Chinese leader Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin will hold a virtual summit on December 15 to discuss bilateral relations and international issues, amid tensions on Russia-Ukraine border.

President Xi and Putin to hold talks amid rising tensions on Russia-Ukraine border

Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin will hold a virtual summit on December 15 to discuss bilateral relations and international issues.

Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin to hold virtual summit on December 15

A new report has revealed that due to the decline in China's power&nbsp;in the Indo-Pacific region, there is a ''significant risk of war.''

Sydney-based foreign policy think tank, the Lowy Institute has released an index of 26 countries, ranking them according to their power and control in the region.

Called the Asia Power Index, the index has shed light on how the coronavirus pandemic has reduced the relative power of Beijing.

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-chinese-embassy-in-meltdown-over-wion-report-432849/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

''Whether the emerging balance of military power contributes to deterrence and strategic stability in the Indo-Pacific is an open question," the report said.

"The depth of hostilities, the breadth of US-China competition, and the presence of multiple potential flashpoints mean the risk of war is significant."

Lampooning China's strong arm-tactics, US President Biden's top Pacific envoy Kurt Campbell accused Beijing of being engaged in "really dramatic economic warfare.''

Also see |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/arms-deal-in-2021-how-major-powers-realigned-the-military-landscape-434045">Arms deal in 2021: How major powers realigned the military landscape</a>

The US envoy said that under President Xi Jinping, China has become "more risk acceptant, more assertive, more determined to basically take steps that other countries would view as coercive".

According to project director Herve Lemahieu, “The mix of emotional qualities can result in miscommunication and unintended conflict that leads to war.”

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-should-be-prepared-of-terrible-consequences-if-it-precipitates-crisis-in-taiwan-says-blinken-433986" hreflang="en">China should be prepared of 'terrible consequences' if it precipitates crisis in Taiwan, says Blinken</a>

"Beijing is now less likely to pull ahead of its peer competitor in comprehensive power by the end of the decade – this suggests that there is nothing inevitable about China's rise in the world," the report said.

"It appears very unlikely China will ever be as dominant as the United States once was."

Over the last two years, China has introduced a raft of punitive sanctions on Australian goods in a fierce political dispute that has frozen ministerial contacts and plunged relations into the most serious crisis since the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989.

It happened after Canberra called for an independent investigation into the origins of the coronavirus.

In 2018, Australia banned Chinese tech giant Huawei Technologies Co from its 5G telecommunications network.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

A new report has revealed that due to the decline in China's power in the Indo-Pacific region, there is a ''significant risk of war.'' Sydney-based foreign policy think tank, the Lowy Institute has released an index of 26 countries, ranking them according to their power and control in the region.

A new report has revealed that due to the decline in China's power in the Indo-Pacific region, there is a ''significant risk of war.'' Sydney-based foreign policy think tank, the Lowy Institute has released an index of 26 countries, ranking them according to their power and control in the region. Called the Asia Power Index, the index has shed light on how the coronavirus pandemic has reduced the relative power of Beijing. ''Whether the emerging balance of military power contributes to deterrence and strategic stability in the Indo-Pacific is an open question," the report said. "The depth of hostilities, the breadth of US-China competition, and the presence of multiple potential flashpoints mean the risk of war is significant." Lampooning China's strong arm-tactics, US President Biden's top Pacific envoy Kurt Campbell accused Beijing of being engaged in "really dramatic economic warfare.'' Also see | Arms deal in 2021: How major powers realigned the military landscape The US envoy said that under President Xi Jinping, China has become "more risk acceptant, more assertive, more determined to basically take steps that other countries would view as coercive". According to project director Herve Lemahieu, “The mix of emotional qualities can result in miscommunication and unintended conflict that leads to war.” Also read | China should be prepared of 'terrible consequences' if it precipitates crisis in Taiwan, says Blinken "Beijing is now less likely to pull ahead of its peer competitor in comprehensive power by the end of the decade – this suggests that there is nothing inevitable about China's rise in the world," the report said. "It appears very unlikely China will ever be as dominant as the United States once was." Over the last two years, China has introduced a raft of punitive sanctions on Australian goods in a fierce political dispute that has frozen ministerial contacts and plunged relations into the most serious crisis since the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. It happened after Canberra called for an independent investigation into the origins of the coronavirus. In 2018, Australia banned Chinese tech giant Huawei Technologies Co from its 5G telecommunications network. (With inputs from agencies)

'Significant' risk of war as China's power declines in Indo-Pacific: Report

Japan's former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe warned Xi Jinping against invading Taiwan, saying it would be economic suicide. What explains Japan's growing ties with Taiwan? Will it be enough to deter China's ambitions? Palki Sharma tells you.

Gravitas: Japan's former PM warns China over Taiwan

A major leak from Beijing has exposed Chinese President Xi Jinping. Files bearing the classification "secret" and "top secret" reveal how the Chinese President ordered the genocide against the Uighurs in Xinjiang. Palki Sharma tells you more.

Gravitas: Xi Jinping ordered the Genocide against Uighurs

During the summit in Senegal, China assured that it will deliver another 1 billion doses of COVID-19 vaccines to Africa and encourage Chinese companies to invest no less than $10 billion in the continent over the next three years.

Chinese prez Xi Jinping pledges another 1 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses for Africa

Top Chinese officials, including President Xi Jinping, have now been directly implicated in the crackdown on Uyghur Muslims in a newly published cache of documents.

In previously unpublished documents, it has been shown that Chinese leaders' speeches in 2014 were directly related to the country's crackdown on Uyghur Muslims and other minorities in Xinjiang province.

These documents, according to analysts, prove senior government leaders called for mass incarceration and forced labour.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/more-than-40-countries-ask-china-to-respect-rights-of-uyghurs-423072">More than 40 countries ask China to respect rights of Uyghurs</a>

Although some of the documents were the subject of an earlier report, there is new information in the latest leak.

Despite being handed in September to the Uyghur Tribunal - an independent people's tribunal in the UK these documents have never been published in full.

"Xinjiang Papers", named after the area where most of China's Uyghurs reside, reveal how senior Communist Party officials, including Premier Li Keqiang, made statements that directly influenced policies towards Uyghurs and other Muslims.

According to the material published online, "the material provides substantial evidence linking numerous aspects of Beijing’s crackdown in Xinjiang to explicit statements and demands made by central government figures in 2014," this includes "Mass internments in re-education camps", "Poverty alleviation through coercive labour transfers", "Optimizing&nbsp;the ethnic population distribution by increasing Han population shares", "Criminalizing customary religious practices".

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/chinese-official-elected-in-interpol-amid-human-rights-concern-432104">Chinese official elected in Interpol amid human rights concern</a>

There are three speeches by Chinese President Xi Jinping in April 2014 that address security, population control, and punishment of the Uyghur population. A few of them are designated top secret.&nbsp;

The documents were obtained by German academic Adrian Zenz who claims they are significant because they show multiple links between the demands of Chinese leaders in 2014 and what happened in Xinjiang.

Xinjiang is alleged to be marked by mass internment in re-education camps as well as forced labour transfers, in addition to optimising its ethnic population by increasing the Han population.

According to Zenz, the documents show the leadership's long-term intention to commit genocide to protect the rule of the CCP.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-using-predictive-policing-on-uyghur-muslims-in-xinjiang-report-422494">China using predictive policing on Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang: Report</a>

One of the conversations covered in the leak shows that Xi argues that the belt and road initiative, one of his signature foreign policy initiatives, requires a stable domestic security environment. Xinjiang's southern situation, he argues, jeopardizes the country's whole national security, as well as China's global goals in the 21st century.

Allegations of human rights violations in Xinjiang have brought massive international pressure on China.&nbsp;

Watch |&nbsp;China: Leaked papers link top Chinese leaders to Uyghur crackdown

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/china-leaked-papers-link-top-chinese-leaders-to-uyghur-crackdown-432968/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

A number of countries, including the US, Canada, and the Netherlands, accuse China of genocide and crimes against humanity.

China, however, consistently denies committing genocide against Uyghurs, asserting that its crackdown in Xinjiang is necessary to prevent terrorism and root out extremist Islam.

Top Chinese officials, including President Xi Jinping, have now been directly implicated in the crackdown on Uyghur Muslims in a newly published cache of documents.

Top Chinese officials, including President Xi Jinping, have now been directly implicated in the crackdown on Uyghur Muslims in a newly published cache of documents. In previously unpublished documents, it has been shown that Chinese leaders' speeches in 2014 were directly related to the country's crackdown on Uyghur Muslims and other minorities in Xinjiang province. These documents, according to analysts, prove senior government leaders called for mass incarceration and forced labour. Also read | More than 40 countries ask China to respect rights of Uyghurs Although some of the documents were the subject of an earlier report, there is new information in the latest leak. Despite being handed in September to the Uyghur Tribunal - an independent people's tribunal in the UK these documents have never been published in full. "Xinjiang Papers", named after the area where most of China's Uyghurs reside, reveal how senior Communist Party officials, including Premier Li Keqiang, made statements that directly influenced policies towards Uyghurs and other Muslims. According to the material published online, "the material provides substantial evidence linking numerous aspects of Beijing’s crackdown in Xinjiang to explicit statements and demands made by central government figures in 2014," this includes "Mass internments in re-education camps", "Poverty alleviation through coercive labour transfers", "Optimizing the ethnic population distribution by increasing Han population shares", "Criminalizing customary religious practices". Also read | Chinese official elected in Interpol amid human rights concern There are three speeches by Chinese President Xi Jinping in April 2014 that address security, population control, and punishment of the Uyghur population. A few of them are designated top secret. The documents were obtained by German academic Adrian Zenz who claims they are significant because they show multiple links between the demands of Chinese leaders in 2014 and what happened in Xinjiang. Xinjiang is alleged to be marked by mass internment in re-education camps as well as forced labour transfers, in addition to optimising its ethnic population by increasing the Han population. According to Zenz, the documents show the leadership's long-term intention to commit genocide to protect the rule of the CCP. Also read | China using predictive policing on Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang: Report One of the conversations covered in the leak shows that Xi argues that the belt and road initiative, one of his signature foreign policy initiatives, requires a stable domestic security environment. Xinjiang's southern situation, he argues, jeopardizes the country's whole national security, as well as China's global goals in the 21st century. Allegations of human rights violations in Xinjiang have brought massive international pressure on China. Watch | China: Leaked papers link top Chinese leaders to Uyghur crackdown A number of countries, including the US, Canada, and the Netherlands, accuse China of genocide and crimes against humanity. China, however, consistently denies committing genocide against Uyghurs, asserting that its crackdown in Xinjiang is necessary to prevent terrorism and root out extremist Islam.

