China’s crude oil imports from Saudi Arabia rose 15% in June from a year ago, as refiners ordered record volumes of the fuel in March and April when oil prices tumbled, cementing the kingdom’s position as the top oil supplier to China.

Imports from Saudi Arabia rose to 8.88 million tonnes in June, or 2.16 million bpd, in June, according to data from the General Administration of Customs on Sunday.

That was in line with May’s volumes, but well above 1.89 million bpd during the same period last year.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/saudi-arabia-all-set-to-host-truncated-hajj-pilgrimage-during-covid-19-outbreak-316044">Also watch|&nbsp;Saudi Arabia all set to host truncated hajj pilgrimage during COVID-19 outbreak</a>

The record imports follow a price war between Saudi Arabia and Russia, the world’s top oil exporters, during March and April when the coronavirus pandemic dampened demand and caused a global fuel glut.

Shipments from Russia were at 7.98 million tonnes last month, or 1.95 million barrels per day (bpd), up around 7% from 1.82 million bpd in May and 1.73 million bpd in June 2019.

Saudi, however, delivered bigger oil cuts from June and raised crude prices as a plunge in oil prices weighed on the kingdom’s budget.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-arabia-may-introduce-income-tax-as-economy-shrinks-due-to-coronavirus-315504">Also read|&nbsp;Saudi Arabia may introduce income tax as economy shrinks due to coronavirus</a>

China, the world’s biggest crude oil importer, took in a record 53.18 million tonnes last month, according to customs data.

China also boosted inflows from Brazil, Norway and Angola, said Emma Li, analyst from Refinitiv.

Brazil, whose massive offshore projects are coming online, offered Asian refiners competitive deals on relatively high-quality oil just as China and other Asian countries contained the coronavirus and reopened their economies.

Analysts expect China to see another record amount of crude imports in July as some May-loading cargoes are still underway while swelling oil inventory at major Chinese ports slows new arrivals.

China’s crude oil imports from Saudi Arabia rose 15% in June from a year ago, as refiners ordered record volumes of the fuel in March and April when oil prices tumbled, cementing the kingdom’s position as the top oil supplier to China.

China’s crude oil imports from Saudi Arabia rose 15% in June from a year ago, as refiners ordered record volumes of the fuel in March and April when oil prices tumbled, cementing the kingdom’s position as the top oil supplier to China. Imports from Saudi Arabia rose to 8.88 million tonnes in June, or 2.16 million bpd, in June, according to data from the General Administration of Customs on Sunday. That was in line with May’s volumes, but well above 1.89 million bpd during the same period last year. Also watch| Saudi Arabia all set to host truncated hajj pilgrimage during COVID-19 outbreak The record imports follow a price war between Saudi Arabia and Russia, the world’s top oil exporters, during March and April when the coronavirus pandemic dampened demand and caused a global fuel glut. Shipments from Russia were at 7.98 million tonnes last month, or 1.95 million barrels per day (bpd), up around 7% from 1.82 million bpd in May and 1.73 million bpd in June 2019. Saudi, however, delivered bigger oil cuts from June and raised crude prices as a plunge in oil prices weighed on the kingdom’s budget. Also read| Saudi Arabia may introduce income tax as economy shrinks due to coronavirus China, the world’s biggest crude oil importer, took in a record 53.18 million tonnes last month, according to customs data. China also boosted inflows from Brazil, Norway and Angola, said Emma Li, analyst from Refinitiv. Brazil, whose massive offshore projects are coming online, offered Asian refiners competitive deals on relatively high-quality oil just as China and other Asian countries contained the coronavirus and reopened their economies. Analysts expect China to see another record amount of crude imports in July as some May-loading cargoes are still underway while swelling oil inventory at major Chinese ports slows new arrivals.

China imports more oil from Saudi than any other country in June

Premier League chief executive Richard Masters suggested the proposed Saudi&nbsp;takeover&nbsp;of&nbsp;Newcastle&nbsp;United had become complicated but hoped to have a conclusion to the process shortly.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/sports/ipl-should-cut-ties-with-chinese-sponsors-kxip-co-owner-ness-wadia-309675" hreflang="en">IPL should cut ties with Chinese sponsors: KXIP co-owner Ness Wadia</a>

The Premier League's board has been carrying out an examination of the proposed&nbsp;takeover&nbsp;as part of its 'owners and directors test' which evaluates the suitability of ownership groups.

A group fronted by British financier Amanda Staveley, with an expected 80% investment from the Saudi sovereign wealth fund PIF and 10% involvement from billionaire brothers David and Simon Reuben, made a reported 300 million pound ($375 million) bid to buy the club from British businessman Mike Ashley in April.

Speaking to a hearing of the British parliament's Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee, Masters was asked about the uncertainty that&nbsp;Newcastle&nbsp;fans have been facing over their club's future.

"I do appreciate that uncertainty, I cannot comment in terms of timing or the specifics on any particular&nbsp;takeover&nbsp;but in a perfect world,&nbsp;takeovers would happen cleanly, clearly and in a timely fashion. Sometimes, things get complicated," he said.

Masters said that he was bound by confidentiality clauses in all&nbsp;takeover&nbsp;processes and so was not able to discuss details of the case.

"When they drag on, sometimes there's a requirement for information. It's a relatively rare occurrence," he said.

"I think it's very difficult to keep a constant dialogue with fans about what's an entirely confidential process.

"We can't provide a running commentary on things and, as I said, I just can't talk about the specifics of this particular process."

Masters said he hoped the process would conclude "shortly".

One of the issues that has been raised by critics of the&nbsp;takeover&nbsp;is Saudi Arabia's response to cases of unauthorised broadcasting of Premier League games in the country.

Earlier this month, a World Trade Organization (WTO) panel told Saudi Arabia it had breached global rules on intellectual property rights by failing to prosecute a pirate broadcaster of sports and movies in a dispute with Gulf neighbour Qatar regarding the BeoutQ channel, which broadcast Premier League games.

"BeoutQ is now off the air, and what we want, off the back of the WTO report, is for Saudi Arabia to respond positively the situation and to allow sports rights-holders to take their rights," said Masters.

Premier League chief executive Richard Masters suggested the proposed Saudi takeover of Newcastle United had become complicated but hoped to have a conclusion to the process shortly.

Premier League chief executive Richard Masters suggested the proposed Saudi takeover of Newcastle United had become complicated but hoped to have a conclusion to the process shortly. Also read: IPL should cut ties with Chinese sponsors: KXIP co-owner Ness Wadia The Premier League's board has been carrying out an examination of the proposed takeover as part of its 'owners and directors test' which evaluates the suitability of ownership groups. A group fronted by British financier Amanda Staveley, with an expected 80% investment from the Saudi sovereign wealth fund PIF and 10% involvement from billionaire brothers David and Simon Reuben, made a reported 300 million pound ($375 million) bid to buy the club from British businessman Mike Ashley in April. Speaking to a hearing of the British parliament's Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Committee, Masters was asked about the uncertainty that Newcastle fans have been facing over their club's future. "I do appreciate that uncertainty, I cannot comment in terms of timing or the specifics on any particular takeover but in a perfect world, takeovers would happen cleanly, clearly and in a timely fashion. Sometimes, things get complicated," he said. Masters said that he was bound by confidentiality clauses in all takeover processes and so was not able to discuss details of the case. "When they drag on, sometimes there's a requirement for information. It's a relatively rare occurrence," he said. "I think it's very difficult to keep a constant dialogue with fans about what's an entirely confidential process. "We can't provide a running commentary on things and, as I said, I just can't talk about the specifics of this particular process." Masters said he hoped the process would conclude "shortly". One of the issues that has been raised by critics of the takeover is Saudi Arabia's response to cases of unauthorised broadcasting of Premier League games in the country. Earlier this month, a World Trade Organization (WTO) panel told Saudi Arabia it had breached global rules on intellectual property rights by failing to prosecute a pirate broadcaster of sports and movies in a dispute with Gulf neighbour Qatar regarding the BeoutQ channel, which broadcast Premier League games. "BeoutQ is now off the air, and what we want, off the back of the WTO report, is for Saudi Arabia to respond positively the situation and to allow sports rights-holders to take their rights," said Masters.

Saudi Arabia's takeover of Newcastle is complicated, says Premier League chief

Eid al-Fitr observed amid coronavirus pandemic across the globe!

The sons of murdered Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi said Friday that they "forgive" the killers of their father. "We the sons of martyr Jamal Khashoggi announce we forgive and pardon those who killed our father," the Washington Post columnist's son Salah Khashoggi said on Twitter.

'Forgive those who killed our father': Sons of Saudi journalist Khashoggi

One of the biggest takeovers in the Premier League looks imminent as a £300m deal between Newcastle United owner Mike Ashley and Saudi Arabia-based Amanda Staveley's PCP Capital Partners has reportedly been agreed. According to reports, Saudi's crown prince Mohammed bin Salman's &nbsp;Public Investment Fund will finance 80 per cent of the takeover.&nbsp;

The Saudi government's links to TV piracy of Premier League and alleged human rights violation in the country had kept the deal on hold. But the report suggests that all the parties have agreed to terms and the official announcement could be made soon.&nbsp;

Earlier, Premier League and all the clubs were urged to block the much-talked-about takeover of Newcastle United by its overseas TV partner beIN Sports. Qatar-based broadcaster beIN Sports has said that Saudi Arabia should be held accountable for its involvement in a pirate TV network, which broadcasts Premier League matches illegally.&nbsp;

The network, named beoutQ, first began live-streaming sporting events, illegally, in the year 2017. The Premier League has been among several organisations and sporting bodies who have asked Arabsat to stop providing a channel for a pirate network.&nbsp;

In July 2019, the Premier League said that it had spoken to nine law firms in Saudi Arabia, who simply refused to pursue a copyright complaint against beoutQ.

BeIN Sports are Premier League’s biggest overseas broadcast partner with their deal costing £500million for three years

Yousef al-Obaidly, the chief executive of beIN, has written to all 20 Premier League while petitioning the governing bodies’ chief executive, Richard Masters.

One of the biggest takeovers in the Premier League looks imminent as a £300m deal between Newcastle United owner Mike Ashley and Saudi Arabia-based Amanda Staveley's PCP Capital Partners has reportedly been agreed.

