy in involution: Slowing GDP growth</h2><p>China’s GDP growth is slowing despite heavy investment. Full-year growth for 2025 is projected at 4.8 per cent, below the 5 to 6 per cent target of previous years. The first quarter grew only 1.2 per cent, down from 1.6 per cent in the last quarter of 2024. Fixed-asset investment fell 0.5 per cent in the first nine months, the first decline in decades. Despite trillions of yuan in government stimulus, results have been minimal, as resources chase saturated markets, rather than creating new opportunities.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/china-s-industrial-profits-keep-shrinking-in-june-as-price-wars-take-a-toll-1753611669973">China’s industrial profits keep shrinking in June as price wars take a toll</a></p><h2>Chinese youth unemployment is surging</h2><p>As of August 2025, urban unemployment for people aged 16 to 24 reached nearly 19 per cent, up from 17.8 per cent in July. Millions of graduates face high-pressure, low-wage positions. Many take extra certifications and training, but the jobs simply do not exist. This creates a cycle of overwork, low wages and stress, leaving young workers trapped in intense competition with limited career progress.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/china-s-economic-growth-loses-steam-in-july-as-domestic-demand-weakens-1755233264488">China’s economic growth loses steam in July as domestic demand weakens</a></p><h2>The real estate sector is in crisis, adding to Chinese involution</h2><p>Between January and October 2025, property investments fell 14.7 per cent year-on-year, with new home sales projected to drop 8 per cent. Developers are offering deep discounts, while many projects remain unfinished. Distressed sales, where properties are sold at heavy markdowns, hit 22 per cent of all transactions in 2023–2024. Oversupply has pushed prices down, and local governments are burdened with debt. The sector, once a growth engine, is now caught in a self-defeating cycle of overbuilding and price decline.</p><h2>Industrial sectors show involution trends</h2><p>Electric vehicle, solar panel, and semiconductor production are operating below capacity due to weak demand. Price wars in these sectors eroded margins and profits for everyone involved. Retail sales growth is weak, and credit demand remains subdued. Deflationary pressures persist despite policy easing. China’s trade surplus reached 88 per cent of the 2024 record by September, but this masks domestic stagnation. Beijing has introduced measures to curb output in key industries for 2025–2026, which could slow investment further.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/china-s-economy-under-pressure-amid-trade-tension-1760287846568/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/china-s-economy-under-pressure-amid-trade-tension-1760287846568/embed</a></p><h2>Consumption is faltering as investment returns weaken</h2><p>Growth increasingly relies on exports and Chinese government support, both facing external pressures such as trade tensions with the US. Analysts call for structural reforms, including boosting household spending, clearing ‘zombie firms’—companies unable to cover debt with profits—and reducing overcapacity. Without these changes, China risks a prolonged slowdown.</p><p>China’s involution shows that more money, effort, and labour do not automatically produce more growth. The economy is moving faster but achieving slower returns, caught in a cycle that threatens stability and long-term prosperity.</p>

China’s economy is facing a unique phenomenon known as involution. It's a combination of slow  GDP growth, surge in youth unemployment, and overcapacity in sectors like real estate and electric vehicles. This is happening despite heavy investment and policy support. Here is what you should know.