'Xinjiang Papers': Leak reveals connection between Xi Jinping's speeches and the Uyghur crackdown

Chinese President Xi Jinping has promised to provide 1 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to African nations.&nbsp;

Out of these donate 600 million doses will be donated directly, while the remaining 400 million doses would come from other sources, such as investments in production sites.&nbsp;

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/what-do-we-know-about-the-omicron-variant-432780/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

During the China-Africa summit in Senegal's capital Dakar, Jinping also said a cross-border yuan centre would be set up to provide African financial institutions with a credit line of $10 billion.

Senegal's Foreign Minister Aissata Tall Sall said she hoped China would lend support in the fight against insecurity in the conflict-ridden Sahel region.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/chinas-cdc-says-there-would-630000-daily-covid-19-cases-if-it-follows-us-style-method-432550">Also read |&nbsp;China's CDC says there would 630,000 daily COVID-19 cases if it follows 'US-style' method</a>

Islamist militants are active across much of the Sahel, south of the Sahara desert, waging a conflict that has continued for years despite the presence of French troops and United Nations peacekeepers.&nbsp;

Aissata reiterated that the country recognised the "One China" policy, referring to a core Chinese government policy that states Taiwan is part of China.

Also see |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/this-is-chinas-anti-submarine-aircraft-which-targets-taiwan-432515">This is China's anti-submarine aircraft which targets Taiwan</a>

The summit follows a visit this month from US Secretary of State Antony Blinken to African nations Kenya, Nigeria and Senegal, against a backdrop of growing rivalry between Beijing and Washington.

China invests heavily in Africa, and is the continent's largest trading partner with direct trade worth over $200 billion in 2019, according to the Chinese embassy in Dakar.

(With inputs from agencies)

Chinese President Xi Jinping has promised to provide 1 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to African nations. Out of these donate 600 million doses will be donated directly, while the remaining 400 million doses would come from other sources, such as investments in production sites.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has promised to provide 1 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to African nations. Out of these donate 600 million doses will be donated directly, while the remaining 400 million doses would come from other sources, such as investments in production sites. During the China-Africa summit in Senegal's capital Dakar, Jinping also said a cross-border yuan centre would be set up to provide African financial institutions with a credit line of $10 billion. Senegal's Foreign Minister Aissata Tall Sall said she hoped China would lend support in the fight against insecurity in the conflict-ridden Sahel region. Also read | China's CDC says there would 630,000 daily COVID-19 cases if it follows 'US-style' method Islamist militants are active across much of the Sahel, south of the Sahara desert, waging a conflict that has continued for years despite the presence of French troops and United Nations peacekeepers. Aissata reiterated that the country recognised the "One China" policy, referring to a core Chinese government policy that states Taiwan is part of China. Also see | This is China's anti-submarine aircraft which targets Taiwan The summit follows a visit this month from US Secretary of State Antony Blinken to African nations Kenya, Nigeria and Senegal, against a backdrop of growing rivalry between Beijing and Washington. China invests heavily in Africa, and is the continent's largest trading partner with direct trade worth over $200 billion in 2019, according to the Chinese embassy in Dakar. (With inputs from agencies)

China's President Xi Jinping pledges 1 billion COVID-19 vaccine doses to Africa

“Demographics are destiny.”

It is a phrase — often attributed to French philosopher Auguste Comte — that suggests much of the future is preordained by the very simple trend lines of populations. Want to understand how the power dynamic between the United States and China will change over the next 20 years? An economist would tell you to look at the demographics of both countries. (China’s economy is likely to overtake the U.S. economy by 2028, but remain smaller on a per capita basis.)

Want to know how much lithium we’re going to need to mine to make batteries over the next 20 years? Demographics will most likely provide the answer. (We are likely to need 13 to 42 times the amount we currently use, according to the International Energy Agency.) And on and on.

Predicting the future may be a fool’s errand. But using demographic data to assess the opportunities and challenges of the next two decades is something that business and political leaders don’t do enough. We’re all too swept up in the here and now, the next quarter and the next year.

Of course, demographics can’t spot pandemics or other crises. But as seismic as they feel in the moment, such events are rare.

When DealBook began publishing 20 years ago, after 9/11, prognosticators suggested that travel might be reduced forever. It is true that air travel may have changed forever after the attacks, but within months, growth in air travel was back on track. Why? Demographics. More people around the world had more disposable income and increasingly chose to live closer to cities with greater access to airports. That, married with the human condition that people like to be around other people, makes forecasting certain elements of the future almost mathematical.

One aspect of the future that demographics can’t help predict are technological innovations. But even technological innovations have a slower impact on the day-to-day then we sometimes appreciate. Peter Thiel famously said in 2013: “We wanted flying cars. Instead we got 140 characters.”

So what comes next? If you woke up 20 years from now in 2041, what would be different? Here are some ideas based on numbers that don’t require a crystal ball.

About 70% of the world population is expected to live in urban areas by 2050, according to data from the United Nations.

That means most cities are going to need more infrastructure. Roads, public transportation and waste management will need massive expansion and upgrades. The average person produces 4.9 pounds of waste a day, up from 3.66 pounds in 1980. But here’s a trend going in the other direction as a result of technology: Paper and paperboard declined from 87.7 million tons in 2000 to 67.4 million tons in 2018, according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.

We’re also going to need a lot more energy.

The U.S. Energy Information Administration projects that the world will need about 28% more energy in 2040 than it did in 2015 based on the number of people in the country and consumption patterns; on our current trajectory, about 42% of electricity in the United States will come from renewable sources.

Where will that electricity get produced? Solar power could be produced on largely unpopulated land masses and transported to population centers, an idea Elon Musk raised about China five years ago. China has “an enormous land area, much of which is hardly occupied at all,” he said, noting that most of China’s population is concentrated in coastal cities. “So you could easily power all of China with solar.”

Another trend that, like increasing energy needs, isn’t new and isn’t going away: on-demand everything. Technology has led us to expect that goods and services will be delivered at the push of a button, often within minutes. That could transform real estate, especially space in cities that is currently used for retail. As companies work toward instant deliveries, they’ll need to warehouse items closer and closer to customers. Real estate investors are already contemplating how to create mini-warehouses on every block. And the density of people in cities is likely to affect the farming and delivery of food. To get fresh produce to customers quickly, vertical farming — in indoor, controlled environments — could move from being the dream of some startups to a new reality.

And we’ll be older. In the United States, we’re likely to live until 82.4 years old, compared with the current life expectancy of 79.1 years, the United Nations forecasts. That’s a good thing for health care companies and others that cater to older people. But living three extra years is going to be more expensive, which will have implications for both working and saving. According to the Urban Institute, government “projections indicate that there will be 2.1 workers per Social Security beneficiary in 2040, down from 3.7 in 1970.”

Entrepreneurs, industry leaders and policymakers are already at work solving for some of the problems that demographic data suggest are ahead of us, whether it’s figuring out how to incentivize farmers to sequester carbon; use insurance as a tool for reducing coal production, reinvent the motors that power heavy industry so they use less energy; or write laws that help govern code.

What about the metaverse? Or crypto technology? Or robots taking our jobs? Or artificial intelligence taking over everything? Demographics can’t answer those questions. All of those things may happen, but life in 2041 may also look a lot like it does today — maybe with the exception of those flying cars.

“Demographics are destiny.” It is a phrase — often attributed to French philosopher Auguste Comte — that suggests much of the future is preordained by the very simple trend lines of populations.