One of the biggest takeovers in the Premier League looks imminent as a £300m deal between Newcastle United owner Mike Ashley and Saudi Arabia-based Amanda Staveley's PCP Capital Partners has reportedly been agreed. According to reports, Saudi's crown prince Mohammed bin Salman's Public Investment Fund will finance 80 per cent of the takeover. The Saudi government's links to TV piracy of Premier League and alleged human rights violation in the country had kept the deal on hold. But the report suggests that all the parties have agreed to terms and the official announcement could be made soon. Earlier, Premier League and all the clubs were urged to block the much-talked-about takeover of Newcastle United by its overseas TV partner beIN Sports. Qatar-based broadcaster beIN Sports has said that Saudi Arabia should be held accountable for its involvement in a pirate TV network, which broadcasts Premier League matches illegally. The network, named beoutQ, first began live-streaming sporting events, illegally, in the year 2017. The Premier League has been among several organisations and sporting bodies who have asked Arabsat to stop providing a channel for a pirate network. In July 2019, the Premier League said that it had spoken to nine law firms in Saudi Arabia, who simply refused to pursue a copyright complaint against beoutQ. BeIN Sports are Premier League’s biggest overseas broadcast partner with their deal costing £500million for three years Yousef al-Obaidly, the chief executive of beIN, has written to all 20 Premier League while petitioning the governing bodies’ chief executive, Richard Masters.

Deal between Newcastle United and Saudi Arabia based PCP Capital Partners done: reports

The coronavirus pandemic’s economic fallout calls into question Gulf states’ ability to fund a brewing, costly regional arms race. That, in turn, could not only reshape their geopolitical posture but also efforts to make the military a pillar of a new national identity at a time that they are forced to renegotiate outdated social contracts.

A significant drop in revenues, as a result of the collapse of oil and gas prices and vastly reduced global demand, raises the question whether countries like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, can maintain huge military expenditures that rank them among the world’s foremost arms buyers.

Saudi and UAE expenditure was driven by a perceived need to counter Iranian advances in the development of ballistic missiles and drones as well as a potential nuclear military capability and Iranian-backed Arab proxies. Qatar joined the race more recently in response to the three-year-old, Saudi-UAE-led economic and diplomatic boycott of the Gulf state.

The expenditure positioned the military as a driver of an identity grounded in nationalism rather than religion or tribal heritage and was intended to help lay the groundwork for eventual, potentially painful, transitions to more diversified and streamlined post-oil economies.

Male conscription introduced in the UAE, Qatar and Kuwait and a Saudi decision to open volunteering for military service to women over the last decade served that purpose, as well as, government efforts to expand citizen participation in the workforce at the expense of migrant and expatriate labour, including in the armed forces.

The moves constituted a break with a past in which Arab rulers largely distrusted their militaries and employed multiple ways to shield themselves against feared military-backed attempts to remove them from power.

Saudi and Emirati rulers expected that their military intervention in Yemen and the UAE’s involvement in the Libyan war would boost the military’s prestige with quick and decisive victories.

Five years later, the ill-conceived intervention in Yemen has produced at best-mixed results. So has the more recent effort to topple the internationally recognised, Islamist Libyan Government of National Accord.

The UAE, dubbed Little Sparta by former US Defence Secretary Jim Mattis, withdrew partially from Yemen in a bid to cut its losses. UAE forces, moreover, suffered the deaths of tens of Emirati citizens, a high number for a population of only 1.4 million nationals. As a result, the UAE relies increasingly on proxies and mercenaries.

Nonetheless, the UAE may have fared better than the Saudi military whose image, at least internationally, has been severely tarnished.

Recently, the kingdom appears to implicitly acknowledge that it cannot win the Yemen war militarily. Media reports suggested that the Saudi government was cutting back on funding of the internationally recognised, largely Saudi-based Yemeni government headed by Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi.

Saudi conduct of the war has involved multiple attacks on civilian targets, devastated the country’s economic and civilian infrastructure and turned it into one of the world’s greatest humanitarian catastrophes.

Similarly, UAE-backed Libyan rebels led by self-appointed Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar have suffered a similar fate. Haftar’s promise more than a year ago to launch a blitz conquest of the Libyan capital Tripoli has not only proven to be an illusion. Turkish-backed government troops have put his rebels on the defensive.

Saudi and UAE rulers are betting that their emphasis on values associated with nationalism and armed forces such as patriotism, sacrifice, discipline, duty and concepts of heroic model citizens will reinforce public appreciation of the military despite its chequered track record. For now, that appears to be a winning bet.

Saudi Arabia has successfully garnered popular support for the armed forces and the Yemen war, despite widespread international criticism, by eulogizing patriotic sacrifices of Saudi military casualties, generously compensating families of permanently disabled or fallen soldiers and creating multiple institutions to ensure veterans’ rights. The UAE has institutionalised the honouring of military martyrs.

Ultimately, however, the Saudi and UAE military’s mixed track record raises questions about the degree to which they can be unqualified standard-bearers of new national identities.

It also begs the question whether populations in countries such as Saudi Arabia that were forced to introduce painful social spending cutbacks with no indication that elites are sharing the burden will continue to endorse massive military expenditure at a time of austerity.

If social media are anything to go by, many Saudis praise the government for ensuring the return to the kingdom of Saudi nationals abroad at the beginning of the pandemic, funding their quarantining to prevent the coronavirus from spreading, and subsidizing private-sector salaries impacted by a lockdown for up to 60 per cent.

A fair number, however, expressed concern that the middle and lower classes would shoulder the brunt of the economic fallout of the pandemic and questioned continued investment in trophies like English soccer club Newcastle United by the Public Investment Fund, the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund. Military expenditure has so far not been called into question.

Potentially complicating issues is the fact that a majority of Emirati and Saudi casualties in Yemen hailed from less privileged emirates in the UAE and provinces in the kingdom, some of which are home to religious minorities with a history of feeling disadvantaged, As a result, it remains to be seen whether military service will ultimately narrow or broaden social gaps.

“Militarisation bolsters regime security, thereby serving national security twice over. However, rising nationalist feelings are likely to enhance regional polarization,” warned Gulf scholar Eleonora Ardemagni.

Ardemagni’s caution focused on the risk of militarisation entrenching differences among Gulf states. The question is whether militarisation’s so far successful boosting of domestic cohesion could have a flip side that in more dire circumstances polarises rather than unites. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

The coronavirus pandemic’s economic fallout calls into question Gulf states’ ability to fund a brewing, costly regional arms race. That, in turn, could not only reshape their geopolitical posture but also efforts to make the military a pillar of a new national identity at a time that they are forced to renegotiate outdated social contracts.

The coronavirus pandemic’s economic fallout calls into question Gulf states’ ability to fund a brewing, costly regional arms race. That, in turn, could not only reshape their geopolitical posture but also efforts to make the military a pillar of a new national identity at a time that they are forced to renegotiate outdated social contracts. A significant drop in revenues, as a result of the collapse of oil and gas prices and vastly reduced global demand, raises the question whether countries like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, can maintain huge military expenditures that rank them among the world’s foremost arms buyers. Saudi and UAE expenditure was driven by a perceived need to counter Iranian advances in the development of ballistic missiles and drones as well as a potential nuclear military capability and Iranian-backed Arab proxies. Qatar joined the race more recently in response to the three-year-old, Saudi-UAE-led economic and diplomatic boycott of the Gulf state. The expenditure positioned the military as a driver of an identity grounded in nationalism rather than religion or tribal heritage and was intended to help lay the groundwork for eventual, potentially painful, transitions to more diversified and streamlined post-oil economies. Male conscription introduced in the UAE, Qatar and Kuwait and a Saudi decision to open volunteering for military service to women over the last decade served that purpose, as well as, government efforts to expand citizen participation in the workforce at the expense of migrant and expatriate labour, including in the armed forces. The moves constituted a break with a past in which Arab rulers largely distrusted their militaries and employed multiple ways to shield themselves against feared military-backed attempts to remove them from power. Saudi and Emirati rulers expected that their military intervention in Yemen and the UAE’s involvement in the Libyan war would boost the military’s prestige with quick and decisive victories. Five years later, the ill-conceived intervention in Yemen has produced at best-mixed results. So has the more recent effort to topple the internationally recognised, Islamist Libyan Government of National Accord. The UAE, dubbed Little Sparta by former US Defence Secretary Jim Mattis, withdrew partially from Yemen in a bid to cut its losses. UAE forces, moreover, suffered the deaths of tens of Emirati citizens, a high number for a population of only 1.4 million nationals. As a result, the UAE relies increasingly on proxies and mercenaries. Nonetheless, the UAE may have fared better than the Saudi military whose image, at least internationally, has been severely tarnished. Recently, the kingdom appears to implicitly acknowledge that it cannot win the Yemen war militarily. Media reports suggested that the Saudi government was cutting back on funding of the internationally recognised, largely Saudi-based Yemeni government headed by Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi. Saudi conduct of the war has involved multiple attacks on civilian targets, devastated the country’s economic and civilian infrastructure and turned it into one of the world’s greatest humanitarian catastrophes. Similarly, UAE-backed Libyan rebels led by self-appointed Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar have suffered a similar fate. Haftar’s promise more than a year ago to launch a blitz conquest of the Libyan capital Tripoli has not only proven to be an illusion. Turkish-backed government troops have put his rebels on the defensive. Saudi and UAE rulers are betting that their emphasis on values associated with nationalism and armed forces such as patriotism, sacrifice, discipline, duty and concepts of heroic model citizens will reinforce public appreciation of the military despite its chequered track record. For now, that appears to be a winning bet. Saudi Arabia has successfully garnered popular support for the armed forces and the Yemen war, despite widespread international criticism, by eulogizing patriotic sacrifices of Saudi military casualties, generously compensating families of permanently disabled or fallen soldiers and creating multiple institutions to ensure veterans’ rights. The UAE has institutionalised the honouring of military martyrs. Ultimately, however, the Saudi and UAE military’s mixed track record raises questions about the degree to which they can be unqualified standard-bearers of new national identities. It also begs the question whether populations in countries such as Saudi Arabia that were forced to introduce painful social spending cutbacks with no indication that elites are sharing the burden will continue to endorse massive military expenditure at a time of austerity. If social media are anything to go by, many Saudis praise the government for ensuring the return to the kingdom of Saudi nationals abroad at the beginning of the pandemic, funding their quarantining to prevent the coronavirus from spreading, and subsidizing private-sector salaries impacted by a lockdown for up to 60 per cent. A fair number, however, expressed concern that the middle and lower classes would shoulder the brunt of the economic fallout of the pandemic and questioned continued investment in trophies like English soccer club Newcastle United by the Public Investment Fund, the kingdom’s sovereign wealth fund. Military expenditure has so far not been called into question. Potentially complicating issues is the fact that a majority of Emirati and Saudi casualties in Yemen hailed from less privileged emirates in the UAE and provinces in the kingdom, some of which are home to religious minorities with a history of feeling disadvantaged, As a result, it remains to be seen whether military service will ultimately narrow or broaden social gaps. “Militarisation bolsters regime security, thereby serving national security twice over. However, rising nationalist feelings are likely to enhance regional polarization,” warned Gulf scholar Eleonora Ardemagni. Ardemagni’s caution focused on the risk of militarisation entrenching differences among Gulf states. The question is whether militarisation’s so far successful boosting of domestic cohesion could have a flip side that in more dire circumstances polarises rather than unites. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The potential dark side of the militarisation of Gulf societies

Saudi Arabia is on a mission to cut costs & hike taxes to heal its bleeding economy. WION's Palki gets you a report on the oil-rich kingdom's 'austerity mission'.