They say you don’t need to put a lid on a bucket full of crabs for fear of them escaping: they will just pull each other down and make sure none rises above the others. Something similar to this ‘crab mentality’ is happening in China’s economy. Intense competition is slowing growth across multiple sectors. Economists are describing this race to the bottom as ‘involution’, or ‘neijuan’ in Mandarin. Despite massive investment, Chinese companies report slower revenue growth, and workers face rising pressure for little gain. Here is what you should know about this phenomenon. What is involution? Self-defeating competition affecting Chinese firms China has launched an anti-involution campaign to curb overexpansion and enforce industry consolidation. Involution occurs when companies, workers, or industries invest heavily in resources and capital into a fixed or shrinking set of opportunities and sectors, resulting in diminishing returns, overcapacity, and little real progress. Firms engage in price wars, overproduction, leading to margin erosion. Workers face heavier workloads and credential inflation without corresponding wage or productivity gains. Weak domestic demand, excess capacity, and difficulty shifting from investment-led growth to consumption-driven models exacerbate the problem. Since the early 2020s, the term has been widely used to describe challenges in manufacturing, tech, real estate, and education. Factors that show China’s economy in involution: Slowing GDP growth China’s GDP growth is slowing despite heavy investment. Full-year growth for 2025 is projected at 4.8 per cent, below the 5 to 6 per cent target of previous years. The first quarter grew only 1.2 per cent, down from 1.6 per cent in the last quarter of 2024. Fixed-asset investment fell 0.5 per cent in the first nine months, the first decline in decades. Despite trillions of yuan in government stimulus, results have been minimal, as resources chase saturated markets, rather than creating new opportunities. Also read: China’s industrial profits keep shrinking in June as price wars take a toll Chinese youth unemployment is surging As of August 2025, urban unemployment for people aged 16 to 24 reached nearly 19 per cent, up from 17.8 per cent in July. Millions of graduates face high-pressure, low-wage positions. Many take extra certifications and training, but the jobs simply do not exist. This creates a cycle of overwork, low wages and stress, leaving young workers trapped in intense competition with limited career progress. Also read: China’s economic growth loses steam in July as domestic demand weakens The real estate sector is in crisis, adding to Chinese involution Between January and October 2025, property investments fell 14.7 per cent year-on-year, with new home sales projected to drop 8 per cent. Developers are offering deep discounts, while many projects remain unfinished. Distressed sales, where properties are sold at heavy markdowns, hit 22 per cent of all transactions in 2023–2024. Oversupply has pushed prices down, and local governments are burdened with debt. The sector, once a growth engine, is now caught in a self-defeating cycle of overbuilding and price decline. Industrial sectors show involution trends Electric vehicle, solar panel, and semiconductor production are operating below capacity due to weak demand. Price wars in these sectors eroded margins and profits for everyone involved. Retail sales growth is weak, and credit demand remains subdued. Deflationary pressures persist despite policy easing. China’s trade surplus reached 88 per cent of the 2024 record by September, but this masks domestic stagnation. Beijing has introduced measures to curb output in key industries for 2025–2026, which could slow investment further. https://www.wionews.com/videos/china-s-economy-under-pressure-amid-trade-tension-1760287846568/embed Consumption is faltering as investment returns weaken Growth increasingly relies on exports and Chinese government support, both facing external pressures such as trade tensions with the US. Analysts call for structural reforms, including boosting household spending, clearing ‘zombie firms’—companies unable to cover debt with profits—and reducing overcapacity. Without these changes, China risks a prolonged slowdown. China’s involution shows that more money, effort, and labour do not automatically produce more growth. The economy is moving faster but achieving slower returns, caught in a cycle that threatens stability and long-term prosperity.

<p>China’s economy is facing a unique phenomenon known as involution. It's a combination of slow &nbsp;GDP growth, surge in youth unemployment, and overcapacity in sectors like real estate and electric vehicles. This is happening despite heavy investment and policy support.&nbsp;</p>

These 4 factors show China is facing a dangerous 'involution'. But what is it?

<p>People of Ecuador have voted against allowing foreign military bases in the Pacific nation, dealing a major setback to United States' ambitions in the region and contradicting the position of the country’s president, who supported such cooperation. In a national referendum held on Sunday, (Nov 16), nearly 60 per cent of voters rejected lifting the longstanding constitutional ban on foreign bases. Another proposal to convene a new constitution-drafting assembly was also rejected by similar margins. The results reflected public resistance to wide-ranging institutional reforms.</p><h2>Ecuador’s referendum rebuffs Noboa’s security rationale on foreign military bases</h2><p>The proposal to allow foreign military facilities was central to President Daniel Noboa’s security agenda. The referendum sought permission to overturn Article 5 of the 2008 constitution, which designates Ecuador as a territory of peace and prohibits the establishment of foreign military bases. The defeat of the proposal represents a significant political setback for Noboa, who came to power in 2023 and had attempted to link the measure to his broader anti-crime strategy in a country beset by gang violence.</p><p>Noboa had argued that Ecuador’s escalating drug-related violence required international support, particularly from the United States. He maintained that tackling transnational criminal networks demanded coordinated responses and described foreign military facilities or shared operations centres as essential tools. Allowing foreign bases, he said, would enhance intelligence sharing and counter-narcotics surveillance.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/from-taxi-driver-to-gang-lord-who-is-fito-ecuador-s-most-wanted-man-extradited-to-us-to-face-justice-1753072907835">From taxi driver to gang lord: Who is Fito, Ecuador's most wanted man extradited to US to face justice?</a></p><h2>The United States had a military base in Ecuador until 2009</h2><p>Before the 2008 constitution came into force, the United States operated a Forward Operating Location in Manta from 1999 until 2009. The American presence supported regional anti-drug surveillance flights until former President Rafael Correa refused to renew the agreement, citing sovereignty concerns. Noboa repeatedly invoked this earlier period of cooperation between Ecuador and the United States while campaigning for a Yes vote.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/ecuador-deadly-riots-rock-ecuadorian-prison-machala-facility-violence-1762778297341/embed">Ecuador: Deadly Riots Rock Ecuadorian Prison | Machala Facility Violence</a></p><h2>Ecuadorians favour sovereignty over foreign military presence</h2><p>Left-wing parties, including Correa’s Citizens’ Revolution, characterised the foreign military base proposal as an unacceptable intrusion on Ecuador’s national sovereignty. Opponents argued that allowing foreign military forces risked opening the door to greater US influence in Latin America. Regarding Ecuador’s security crisis, they insisted that solutions should be pursued domestically without compromising constitutional protections.</p><h2>Ecuador referendum: Strategic implications for the United States</h2><p>The referendum result is widely viewed as a lost opportunity for the United States to re-establish a strategic foothold on the Pacific coast. Reopening Manta would have strengthened US surveillance of drug trafficking routes across Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia. It would also have aligned with Washington’s broader interest in monitoring left-leaning governments in the region, including developments in Venezuela.</p><p>Since the closure of Manta in 2009, Ecuador has hosted no foreign military bases, and the referendum has firmly upheld the 2008 prohibition. Noboa accepted the results and pledged to continue combating organised crime with the tools currently available.</p>