“Demographics are destiny.” It is a phrase — often attributed to French philosopher Auguste Comte — that suggests much of the future is preordained by the very simple trend lines of populations. Want to understand how the power dynamic between the United States and China will change over the next 20 years? An economist would tell you to look at the demographics of both countries. (China’s economy is likely to overtake the U.S. economy by 2028, but remain smaller on a per capita basis.) Want to know how much lithium we’re going to need to mine to make batteries over the next 20 years? Demographics will most likely provide the answer. (We are likely to need 13 to 42 times the amount we currently use, according to the International Energy Agency.) And on and on. Predicting the future may be a fool’s errand. But using demographic data to assess the opportunities and challenges of the next two decades is something that business and political leaders don’t do enough. We’re all too swept up in the here and now, the next quarter and the next year. Of course, demographics can’t spot pandemics or other crises. But as seismic as they feel in the moment, such events are rare. When DealBook began publishing 20 years ago, after 9/11, prognosticators suggested that travel might be reduced forever. It is true that air travel may have changed forever after the attacks, but within months, growth in air travel was back on track. Why? Demographics. More people around the world had more disposable income and increasingly chose to live closer to cities with greater access to airports. That, married with the human condition that people like to be around other people, makes forecasting certain elements of the future almost mathematical. One aspect of the future that demographics can’t help predict are technological innovations. But even technological innovations have a slower impact on the day-to-day then we sometimes appreciate. Peter Thiel famously said in 2013: “We wanted flying cars. Instead we got 140 characters.” So what comes next? If you woke up 20 years from now in 2041, what would be different? Here are some ideas based on numbers that don’t require a crystal ball. About 70% of the world population is expected to live in urban areas by 2050, according to data from the United Nations. That means most cities are going to need more infrastructure. Roads, public transportation and waste management will need massive expansion and upgrades. The average person produces 4.9 pounds of waste a day, up from 3.66 pounds in 1980. But here’s a trend going in the other direction as a result of technology: Paper and paperboard declined from 87.7 million tons in 2000 to 67.4 million tons in 2018, according to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. We’re also going to need a lot more energy. The U.S. Energy Information Administration projects that the world will need about 28% more energy in 2040 than it did in 2015 based on the number of people in the country and consumption patterns; on our current trajectory, about 42% of electricity in the United States will come from renewable sources. Where will that electricity get produced? Solar power could be produced on largely unpopulated land masses and transported to population centers, an idea Elon Musk raised about China five years ago. China has “an enormous land area, much of which is hardly occupied at all,” he said, noting that most of China’s population is concentrated in coastal cities. “So you could easily power all of China with solar.” Another trend that, like increasing energy needs, isn’t new and isn’t going away: on-demand everything. Technology has led us to expect that goods and services will be delivered at the push of a button, often within minutes. That could transform real estate, especially space in cities that is currently used for retail. As companies work toward instant deliveries, they’ll need to warehouse items closer and closer to customers. Real estate investors are already contemplating how to create mini-warehouses on every block. And the density of people in cities is likely to affect the farming and delivery of food. To get fresh produce to customers quickly, vertical farming — in indoor, controlled environments — could move from being the dream of some startups to a new reality. And we’ll be older. In the United States, we’re likely to live until 82.4 years old, compared with the current life expectancy of 79.1 years, the United Nations forecasts. That’s a good thing for health care companies and others that cater to older people. But living three extra years is going to be more expensive, which will have implications for both working and saving. According to the Urban Institute, government “projections indicate that there will be 2.1 workers per Social Security beneficiary in 2040, down from 3.7 in 1970.” Entrepreneurs, industry leaders and policymakers are already at work solving for some of the problems that demographic data suggest are ahead of us, whether it’s figuring out how to incentivize farmers to sequester carbon; use insurance as a tool for reducing coal production, reinvent the motors that power heavy industry so they use less energy; or write laws that help govern code. What about the metaverse? Or crypto technology? Or robots taking our jobs? Or artificial intelligence taking over everything? Demographics can’t answer those questions. All of those things may happen, but life in 2041 may also look a lot like it does today — maybe with the exception of those flying cars.

What will the world be like in 20 years?

The United States has imposed sanctions on eight Chinese companies for attempting "to acquire US origin-items in support of military applications."

Highlighting national security and foreign policy concerns, the US government said they were listed to prevent US technology from being used to help China and&nbsp;develop quantum computing applications for its military.

During a regular media briefing in Beijing, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian accused the US of "abusing state power" to suppress Chinese companies.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/lithuania-urges-europe-to-increase-indo-pacific-ties-in-face-of-chinese-coercion-431908" hreflang="en">Lithuania urges Europe to increase Indo-Pacific ties in face of Chinese 'coercion'</a>

According to him, ''This has seriously harmed the interests of Chinese companies, recklessly disrupted the international economic and trade order and free trade rules, and seriously threatened the global industrial chain and supply chain. It can be said that the US. is in a state of hysteria and complete lack of moral restraint.''

It comes after a virtual summit between US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/biden-invites-taiwan-to-summit-for-democracy-china-opposes-move-431562" hreflang="en">Biden invites Taiwan to Summit for Democracy; China 'opposes' move</a>

During the virtual meeting, Jinping had said the two countries have broad and common interests in the military field, and should complement each other and increase cooperation.

The Biden administration had revoked China Telecom's licence to operate in the United States in last month.

His predecessor, Donald Trump had imposed punitive tariffs on a range of Chinese imports.&nbsp;

US regulators have previously taken action against other Chinese firms, notably private telecoms giant Huawei.

(With inputs from agencies)

The United States has imposed sanctions on eight Chinese companies for attempting "to acquire US origin-items in support of military applications." Highlighting national security and foreign policy concerns, the US government said they were listed to prevent US technology from being used to help China and develop quantum computing applications for its military.

The United States has imposed sanctions on eight Chinese companies for attempting "to acquire US origin-items in support of military applications." Highlighting national security and foreign policy concerns, the US government said they were listed to prevent US technology from being used to help China and develop quantum computing applications for its military. During a regular media briefing in Beijing, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian accused the US of "abusing state power" to suppress Chinese companies. Also read | Lithuania urges Europe to increase Indo-Pacific ties in face of Chinese 'coercion' According to him, ''This has seriously harmed the interests of Chinese companies, recklessly disrupted the international economic and trade order and free trade rules, and seriously threatened the global industrial chain and supply chain. It can be said that the US. is in a state of hysteria and complete lack of moral restraint.'' It comes after a virtual summit between US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Also read | Biden invites Taiwan to Summit for Democracy; China 'opposes' move During the virtual meeting, Jinping had said the two countries have broad and common interests in the military field, and should complement each other and increase cooperation. The Biden administration had revoked China Telecom's licence to operate in the United States in last month. His predecessor, Donald Trump had imposed punitive tariffs on a range of Chinese imports. US regulators have previously taken action against other Chinese firms, notably private telecoms giant Huawei. (With inputs from agencies)

US imposes sanctions on Chinese companies over national security concerns

President Xi Jinping while speaking at the ASEAN conference said China will not "bully the small".

“China resolutely opposes hegemonism and power politics, wishes to maintain friendly relations with its neighbours and jointly nurture lasting peace in the region and absolutely will not seek hegemony or even less, bully the small,” the Chinese leader said.

China's state media quoted Xi as saying that the country "is, and will always be a good neighbour, good friend, and good partner of ASEAN."

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/after-taiwan-acquires-us-jets-china-commissions-advanced-fighter-aircraft-431216">Also Read: After Taiwan acquires US jets, China commissions advanced fighter aircraft&nbsp;</a>

The Chinese president's remark comes as the Chinese coastguard reportedly fired water cannons at boats belonging to the Philippines, a move which was condemned by&nbsp;President Rodrigo Duterte.

Watch:&nbsp;China accuses Lithuania of undermining its sovereignty

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/taiwan-de-facto-embassy-china-accuses-lithuania-of-undermining-its-sovereignty-431144/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

The boats were reportedly delivering supplies to Filipino marines in the Spratly Islands which China claims as its own. Duterte shot back saying he "abhorred" the recent incident while expressing "grave concern".

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/after-taiwan-opens-de-facto-embassy-china-downgrades-diplomatic-relations-with-lithuania-430869">Also Read:&nbsp;&nbsp;China downgrades diplomatic relations with Lithuania</a>

The flare-up with the Philippines led the US to react as it declared that it "stands with the Philippines". The Xi regime however said the coastguards actions were directed to "safeguard China's sovereignty". &nbsp; &nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-continues-construction-at-ream-naval-base-in-cambodia-430298">Also Read:&nbsp;China continues construction at Ream Naval base in Cambodia</a>

China has been at loggerheads with several countries over its stance on the South China Sea islands including Taiwan which it considers a breakaway province.

(With inputs from Agencies)

President Xi Jinping while speaking at the ASEAN conference said China will not "bully the small". “China resolutely opposes hegemonism and power politics, wishes to maintain friendly relations with its neighbours and jointly nurture lasting peace in the region and absolutely will not seek hegemony or even less, bully the small,” the Chinese leader said.

President Xi Jinping while speaking at the ASEAN conference said China will not "bully the small". “China resolutely opposes hegemonism and power politics, wishes to maintain friendly relations with its neighbours and jointly nurture lasting peace in the region and absolutely will not seek hegemony or even less, bully the small,” the Chinese leader said. China's state media quoted Xi as saying that the country "is, and will always be a good neighbour, good friend, and good partner of ASEAN." Also Read: After Taiwan acquires US jets, China commissions advanced fighter aircraft The Chinese president's remark comes as the Chinese coastguard reportedly fired water cannons at boats belonging to the Philippines, a move which was condemned by President Rodrigo Duterte. Watch: China accuses Lithuania of undermining its sovereignty The boats were reportedly delivering supplies to Filipino marines in the Spratly Islands which China claims as its own. Duterte shot back saying he "abhorred" the recent incident while expressing "grave concern". Also Read: China downgrades diplomatic relations with Lithuania The flare-up with the Philippines led the US to react as it declared that it "stands with the Philippines". The Xi regime however said the coastguards actions were directed to "safeguard China's sovereignty". Also Read: China continues construction at Ream Naval base in Cambodia China has been at loggerheads with several countries over its stance on the South China Sea islands including Taiwan which it considers a breakaway province. (With inputs from Agencies)

China will not seek hegemony or bully the small: President Xi to ASEAN

In an exclusive conversation with WION's Susan Tehrani, republican senator from Kansas Roger Marshall said that President Joe Biden failed to stand up to China in his virtual meet with Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping. Marshall also talked about his push to create a 9/11 style commission to probe COVID origins. Listen in.

President Joe Biden failed to stand up to China: Roger Marshall

China has halted the work on a military base in the UAE after the intervention of the United States.

Earlier, the Wall Street Journal had reported that China was constructing a military facility on a secret port.

US President Joe Biden had issued a warning to China that it would adversely affect the relationship between the two countries.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-and-taiwan-to-hold-second-round-of-economic-dialogue-next-week-430709" hreflang="en">US and Taiwan to hold second round of economic dialogue next week</a>

It came after the country's intelligence services became aware of a military installation near Abu Dhabi as per classified images captured by their satellites.

''The UAE has never had an agreement, plan, talks or intention to host a Chinese military base or outpost of any kind,'' the Wall Street Journal quoted an Emirati embassy spokesman.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/dont-know-about-president-putins-intentions-blinken-on-ukraine-provocation-430821" hreflang="en">Don't know about Putin's intentions: Blinken on Ukraine 'provocation'</a>

In response, a US official said ''I can tell you that we are committed to our enduring partnership between the United States and the UAE.''

Biden had a discussion about the issue with Abu Dhabi’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan.