Gravitas: How Saudi Arabia plans to heal its bleeding economy?

An F.B.I report has accidentally named a Saudi diplomat - suspected of supporting the terrorists behind the 9/11 terror attacks. Why was the United States trying to hide potential evidence of Saudi involvement? WION's Executive Editor Palki Sharma Upadhyay gets you a report.

Gravitas: Saudi diplomat behind 9/11 attacks?

COVID-19 has shattered many world-class economies and the worst hit are oil exporters. Saudi Arabia's foreign exchange reserves are depleting at the fastest rate. Watch report.

Saudi's reserves fall in fastest in 20 years | Forex reserves at a 9-year low

According to the interior ministry, Saudi Arabia has executed a Yemeni man who was convicted of carrying out a knife attack on a Spanish theatre group. The execution took place on Thursday.&nbsp;

An attack that took place on November 11 during a live performance in Riyadh. Four members of the group were wounded in the attack. The attack convict's name was Imad al-Mansouri and the state media linked the attack to Al-Qaeda.&nbsp;

The ministry released a statement confirming the execution, it read: "The death sentence was carried out... in Riyadh."&nbsp;

The convict was accused of going on a stabbing spree during the "Riyadh Season" entertainment festival. Saudi has been easing their restrictions on entertainment and this was the first-ever onslaught since the move.&nbsp;

According to the local media, the assailant was following orders from an Al-Qaeda leader but the militant group has not claimed the responsibility on this attack.&nbsp;

Al-Qaeda has been present on the Arabian peninsula carrying out various attacks, the group is currently operating in Yemen. Saudi Arabia and Al-Qaeda have been in a war. Saudi along with the Yemeni government has been in a fight with the Huthi rebels and Al-Qaeda.&nbsp;

The Kingdom of Saudi endeavors to diversify the economy by holding special sports events, entertainment concerts to ease their dependency on oil.&nbsp;

According to the interior ministry, Saudi Arabia has executed a Yemeni man who was convicted of carrying out a knife attack on a Spanish theatre group. The execution took place on Thursday.

According to the interior ministry, Saudi Arabia has executed a Yemeni man who was convicted of carrying out a knife attack on a Spanish theatre group. The execution took place on Thursday. An attack that took place on November 11 during a live performance in Riyadh. Four members of the group were wounded in the attack. The attack convict's name was Imad al-Mansouri and the state media linked the attack to Al-Qaeda. The ministry released a statement confirming the execution, it read: "The death sentence was carried out... in Riyadh." The convict was accused of going on a stabbing spree during the "Riyadh Season" entertainment festival. Saudi has been easing their restrictions on entertainment and this was the first-ever onslaught since the move. According to the local media, the assailant was following orders from an Al-Qaeda leader but the militant group has not claimed the responsibility on this attack. Al-Qaeda has been present on the Arabian peninsula carrying out various attacks, the group is currently operating in Yemen. Saudi Arabia and Al-Qaeda have been in a war. Saudi along with the Yemeni government has been in a fight with the Huthi rebels and Al-Qaeda. The Kingdom of Saudi endeavors to diversify the economy by holding special sports events, entertainment concerts to ease their dependency on oil.

Yemeni man convicted for attacking Spanish theatre group executed by Saudi Arabia

At the time when global fuel demand has plunged, Saudi & Russia oil deal came down under threat. The US pressure underlines record oil cut.

Saudi & Russia oil deal under threat, US pressure underlines record oil cut

Leaders of the G20 major economies are holding an online summit Thursday in a bid to fend off a coronavirus-triggered recession, after criticism the group has been slow to address the crisis.

US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin joined the emergency videoconference chaired by Saudi Arabia's King Salman, who is also under pressure to end an oil price war with Moscow that has roiled energy markets.

Also read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/how-countries-are-using-robots-to-fight-coronavirus-pandemic-288627"> How countries are using robots to fight coronavirus pandemic?</a>

The talks come as the global death toll from COVID-19 soared to more than 21,000 and over three billion people were locked down in their homes, triggering a massive financial shock worldwide.

"As the world confronts the COVID-19 pandemic and the challenges to healthcare systems and the global economy, we convene this extraordinary G20 summit to unite efforts towards a global response," the king of Saudi Arabia, which currently holds the G20 presidency, said on Twitter.

Also read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-coronavirus-cases-near-70000-more-than-1000-dead-288573"> US coronavirus cases near 70,000, more than 1,000 dead</a>

The meeting, expected to be held at 1200 GMT, comes as the world's 20 most industrialised countries scramble to defend their virus-wracked economies amid forecasts they will likely plunge into a deep recession.

On Wednesday, the financial ratings agency Moody's estimated the G20's overall gross domestic product would contract by 0.5 per cent this year, with the US economy shrinking by 2.0 per cent and the eurozone by 2.2 per cent.

"The G20 economies will experience an unprecedented shock in the first half of this year and will contract in 2020 as a whole," Moody's said.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-reports-second-consecutive-day-of-no-new-local-coronavirus-transmissions-imported-cases-rise-288566">China reports second consecutive day of no new local coronavirus transmissions, imported cases rise</a>

While wealthy nations including the US have unveiled mammoth stimulus packages, there has so far been no collective action plan from the G20, and concerns are mounting for poorer countries without access to capital markets and adequate health facilities.

The IMF and World Bank on Wednesday urged G20 leaders to support its call for governments to put debt payments from the world's poorest nations on hold.

World Health Organisation chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus also urged G20 nations to offer support to "low and middle-income countries", including those from Sub-Saharan Africa.

'Missing in action'

This week, French President Emmanuel Macron and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping pushed for an emergency G20 summit to limit the impact of the pandemic.

French presidential sources said the virtual meeting would focus on "coordination on the health level" as well as sending a "strong signal" to financial markets over efforts to stabilise the global economy.

But with world leaders divided, the meeting stands in contrast to the G20 summits following the 2008 financial crisis, when the group swung into action to mobilise assistance for vulnerable countries.

"The G20 is missing in action today, unlike 2008," said Ian Bremmer, president and founder of the Eurasia Group risk consultancy firm.

Talk of global coordination has yet to resonate under Trump's isolationist presidency.

On Wednesday, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo took aim at China, saying the top diplomats of the Group of Seven agreed with him that Beijing was waging a "disinformation" campaign about the pandemic.

At the G7 talks, a day before the G20 summit, Pompeo alleged Beijing was engaged in a social media campaign that included conspiracy theories that the US was behind the virus, first detected in the Chinese metropolis of Wuhan.&nbsp;

"If G20 leaders can put politics aside and reach a collective G20 agreement, countries have a better chance of success or of delivering more stimulus than on their own," Markus Engels, from the Global Solutions Initiative, a network of think tanks, told AFP.

"Coordination among the G20 sends a strong message of unity and confidence, both of which are urgently needed now."

Crude oil prices -- hammered by the outbreak's impact on demand as well as by a price war between Saudi Arabia and Russia -- are also expected to be at the centre of the discussions.

Riyadh faces pressure from Washington to row back on its decision to hike production and offer the biggest price cuts in two decades, in retaliation for Russia's refusal to tighten supply as the virus saps demand.

On Wednesday, Pompeo urged Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to "rise to the occasion" and "reassure global energy and financial markets".

The G20 members will be joined by leaders from other affected countries including Spain, Jordan, Singapore and Switzerland, Riyadh said.

Leaders from international organisations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the World Health Organisation and the World Trade Organisation will also participate.

 
&nbsp;

Leaders of the G20 major economies are holding an online summit Thursday in a bid to fend off a coronavirus-triggered recession, after criticism the group has been slow to address the crisis.

Leaders of the G20 major economies are holding an online summit Thursday in a bid to fend off a coronavirus-triggered recession, after criticism the group has been slow to address the crisis. US President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin joined the emergency videoconference chaired by Saudi Arabia's King Salman, who is also under pressure to end an oil price war with Moscow that has roiled energy markets. Also read: How countries are using robots to fight coronavirus pandemic? The talks come as the global death toll from COVID-19 soared to more than 21,000 and over three billion people were locked down in their homes, triggering a massive financial shock worldwide. "As the world confronts the COVID-19 pandemic and the challenges to healthcare systems and the global economy, we convene this extraordinary G20 summit to unite efforts towards a global response," the king of Saudi Arabia, which currently holds the G20 presidency, said on Twitter. Also read: US coronavirus cases near 70,000, more than 1,000 dead The meeting, expected to be held at 1200 GMT, comes as the world's 20 most industrialised countries scramble to defend their virus-wracked economies amid forecasts they will likely plunge into a deep recession. On Wednesday, the financial ratings agency Moody's estimated the G20's overall gross domestic product would contract by 0.5 per cent this year, with the US economy shrinking by 2.0 per cent and the eurozone by 2.2 per cent. "The G20 economies will experience an unprecedented shock in the first half of this year and will contract in 2020 as a whole," Moody's said. Also read: China reports second consecutive day of no new local coronavirus transmissions, imported cases rise While wealthy nations including the US have unveiled mammoth stimulus packages, there has so far been no collective action plan from the G20, and concerns are mounting for poorer countries without access to capital markets and adequate health facilities. The IMF and World Bank on Wednesday urged G20 leaders to support its call for governments to put debt payments from the world's poorest nations on hold. World Health Organisation chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus also urged G20 nations to offer support to "low and middle-income countries", including those from Sub-Saharan Africa. 'Missing in action' This week, French President Emmanuel Macron and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping pushed for an emergency G20 summit to limit the impact of the pandemic. French presidential sources said the virtual meeting would focus on "coordination on the health level" as well as sending a "strong signal" to financial markets over efforts to stabilise the global economy. But with world leaders divided, the meeting stands in contrast to the G20 summits following the 2008 financial crisis, when the group swung into action to mobilise assistance for vulnerable countries. "The G20 is missing in action today, unlike 2008," said Ian Bremmer, president and founder of the Eurasia Group risk consultancy firm. Talk of global coordination has yet to resonate under Trump's isolationist presidency. On Wednesday, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo took aim at China, saying the top diplomats of the Group of Seven agreed with him that Beijing was waging a "disinformation" campaign about the pandemic. At the G7 talks, a day before the G20 summit, Pompeo alleged Beijing was engaged in a social media campaign that included conspiracy theories that the US was behind the virus, first detected in the Chinese metropolis of Wuhan. "If G20 leaders can put politics aside and reach a collective G20 agreement, countries have a better chance of success or of delivering more stimulus than on their own," Markus Engels, from the Global Solutions Initiative, a network of think tanks, told AFP. "Coordination among the G20 sends a strong message of unity and confidence, both of which are urgently needed now." Crude oil prices -- hammered by the outbreak's impact on demand as well as by a price war between Saudi Arabia and Russia -- are also expected to be at the centre of the discussions. Riyadh faces pressure from Washington to row back on its decision to hike production and offer the biggest price cuts in two decades, in retaliation for Russia's refusal to tighten supply as the virus saps demand. On Wednesday, Pompeo urged Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to "rise to the occasion" and "reassure global energy and financial markets". The G20 members will be joined by leaders from other affected countries including Spain, Jordan, Singapore and Switzerland, Riyadh said. Leaders from international organisations such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the World Health Organisation and the World Trade Organisation will also participate.