Ecuador voters have rejected foreign military bases. This is a setback to President Noboa and US regional plans as the people of the Pacific nation chose national sovereignty over foreign presence. Here is why it matters


People of Ecuador have voted against allowing foreign military bases in the Pacific nation, dealing a major setback to United States' ambitions in the region and contradicting the position of the country’s president, who supported such cooperation. In a national referendum held on Sunday, (Nov 16), nearly 60 per cent of voters rejected lifting the longstanding constitutional ban on foreign bases. Another proposal to convene a new constitution-drafting assembly was also rejected by similar margins. The results reflected public resistance to wide-ranging institutional reforms. Ecuador’s referendum rebuffs Noboa’s security rationale on foreign military bases The proposal to allow foreign military facilities was central to President Daniel Noboa’s security agenda. The referendum sought permission to overturn Article 5 of the 2008 constitution, which designates Ecuador as a territory of peace and prohibits the establishment of foreign military bases. The defeat of the proposal represents a significant political setback for Noboa, who came to power in 2023 and had attempted to link the measure to his broader anti-crime strategy in a country beset by gang violence. Noboa had argued that Ecuador’s escalating drug-related violence required international support, particularly from the United States. He maintained that tackling transnational criminal networks demanded coordinated responses and described foreign military facilities or shared operations centres as essential tools. Allowing foreign bases, he said, would enhance intelligence sharing and counter-narcotics surveillance. Also read: From taxi driver to gang lord: Who is Fito, Ecuador's most wanted man extradited to US to face justice? The United States had a military base in Ecuador until 2009 Before the 2008 constitution came into force, the United States operated a Forward Operating Location in Manta from 1999 until 2009. The American presence supported regional anti-drug surveillance flights until former President Rafael Correa refused to renew the agreement, citing sovereignty concerns. Noboa repeatedly invoked this earlier period of cooperation between Ecuador and the United States while campaigning for a Yes vote. Also read: Ecuador: Deadly Riots Rock Ecuadorian Prison | Machala Facility Violence Ecuadorians favour sovereignty over foreign military presence Left-wing parties, including Correa’s Citizens’ Revolution, characterised the foreign military base proposal as an unacceptable intrusion on Ecuador’s national sovereignty. Opponents argued that allowing foreign military forces risked opening the door to greater US influence in Latin America. Regarding Ecuador’s security crisis, they insisted that solutions should be pursued domestically without compromising constitutional protections. Ecuador referendum: Strategic implications for the United States The referendum result is widely viewed as a lost opportunity for the United States to re-establish a strategic foothold on the Pacific coast. Reopening Manta would have strengthened US surveillance of drug trafficking routes across Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia. It would also have aligned with Washington’s broader interest in monitoring left-leaning governments in the region, including developments in Venezuela. Since the closure of Manta in 2009, Ecuador has hosted no foreign military bases, and the referendum has firmly upheld the 2008 prohibition. Noboa accepted the results and pledged to continue combating organised crime with the tools currently available.

<p>Ecuador voters have rejected foreign military bases. This is a setback to President Noboa and US regional plans as the people of the Pacific nation chose national sovereignty over foreign presence. Here is why it matters<br>&nbsp;</p>

This tiny nation gave a massive NO to foreign military bases, in huge setback for US regional plans