US State Department spokesman Ned Price slammed China's move and said it was "dangerous, provocative, and unjustified."

Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping had held a virtual meeting this week aimed at ensuring that increasingly intense and acrimonious competition between the superpowers does not veer into conflict.

(With inputs from agencies)

China has halted the work on a military base in the UAE after the intervention of the United States. Earlier, the Wall Street Journal had reported that China was constructing a military facility on a secret port.

China has halted the work on a military base in the UAE after the intervention of the United States. Earlier, the Wall Street Journal had reported that China was constructing a military facility on a secret port. US President Joe Biden had issued a warning to China that it would adversely affect the relationship between the two countries. Also read | US and Taiwan to hold second round of economic dialogue next week It came after the country's intelligence services became aware of a military installation near Abu Dhabi as per classified images captured by their satellites. ''The UAE has never had an agreement, plan, talks or intention to host a Chinese military base or outpost of any kind,'' the Wall Street Journal quoted an Emirati embassy spokesman. Also read | Don't know about Putin's intentions: Blinken on Ukraine 'provocation' In response, a US official said ''I can tell you that we are committed to our enduring partnership between the United States and the UAE.'' Biden had a discussion about the issue with Abu Dhabi’s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan. US State Department spokesman Ned Price slammed China's move and said it was "dangerous, provocative, and unjustified." Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping had held a virtual meeting this week aimed at ensuring that increasingly intense and acrimonious competition between the superpowers does not veer into conflict. (With inputs from agencies)

China halts work on military base in UAE after US intervention: Report

Earlier this week Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart XI Jinping sat down in a virtual meet and spoke for 3 and a half-hour meeting. This meeting was hailed to be an ice breaker between the 2 countries.

Washington still reluctant to completely trust Beijing

The United States and Taiwan next week will hold a second session of an economic dialogue launched last year in the face of increasing pressure on the island from China, the State Department said on Friday.

The announcement comes days after a virtual meeting between US&nbsp;President Joe Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping. After the meeting, Xi warned that supporters in the United States of Taiwanese independence were "playing with fire."

A State Department statement said the US&nbsp;under secretary for economic growth, energy, and the environment, Jose Fernandez, will lead the second US-Taiwan Economic Prosperity Partnership Dialogue on Monday.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-china-virtual-summit-biden-seeks-guardrails-against-conflict-xi-calls-for-better-communication-429645">Also read |&nbsp;US-China virtual summit: Biden seeks 'guardrails' against conflict, Xi calls for better communication</a>

It said the dialogue would be conducted under the auspices of the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) and the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) in the United States, which act as respective unofficial embassies.

"Our partnership is built on strong two-way trade and investment, people-to-people ties, and in the common defense of freedom and shared democratic values," the statement said.

Taiwan's Foreign Ministry said the virtual meeting would be led from its side by Economy Minister Wang Mei-hua and Science and Technology Minister Wu Tsung-tsong.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/now-in-hindi-xi-jinpings-book-about-his-doctrine-of-socialism-with-chinese-characteristics-430460" hreflang="en">Now in Hindi: Xi Jinping's book about his doctrine of 'Socialism with Chinese Characteristics'</a>

Taiwan hopes the dialogue may lead eventually to a free-trade agreement with the United States and hailed last year's inaugural meeting as a step forward.

It was part of increased US&nbsp;engagement with Taipei under former President Donald Trump that the Biden administration has continued, to the anger of Beijing, which claims Taiwan as its own.

The two sides held long-delayed talks on a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement virtually in July, and Taiwan said it hoped it would be possible to sign an FTA one day.

Last year, Taiwan's government lifted a ban on the import of pork containing a leanness-enhancing additive, ractopamine, removing a major stumbling block to a deal with Washington, but is due to hold a referendum on the issue in December.

Taiwan is a major producer of semiconductors, a shortage of which has roiled supply chains globally and affected auto makers in particular, concerning Washington, which has pressed Taiwan to speed up chip production.

The United States and Taiwan next week will hold a second session of an economic dialogue launched last year in the face of increasing pressure on the island from China, the State Department said on Friday.

The United States and Taiwan next week will hold a second session of an economic dialogue launched last year in the face of increasing pressure on the island from China, the State Department said on Friday. The announcement comes days after a virtual meeting between US President Joe Biden and Chinese leader Xi Jinping. After the meeting, Xi warned that supporters in the United States of Taiwanese independence were "playing with fire." A State Department statement said the US under secretary for economic growth, energy, and the environment, Jose Fernandez, will lead the second US-Taiwan Economic Prosperity Partnership Dialogue on Monday. Also read | US-China virtual summit: Biden seeks 'guardrails' against conflict, Xi calls for better communication It said the dialogue would be conducted under the auspices of the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT) and the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office (TECRO) in the United States, which act as respective unofficial embassies. "Our partnership is built on strong two-way trade and investment, people-to-people ties, and in the common defense of freedom and shared democratic values," the statement said. Taiwan's Foreign Ministry said the virtual meeting would be led from its side by Economy Minister Wang Mei-hua and Science and Technology Minister Wu Tsung-tsong. Also read | Now in Hindi: Xi Jinping's book about his doctrine of 'Socialism with Chinese Characteristics' Taiwan hopes the dialogue may lead eventually to a free-trade agreement with the United States and hailed last year's inaugural meeting as a step forward. It was part of increased US engagement with Taipei under former President Donald Trump that the Biden administration has continued, to the anger of Beijing, which claims Taiwan as its own. The two sides held long-delayed talks on a Trade and Investment Framework Agreement virtually in July, and Taiwan said it hoped it would be possible to sign an FTA one day. Last year, Taiwan's government lifted a ban on the import of pork containing a leanness-enhancing additive, ractopamine, removing a major stumbling block to a deal with Washington, but is due to hold a referendum on the issue in December. Taiwan is a major producer of semiconductors, a shortage of which has roiled supply chains globally and affected auto makers in particular, concerning Washington, which has pressed Taiwan to speed up chip production.

US and Taiwan to hold second round of economic dialogue next week

The US and China agreed to continue dialogue on managing “strategic stability” on issues such as Taiwan, nuclear arms control, and cybersecurity. But as Voice of America White House Bureau Chief Patsy Widakuswara reports, the fundamentally contentious nature of the US-China relationship is unlikely to change.

WION-VOA Co-Production: Joe Biden meets with Xi Jinping virtually

Chinese President Xi Jinping's book titled ‘Xi Jinping: The Governance of China' has been published in Hindi and various other languages including, Pashto, Dari, Sinhalese. The book talks about his doctrine of 'Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.'

In the last few years, the book has been published in English and several languages, besides&nbsp;Mandarin.

Xi&nbsp;has been labelled as the "main innovator" of the "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era".&nbsp;

The name is likely to be shortened to the "Xi Jinping Thought" by the authorities in the second half of 2022.

He has also been appreciated for keeping in mind the Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development. He is known for bringing out new and original ideas, strategies and thoughts on some of the pressing questions of today's world.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/xi-jinpings-position-cemented-in-history-as-chinas-communist-party-passes-resolution-428596">Also read |&nbsp;Xi Jinping's position cemented in history as China's Communist Party passes resolution</a>

An event was organised by the Communist Party of China to mark the publishing of Xi’s works in the languages of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states. It was held at the multilateral group’s secretariat in Beijing. India is among the member countries of the SCO since 2017.

The event was hosted by CPC central committee’s publicity department and China International Publishing Group.

Xi has emerged as the “core” leader of the CPC. Recently, the Communist Party approved a resolution which increased his status. This resolution was a conclusion of sixth plenary session of the party's 19th Central Committee.

The resolution was passed after four-days long closed-door meetings of nearly 300 top leaders of the Central Committee. This has helped Xi Jinping achieve a status in the history of Chinese politics. He has now been put on the same pedestal as Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, leaders who had such resolutions in 1945 and 1981 respectively.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's book titled ‘Xi Jinping: The Governance of China' has been published in Hindi and various other languages including, Pashto, Dari, Sinhalese.

Chinese President Xi Jinping's book titled ‘Xi Jinping: The Governance of China' has been published in Hindi and various other languages including, Pashto, Dari, Sinhalese. The book talks about his doctrine of 'Socialism with Chinese Characteristics.' In the last few years, the book has been published in English and several languages, besides Mandarin. Xi has been labelled as the "main innovator" of the "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era". The name is likely to be shortened to the "Xi Jinping Thought" by the authorities in the second half of 2022. He has also been appreciated for keeping in mind the Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Theory of Three Represents, and the Scientific Outlook on Development. He is known for bringing out new and original ideas, strategies and thoughts on some of the pressing questions of today's world. Also read | Xi Jinping's position cemented in history as China's Communist Party passes resolution An event was organised by the Communist Party of China to mark the publishing of Xi’s works in the languages of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states. It was held at the multilateral group’s secretariat in Beijing. India is among the member countries of the SCO since 2017. The event was hosted by CPC central committee’s publicity department and China International Publishing Group. Xi has emerged as the “core” leader of the CPC. Recently, the Communist Party approved a resolution which increased his status. This resolution was a conclusion of sixth plenary session of the party's 19th Central Committee. The resolution was passed after four-days long closed-door meetings of nearly 300 top leaders of the Central Committee. This has helped Xi Jinping achieve a status in the history of Chinese politics. He has now been put on the same pedestal as Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, leaders who had such resolutions in 1945 and 1981 respectively.

Now in Hindi: Xi Jinping's book about his doctrine of 'Socialism with Chinese Characteristics'

Taiwan has opened a de facto embassy in Lithuania in a diplomatic breakthrough. The move is a significant departure that defied a pressure campaign by Beijing.

Breaking free from tradition, the Chinese-claimed island has used its own name for its operation in Vilnius. It is Taiwan's first new diplomatic outpost in Europe in 18 years.