Saudi chairs G20 crisis talks as coronavirus threatens global recession

Saudi Arabia’s oil spat with Russia throws a spanner into the works of the Kingdom’s long-standing effort to hedge its bets, a strategy that has taken on added significance as the Gulf comes to grips with the likelihood that the region’s security architecture will fundamentally change.

Saudi Arabia, despite a primary focus on close ties to the United States, has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets by initially forging closer military and economic relations with Britain, France, and Germany, and more recently with Russia and China.

Saudi Arabia has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets, forging closer military and economic relations with Russia and China.

The Saudi strategy, stemming from mounting doubts about the reliability of the United States as an ally and protector of last resort, was showcased when China opened its first overseas defence production facility in Saudi Arabia for the manufacturing of the CH-4 Caihong or Rainbow drone, as well as associated equipment.

The CH-4 is comparable to the US armed MQ-9 Reaper drone that Washington has refused to sell to the Kingdom.

Saudi Arabia’s willingness to undermine its hedging strategy by challenging Russia’s refusal to continue to align its production levels with that of the Organisation of Oil Exporting Countries (OPEC) follows the Kingdom’s bowing to US pressure to acquire Lockheed Martin’s Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system rather than Russia’s S-400 anti-aircraft and anti-missile weapon.

Putin made a last-ditch sales pitch last September after the Kingdom’s six battalions of US-made Patriot batteries failed to detect drone and missile attacks on two of the country’s key oil facilities that knocked out half of its production capacity.

The decision by Mohammed bin Salman, known by his initials MBS, to confront Russia stemmed from a stark choice confronting the Crown Prince: endanger relations with the only power to have put forward a regional security plan that would have allowed the Kingdom to hedge its bets while maintaining close ties to the United States, or drive oil prices down in a bid to force Russia to coordinate production levels that would ensure a higher price.

Ultimately, the Crown Prince’s choice was driven by economics rather than long-term security.

Low oil prices have already forced the Kingdom to borrow from international financial markets. $80 per barrel is the price it needs to balance its budget. It is also the price MBS needs for his ambitious plans to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy and turn it into a cutting edge 21st-century knowledge hub.

MBS may in some respects have shot himself in the foot even if his assumption proves correct that the Kingdom could win a price and production war and that Russian President Vladimir Putin would see a longer-term move from a unipolar to a multilateral security arrangement in the Gulf as too big a prize to lose.

Last year’s limited initial public offering (IPO) on the Saudi stock exchange by Aramco, the Kingdom’s national oil company, that constituted a crown jewel in MBS’ economic reform plans, failed to convincingly address fears that it was subject to the whims of the Kingdom’s ruling elite.

The oil war with Russia may have convinced investors’ worst fears with Aramco raising capacity and production to help MBS with his gamble.

“This has proved to investors that their worst fears about Aramco were a reality. The company’s plans and its output decisions are based on MBS’ erratic behaviour,” said a Saudi official familiar with Aramco’s offering.

MBS may not be the only one to suffer consequences of the oil war, but his&nbsp;may be a tougher struggle because it involves restoration of trust.

The setback for US Shale oil companies that need a relatively high oil price to break even, the reason Russia was willing to go to war with Saudi Arabia, is likely to be temporary as was evident in 2014 when Saudi Arabia gunned for market share rather than price to drive American producers out of business.

“A protracted crude oil price war on the supply side, combined with the simultaneous demand shock caused by Covid-19’s impact on economic activity, will hurt oil producers everywhere,” said Tilak K Doshi, an energy scholar at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute.

If the Crown Prince’s decision was driven by domestic considerations, so was Putin’s.

Yet, despite believing that OPEC had outlived its utility, Putin was taken aback by the ferocity of Saudi Arabia’s response to the Russian cancellation of its earlier production level agreement with OPEC, prompting Moscow to call for a return to the agreed levels for the first quarter of this year.

“OPEC is finished, so is any attempt to ‘manage’ the oil market. US shale (as a fully privately owned industry) operates on aggressive free-market principals. The Russians understand that and so does Saudi. The energy game (including alternatives) is now a survival of the fittest,” tweeted Ali Shihabi, a banker-turned-pro-Saudi-political commentator.

In Russia, MBS is up against an opponent that could prove to have a long breath.

Saudi Arabia’s oil spat with Russia throws a spanner into the works of the Kingdom’s long-standing effort to hedge its bets, a strategy that has taken on added significance as the Gulf comes to grips with the likelihood that the region’s security architecture will fundamentally change.

Saudi Arabia’s oil spat with Russia throws a spanner into the works of the Kingdom’s long-standing effort to hedge its bets, a strategy that has taken on added significance as the Gulf comes to grips with the likelihood that the region’s security architecture will fundamentally change. Saudi Arabia, despite a primary focus on close ties to the United States, has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets by initially forging closer military and economic relations with Britain, France, and Germany, and more recently with Russia and China. Saudi Arabia has increasingly sought to put its eggs in multiple baskets, forging closer military and economic relations with Russia and China. The Saudi strategy, stemming from mounting doubts about the reliability of the United States as an ally and protector of last resort, was showcased when China opened its first overseas defence production facility in Saudi Arabia for the manufacturing of the CH-4 Caihong or Rainbow drone, as well as associated equipment. The CH-4 is comparable to the US armed MQ-9 Reaper drone that Washington has refused to sell to the Kingdom. Saudi Arabia’s willingness to undermine its hedging strategy by challenging Russia’s refusal to continue to align its production levels with that of the Organisation of Oil Exporting Countries (OPEC) follows the Kingdom’s bowing to US pressure to acquire Lockheed Martin’s Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system rather than Russia’s S-400 anti-aircraft and anti-missile weapon. Putin made a last-ditch sales pitch last September after the Kingdom’s six battalions of US-made Patriot batteries failed to detect drone and missile attacks on two of the country’s key oil facilities that knocked out half of its production capacity. The decision by Mohammed bin Salman, known by his initials MBS, to confront Russia stemmed from a stark choice confronting the Crown Prince: endanger relations with the only power to have put forward a regional security plan that would have allowed the Kingdom to hedge its bets while maintaining close ties to the United States, or drive oil prices down in a bid to force Russia to coordinate production levels that would ensure a higher price. Ultimately, the Crown Prince’s choice was driven by economics rather than long-term security. Low oil prices have already forced the Kingdom to borrow from international financial markets. $80 per barrel is the price it needs to balance its budget. It is also the price MBS needs for his ambitious plans to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy and turn it into a cutting edge 21st-century knowledge hub. MBS may in some respects have shot himself in the foot even if his assumption proves correct that the Kingdom could win a price and production war and that Russian President Vladimir Putin would see a longer-term move from a unipolar to a multilateral security arrangement in the Gulf as too big a prize to lose. Last year’s limited initial public offering (IPO) on the Saudi stock exchange by Aramco, the Kingdom’s national oil company, that constituted a crown jewel in MBS’ economic reform plans, failed to convincingly address fears that it was subject to the whims of the Kingdom’s ruling elite. The oil war with Russia may have convinced investors’ worst fears with Aramco raising capacity and production to help MBS with his gamble. “This has proved to investors that their worst fears about Aramco were a reality. The company’s plans and its output decisions are based on MBS’ erratic behaviour,” said a Saudi official familiar with Aramco’s offering. MBS may not be the only one to suffer consequences of the oil war, but his may be a tougher struggle because it involves restoration of trust. The setback for US Shale oil companies that need a relatively high oil price to break even, the reason Russia was willing to go to war with Saudi Arabia, is likely to be temporary as was evident in 2014 when Saudi Arabia gunned for market share rather than price to drive American producers out of business. “A protracted crude oil price war on the supply side, combined with the simultaneous demand shock caused by Covid-19’s impact on economic activity, will hurt oil producers everywhere,” said Tilak K Doshi, an energy scholar at the National University of Singapore’s Middle East Institute. If the Crown Prince’s decision was driven by domestic considerations, so was Putin’s. Yet, despite believing that OPEC had outlived its utility, Putin was taken aback by the ferocity of Saudi Arabia’s response to the Russian cancellation of its earlier production level agreement with OPEC, prompting Moscow to call for a return to the agreed levels for the first quarter of this year. “OPEC is finished, so is any attempt to ‘manage’ the oil market. US shale (as a fully privately owned industry) operates on aggressive free-market principals. The Russians understand that and so does Saudi. The energy game (including alternatives) is now a survival of the fittest,” tweeted Ali Shihabi, a banker-turned-pro-Saudi-political commentator. In Russia, MBS is up against an opponent that could prove to have a long breath.

Playing for higher stakes: Saudi Arabia gambles on oil war with Russia

There is no one to challenge Mohammad Bin Salman's grip on power. But, the Saudi Crown Prince still faces several challenges.

WION Edit: Why Saudi Crown Prince is consolidating power? | Gravitas

In Saudi Arabia, at least 20 Princes faced a crackdown. Senior Royals are facing the charge of plotting a coup against Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman. This report has more.

Gravitas: A coup attempt against Mohammad Bin Salman?

Saudi Arabia has stopped excursions to the holy sites of Mecca and Medina over coronavirus fears. Saudi has issued the ban to counter the risk of spread of the coronavirus infection.

Saudi Arabia bans pilgrims' entry over coronavirus fears

Naval forces from the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen on Sunday foiled an "imminent terrorist" attack by the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in the southern Red Sea, a major commercial shipping channel, the coalition said.

The forces destroyed an unmanned boat laden with explosives that was launched from Hodeidah province in western Yemen, coalition spokesman Colonel Turki al-Malki said in a statement on Saudi state news agency SPA, without identifying the targets.