<p>The biggest loser of the Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 appears to be the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the party long associated with Lalu  Prasad  Yadav’s “Jungle Raj” legacy — a time of lawlessness and caste‑based mobilisation in the east Indian state. As results consolidate on Friday (Nov 14), one must ask: is this the end of the Lalu family’s political grip — Lalu himself, his wife Rabri Devi, and his sons Tejashwi and Tej Pratap — or simply a setback for now?</p><h2>How the numbers stack up after the Bihar election 2025 results</h2><p>The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — composed of BJP, JD(U), LJP (Ram Vilas), and smaller allies — is leading on over 200 out of 243 seats, comfortably clearing the majority threshold of 122. According to counting trends, BJP is leading on at least 89 seats, a rise of about 32 from 2020. JD(U) is at 81–83 seats, and LJP(RV) has surged from 1 seat in 2020 to around 20–21, a gain of 16.</p><p>By contrast, the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance), led by RJD, lags significantly. Its projected seat count is only 37–40, with RJD itself on track for a dire 27–28 seats — down 47 from its 75 in 2020. Congress is likely to win just about five seats, down from 19 in the last election. These are early trends, but they point to a dramatic collapse of the Mahagathbandhan alliance’s electoral influence.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/bihar-election-2025-results-prashant-kishor-poll-strategist-who-made-fortunes-for-many-parties-draws-blank-in-own-state-1763108516244">Bihar election 2025 results: Prashant Kishor, poll strategist who made fortunes for many parties, draws blank in own state</a></p><h2>Did Biharis vote the Lalu family out?</h2><p>With a record turnout of approximately 67.13 per cent, the highest in Bihar’s history, there was clearly strong voter engagement. But that energy did not translate into meaningful gains for the opposition. The Mahagathbandhan’s collapse suggests deep failure in opposition unity, and even the vigorous turnout could not convert into anti‑incumbency momentum.</p><p>RJD’s decline wipes out its former role as kingmaker — or potential king. In 2020, RJD’s strength forced Nitish Kumar to change alliances. In 2025, the NDA is projected to govern independently, effectively nullifying the informal veto power once held by the Lalu family.</p><p>But the story is not quite over. Despite its seat rout, RJD appears to have held on to roughly 23 per cent of the vote share, indicating that its core support among Muslim‑Yadav (MY) and backward caste voters remains largely intact. That suggests that while RJD could not match NDA’s superior caste arithmetic, skilful vote consolidation, and the fragmentation of the opposition, its social base has not completely eroded.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/bihar-election-2025-results-from-tiger-zinda-hai-to-nehru-s-birthday-nda-s-strong-lead-triggers-memefest-online-1763111640057">Bihar Election 2025 Results | From 'tiger zinda hai' to Nehru's birthday: NDA’s strong lead triggers memefest online</a></p><h2>Absolute dominance of Jungle Raj might be over</h2><p>The “Jungle Raj” era, roughly spanning 1990 to 2005, was characterised by Lalu Prasad Yadav’s unchallenged dominance of Bihar politics, along with his family. Even after he stopped being chief minister, he continued to exert influence — first through his wife Rabri Devi (who was CM from 1997 to 2005) and later from behind the scenes while RJD retained veto power in Bihar’s opposition politics.&nbsp;</p><p>In 2020, Tejashwi Yadav emerged as a youthful firebrand, leading RJD to 75 seats and becoming the single largest party. He campaigned on jobs and development, rekindling memories of his father’s social-justice politics. But in 2025, that momentum appears to have faltered.</p><p>RJD’s fall is tied to both strategic failures and internal strife. Nitish Kumar, boxed in by RJD’s rising influence, broke away to re-ally with the NDA, removing RJD from a position of leverage. Meanwhile, a very public family feud involving Tej Pratap Yadav, Lalu’s other son, did not help the RJD’s image or cohesion.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/bihar-election-results-nda-leads-mahagathbandhan-1763109502232/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/bihar-election-results-nda-leads-mahagathbandhan-1763109502232/embed</a></p><h2>No hand on the power pie, but RJD might still rise</h2><p>The 2025 election seems to have ended the Lalu family’s practical hold over Bihar’s machinery of power. Their shadow over government formation is now greatly diminished. But politically, RJD may not be dead yet. With its core vote bank still intact, it can regroup as a vocal opposition rather than a power broker.</p><p>If the NDA government stumbles on key fronts — jobs, welfare, caste-based promises — RJD may well regain relevance. And if tensions emerge within the NDA (given Nitish Kumar’s history of shifting alliances), there may still be space for Tejashwi or the RJD to re-emerge.</p><p>The ‘Jungle Raj’ may be over in practice, but the RJD itself is not yet extinct.</p>

Bihar’s 2025 assembly election verdict has ends the Lalu family’s political dominance, at least for now. NDA has crossed the 200-seat mark. But RJD’s core vote bank appears to be intact, leaving room for a future comeback