Taiwan's foreign ministry said the opening of the office would "charter a new and promising course" for ties between it and Lithuania.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-puts-pressure-on-nations-to-not-recognise-taiwan-as-a-country-foreign-minister-joseph-wu-tells-wion-336966">Also read |&nbsp;China puts pressure on nations to not recognise Taiwan as a country: Foreign Minister Joseph Wu tells WION</a>

"We are very happy that we have the opportunity to be a facilitator and promoter for the relations between Taiwan and Lithuania," said Eric Huang, Taipei's chief of mission in neighbouring Latvia.

"We will not emphasise too much about the geopolitical context. As the representative office of my country, what I am focused on is to promote a substantive relationship."

Ever since Chinese&nbsp;President Xi Jinping came to power, international support for Taiwan has grown.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/biden-raises-taiwan-issue-during-virtual-meet-xi-warns-dont-play-with-fire-429694">Also read |&nbsp;Biden raises Taiwan issue during virtual meet, Xi warns don’t 'play with fire'</a>

The opening of the Vilnius office is the latest sign that some Baltic and central European countries are seeking closer relations with Taiwan, even if that angers China.

In response, China has demanded that Lithuania withdraw its ambassador to Beijing and said it would recall China's envoy in Vilnius after Taiwan.

Beijing claims Taiwan as a part of its territory and has vowed to one day seize, by force if needed.&nbsp;

However, President Tsai Ing-wen has said Taiwan is already a sovereign nation and not part of "one China."

(With inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

Taiwan has opened a de facto embassy in Lithuania in a diplomatic breakthrough. The move is a significant departure that defied a pressure campaign by Beijing. Breaking free from tradition, the Chinese-claimed island has used its own name for its operation in Vilnius.

Taiwan has opened a de facto embassy in Lithuania in a diplomatic breakthrough. The move is a significant departure that defied a pressure campaign by Beijing. Breaking free from tradition, the Chinese-claimed island has used its own name for its operation in Vilnius. It is Taiwan's first new diplomatic outpost in Europe in 18 years. Taiwan's foreign ministry said the opening of the office would "charter a new and promising course" for ties between it and Lithuania. Also read | China puts pressure on nations to not recognise Taiwan as a country: Foreign Minister Joseph Wu tells WION "We are very happy that we have the opportunity to be a facilitator and promoter for the relations between Taiwan and Lithuania," said Eric Huang, Taipei's chief of mission in neighbouring Latvia. "We will not emphasise too much about the geopolitical context. As the representative office of my country, what I am focused on is to promote a substantive relationship." Ever since Chinese President Xi Jinping came to power, international support for Taiwan has grown. Also read | Biden raises Taiwan issue during virtual meet, Xi warns don’t 'play with fire' The opening of the Vilnius office is the latest sign that some Baltic and central European countries are seeking closer relations with Taiwan, even if that angers China. In response, China has demanded that Lithuania withdraw its ambassador to Beijing and said it would recall China's envoy in Vilnius after Taiwan. Beijing claims Taiwan as a part of its territory and has vowed to one day seize, by force if needed. However, President Tsai Ing-wen has said Taiwan is already a sovereign nation and not part of "one China." (With inputs from agencies)

In diplomatic breakthrough, Taiwan opens representative office in Lithuania

US President Joe Biden held a virtual meeting with Xi Jinping. In this meeting, both the countries discussed common issues, strategic issues including mutual relations. Taiwan and human rights violations were Biden's top focus. During this meeting, Chinese President Xi said that America and China should respect each other.

Joe Biden, Xi Jinping trade warnings over Taiwan

On Tuesday, U.S. officials said that they made progress in their talks with Chinese officials to improve working conditions and access for journalists in China.

China's treatment of US journalists has deteriorated in recent years, and Washington regularly denounces it. US has also taken steps against Chinese media operating on US soil, which has been accused of serving as propaganda organs for Beijing.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/at-514-trillion-china-overtakes-us-in-terms-of-amassing-the-biggest-net-worth-429724" hreflang="en">At $514 trillion, China overtakes US in terms of amassing the biggest net worth</a>

In 2020, China expelled Americans working for major news organizations such as the New York Times, Washington Post and Wall Street Journal.

On Tuesday, a State Department spokesman said that as a result of the Department's discussions in recent months, "some initial progress" has been made in "a few areas" that relate to the media environment.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-says-it-is-concerned-over-harassment-of-media-covering-china-floods-401617">US says it is concerned over harassment of media covering China floods</a>

"We welcome this progress but see it simply as initial steps," the State Department official said, adding that Washington would continue to push for "expanding access and improving conditions for US and other foreign media," and for broader freedom of the press in general.

The official said China had "committed to issue visas for a group of US reporters, provided they are eligible under all applicable laws and regulations."

Watch |&nbsp;Xi Jinping: China-US should advance cause for world peace

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/xi-jinping-china-us-should-advance-cause-for-world-peace-429657/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Beijing also promised to "permit US journalists already in the PRC (People's Republic of China) to freely depart and return, which they had previously been unable to do," the US official said.

The Chinese government has also announced that US journalist visas will be extended to one year. US officials said Washington would reciprocate on all measures.

According to the State Department, the measures, which were announced on Monday after US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping held a virtual summit, will allow US media correspondents to return to China "to continue their important work."

On Tuesday, U.S. officials said that they made progress in their talks with Chinese officials to improve working conditions and access for journalists in China. China's treatment of US journalists has deteriorated in recent years, and Washington regularly denounces it.

On Tuesday, U.S. officials said that they made progress in their talks with Chinese officials to improve working conditions and access for journalists in China. China's treatment of US journalists has deteriorated in recent years, and Washington regularly denounces it. US has also taken steps against Chinese media operating on US soil, which has been accused of serving as propaganda organs for Beijing. Also read | At $514 trillion, China overtakes US in terms of amassing the biggest net worth In 2020, China expelled Americans working for major news organizations such as the New York Times, Washington Post and Wall Street Journal. On Tuesday, a State Department spokesman said that as a result of the Department's discussions in recent months, "some initial progress" has been made in "a few areas" that relate to the media environment. Also read | US says it is concerned over harassment of media covering China floods "We welcome this progress but see it simply as initial steps," the State Department official said, adding that Washington would continue to push for "expanding access and improving conditions for US and other foreign media," and for broader freedom of the press in general. The official said China had "committed to issue visas for a group of US reporters, provided they are eligible under all applicable laws and regulations." Watch | Xi Jinping: China-US should advance cause for world peace Beijing also promised to "permit US journalists already in the PRC (People's Republic of China) to freely depart and return, which they had previously been unable to do," the US official said. The Chinese government has also announced that US journalist visas will be extended to one year. US officials said Washington would reciprocate on all measures. According to the State Department, the measures, which were announced on Monday after US President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping held a virtual summit, will allow US media correspondents to return to China "to continue their important work."

Journalists to freely depart and return; Washington hails 'progress' for US media working in China

The virtual meeting between President Joe Biden and China’s leader, Xi Jinping, produced no breakthroughs in a relationship that has spiraled dangerously downward. That was not the intent.

Instead, the two leaders sought to keep the many disputes between the two countries from escalating into a broader conflict. If they can translate their words into a kind of détente, it would count as a diplomatic success.

“It seems clear to me we need to establish some common-sense guardrails,” Biden told Xi in opening remarks, speaking over what amounted to the equivalent of a Zoom call from the Roosevelt Room at the White House and the East Hall in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.

Xi, for his part, called Biden “my old friend” and used a nautical metaphor, comparing the two countries to ships that must together navigate the ocean’s wind and waves without colliding.

Bubbling under the surface, though, was acrimony that could prove difficult to resolve.

At the end of 3 1/2 hours of talks, the two did not even cobble together the sort of joint statement that has typically punctuated summits between the United States and China over the decades. Xi’s last meeting with a U.S. president, Donald Trump in 2019, also ended with no joint statement, marking the deterioration in ties.

Nor did the meeting end with any agreement to have groups of officials from both sides hold further talks on strategic nuclear issues and conflicts in cyberspace — the way Biden did in his summit in June with another quarrelsome geopolitical rival, President Vladimir Putin of Russia.

“We were not expecting a breakthrough,” a senior administration official told reporters shortly after the talks with Xi ended. “There were none.”

Instead, the two sides issued their own statements, each emphasizing the points of long-standing contention. They amounted to catalogs of mutual grievances that offered little room for compromise.

Biden raised concerns about human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong, and about China’s “unfair trade and economic policies” harming American workers, the White House statement said. Xi, according to China’s own readout, said that U.S. support for Taiwan was “playing with fire,” and explicitly warned that the world risked slipping back into the superpower confrontations of a half-century ago.

“Engaging in ideological demarcation, camp division, group confrontation, will inevitably bring disaster to the world,” Xi said, a clear reference to a pillar of the new administration’s strategy for challenging China by teaming up with like-minded nations that fear China or oppose its authoritarian model. “The consequence of the Cold War are not far away.”

With that reference, Xi plunged directly into the debate now underway in Washington about whether the two powers are descending into something akin to the Cold War, or whether the deep economic, trade and technological links between China and the U.S. make any comparison to the old U.S.-Soviet Union relationship impossible.

The tone of the meeting was a reminder that China, perhaps inevitably, remains what Biden and his top advisers have cast as the greatest geopolitical challenge to the United States in its history. They have rejected the Cold War comparisons as overly simplistic, and as Biden’s national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, put it, “We have the choice not to do that.”

“China is going to be a factor in the international system for the foreseeable future — it’s not going anywhere,” Sullivan said last week during a speech to the Lowy Institute in Australia. “And the United States is not going anywhere, and we’re not going anywhere in the Indo-Pacific either. And so we’re going to have to learn how to deal with that reality.”

Although the two leaders have spoken by telephone twice this year, the conference was intended to replicate the more thorough discussion of issues in previous summits between the United States and China — something that has not been possible because pandemic and political preoccupations have kept Xi from traveling since January 2020.

The White House had hoped to hold the meeting in person, possibly at the Group of 20 meeting in Rome last month, but concluded that it was better to meet remotely than to let tensions fester into next year. Xi is sure to be preoccupied then with the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February and a Communist Party congress in November that is expected to extend his rule.