There was no immediate confirmation from the Houthi movement, which has been battling the Sunni Muslim military coalition since 2015 in a conflict that is largely seen in the region as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and arch-foe Shi'ite Iran.

Yemen lies along the Bab al-Mandeb strait at the southern mouth of the Red Sea, one of the most important trade routes for oil tankers heading from the Middle East to Europe.

Malki said the planned attack posed a threat to regional and international security and maritime trade. He said the use of Hodeidah for operations was a "glaring violation" of a UN-led peace deal in the disputed port city that was agreed between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and the Houthis in December 2018.

Violence rose in January, ending more than three months of unprecedented calm in the five-year-old conflict following informal ceasefire talks between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis.

Coalition warplanes carried out several airstrikes on the Houthi-held capital Sanaa on Sunday, hitting the presidential palace and other military sites, residents told Reuters.

The strikes were the first to hit the capital for several months, they said, and followed ballistic missile attacks by Houthi forces on Saudi cities on Friday, as the kingdom prepared for a gathering of finance ministers from the Group of 20 major economies in Riyadh.

Saudi Arabia paused oil shipments through Bab al-Mandeb for more than a week in 2018 after the Houthis attacked two ships in the waterway.

The Western-backed coalition intervened in Yemen to try to restore the internationally recognised government that was ousted from power in the capital Sanaa in late 2014 by the Houthis, who now control most major urban centres.

Naval forces from the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen on Sunday foiled an "imminent terrorist" attack by the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in the southern Red Sea, a major commercial shipping channel, the coalition said.

Naval forces from the Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen on Sunday foiled an "imminent terrorist" attack by the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in the southern Red Sea, a major commercial shipping channel, the coalition said. The forces destroyed an unmanned boat laden with explosives that was launched from Hodeidah province in western Yemen, coalition spokesman Colonel Turki al-Malki said in a statement on Saudi state news agency SPA, without identifying the targets. There was no immediate confirmation from the Houthi movement, which has been battling the Sunni Muslim military coalition since 2015 in a conflict that is largely seen in the region as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and arch-foe Shi'ite Iran. Yemen lies along the Bab al-Mandeb strait at the southern mouth of the Red Sea, one of the most important trade routes for oil tankers heading from the Middle East to Europe. Malki said the planned attack posed a threat to regional and international security and maritime trade. He said the use of Hodeidah for operations was a "glaring violation" of a UN-led peace deal in the disputed port city that was agreed between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and the Houthis in December 2018. Violence rose in January, ending more than three months of unprecedented calm in the five-year-old conflict following informal ceasefire talks between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis. Coalition warplanes carried out several airstrikes on the Houthi-held capital Sanaa on Sunday, hitting the presidential palace and other military sites, residents told Reuters. The strikes were the first to hit the capital for several months, they said, and followed ballistic missile attacks by Houthi forces on Saudi cities on Friday, as the kingdom prepared for a gathering of finance ministers from the Group of 20 major economies in Riyadh. Saudi Arabia paused oil shipments through Bab al-Mandeb for more than a week in 2018 after the Houthis attacked two ships in the waterway. The Western-backed coalition intervened in Yemen to try to restore the internationally recognised government that was ousted from power in the capital Sanaa in late 2014 by the Houthis, who now control most major urban centres.

Saudi-led coalition says it foiled Red Sea attack by Yemen's Houthis

Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi movement accused the Saudi-led coalition of carrying out retaliatory airstrikes on Saturday that killed at least 30 people including civilians, in the latest flare-up of a five-year war.

Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi movement accused the Saudi-led coalition of carrying out retaliatory airstrikes on Saturday that killed at least 30 people including civilians, in the latest flare-up of a five-year war. The United Nations office in Yemen said preliminary field reports indicated that "as many as 31 civilians were killed and 12 others injured in strikes that hit Al-Hajah area" in Al-Jawf province. The health ministry in Houthi-controlled Al-Jawf province said women and children were among those killed, Houthi-run Al-Masirah TV reported. It followed a Houthi claim to have downed a coalition Tornado warplane in the area on Friday. [ Civilians gathering around the wreckage for inspection in Yemen (Courtesy: Reuters) ] Also Read: Drone shot down in Yemen, Houthi group responsible: US officials But the Saudi-led coalition's spokesman Colonel Turki al-Malki said only that a Tornado jet had crashed in Al-Jawf, Saudi state news agency (SPA) reported on Saturday. Maliki later said that rescue operations had been launched and that the possibility of "collateral damages" has been reported, without providing more details. Maliki said the crew of two officers ejected from the plane before it crashed but the Houthis opened fire at them. | [ Civilians gather at crash site to inspect the wreckage (Courtesy: Reuters) ] The office of the UN resident coordinator in Yemen said in a statement that humanitarian partners have deployed rapid response teams for the victims, many of whom were being transferred to hospitals in Al-Jawf governorate and Sanaa for treatment. The Saudi-led Sunni Muslim coalition intervened in Yemen in March 2015 after the Houthis ousted the internationally recognised government from power in the capital, Sanaa, in 2014. The conflict is widely seen as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and its regional foe, Shi’ite Muslim Iran. There was no independent verification of the airstrikes or Tornado downing.

'31 civilians' killed in Yemen's air strikes after Saudi jet crash

Iran and Saudi Arabia appeared no closer to bridging their differences on Saturday with both sides sticking to their positions and regional facilitator Oman seeing no breakthrough before US elections in November.

Iran and Saudi Arabia appeared no closer to bridging their differences on Saturday with both sides sticking to their positions and regional facilitator Oman seeing no breakthrough before US elections in November. Tensions in the Gulf region stepped up after the killing in early January of Iranian military commander Qassem Soleimani by the United States in Iraq. European and Arab states have since scrambled to avert a full-fledged conflict between the two sides. Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and his Saudi counterpart Prince Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud both attended the Munich Security Conference on Saturday and took part in a session on defusing tensions in the Gulf. Also Read: How Saudi-Iranian oil rivalry has been shaped by American power But the two were kept apart with Zarif even claiming that his Saudi counterpart had asked to reshuffle the schedule so that he wouldn't have to meet him. "I believe our neighbours, especially Saudi Arabia, do not want to (de-escalate)," Zarif said, adding that he believed Riyadh was firmly under the influence of the US campaign to put maximum pressure on Tehran. When asked about possible contacts with Iran, Prince Faisal said there had been neither private messages nor direct contacts. He said the ball was in Iran's court, especially as it had been behind attacks on the kingdom, including drone and missile strikes on its oil facilities in September. "Our message to Iran is to change its behaviour first before anything is to be discussed," he said after Zarif had left the room thirty minutes earlier. "Until we can talk about the real sources of that instability, talk is going to be unproductive." After Washington withdrew from a 2015 nuclear deal with world powers, Trump began a policy of "maximum pressure", saying a broader deal should be negotiated on nuclear issues, Iran's missile programme and Iranian activities in the Middle East. US sanctions have crippled Iran's economy, slashing its oil exports. Iran has long said it will not negotiate with Washington while sanctions are in place. [ Irani Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif (Courtesy: AFP) ] Zarif said French and Japanese efforts to bring Iran and the United States around the negotiating table had "fallen on deaf ears" because Trump believed Iran was on the verge of economic collapse. "He is wrong," Zarif said. "Everything they want is about regime change." Oman often considered as a facilitator for talks between Washington and Tehran appeared downcast on the prospects. "The reality is there are no messages," Foreign Minister Yusuf bin Alawi bin Abdullah said after meeting Zarif earlier in the day. "I'm not anticipating anything (will happen) in the next six months," he said, referring to upcoming US elections.

No dialogue for now as Saudis, Iranians camp on positions

By Alainna Liloia

Arab women, long relegated to the private sphere by law and social custom, are gaining new access to public life.

All countries of the Arab Gulf now have workforce “nationalisation policies” that aim to reduce dependency on migrant labour by getting more women into the workforce. Saudi Arabia set a goal of 30 per cent female labour participation by 2030. In Kuwait, female citizens outnumber male citizens in the workforce. And across the Gulf, women outnumber men in higher education enrollment.

Women are making political inroads in the region, too. In Qatar, four women have been appointed to ministerial positions since 2003. Eleven women have held cabinet positions in Kuwait since 2005, including the health minister, transportation minister and finance minister.

Even Saudi Arabia, which notoriously restricts women’s rights, reformed the guardianship system that grants authority over women to their male relatives. Since August 2019, women may obtain passports, travel abroad and register marriages and births on their own.

These changes have real-world benefits for Arab women, giving them greater economic independence and a voice in domestic and international affairs.

But Arab Muslim women in the Middle East still face substantial social and legal inequalities. Even as governments in the region tout female advancement abroad, my research on women in the Arab Gulf finds, at home, they still enforce traditional gender roles.

Women as symbols of Islam

The discovery of oil in the Arab Gulf in the 1930s turned these Islamic monarchies into global players. One result of this globalisation was that Western leaders put pressure on the region to “modernise” their laws and customs.

Championing women’s advancement is one way Gulf rulers can present a positive international image. This helps maintain good political, military and trade relationships with Europe and the United States and allays criticisms of human rights violations.

In recent years, Arab Gulf women have also fought hard for their rights. Saudi women successfully campaigned for the right to drive, which was granted in 2018. In Kuwait, activists are now pushing for better protection against domestic violence.

But Gulf rulers still need the support of conservative citizens and influential religious leaders, too. And these sectors of the population have repeatedly raised fears of Westernisation threatening local language, dress styles, food and cultural traditions.

One way Gulf rulers manage this tension, I’ve found, is by promoting Quranic interpretations that relegate women to traditional roles like bearing and raising children and caring for their families. Celebrating women’s domesticity is an easy way to signal their government’s commitment to what they consider Islamic values.

In Qatar, for example, the National Vision 2030 – an economic and social development blueprint – states that “Qatar has maintained its cultural and traditional values as an Arab and Islamic nation that considers the family to be the main pillar of society.”

And the Qataris propping up this pillar are women.

“Through their nurturing of language, codes of ethics, behavioural patterns, value systems and religious beliefs, women play an indispensable role in upholding traditional familial and cultural values,” reads a government document building on the proposals laid out in the National Vision 2030.

Religion and gender 
 
There are, of course, more gender-equal interpretations of the Quran. Islam itself does not require repressing women.

But throughout history male leaders in the Gulf have associated patriarchal gender roles with religious purity. And clerics, who have significant social and political influence in the region, enforce conservative readings of Islamic law that subordinate women.

For example, women in all of the Gulf states must receive the approval of a male guardian to marry. In Qatar, single women under 25 require permission to travel abroad, and Qatari men can argue in court to stop their wives from traveling. In Saudi Arabia, men can file a “disobedience” complaint against female relatives for leaving the house without permission.

In Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain, a man can stop his wife from working if he feels her employment interferes with her domestic responsibilities or religious conduct.

As a result, women in Gulf countries find themselves caught between two contradictory agendas for the 21st century.

What women want

Many Qatari women I’ve interviewed say they struggle to balance the conflicting expectations between domestic responsibilities and emerging professional opportunities.

Sheikha, an unmarried Qatari in her late 20s who works as an academic adviser, told me she often wonders: “I have a job and future plans. Why should I marry?”

“I don’t want to say that marriage erases the dreams,” she said, “but sometimes with the family commitment you can’t do it.”

Qatari women like Sheikha tend to face significant social pressure to settle down and have children by a certain age and to make sure their education and career goals do not get in the way of domestic responsibilities.

Not all the pressure is external. Many women I met hold conservative views on marriage and the family, too.

“I started work when my last daughter got married,” Amina Al-Ansari, an associate professor at Qatar University, told me. “Before that, I took care of the house and kids.”

Al-Ansari, like all 15 Qatari women I interviewed, believes caring for the family is a woman’s religious duty.

Still can’t have it all

Conservative Qataris also view women working or studying in a gender-mixed environment as a violation of Islamic values and a sign of Westernisation.

That’s why Amal Al-Shammari, a 32-year-old Qatari who now runs a cultural association for expatriates and tourists called Embrace Doha, attended Qatar University – the country’s only gender-segregated university.

“My parents wanted me to go there to keep a good reputation. Guys assume you have lots of relationships if you go to gender-mixed universities,” she told me. “My parents wanted me to stay with the conservative way.”

As political and religious leaders in the Gulf push their national agendas, women must find their own ways to balance newfound freedoms with existing social and religious pressures.

“There is always development, improvement, but always tradition, religion, and culture,” the professor, Al-Ansari, told me, summing up these tensions.

“We are living under the umbrella of religion.”

(Alainna Liloia is PhD Student, University of Arizona)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/women-in-arab-countries-find-themselves-torn-between-opportunity-and-tradition-130460">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

&nbsp;

By Alainna Liloia Arab women, long relegated to the private sphere by law and social custom, are gaining new access to public life. All countries of the Arab Gulf now have workforce “nationalisation policies” that aim to reduce dependency on migrant labour by getting more women into the workforce.

By Alainna Liloia Arab women, long relegated to the private sphere by law and social custom, are gaining new access to public life. All countries of the Arab Gulf now have workforce “nationalisation policies” that aim to reduce dependency on migrant labour by getting more women into the workforce. Saudi Arabia set a goal of 30 per cent female labour participation by 2030. In Kuwait, female citizens outnumber male citizens in the workforce. And across the Gulf, women outnumber men in higher education enrollment. Women are making political inroads in the region, too. In Qatar, four women have been appointed to ministerial positions since 2003. Eleven women have held cabinet positions in Kuwait since 2005, including the health minister, transportation minister and finance minister. Even Saudi Arabia, which notoriously restricts women’s rights, reformed the guardianship system that grants authority over women to their male relatives. Since August 2019, women may obtain passports, travel abroad and register marriages and births on their own. These changes have real-world benefits for Arab women, giving them greater economic independence and a voice in domestic and international affairs. But Arab Muslim women in the Middle East still face substantial social and legal inequalities. Even as governments in the region tout female advancement abroad, my research on women in the Arab Gulf finds, at home, they still enforce traditional gender roles. Women as symbols of Islam The discovery of oil in the Arab Gulf in the 1930s turned these Islamic monarchies into global players. One result of this globalisation was that Western leaders put pressure on the region to “modernise” their laws and customs. Championing women’s advancement is one way Gulf rulers can present a positive international image. This helps maintain good political, military and trade relationships with Europe and the United States and allays criticisms of human rights violations. In recent years, Arab Gulf women have also fought hard for their rights. Saudi women successfully campaigned for the right to drive, which was granted in 2018. In Kuwait, activists are now pushing for better protection against domestic violence. But Gulf rulers still need the support of conservative citizens and influential religious leaders, too. And these sectors of the population have repeatedly raised fears of Westernisation threatening local language, dress styles, food and cultural traditions. One way Gulf rulers manage this tension, I’ve found, is by promoting Quranic interpretations that relegate women to traditional roles like bearing and raising children and caring for their families. Celebrating women’s domesticity is an easy way to signal their government’s commitment to what they consider Islamic values. In Qatar, for example, the National Vision 2030 – an economic and social development blueprint – states that “Qatar has maintained its cultural and traditional values as an Arab and Islamic nation that considers the family to be the main pillar of society.” And the Qataris propping up this pillar are women. “Through their nurturing of language, codes of ethics, behavioural patterns, value systems and religious beliefs, women play an indispensable role in upholding traditional familial and cultural values,” reads a government document building on the proposals laid out in the National Vision 2030. Religion and gender There are, of course, more gender-equal interpretations of the Quran. Islam itself does not require repressing women. But throughout history male leaders in the Gulf have associated patriarchal gender roles with religious purity. And clerics, who have significant social and political influence in the region, enforce conservative readings of Islamic law that subordinate women. For example, women in all of the Gulf states must receive the approval of a male guardian to marry. In Qatar, single women under 25 require permission to travel abroad, and Qatari men can argue in court to stop their wives from traveling. In Saudi Arabia, men can file a “disobedience” complaint against female relatives for leaving the house without permission. In Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain, a man can stop his wife from working if he feels her employment interferes with her domestic responsibilities or religious conduct. As a result, women in Gulf countries find themselves caught between two contradictory agendas for the 21st century. What women want Many Qatari women I’ve interviewed say they struggle to balance the conflicting expectations between domestic responsibilities and emerging professional opportunities. Sheikha, an unmarried Qatari in her late 20s who works as an academic adviser, told me she often wonders: “I have a job and future plans. Why should I marry?” “I don’t want to say that marriage erases the dreams,” she said, “but sometimes with the family commitment you can’t do it.” Qatari women like Sheikha tend to face significant social pressure to settle down and have children by a certain age and to make sure their education and career goals do not get in the way of domestic responsibilities. Not all the pressure is external. Many women I met hold conservative views on marriage and the family, too. “I started work when my last daughter got married,” Amina Al-Ansari, an associate professor at Qatar University, told me. “Before that, I took care of the house and kids.” Al-Ansari, like all 15 Qatari women I interviewed, believes caring for the family is a woman’s religious duty. Still can’t have it all Conservative Qataris also view women working or studying in a gender-mixed environment as a violation of Islamic values and a sign of Westernisation. That’s why Amal Al-Shammari, a 32-year-old Qatari who now runs a cultural association for expatriates and tourists called Embrace Doha, attended Qatar University – the country’s only gender-segregated university. “My parents wanted me to go there to keep a good reputation. Guys assume you have lots of relationships if you go to gender-mixed universities,” she told me. “My parents wanted me to stay with the conservative way.” As political and religious leaders in the Gulf push their national agendas, women must find their own ways to balance newfound freedoms with existing social and religious pressures. “There is always development, improvement, but always tradition, religion, and culture,” the professor, Al-Ansari, told me, summing up these tensions. “We are living under the umbrella of religion.” (Alainna Liloia is PhD Student, University of Arizona) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Women in Arab countries find themselves torn between opportunity and tradition

A decade of anti-government protests in the Arab world have thrown popular trust in the military into the garbage bin and undermined the military’s position as one of the most trusted institutions.

Long gone are the days when protesters on Cairo’s Tahrir Square chanted 'The military and the people are one.'

In 2011 it was the barriers of fear that protesters broke. Created by autocratic rulers, fear was what long kept disgruntled from taking their grievances to the street.

In 2019 and 2020 those barriers have been further reduced with protesters refusing to back down despite the use of brutal force by law enforcement and security forces in Lebanon and Iraq and occasional violence elsewhere in the Arab world.

Changed popular perceptions of the military are the result. Increasingly, the military is seen at best as positioning itself to salvage what can be salvaged of an ancien regime and at worst the enforcer of a hated regime.

“Iraqis broke the shackles of fear and reached the point of no return. The movement will not stop, and the Iraqi people will never be silent,” said Ali Hashim, a protester in Baghdad, speaking only a week after one night of mass killings in December.

In increasingly violent clashes in Beirut earlier this month, protesters unsuccessfully sought to persuade the security forces they were attacking that their demands for a complete break with Lebanon’s political elite was also in the interest of men in uniform.

“Among the most important lessons cited by Sudanese and Algerian protesters so far are…(that) transition plans designed by the military—particularly proposals for quick elections—can be a trap,” said Middle East scholar Michele Dunne.

Algeria’s newly elected president Abdelmadjid Tebboune is struggling to garner legitimacy with mass protests continuing nine months after the toppling of Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Voters voted with their feet in last month’s presidential poll with 60 per cent abstaining.

Algeria was railroaded into the election by its powerful military in a bid to outflank protesters by holding the poll before they had an opportunity to prepare for it.

A crucial nail was driven into the coffin of the notion of a unity of purpose between protesters and armed forces with the 2013 military coup in Egypt that produced one of the Arab world’s most repressive regimes under general-turned-president Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi.

Protesters realise almost a decade after the 2011 protests in which demonstrators declared victory once leaders like Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had resigned, that their only chance of success is to retain their street power until elites, including the military, agree as appears to be the case in Sudan to a truly transformational process.

In Sudan, unlike in Egypt in 2011, this meant protesters and/or civil society groups ensuring that they had a seat at the table before they surrendered the street.

In Lebanon, protests escalated as a result of the elite’s attempt to address the crisis with the appointment as prime minister of Hassan Diab, widely seen as beholden to Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militia and political group.

Mounting violence on the streets of Lebanon and Iraq in which hundreds of protesters have been killed or wounded will do little to rebuild confidence in the military and allied security forces.

If Lebanon and Iraq are anything to go by, clashes are likely to escalate and leave deep-seated scars.

“Our backs are against the wall. We have nothing more to lose. We are fighting a regime with a history of 40 years of corruption and their armed defenders,” said a masked protester on the streets of Beirut.

Taking journalist and scholar Rami Khouri’s analysis of what he terms ‘revolutions’ that are pitted against the decades-old ‘resistance’ of hard-line Arab states, Iran and its non-state Arab allies who opposed the US, Israel and conservative Gulf states Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as a starting point, militaries become outposts of a political system that has produced brutal autocracies and/or economic and environmental mismanagement.

“Arab and Iranian ruling elites and their own citizens now openly fight and resist each other, seeking to define their countries' identities and policies. This is probably the most consequential ideological battle in the Middle East since its state system was established a century ago,” Khouri said.