The biggest loser of the Bihar Assembly Elections 2025 appears to be the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), the party long associated with Lalu  Prasad  Yadav’s “Jungle Raj” legacy — a time of lawlessness and caste‑based mobilisation in the east Indian state. As results consolidate on Friday (Nov 14), one must ask: is this the end of the Lalu family’s political grip — Lalu himself, his wife Rabri Devi, and his sons Tejashwi and Tej Pratap — or simply a setback for now? How the numbers stack up after the Bihar election 2025 results The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — composed of BJP, JD(U), LJP (Ram Vilas), and smaller allies — is leading on over 200 out of 243 seats, comfortably clearing the majority threshold of 122. According to counting trends, BJP is leading on at least 89 seats, a rise of about 32 from 2020. JD(U) is at 81–83 seats, and LJP(RV) has surged from 1 seat in 2020 to around 20–21, a gain of 16. By contrast, the Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance), led by RJD, lags significantly. Its projected seat count is only 37–40, with RJD itself on track for a dire 27–28 seats — down 47 from its 75 in 2020. Congress is likely to win just about five seats, down from 19 in the last election. These are early trends, but they point to a dramatic collapse of the Mahagathbandhan alliance’s electoral influence. Also read: Bihar election 2025 results: Prashant Kishor, poll strategist who made fortunes for many parties, draws blank in own state Did Biharis vote the Lalu family out? With a record turnout of approximately 67.13 per cent, the highest in Bihar’s history, there was clearly strong voter engagement. But that energy did not translate into meaningful gains for the opposition. The Mahagathbandhan’s collapse suggests deep failure in opposition unity, and even the vigorous turnout could not convert into anti‑incumbency momentum. RJD’s decline wipes out its former role as kingmaker — or potential king. In 2020, RJD’s strength forced Nitish Kumar to change alliances. In 2025, the NDA is projected to govern independently, effectively nullifying the informal veto power once held by the Lalu family. But the story is not quite over. Despite its seat rout, RJD appears to have held on to roughly 23 per cent of the vote share, indicating that its core support among Muslim‑Yadav (MY) and backward caste voters remains largely intact. That suggests that while RJD could not match NDA’s superior caste arithmetic, skilful vote consolidation, and the fragmentation of the opposition, its social base has not completely eroded. Also read: Bihar Election 2025 Results | From 'tiger zinda hai' to Nehru's birthday: NDA’s strong lead triggers memefest online Absolute dominance of Jungle Raj might be over The “Jungle Raj” era, roughly spanning 1990 to 2005, was characterised by Lalu Prasad Yadav’s unchallenged dominance of Bihar politics, along with his family. Even after he stopped being chief minister, he continued to exert influence — first through his wife Rabri Devi (who was CM from 1997 to 2005) and later from behind the scenes while RJD retained veto power in Bihar’s opposition politics. In 2020, Tejashwi Yadav emerged as a youthful firebrand, leading RJD to 75 seats and becoming the single largest party. He campaigned on jobs and development, rekindling memories of his father’s social-justice politics. But in 2025, that momentum appears to have faltered. RJD’s fall is tied to both strategic failures and internal strife. Nitish Kumar, boxed in by RJD’s rising influence, broke away to re-ally with the NDA, removing RJD from a position of leverage. Meanwhile, a very public family feud involving Tej Pratap Yadav, Lalu’s other son, did not help the RJD’s image or cohesion. https://www.wionews.com/videos/bihar-election-results-nda-leads-mahagathbandhan-1763109502232/embed No hand on the power pie, but RJD might still rise The 2025 election seems to have ended the Lalu family’s practical hold over Bihar’s machinery of power. Their shadow over government formation is now greatly diminished. But politically, RJD may not be dead yet. With its core vote bank still intact, it can regroup as a vocal opposition rather than a power broker. If the NDA government stumbles on key fronts — jobs, welfare, caste-based promises — RJD may well regain relevance. And if tensions emerge within the NDA (given Nitish Kumar’s history of shifting alliances), there may still be space for Tejashwi or the RJD to re-emerge. The ‘Jungle Raj’ may be over in practice, but the RJD itself is not yet extinct.

<p>Bihar’s 2025 assembly election verdict has ends the Lalu family’s political dominance, at least for now. NDA has crossed the 200-seat mark. But RJD’s core vote bank appears to be intact, leaving room for a future comebac.<br>&nbsp;</p>

Bihar Election Results 2025 Analysis: Is ‘Jungle Raj’ era of Lalu family rule over, or is it too early to write off RJD?