Biden has repeatedly suggested that it should be possible for the United States to engage in vigorous competition with China and to confront it over certain issues, without risking clashes — whether in the disputed waters off China’s coast or in the murky shadows of cyberspace.

He also wanted to hold the meeting after he had begun to shore up American competitiveness at home. Just hours before meeting Xi, he signed the bipartisan infrastructure bill, which his aides cited as an example of refocusing on international competitiveness. He also recently signed other legislation that bans some key Chinese technology players, like telecommunications giant Huawei, from operating inside the United States.

What is perceived as a move to strengthen the economy in one capital can seem aggressive in the other.

“Both leaders are dissatisfied with the state of the relationship and the behavior of the other country,” said Danny Russel, a former assistant secretary of state who participated in talks with Xi during the Obama administration. “Both are also mindful of the risk of an incident between our militaries that could quickly spin out of control.”

No one meeting could have resolved the enormous divisions that have grown between the two countries.

The trade war that Trump started remains unresolved, with China still more than $180 billion short of a pledge to purchase $380 billion in American products before a deadline of Dec. 31. Problems have also emerged or gotten worse, including a Pentagon assessment that China is rapidly expanding its strategic nuclear arsenal, and may be abandoning its decadeslong strategy of maintaining a “minimum deterrent.”

Administration officials declined to discuss what was said about the nuclear buildup, beyond a vague statement that Biden “underscored the importance of managing strategic risks.”

Other topics that analysts thought would come up did not, according to the senior administration official. They included disputes over granting visas for diplomats, journalists and others, as well as a possible invitation to attend the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February.

Many also expected an effort to create a forum for discussing disputes.

The two sides did agree to talks among lower-level officials. That, and the leaders’ tone in their published statements, raised hopes that tensions could ease at least a bit.

“All the right things were said by both sides to stabilize a relationship marked by mutual mistrust,” said Rorry Daniels, a security specialist with the National Committee on American Foreign Policy in New York. “The question moving forward is how each side will adjust policy to meet this change of direction.”

On Tuesday, Biden suggested that officials from both sides would meet in working groups, though he did not specify on which issues. “We got a lot to follow up on,” he said.

After Biden’s last telephone call with the Chinese leader in September, the tone of the relationship, at least, improved considerably.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken and his counterpart, Wang Yi, met on the sidelines of the G-20 gathering and spoke by phone again last weekend. Biden’s envoy on climate change, John Kerry, and Xi’s, Xie Zhenhua, reached a surprise agreement on the issue at the talks this month in Glasgow, Scotland.

Xi, according to the Chinese description of the talks, suggested that cooperation on issues like climate change was conditional on stability across the spectrum of the relationship — a stance at odds with Biden’s view.

“China and the United States are entering a period of détente, but we don’t know how long it will be and to what extent,” said Cheng Xiaohe, an associate professor of international studies at Renmin University in Beijing. “We have a lot of uncertainties now.”

Even as the two leaders met virtually, another meeting was taking place in Beijing, commemorating the American pilots known as the Flying Tigers who aided China during its war against Japan in 1941 and 1942.

“The story of the Flying Tigers undergirds the profound friendship forged by the lives and blood of the Chinese and American people,” Qin Gang, China’s ambassador to the United States, said during the event. Acknowledging the tensions in the relationship, he added that the two countries “should inherit the friendly friendship tempered by war.”

The virtual meeting between President Joe Biden and China’s leader, Xi Jinping, produced no breakthroughs in a relationship that has spiraled dangerously downward.

The virtual meeting between President Joe Biden and China’s leader, Xi Jinping, produced no breakthroughs in a relationship that has spiraled dangerously downward. That was not the intent. Instead, the two leaders sought to keep the many disputes between the two countries from escalating into a broader conflict. If they can translate their words into a kind of détente, it would count as a diplomatic success. “It seems clear to me we need to establish some common-sense guardrails,” Biden told Xi in opening remarks, speaking over what amounted to the equivalent of a Zoom call from the Roosevelt Room at the White House and the East Hall in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Xi, for his part, called Biden “my old friend” and used a nautical metaphor, comparing the two countries to ships that must together navigate the ocean’s wind and waves without colliding. Bubbling under the surface, though, was acrimony that could prove difficult to resolve. At the end of 3 1/2 hours of talks, the two did not even cobble together the sort of joint statement that has typically punctuated summits between the United States and China over the decades. Xi’s last meeting with a U.S. president, Donald Trump in 2019, also ended with no joint statement, marking the deterioration in ties. Nor did the meeting end with any agreement to have groups of officials from both sides hold further talks on strategic nuclear issues and conflicts in cyberspace — the way Biden did in his summit in June with another quarrelsome geopolitical rival, President Vladimir Putin of Russia. “We were not expecting a breakthrough,” a senior administration official told reporters shortly after the talks with Xi ended. “There were none.” Instead, the two sides issued their own statements, each emphasizing the points of long-standing contention. They amounted to catalogs of mutual grievances that offered little room for compromise. Biden raised concerns about human rights abuses in Xinjiang, Tibet and Hong Kong, and about China’s “unfair trade and economic policies” harming American workers, the White House statement said. Xi, according to China’s own readout, said that U.S. support for Taiwan was “playing with fire,” and explicitly warned that the world risked slipping back into the superpower confrontations of a half-century ago. “Engaging in ideological demarcation, camp division, group confrontation, will inevitably bring disaster to the world,” Xi said, a clear reference to a pillar of the new administration’s strategy for challenging China by teaming up with like-minded nations that fear China or oppose its authoritarian model. “The consequence of the Cold War are not far away.” With that reference, Xi plunged directly into the debate now underway in Washington about whether the two powers are descending into something akin to the Cold War, or whether the deep economic, trade and technological links between China and the U.S. make any comparison to the old U.S.-Soviet Union relationship impossible. The tone of the meeting was a reminder that China, perhaps inevitably, remains what Biden and his top advisers have cast as the greatest geopolitical challenge to the United States in its history. They have rejected the Cold War comparisons as overly simplistic, and as Biden’s national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, put it, “We have the choice not to do that.” “China is going to be a factor in the international system for the foreseeable future — it’s not going anywhere,” Sullivan said last week during a speech to the Lowy Institute in Australia. “And the United States is not going anywhere, and we’re not going anywhere in the Indo-Pacific either. And so we’re going to have to learn how to deal with that reality.” Although the two leaders have spoken by telephone twice this year, the conference was intended to replicate the more thorough discussion of issues in previous summits between the United States and China — something that has not been possible because pandemic and political preoccupations have kept Xi from traveling since January 2020. The White House had hoped to hold the meeting in person, possibly at the Group of 20 meeting in Rome last month, but concluded that it was better to meet remotely than to let tensions fester into next year. Xi is sure to be preoccupied then with the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February and a Communist Party congress in November that is expected to extend his rule. Biden has repeatedly suggested that it should be possible for the United States to engage in vigorous competition with China and to confront it over certain issues, without risking clashes — whether in the disputed waters off China’s coast or in the murky shadows of cyberspace. He also wanted to hold the meeting after he had begun to shore up American competitiveness at home. Just hours before meeting Xi, he signed the bipartisan infrastructure bill, which his aides cited as an example of refocusing on international competitiveness. He also recently signed other legislation that bans some key Chinese technology players, like telecommunications giant Huawei, from operating inside the United States. What is perceived as a move to strengthen the economy in one capital can seem aggressive in the other. “Both leaders are dissatisfied with the state of the relationship and the behavior of the other country,” said Danny Russel, a former assistant secretary of state who participated in talks with Xi during the Obama administration. “Both are also mindful of the risk of an incident between our militaries that could quickly spin out of control.” No one meeting could have resolved the enormous divisions that have grown between the two countries. The trade war that Trump started remains unresolved, with China still more than $180 billion short of a pledge to purchase $380 billion in American products before a deadline of Dec. 31. Problems have also emerged or gotten worse, including a Pentagon assessment that China is rapidly expanding its strategic nuclear arsenal, and may be abandoning its decadeslong strategy of maintaining a “minimum deterrent.” Administration officials declined to discuss what was said about the nuclear buildup, beyond a vague statement that Biden “underscored the importance of managing strategic risks.” Other topics that analysts thought would come up did not, according to the senior administration official. They included disputes over granting visas for diplomats, journalists and others, as well as a possible invitation to attend the Winter Olympics in Beijing in February. Many also expected an effort to create a forum for discussing disputes. The two sides did agree to talks among lower-level officials. That, and the leaders’ tone in their published statements, raised hopes that tensions could ease at least a bit. “All the right things were said by both sides to stabilize a relationship marked by mutual mistrust,” said Rorry Daniels, a security specialist with the National Committee on American Foreign Policy in New York. “The question moving forward is how each side will adjust policy to meet this change of direction.” On Tuesday, Biden suggested that officials from both sides would meet in working groups, though he did not specify on which issues. “We got a lot to follow up on,” he said. After Biden’s last telephone call with the Chinese leader in September, the tone of the relationship, at least, improved considerably. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and his counterpart, Wang Yi, met on the sidelines of the G-20 gathering and spoke by phone again last weekend. Biden’s envoy on climate change, John Kerry, and Xi’s, Xie Zhenhua, reached a surprise agreement on the issue at the talks this month in Glasgow, Scotland. Xi, according to the Chinese description of the talks, suggested that cooperation on issues like climate change was conditional on stability across the spectrum of the relationship — a stance at odds with Biden’s view. “China and the United States are entering a period of détente, but we don’t know how long it will be and to what extent,” said Cheng Xiaohe, an associate professor of international studies at Renmin University in Beijing. “We have a lot of uncertainties now.” Even as the two leaders met virtually, another meeting was taking place in Beijing, commemorating the American pilots known as the Flying Tigers who aided China during its war against Japan in 1941 and 1942. “The story of the Flying Tigers undergirds the profound friendship forged by the lives and blood of the Chinese and American people,” Qin Gang, China’s ambassador to the United States, said during the event. Acknowledging the tensions in the relationship, he added that the two countries “should inherit the friendly friendship tempered by war.”