It’s an epic battle that has turned the once-revered military into yet another institution that finds itself on the wrong side of history.

While Arab protesters have made that clear on the streets of Khartoum, Algiers, Beirut and Baghdad, Iranian students demanded the departure and demise of the Revolutionary Guards in anti-government demonstrations prior to and after the recent killing of Iranian general Qassim Soleimani.

"The only way out of our current predicament is the simultaneous rejection of both domestic despotism and imperial arrogance. We need a politics that doesn't merely claim security, freedom, and equality for a select group or class, but that understands these rights as inalienable and for all people," said a statement by Iranian students demanding an end to all foreign interference in the affairs of the region, be it by the United States, Iran or the conservative Gulf states. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

A decade of anti-government protests in the Arab world have thrown popular trust in the military into the garbage bin and undermined the military’s position as one of the most trusted institutions.

A decade of anti-government protests in the Arab world have thrown popular trust in the military into the garbage bin and undermined the military’s position as one of the most trusted institutions. Long gone are the days when protesters on Cairo’s Tahrir Square chanted 'The military and the people are one.' In 2011 it was the barriers of fear that protesters broke. Created by autocratic rulers, fear was what long kept disgruntled from taking their grievances to the street. In 2019 and 2020 those barriers have been further reduced with protesters refusing to back down despite the use of brutal force by law enforcement and security forces in Lebanon and Iraq and occasional violence elsewhere in the Arab world. Changed popular perceptions of the military are the result. Increasingly, the military is seen at best as positioning itself to salvage what can be salvaged of an ancien regime and at worst the enforcer of a hated regime. “Iraqis broke the shackles of fear and reached the point of no return. The movement will not stop, and the Iraqi people will never be silent,” said Ali Hashim, a protester in Baghdad, speaking only a week after one night of mass killings in December. In increasingly violent clashes in Beirut earlier this month, protesters unsuccessfully sought to persuade the security forces they were attacking that their demands for a complete break with Lebanon’s political elite was also in the interest of men in uniform. “Among the most important lessons cited by Sudanese and Algerian protesters so far are…(that) transition plans designed by the military—particularly proposals for quick elections—can be a trap,” said Middle East scholar Michele Dunne. Algeria’s newly elected president Abdelmadjid Tebboune is struggling to garner legitimacy with mass protests continuing nine months after the toppling of Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Voters voted with their feet in last month’s presidential poll with 60 per cent abstaining. Algeria was railroaded into the election by its powerful military in a bid to outflank protesters by holding the poll before they had an opportunity to prepare for it. A crucial nail was driven into the coffin of the notion of a unity of purpose between protesters and armed forces with the 2013 military coup in Egypt that produced one of the Arab world’s most repressive regimes under general-turned-president Abdul Fattah Al-Sisi. Protesters realise almost a decade after the 2011 protests in which demonstrators declared victory once leaders like Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak and Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had resigned, that their only chance of success is to retain their street power until elites, including the military, agree as appears to be the case in Sudan to a truly transformational process. In Sudan, unlike in Egypt in 2011, this meant protesters and/or civil society groups ensuring that they had a seat at the table before they surrendered the street. In Lebanon, protests escalated as a result of the elite’s attempt to address the crisis with the appointment as prime minister of Hassan Diab, widely seen as beholden to Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militia and political group. Mounting violence on the streets of Lebanon and Iraq in which hundreds of protesters have been killed or wounded will do little to rebuild confidence in the military and allied security forces. If Lebanon and Iraq are anything to go by, clashes are likely to escalate and leave deep-seated scars. “Our backs are against the wall. We have nothing more to lose. We are fighting a regime with a history of 40 years of corruption and their armed defenders,” said a masked protester on the streets of Beirut. Taking journalist and scholar Rami Khouri’s analysis of what he terms ‘revolutions’ that are pitted against the decades-old ‘resistance’ of hard-line Arab states, Iran and its non-state Arab allies who opposed the US, Israel and conservative Gulf states Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates as a starting point, militaries become outposts of a political system that has produced brutal autocracies and/or economic and environmental mismanagement. “Arab and Iranian ruling elites and their own citizens now openly fight and resist each other, seeking to define their countries' identities and policies. This is probably the most consequential ideological battle in the Middle East since its state system was established a century ago,” Khouri said. It’s an epic battle that has turned the once-revered military into yet another institution that finds itself on the wrong side of history. While Arab protesters have made that clear on the streets of Khartoum, Algiers, Beirut and Baghdad, Iranian students demanded the departure and demise of the Revolutionary Guards in anti-government demonstrations prior to and after the recent killing of Iranian general Qassim Soleimani. "The only way out of our current predicament is the simultaneous rejection of both domestic despotism and imperial arrogance. We need a politics that doesn't merely claim security, freedom, and equality for a select group or class, but that understands these rights as inalienable and for all people," said a statement by Iranian students demanding an end to all foreign interference in the affairs of the region, be it by the United States, Iran or the conservative Gulf states. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Protesters push Arab militaries off their pedestal

By the law of unintended consequences, US President Donald J Trump’s mix of uncritical and cynical embrace of Saudi Arabia and transactional approach towards relations with the kingdom may be producing results.

Saudi Arabia appears to be backing away from its largely disastrous assertive and robust go-it-alone foreign and defence policy posture and reverting to a more cautious approach that embraces multilateralism, seeks international backing before acting and emphasises traditional and public diplomacy.

The kingdom’s shift towards a less reckless, more coordinated and deliberate foreign and defence policy does not necessarily mean a change in rhetoric or a greater willingness to seek negotiated solutions.

It entails a change in tone and strategy rather than a backing away from key foreign or domestic policy positions, including Saudi Arabia’s deep-seated animosity towards Iran.

Saudi state minister for foreign affairs Adel al-Jubeir made that clear, saying that Saudi Arabia had not ruled out a military response to drone and missile attacks that severely damaged two if its key oil installations.

Al-Jubeir reiterated conditions for any successful negotiation that include tough restrictions on and oversight of Iran’s nuclear programme and limits to its development of ballistic missile. He further demanded fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign and defence policy.

“No nukes, no missiles and no terrorism,” Al-Jubeir said in language that was likely to appeal to a broad audience but masked the two countries’ core differences.

Nicolas Dunais, an economic advisor to Gulf governments who last year was helping Saudi Arabia establish a national risk and resilience unit, got a glimpse of Saudi Arabia’s fundamental attitude before the kingdom’s recent repackaging.

Dunais was taken aback when he suggested opening a backchannel to Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels.

"Suggestions by Dunais to consider the broader risks related to the missile threat and to undertake an indirect dialogue with the Houthi leadership were summarily dismissed given the confidence that military might alone would be enough to crush a ragtag army of rebels"

King Salman signalled the policy shift when he told a Cabinet meeting, days after the attacks believed to have at least been enabled by Iran, that they were "not aimed at the vital facilities of Saudi Arabia only, but also threaten the global economy."

King Salman’s statement was as much an effort to capitalise on the attacks to garner international support and step up pressure on Iran as it was the setting of a different foreign policy tone.

Unlike the United States that put responsibility for the attacks squarely on the shoulders of Iran, Saudi spokesmen were careful to stop short of holding Iran directly responsible for the attacks. Instead, they asserted that the weapons used in the attacks were Iranian made and therefore bore some degree of responsibility.

Similarly, in sharp contrast to the kingdom’s rejection of an international investigation into last year’s killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and its tight control of access to war-torn Yemen, Saudi Arabia followed up on King Salman’s statement by inviting the United Nations and others to participate in a forensic investigation of the attacks that would focus on the origin of the weapons employed, and the launching spot of the drones and missiles.

Speaking to the New York-based Council of Foreign Relations, Al-Jubeir said foreign experts had already arrived in the kingdom. Driving the point home, Al al-Jubeir said earlier that Saudi Arabia was consulting “with friends and allies about the next steps to take.”

In a further embrace of multilateralism, Saudi Arabia, days after the attacks, joined a US-led coalition to secure the Middle East’s waterways. Earlier, Britain, Bahrain and Australia pledged to participate in the coalition.

The Saudi moves were buffeted by a concerted reaching out to the media rather than relying primarily on expensive public relations and lobbying agencies to ensure that the kingdom’s voice and more cautious approach was heard and noted.

The attacks drove home the vulnerability of the kingdom’s oil assets that account for the bulk of its revenues and its international standing and a realisation that Saudi Arabia could not count on unquestioned support of the international community and particularly the United States, its long-standing guardian angel.

That realisation came as Saudi Arabia was working to repair damage to its image as a result of its conduct of the Yemen war; the killing of Khashoggi; the massive crackdown on activists, critics and businessmen; and its abrupt and undiplomatic response to countries like Sweden and Canada that voiced public criticism of the kingdom’s policies.

This week, Saudi ambassador to the UN Abdulaziz Alwasil didn’t mince his words, responding to Australia’s leadership of 24 Western nations in issuing a statement condemning the kingdom for a raft of human rights abuses.

Yet, in a sign of the times and in contrast to earlier incidents involving Sweden and Canada, Alwasil did not threaten disruption of trade and other forms of cooperation with Australia nor did he indicate that the kingdom may expel Australian diplomats.

Saudi Arabia’s efforts to come to grips with new realities came as the kingdom was preparing for an initial public offering by its national oil company, Aramco, that has been struggling to ensure that it meets Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s target valuation of $2 trillion.

The precarity of the kingdom’s situation was obvious for all to see when Trump made clear that his inclination was not to launch a risky retaliatory strike against Iran in response to the attacks but to tighten economic sanctions and to continue exploring a possible dialogue with the Islamic republic.

Adding insult to injury, Trump emphasised the fact that the attacks were against Saudi Arabia and not against the United States and that his administration would support a Saudi response or potentially act on its behalf against payment.

As a result, Saudi Arabia has been manoeuvring to ensure that the situation does not get out of control and that it is not put in a position in which it risks an all-out war that could prove to be devastating.

Saudi Arabia’s shift in policy approach follows in the footsteps of the United Arab Emirates that has in recent months sought to de-escalate tensions in the Gulf by distancing itself from Saudi positions. 
 
The UAE has partially withdrawn its forces from Yemen in an effort to prevent further reputational damage, a move that sparked fighting between UAE and Saudi-backed forces in the country. It was careful not to blame Iran for attacks on tankers off the coast of the UAE believed to have been launched by Iran and reached out to the Islamic republic by sending a coast guard delegation to Tehran.

Said Rebecca Wasser, a senior policy analyst at RAND Corporation, noting that the attacks had made the kingdom realise that it may be playing for stakes that are too high: “I think there has a been a calculation that the costs might be too high.”