<p>One of the most surprising rising stars of the 2025 Bihar Assembly election is Chirag Paswan. The man who once struggled both as an actor and a politician, has now emerged from the long shadow of his late father, Ram Vilas Paswan, who was a towering figure at the Centre and in the east Indian state. With victories or leads in most of the 29 seats his party LJP (RV) contested, Chirag is now one of the most important figures shaping Bihar’s political destiny.</p><h2>Who is Chirag Paswan?</h2><p>Born on 31 October 1982 in Bihar, Chirag made an early attempt at a film career before plunging full-time into politics. The current Union Minister of Food Processing Industries acted in the 2011 Bollywood film <i>Miley Naa Miley Hum</i>, which failed at the box office. He had left his computer engineering studies midway to pursue acting. Once dismissed by senior politicians as inexperienced and overly dependent on his father’s legacy, Chirag metamorphosed into one of Bihar’s most agile tacticians.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/bihar-election-2025-results-from-tejashwi-yadav-tej-pratap-to-maithili-thakur-khesari-lal-top-faces-to-who-won-and-who-lost-1763091784464">Bihar Election 2025 Results | From Tejashwi Yadav, Tej Pratap to Maithili Thakur, Khesari Lal - Top seats to watch out - Who's leading, who's trailing</a></p><h2>Chirag’s waxing and waning relationship with the NDA</h2><p>Chirag's father Ram Vilas Paswan, a champion of some of Bihar’s most marginalised castes, allied with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) multiple times during his long political career, including joining the Modi-led NDA government in 2014. Chirag entered politics ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won the Jamui parliamentary seat as an NDA candidate. His greatest strength was his father’s organisational network within the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP). By 2019, Chirag shifted to Hajipur, the constituency closely associated with his father. Known to be close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chirag has often been referred to as “Modi’s Hanuman.” But in 2020, the LJP left NDA over seat-sharing disagreements in the Bihar Assembly elections.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/live-bihar-election-2025-verdict-tejaswi-yadav-raghopur-maithili-thakur-alinagar-anant-singh-mokama-mangal-pandey-siwan-key-seats-winners-key-battles-1763100723993">Bihar election verdict: Siwan, Alinagar, Raghopur and more - Key battles and their noteworthy winners LIVE</a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><h2>How Chirag survived a family coup: The LJP split and formation of LJP (RV)</h2><p>In 2021, Chirag faced the most critical challenge to his leadership following his father’s death in 2020. His uncle, Pashupati Kumar Paras, led five of the LJP’s six parliamentarians in a dramatic coup, removing Chirag from the party’s parliamentary leadership. Chirag claimed that the rebellion was engineered by rivals in the Janata Dal - United or JD(U), while the Paras camp alleged that Chirag concentrated too much power with himself. Eventually, the Election Commission intervened, freezing the original party symbol, the bungalow. Both factions were forced to start afresh. Chirag’s group became the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) or LJP (RV) with the helicopter symbol, while Paras formed the Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party (RLJP) with the sewing machine symbol.&nbsp;</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/bihar-election-results-2025-live-madhepura-mokama-siwan-who-won-the-high-voltage-fights-1763104330392">Bihar election results 2025 LIVE: Madhepura, Mokama, Siwan - Who won the high voltage fights?</a></p><h2>Inner-party tussles cost LJP dearly in 2020</h2><p>The inner-party tussles were damaging for LJP and Chirag in the 2020 Bihar Assembly election. The undivided LJP under Chirag had contested 137 seats - all alone - but won only one.&nbsp;</p><p>Slowly, however, Chirag rebuilt his organisation. Chirag embarked on a highly symbolic “aashirvaad yatra” to reclaim his father’s legacy after surviving the internecine party war. He reasserted his authority by retaking the old party bungalow at 12 Janpath in New Delhi.</p><p>In 2024, he rejoined the NDA, which he had left in 2020 over seat-sharing disagreements.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/bihar-elections-nitish-kumar-s-nda-ahead-in-bihar-election-early-trends-1763105010827/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/bihar-elections-nitish-kumar-s-nda-ahead-in-bihar-election-early-trends-1763105010827/embed</a></p><h2>Chirag appeals to both Dalits and the youth</h2><p>Between 2020 and 2025, Chirag positioned himself as a champion of Dalits, historically among the most excluded groups in India’s caste system, while also cultivating an energetic youth following. In the NDA’s 2025 seat-sharing negotiations, he secured 29 seats for LJP(RV). This proved a targeted and effective strategy: instead of contesting widely, the party focused on core strongholds. The results are now visible. At the time of writing, his party is leading in more than 20 seats, several of them by comfortable margins.</p><h2>A force to reckon with: Chirag will now get an important place in the NDA</h2><p>Chirag is no longer a junior partner in the NDA alliance. Once overlooked, he has emerged as a master strategist and a regional force to reckon with. In short, Chirag Paswan is the X factor of the 2025 Bihar elections.</p>

Chirag Paswan has emerged as the X factor in Bihar after the assembly elections. He has risen from a failed actor to master strategist, leading LJP(RV) to a major role in Bihar. 