US-China summit produces little more than polite words, but they help

US President Joe Biden asked for a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping. But failed to achieve any breakthrough. Biden was ineffective in pressing Xi Jinping on Xinjiang, Taiwan & Wuhan virus origins. Palki Sharma tells you why Biden's China policy is failing.

Gravitas | Xi-Biden meeting: US President fails to secure any breakthrough

A year after President Biden’s election, we’re beginning to see the contours of his foreign policy: He has something for everyone. For balance-of-power realists, he has countered China by working much more closely with “the Quad” — India, Australia, Japan and the United States — and creating a new British, Australian, U.S. nexus with the AUKUS submarine deal, no matter how clumsily handled.

For liberal internationalists, he has re-engaged with global institutions: rejoining the World Health Organization and the U.N.-sponsored Paris Agreement to limit climate change and recommitting to NATO. For those advocating “restraint” in America’s military might, he has ended at least the visible “forever wars.”

And for democracy and human rights activists committed to a values-based foreign policy, Mr. Biden will be hosting a Summit for Democracy next month. The administration has also ratcheted up both its rhetoric and its actions on human rights issues, accusing China of both genocide and crimes against humanity for its treatment of its Uyghur population and authorizing sanctions against several officials responsible for the war and humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia.

Yet when everyone gets something, no one gets everything, which is why the core principles of Mr. Biden’s worldview have been hard to pin down.

Not for lack of trying, however. Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, argues that Mr. Biden is continuing many of Donald Trump’s “America First” policies in a different guise. Joshua Shifrinson, a Boston University professor, and Stephen Wertheim, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, claim that the Biden Doctrine is “pragmatic realism,” pursuing U.S. interests “in a competitive world” and changing course as necessary to achieve them.

On the values-based side of the foreign policy ledger, a growing number of observers insist that the real Biden Doctrine is to preserve and prove “the supremacy of democracy” worldwide. As Jonathan Tepperman, former editor in chief of Foreign Policy, argues, the “global contest between democracies and autocracies” provides an “organizing principle” to link investing in infrastructure and industrial policy at home, pursuing a foreign policy for the middle class and working to build coalitions of democracies abroad.

Perhaps Mr. Biden is perfectly comfortable with multiple “Biden Doctrines.” He might say that reconciling conflicting impulses and brokering compromises is his trademark as a politician who knows how to get things done.

The problem is that swinging from one framework and set of goals to another without a set of clear principles and priorities risks falling radically short of the progress that the world needs on existential issues. What difference does it make whether the United States “beats China” if our cities are underwater, the Gulf Stream stops warming northern Europe and the United States, and hundreds of millions of climate refugees are on the move? If we destroy the biodiversity on the planet? If millions more people die from serial pandemics? If people the world over do not have the means to flourish and care for one another?

It is time to break free of 20th-century thinking. Two decades of Mr. Biden’s 50-odd years in public life were spent during the Cold War and a third during the 1990s with the United States as a hyperpower. For most of this period great-power competition and making the world safe for democracy were fused. “People” issues were relegated to human rights advocates and development experts. Diplomacy and defense were the provinces of nations and the field of international relations.

The frameworks, paradigms and doctrines of that era, of any kind, are simply insufficient to meet the challenges of the 21st century. Bolder thinking is required, thinking that shifts away from states, whether great powers or lesser powers, democracies or autocracies. It is time to put people first, to see the world first as a planet of eight billion people rather than as an artificially constructed system of 195 countries and to measure all state actions in terms of their impact on people. Instead of competing with China today on one issue and cooperating tomorrow on another, Mr. Biden must prioritize cooperation on global issues and challenge other nations, regardless of whether they are democracies, autocracies or something in between, to join in.

This approach is known as globalism, which has a bad name because of its association with globalization. But globalism is actually closer to localism, to beginning with people, where they live and what they need, regardless of what colored square on the map they happen to be born in. It is a people-centered rather than a state-centered approach to problem-solving on a global scale. It does not pretend that governments don’t exist or don’t matter, but rejects the idea that interstate rivalry matters as an end in itself — the essence of geopolitics.

Globalism also sees government officials as a set of actors who can contribute to either global problems or global solutions. To succeed as problem solvers, however, they must work side by side with global corporations and networks of cities, civic groups, faith groups, universities, scientists and others. These actors are not just “helpers” or catalysts or constituents. They are players in global politics.

Mr. Biden sometimes seems to be moving in this direction. His speech to the U.N. General Assembly in September laid out a long list of global problems, from health and climate change to inequality and corruption. In my view, his greatest foreign policy achievement to date was to secure a minimum global corporate tax rate of 15 percent, ensuring that corporations worldwide pay at least a portion of their fair share for the public goods — from roads to intellectual property laws — that they rely on and that benefit all citizens. The Biden administration also embraces an “all of society” approach to fighting climate change.

Time and again, however, Mr. Biden’s other goal — of beating China, or more broadly of lining up the democracies to beat the autocracies — gets in the way. This week, thanks to the work of John Kerry, the climate envoy, the United States and China reached an important agreement to cooperate on deeper cuts to both carbon dioxide and methane emissions. It’s not enough, however, and misses a larger opportunity to mobilize the United States, China, the European Union and India as co-leaders on a global climate challenge.

The lure of competition — often on the edge of conflict — with a rival superpower is just too strong, both for Mr. Biden and for the tight-knit band of brothers who form the core of his foreign policy team. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, are veterans of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia,” a concept designed and advanced in large part by Kurt Campbell, now the White House Asia czar.

From the perspective of 20th-century geopolitics, it makes sense for the Biden administration to approach its relationship with China as one in which the United States has many different goals: economic, military and diplomatic. On some issues, like climate or health, we seek China’s cooperation. On many more, like military primacy, freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, fair trade, intellectual property rights, cybersecurity and human rights, our relationship requires competition and coercion. Hence we have the frequent trade-off debate, in which China hawks have demanded that Mr. Kerry not give an inch to get concessions on Chinese emissions or to encourage other actions that are necessary to stop the globe from warming another degree.

From a people-first perspective, saving the planet for humanity must be a goal that takes precedence over all others. The United States should openly challenge China to a competition to see which country can deliver the cleanest and safest environment for its people while at the same time increasing their well-being. Which country can build and deploy clean technologies the fastest? Which country can help the most developing countries upgrade their infrastructure and wean themselves off carbon?

It should be possible to develop common measures to assess the climate impact of China’s Belt and Road investments versus the Build Back Better World initiative — a project of the Group of 7 wealthiest economies — and the E.U.’s Global Gateway investments and to agree on a set of nongovernmental organizations charged with applying and publicizing these metrics. Global youth movements, from the Sunrise Movement in the United States to the China Youth Climate Action Network and Greta Thunberg’s followers everywhere, would be ideal candidates.

When it comes to the Covid-19 pandemic, if our collective goal really is to vaccinate and treat as many people as possible worldwide, then it’s time to ignore geopolitics. Back in September, the Biden administration’s global vaccine summit brought together over 100 governments and an additional 100 global actors to commit to vaccinating 70 percent of the world’s people by 2022. China has said that it is now working with 19 nations to produce vaccines and cooperating with another 30 countries on vaccine distribution through the Belt and Road Initiative. Indeed, President Xi Jinping of China proposed a Global Vaccine Cooperation Action Initiative at the Group of 20 summit last month, without an apparent response from the United States. Aboard Air Force One, on his way to Rome, Mr. Sullivan told reporters that “the main thrust of the effort on Covid-19 is not actually traveling through the G20.” My translation: The Chinese and their partners have one effort and the United States and its partners have another.

Mr. Biden believes in the inherent value and ultimate superiority of democracy. He sees it as the form of government that best recognizes human dignity and agency, and that can deliver well-being and prosperity for the greatest number of people. So do I. But this conviction, which was as reflexive as breathing for most Americans during the 20th century, must now be put to an empirical test, starting at home.

Mr. Biden gets this, in part. He has made clear that the United States must demonstrate that our democracy can in fact represent and deliver results for our own people. Bolder thinking would insist that the United States face all the ways in which our democracy has fallen short for millions of our people and accept at least the possibility that other forms of government could be better. Beyond U.S. borders, the contest between democracy and autocracy should be an open competition to see which governments can deliver more — materially, intellectually, spiritual and all the other ways we measure human flourishing — for their people. One measure might be which country does the most to achieve the U.N.’s Sustainable Development Goals, as assessed by a global coalition of civic organizations.

Globalism is not mushy government idealism — far from it. It does not deny the existence or importance of government — at the local, state, national and international levels — or of intergovernmental diplomacy. But it insists that the great-power games, as deadly as they have been and could still be, must give way to planetary politics, in which human beings matter more than nationalities. Competition itself is fine and natural, but it needs to be competition to achieve a goal that benefits us all.

Under normal circumstances, administrations set goals and navigate the conflicting interests that are the essence of politics. They muddle through one crisis, one summit, one speech at a time. But we are not living in normal times. As Mr. Biden understands and is striving to achieve on the domestic front, it’s time for bold, transformative change. To vaccinate fewer people globally in the hope of demonstrating American or even democratic superiority is a moral calamity that will hurt us all.

To some, adopting people-centered policies at the national and global levels might seem so fanciful as to be delusional. But history shows that it is possible to change course, even drastically. Just over a hundred years ago, the United States Senate refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and turned its back on the League of Nations. At the time, no one would have predicted that a quarter century later, President Franklin Roosevelt would be a principal architect of the United Nations and that the United States would embrace a set of global institutions designed to maintain peace, prosperity and security. Gen Z and many millennials are already thinking in planetary terms, putting people ahead of states. It is time for the rest of us to catch up.