One of the most surprising rising stars of the 2025 Bihar Assembly election is Chirag Paswan. The man who once struggled both as an actor and a politician, has now emerged from the long shadow of his late father, Ram Vilas Paswan, who was a towering figure at the Centre and in the east Indian state. With victories or leads in most of the 29 seats his party LJP (RV) contested, Chirag is now one of the most important figures shaping Bihar’s political destiny. Who is Chirag Paswan? Born on 31 October 1982 in Bihar, Chirag made an early attempt at a film career before plunging full-time into politics. The current Union Minister of Food Processing Industries acted in the 2011 Bollywood film Miley Naa Miley Hum, which failed at the box office. He had left his computer engineering studies midway to pursue acting. Once dismissed by senior politicians as inexperienced and overly dependent on his father’s legacy, Chirag metamorphosed into one of Bihar’s most agile tacticians. Also read: Bihar Election 2025 Results | From Tejashwi Yadav, Tej Pratap to Maithili Thakur, Khesari Lal - Top seats to watch out - Who's leading, who's trailing Chirag’s waxing and waning relationship with the NDA Chirag's father Ram Vilas Paswan, a champion of some of Bihar’s most marginalised castes, allied with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) multiple times during his long political career, including joining the Modi-led NDA government in 2014. Chirag entered politics ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won the Jamui parliamentary seat as an NDA candidate. His greatest strength was his father’s organisational network within the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP). By 2019, Chirag shifted to Hajipur, the constituency closely associated with his father. Known to be close to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Chirag has often been referred to as “Modi’s Hanuman.” But in 2020, the LJP left NDA over seat-sharing disagreements in the Bihar Assembly elections. Also read: Bihar election verdict: Siwan, Alinagar, Raghopur and more - Key battles and their noteworthy winners LIVE How Chirag survived a family coup: The LJP split and formation of LJP (RV) In 2021, Chirag faced the most critical challenge to his leadership following his father’s death in 2020. His uncle, Pashupati Kumar Paras, led five of the LJP’s six parliamentarians in a dramatic coup, removing Chirag from the party’s parliamentary leadership. Chirag claimed that the rebellion was engineered by rivals in the Janata Dal - United or JD(U), while the Paras camp alleged that Chirag concentrated too much power with himself. Eventually, the Election Commission intervened, freezing the original party symbol, the bungalow. Both factions were forced to start afresh. Chirag’s group became the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) or LJP (RV) with the helicopter symbol, while Paras formed the Rashtriya Lok Janshakti Party (RLJP) with the sewing machine symbol. Also read: Bihar election results 2025 LIVE: Madhepura, Mokama, Siwan - Who won the high voltage fights? Inner-party tussles cost LJP dearly in 2020 The inner-party tussles were damaging for LJP and Chirag in the 2020 Bihar Assembly election. The undivided LJP under Chirag had contested 137 seats - all alone - but won only one. Slowly, however, Chirag rebuilt his organisation. Chirag embarked on a highly symbolic “aashirvaad yatra” to reclaim his father’s legacy after surviving the internecine party war. He reasserted his authority by retaking the old party bungalow at 12 Janpath in New Delhi. In 2024, he rejoined the NDA, which he had left in 2020 over seat-sharing disagreements. https://www.wionews.com/videos/bihar-elections-nitish-kumar-s-nda-ahead-in-bihar-election-early-trends-1763105010827/embed Chirag appeals to both Dalits and the youth Between 2020 and 2025, Chirag positioned himself as a champion of Dalits, historically among the most excluded groups in India’s caste system, while also cultivating an energetic youth following. In the NDA’s 2025 seat-sharing negotiations, he secured 29 seats for LJP(RV). This proved a targeted and effective strategy: instead of contesting widely, the party focused on core strongholds. The results are now visible. At the time of writing, his party is leading in more than 20 seats, several of them by comfortable margins. A force to reckon with: Chirag will now get an important place in the NDA Chirag is no longer a junior partner in the NDA alliance. Once overlooked, he has emerged as a master strategist and a regional force to reckon with. In short, Chirag Paswan is the X factor of the 2025 Bihar elections.

<p>Chirag Paswan has emerged as the X factor in Bihar after the assembly elections. He has risen from a failed actor to master strategist, leading LJP(RV) to a major role in Bihar after emerging out of the shadow of his late father, Ram Vilas Paswan. Here is his story</p>

Chirag Paswan's stupendous rise from forgotten actor to master strategist : Bihar Assembly Election Results 2025

<p>South Africa, the host of the G20 Summit, is brushing aside the boycott by the US from the event in Johannesburg on November 22-23, with President Cyril Ramaphosa saying it is “their loss.” President Donald Trump has ordered a full American boycott of all the G20 events including the summit, being held for the first time on African soil. The US pullout means no delegation will attend either. Speaking about it on Thursday (Nov 13), Ramaphosa said, “In the end we will take fundamental decisions… and their absence is their loss.”</p><h2>Why is the US staying away from G20 events in South Africa?</h2><p>For months now, Trump has alleged human-rights abuses against South Africa's white Afrikaner minority, which he and some of his supporters have termed as “white genocide.” The &nbsp;allegations are on land reform and violent attacks allegedly targeting descendants of European settlers, including Dutch, German, and French ancestry, who arrived in South Africa during colonial times. Trump, whose country will hold the next G20 presidency in 2026, called the Johannesburg summit “a total disgrace.”</p><h2>What’s behind the “white genocide” and land reform row?</h2><p>Trump and his administration claim that white farmers in South Africa are being systematically persecuted, alleging that their land is being confiscated, farms illegally taken, and people killed. South Africa has rejected these claims, stating that there is no evidence of a coordinated campaign of violence or racial genocide targeting white communities. Independent data does not support the notion of “white genocide” either. Right-wing US media have amplified these claims.</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/who-are-the-afrikaners-the-story-of-south-africas-white-tribe-that-trump-claims-facing-a-genocide-wion-explains-9076964">Who are the Afrikaners? Story of South Africa's white tribe that Trump claims 'facing a genocide' | WION Explains</a></p><h2>Other ideological issues over the G20 summit: From climate to diversity</h2><p>American officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, have criticised the summit’s themes of “Solidarity, Equality, Sustainability” as “anti-American.” From the US perspective, these themes promote climate action, which Trump has dismissed as a hoax, and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programmes, which his administration has opposed. South Africa dismissed what it called “imperialist interference” and accused the US of using race-based grievances to undermine the Global South’s voice.</p><h2>Is the US absence from G20 really its loss?</h2><p>Observers say that the absence of the world’s largest economy from one of the biggest international summits weakens US leverage in multilateral fora. It also gives space for rivals such as China and Russia, both members of the G20, to fill the gap. The absence of the US is being seen as a signal of disengagement from collective global governance.</p><p>Also : <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-it-s-not-only-white-farmers-south-africa-s-richest-man-rebukes-trump-s-claims-of-racial-persecution-and-white-genocide-1747916026806">'It's not only white farmers': South Africa's richest man rebukes Trump's claims of racial persecution and 'white genocide'</a></p><h2>The US–South Africa relationship is at its lowest ebb</h2><p>In recent months, Pretoria expelled the US ambassador following harsh US criticism. The G20 boycott adds another layer to the worst estrangement between the two countries since the end of Apartheid. With the US scheduled to host the G20 in 2026, the Johannesburg summit may mark a turning point in US global engagement and prestige. Ramaphosa’s message is clear: the US may want to sit out, but the G20 show will go on, &nbsp;and Washington is the loser.</p>

South Africa's Ramaphosa called the US absence from G20 summit “their loss”. Trump pulled out the US from G20 events over alleged white genocide and other issues. Here is an overview of developments

South Africa, the host of the G20 Summit, is brushing aside the boycott by the US from the event in Johannesburg on November 22-23, with President Cyril Ramaphosa saying it is “their loss.” President Donald Trump has ordered a full American boycott of all the G20 events including the summit, being held for the first time on African soil. The US pullout means no delegation will attend either. Speaking about it on Thursday (Nov 13), Ramaphosa said, “In the end we will take fundamental decisions… and their absence is their loss.” Why is the US staying away from G20 events in South Africa? For months now, Trump has alleged human-rights abuses against South Africa's white Afrikaner minority, which he and some of his supporters have termed as “white genocide.” The allegations are on land reform and violent attacks allegedly targeting descendants of European settlers, including Dutch, German, and French ancestry, who arrived in South Africa during colonial times. Trump, whose country will hold the next G20 presidency in 2026, called the Johannesburg summit “a total disgrace.” What’s behind the “white genocide” and land reform row? Trump and his administration claim that white farmers in South Africa are being systematically persecuted, alleging that their land is being confiscated, farms illegally taken, and people killed. South Africa has rejected these claims, stating that there is no evidence of a coordinated campaign of violence or racial genocide targeting white communities. Independent data does not support the notion of “white genocide” either. Right-wing US media have amplified these claims. Also read: Who are the Afrikaners? Story of South Africa's white tribe that Trump claims 'facing a genocide' | WION Explains Other ideological issues over the G20 summit: From climate to diversity American officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, have criticised the summit’s themes of “Solidarity, Equality, Sustainability” as “anti-American.” From the US perspective, these themes promote climate action, which Trump has dismissed as a hoax, and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programmes, which his administration has opposed. South Africa dismissed what it called “imperialist interference” and accused the US of using race-based grievances to undermine the Global South’s voice. Is the US absence from G20 really its loss? Observers say that the absence of the world’s largest economy from one of the biggest international summits weakens US leverage in multilateral fora. It also gives space for rivals such as China and Russia, both members of the G20, to fill the gap. The absence of the US is being seen as a signal of disengagement from collective global governance. Also : 'It's not only white farmers': South Africa's richest man rebukes Trump's claims of racial persecution and 'white genocide' The US–South Africa relationship is at its lowest ebb In recent months, Pretoria expelled the US ambassador following harsh US criticism. The G20 boycott adds another layer to the worst estrangement between the two countries since the end of Apartheid. With the US scheduled to host the G20 in 2026, the Johannesburg summit may mark a turning point in US global engagement and prestige. Ramaphosa’s message is clear: the US may want to sit out, but the G20 show will go on, and Washington is the loser.

<p>South Africa's Ramaphosa called the US absence from G20 summit “their loss”. Trump pulled out the US from G20 events over alleged white genocide and other issues. Here is an overview of developments</p>

'Their loss,' says Ramaphosa on US absence from G20 summit, but what’s behind Trump’s boycott? ‘White Genocide’, diversity, climate and more

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