A year after President Biden’s election, we’re beginning to see the contours of his foreign policy: He has something for everyone. For balance-of-power realists, he has countered China by working much more closely with “the Quad” — India, Australia, Japan and the United States — and creating a new British, Australian, U.

A year after President Biden’s election, we’re beginning to see the contours of his foreign policy: He has something for everyone. For balance-of-power realists, he has countered China by working much more closely with “the Quad” — India, Australia, Japan and the United States — and creating a new British, Australian, U.S. nexus with the AUKUS submarine deal, no matter how clumsily handled. For liberal internationalists, he has re-engaged with global institutions: rejoining the World Health Organization and the U.N.-sponsored Paris Agreement to limit climate change and recommitting to NATO. For those advocating “restraint” in America’s military might, he has ended at least the visible “forever wars.” And for democracy and human rights activists committed to a values-based foreign policy, Mr. Biden will be hosting a Summit for Democracy next month. The administration has also ratcheted up both its rhetoric and its actions on human rights issues, accusing China of both genocide and crimes against humanity for its treatment of its Uyghur population and authorizing sanctions against several officials responsible for the war and humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia. Yet when everyone gets something, no one gets everything, which is why the core principles of Mr. Biden’s worldview have been hard to pin down. Not for lack of trying, however. Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations, argues that Mr. Biden is continuing many of Donald Trump’s “America First” policies in a different guise. Joshua Shifrinson, a Boston University professor, and Stephen Wertheim, senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, claim that the Biden Doctrine is “pragmatic realism,” pursuing U.S. interests “in a competitive world” and changing course as necessary to achieve them. On the values-based side of the foreign policy ledger, a growing number of observers insist that the real Biden Doctrine is to preserve and prove “the supremacy of democracy” worldwide. As Jonathan Tepperman, former editor in chief of Foreign Policy, argues, the “global contest between democracies and autocracies” provides an “organizing principle” to link investing in infrastructure and industrial policy at home, pursuing a foreign policy for the middle class and working to build coalitions of democracies abroad. Perhaps Mr. Biden is perfectly comfortable with multiple “Biden Doctrines.” He might say that reconciling conflicting impulses and brokering compromises is his trademark as a politician who knows how to get things done. The problem is that swinging from one framework and set of goals to another without a set of clear principles and priorities risks falling radically short of the progress that the world needs on existential issues. What difference does it make whether the United States “beats China” if our cities are underwater, the Gulf Stream stops warming northern Europe and the United States, and hundreds of millions of climate refugees are on the move? If we destroy the biodiversity on the planet? If millions more people die from serial pandemics? If people the world over do not have the means to flourish and care for one another? It is time to break free of 20th-century thinking. Two decades of Mr. Biden’s 50-odd years in public life were spent during the Cold War and a third during the 1990s with the United States as a hyperpower. For most of this period great-power competition and making the world safe for democracy were fused. “People” issues were relegated to human rights advocates and development experts. Diplomacy and defense were the provinces of nations and the field of international relations. The frameworks, paradigms and doctrines of that era, of any kind, are simply insufficient to meet the challenges of the 21st century. Bolder thinking is required, thinking that shifts away from states, whether great powers or lesser powers, democracies or autocracies. It is time to put people first, to see the world first as a planet of eight billion people rather than as an artificially constructed system of 195 countries and to measure all state actions in terms of their impact on people. Instead of competing with China today on one issue and cooperating tomorrow on another, Mr. Biden must prioritize cooperation on global issues and challenge other nations, regardless of whether they are democracies, autocracies or something in between, to join in. This approach is known as globalism, which has a bad name because of its association with globalization. But globalism is actually closer to localism, to beginning with people, where they live and what they need, regardless of what colored square on the map they happen to be born in. It is a people-centered rather than a state-centered approach to problem-solving on a global scale. It does not pretend that governments don’t exist or don’t matter, but rejects the idea that interstate rivalry matters as an end in itself — the essence of geopolitics. Globalism also sees government officials as a set of actors who can contribute to either global problems or global solutions. To succeed as problem solvers, however, they must work side by side with global corporations and networks of cities, civic groups, faith groups, universities, scientists and others. These actors are not just “helpers” or catalysts or constituents. They are players in global politics. Mr. Biden sometimes seems to be moving in this direction. His speech to the U.N. General Assembly in September laid out a long list of global problems, from health and climate change to inequality and corruption. In my view, his greatest foreign policy achievement to date was to secure a minimum global corporate tax rate of 15 percent, ensuring that corporations worldwide pay at least a portion of their fair share for the public goods — from roads to intellectual property laws — that they rely on and that benefit all citizens. The Biden administration also embraces an “all of society” approach to fighting climate change. Time and again, however, Mr. Biden’s other goal — of beating China, or more broadly of lining up the democracies to beat the autocracies — gets in the way. This week, thanks to the work of John Kerry, the climate envoy, the United States and China reached an important agreement to cooperate on deeper cuts to both carbon dioxide and methane emissions. It’s not enough, however, and misses a larger opportunity to mobilize the United States, China, the European Union and India as co-leaders on a global climate challenge. The lure of competition — often on the edge of conflict — with a rival superpower is just too strong, both for Mr. Biden and for the tight-knit band of brothers who form the core of his foreign policy team. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, are veterans of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia,” a concept designed and advanced in large part by Kurt Campbell, now the White House Asia czar. From the perspective of 20th-century geopolitics, it makes sense for the Biden administration to approach its relationship with China as one in which the United States has many different goals: economic, military and diplomatic. On some issues, like climate or health, we seek China’s cooperation. On many more, like military primacy, freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, fair trade, intellectual property rights, cybersecurity and human rights, our relationship requires competition and coercion. Hence we have the frequent trade-off debate, in which China hawks have demanded that Mr. Kerry not give an inch to get concessions on Chinese emissions or to encourage other actions that are necessary to stop the globe from warming another degree. From a people-first perspective, saving the planet for humanity must be a goal that takes precedence over all others. The United States should openly challenge China to a competition to see which country can deliver the cleanest and safest environment for its people while at the same time increasing their well-being. Which country can build and deploy clean technologies the fastest? Which country can help the most developing countries upgrade their infrastructure and wean themselves off carbon? It should be possible to develop common measures to assess the climate impact of China’s Belt and Road investments versus the Build Back Better World initiative — a project of the Group of 7 wealthiest economies — and the E.U.’s Global Gateway investments and to agree on a set of nongovernmental organizations charged with applying and publicizing these metrics. Global youth movements, from the Sunrise Movement in the United States to the China Youth Climate Action Network and Greta Thunberg’s followers everywhere, would be ideal candidates. When it comes to the Covid-19 pandemic, if our collective goal really is to vaccinate and treat as many people as possible worldwide, then it’s time to ignore geopolitics. Back in September, the Biden administration’s global vaccine summit brought together over 100 governments and an additional 100 global actors to commit to vaccinating 70 percent of the world’s people by 2022. China has said that it is now working with 19 nations to produce vaccines and cooperating with another 30 countries on vaccine distribution through the Belt and Road Initiative. Indeed, President Xi Jinping of China proposed a Global Vaccine Cooperation Action Initiative at the Group of 20 summit last month, without an apparent response from the United States. Aboard Air Force One, on his way to Rome, Mr. Sullivan told reporters that “the main thrust of the effort on Covid-19 is not actually traveling through the G20.” My translation: The Chinese and their partners have one effort and the United States and its partners have another. Mr. Biden believes in the inherent value and ultimate superiority of democracy. He sees it as the form of government that best recognizes human dignity and agency, and that can deliver well-being and prosperity for the greatest number of people. So do I. But this conviction, which was as reflexive as breathing for most Americans during the 20th century, must now be put to an empirical test, starting at home. Mr. Biden gets this, in part. He has made clear that the United States must demonstrate that our democracy can in fact represent and deliver results for our own people. Bolder thinking would insist that the United States face all the ways in which our democracy has fallen short for millions of our people and accept at least the possibility that other forms of government could be better. Beyond U.S. borders, the contest between democracy and autocracy should be an open competition to see which governments can deliver more — materially, intellectually, spiritual and all the other ways we measure human flourishing — for their people. One measure might be which country does the most to achieve the U.N.’s Sustainable Development Goals, as assessed by a global coalition of civic organizations. Globalism is not mushy government idealism — far from it. It does not deny the existence or importance of government — at the local, state, national and international levels — or of intergovernmental diplomacy. But it insists that the great-power games, as deadly as they have been and could still be, must give way to planetary politics, in which human beings matter more than nationalities. Competition itself is fine and natural, but it needs to be competition to achieve a goal that benefits us all. Under normal circumstances, administrations set goals and navigate the conflicting interests that are the essence of politics. They muddle through one crisis, one summit, one speech at a time. But we are not living in normal times. As Mr. Biden understands and is striving to achieve on the domestic front, it’s time for bold, transformative change. To vaccinate fewer people globally in the hope of demonstrating American or even democratic superiority is a moral calamity that will hurt us all. To some, adopting people-centered policies at the national and global levels might seem so fanciful as to be delusional. But history shows that it is possible to change course, even drastically. Just over a hundred years ago, the United States Senate refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles and turned its back on the League of Nations. At the time, no one would have predicted that a quarter century later, President Franklin Roosevelt would be a principal architect of the United Nations and that the United States would embrace a set of global institutions designed to maintain peace, prosperity and security. Gen Z and many millennials are already thinking in planetary terms, putting people ahead of states. It is time for the rest of us to catch up.

It’s time to get honest about the Biden doctrine

Taiwan took centre stage as Joe Biden and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping met for a virtual meet. The talks were held in a cordial manner but the tensions remained palpable. Xi Jinping warned on Taiwan, saying that the US was playing with fire.

Biden-Xi meet: China warns United States about 'playing with fire' on Taiwan

xi-jinping

Xi Jinping, News on Xi Jinping, stories on Xi Jinping, articles on Xi Jinping, Xi Jinping stories at Wion, Xi Jinping news, Xi Jinping latest news

xi jinping