Trump can claim some credit for Saudi Arabia’s emerging adoption of a more cautious approach. Higher costs and greater risk perceptions were likely one consequence of his transactional approach towards the kingdom. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp;

By the law of unintended consequences, US President Donald J Trump’s mix of uncritical and cynical embrace of Saudi Arabia and transactional approach towards relations with the kingdom may be producing results.

By the law of unintended consequences, US President Donald J Trump’s mix of uncritical and cynical embrace of Saudi Arabia and transactional approach towards relations with the kingdom may be producing results. Saudi Arabia appears to be backing away from its largely disastrous assertive and robust go-it-alone foreign and defence policy posture and reverting to a more cautious approach that embraces multilateralism, seeks international backing before acting and emphasises traditional and public diplomacy. The kingdom’s shift towards a less reckless, more coordinated and deliberate foreign and defence policy does not necessarily mean a change in rhetoric or a greater willingness to seek negotiated solutions. It entails a change in tone and strategy rather than a backing away from key foreign or domestic policy positions, including Saudi Arabia’s deep-seated animosity towards Iran. Saudi state minister for foreign affairs Adel al-Jubeir made that clear, saying that Saudi Arabia had not ruled out a military response to drone and missile attacks that severely damaged two if its key oil installations. Al-Jubeir reiterated conditions for any successful negotiation that include tough restrictions on and oversight of Iran’s nuclear programme and limits to its development of ballistic missile. He further demanded fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign and defence policy. “No nukes, no missiles and no terrorism,” Al-Jubeir said in language that was likely to appeal to a broad audience but masked the two countries’ core differences. Nicolas Dunais, an economic advisor to Gulf governments who last year was helping Saudi Arabia establish a national risk and resilience unit, got a glimpse of Saudi Arabia’s fundamental attitude before the kingdom’s recent repackaging. Dunais was taken aback when he suggested opening a backchannel to Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels. "Suggestions by Dunais to consider the broader risks related to the missile threat and to undertake an indirect dialogue with the Houthi leadership were summarily dismissed given the confidence that military might alone would be enough to crush a ragtag army of rebels" King Salman signalled the policy shift when he told a Cabinet meeting, days after the attacks believed to have at least been enabled by Iran, that they were "not aimed at the vital facilities of Saudi Arabia only, but also threaten the global economy." King Salman’s statement was as much an effort to capitalise on the attacks to garner international support and step up pressure on Iran as it was the setting of a different foreign policy tone. Unlike the United States that put responsibility for the attacks squarely on the shoulders of Iran, Saudi spokesmen were careful to stop short of holding Iran directly responsible for the attacks. Instead, they asserted that the weapons used in the attacks were Iranian made and therefore bore some degree of responsibility. Similarly, in sharp contrast to the kingdom’s rejection of an international investigation into last year’s killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and its tight control of access to war-torn Yemen, Saudi Arabia followed up on King Salman’s statement by inviting the United Nations and others to participate in a forensic investigation of the attacks that would focus on the origin of the weapons employed, and the launching spot of the drones and missiles. Speaking to the New York-based Council of Foreign Relations, Al-Jubeir said foreign experts had already arrived in the kingdom. Driving the point home, Al al-Jubeir said earlier that Saudi Arabia was consulting “with friends and allies about the next steps to take.” In a further embrace of multilateralism, Saudi Arabia, days after the attacks, joined a US-led coalition to secure the Middle East’s waterways. Earlier, Britain, Bahrain and Australia pledged to participate in the coalition. The Saudi moves were buffeted by a concerted reaching out to the media rather than relying primarily on expensive public relations and lobbying agencies to ensure that the kingdom’s voice and more cautious approach was heard and noted. The attacks drove home the vulnerability of the kingdom’s oil assets that account for the bulk of its revenues and its international standing and a realisation that Saudi Arabia could not count on unquestioned support of the international community and particularly the United States, its long-standing guardian angel. That realisation came as Saudi Arabia was working to repair damage to its image as a result of its conduct of the Yemen war; the killing of Khashoggi; the massive crackdown on activists, critics and businessmen; and its abrupt and undiplomatic response to countries like Sweden and Canada that voiced public criticism of the kingdom’s policies. This week, Saudi ambassador to the UN Abdulaziz Alwasil didn’t mince his words, responding to Australia’s leadership of 24 Western nations in issuing a statement condemning the kingdom for a raft of human rights abuses. Yet, in a sign of the times and in contrast to earlier incidents involving Sweden and Canada, Alwasil did not threaten disruption of trade and other forms of cooperation with Australia nor did he indicate that the kingdom may expel Australian diplomats. Saudi Arabia’s efforts to come to grips with new realities came as the kingdom was preparing for an initial public offering by its national oil company, Aramco, that has been struggling to ensure that it meets Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s target valuation of $2 trillion. The precarity of the kingdom’s situation was obvious for all to see when Trump made clear that his inclination was not to launch a risky retaliatory strike against Iran in response to the attacks but to tighten economic sanctions and to continue exploring a possible dialogue with the Islamic republic. Adding insult to injury, Trump emphasised the fact that the attacks were against Saudi Arabia and not against the United States and that his administration would support a Saudi response or potentially act on its behalf against payment. As a result, Saudi Arabia has been manoeuvring to ensure that the situation does not get out of control and that it is not put in a position in which it risks an all-out war that could prove to be devastating. Saudi Arabia’s shift in policy approach follows in the footsteps of the United Arab Emirates that has in recent months sought to de-escalate tensions in the Gulf by distancing itself from Saudi positions. The UAE has partially withdrawn its forces from Yemen in an effort to prevent further reputational damage, a move that sparked fighting between UAE and Saudi-backed forces in the country. It was careful not to blame Iran for attacks on tankers off the coast of the UAE believed to have been launched by Iran and reached out to the Islamic republic by sending a coast guard delegation to Tehran. Said Rebecca Wasser, a senior policy analyst at RAND Corporation, noting that the attacks had made the kingdom realise that it may be playing for stakes that are too high: “I think there has a been a calculation that the costs might be too high.” Trump can claim some credit for Saudi Arabia’s emerging adoption of a more cautious approach. Higher costs and greater risk perceptions were likely one consequence of his transactional approach towards the kingdom. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Saudi Arabia policy shift: A rare Donald Trump's foreign policy success

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88,000 Saudi-backed accounts banned by Twitter over peddling propaganda

Pakistan <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-pm-imran-khan-on-one-day-trip-to-saudi-arabia-268288">Prime Minister Imran Khan</a> has canceled his scheduled visit to Malaysia under pressure from Saudi Arabia, diplomatic sources told Geo News on Tuesday.

Also Watch:&nbsp;Pakistan pulls out of New Islamic Summit

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Sources said that the Prime Minister has apprised his Malaysian counterpart over his non-availability for the summit. 
 
Earlier, it was reported that Pakistani foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi was expected to represent his country at the summit instead of Khan. But the diplomat has also canceled his visit to the South Asian country. 
 
The development comes after a meeting between Khan with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman in Riyadh on Saturday wherein matters related to bilateral relations were discussed. 
 
According to media reports Saudi Arabia has not been extended an invitation to attend the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/pak-decided-to-mark-its-absence-at-the-kuala-lumpur-summit-268763">Kuala Lumpur Summit</a> starting tomorrow. 
 
The News International reported that Saudi Arabia had raised serious concerns over the Malaysian prime minister's statement where he had said the Muslim countries at Kuala Lumpur Summit would form a new platform to replace the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) which "had failed to deliver the goods on issues faced by the Muslims across the world." 
 
It is worth noting that the OIC is headed by Saudi Arabia. 
 
Sources further said that Saudi Arabia and its allies, including the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait and Bahrain were perturbed over the expected presence of Qatari emir, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Iranian President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/irans-rouhani-to-visit-japan-amid-heightened-tensions-with-united-states-268703">Hassan Rouhani</a> at the summit and fear a new but parallel leadership forum is being developed to undermine Saudi Arabia and its allies. 
 
Special Assistant to Prime Minister on Information and Broadcasting Firdous Ashiq Awan while speaking to the media on Monday had said decision regarding PM Imran's visit to Malaysia would be taken keeping in mind the national interest. 
 
The summit is expected to be an important gathering of the Muslim leaders with a shared agenda related to the Muslim world and its collective challenges in a highly interconnected world. 
 
Foreign Office Spokesperson Muhammad Faisal, during his weekly briefing, had said that the summit would provide Pakistan an opportunity to explain views and find solutions to the challenges facing the Muslim world particularly governance, development, terrorism, and Islamophobia.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan has canceled his scheduled visit to Malaysia under pressure from Saudi Arabia, diplomatic sources told Geo News on Tuesday. Also Watch: Pakistan pulls out of New Islamic Summit × Sources said that the Prime Minister has apprised his Malaysian counterpart over his non-availability for the summit.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan has canceled his scheduled visit to Malaysia under pressure from Saudi Arabia, diplomatic sources told Geo News on Tuesday. Also Watch: Pakistan pulls out of New Islamic Summit × Sources said that the Prime Minister has apprised his Malaysian counterpart over his non-availability for the summit. Earlier, it was reported that Pakistani foreign minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi was expected to represent his country at the summit instead of Khan. But the diplomat has also canceled his visit to the South Asian country. The development comes after a meeting between Khan with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman in Riyadh on Saturday wherein matters related to bilateral relations were discussed. According to media reports Saudi Arabia has not been extended an invitation to attend the Kuala Lumpur Summit starting tomorrow. The News International reported that Saudi Arabia had raised serious concerns over the Malaysian prime minister's statement where he had said the Muslim countries at Kuala Lumpur Summit would form a new platform to replace the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) which "had failed to deliver the goods on issues faced by the Muslims across the world." It is worth noting that the OIC is headed by Saudi Arabia. Sources further said that Saudi Arabia and its allies, including the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait and Bahrain were perturbed over the expected presence of Qatari emir, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani at the summit and fear a new but parallel leadership forum is being developed to undermine Saudi Arabia and its allies. Special Assistant to Prime Minister on Information and Broadcasting Firdous Ashiq Awan while speaking to the media on Monday had said decision regarding PM Imran's visit to Malaysia would be taken keeping in mind the national interest. The summit is expected to be an important gathering of the Muslim leaders with a shared agenda related to the Muslim world and its collective challenges in a highly interconnected world. Foreign Office Spokesperson Muhammad Faisal, during his weekly briefing, had said that the summit would provide Pakistan an opportunity to explain views and find solutions to the challenges facing the Muslim world particularly governance, development, terrorism, and Islamophobia.

Pakistan: Imran Khan cancels Malaysia summit under Saudi diplomatic pressure

Saudi households typically serve large oval-shaped platters piled high with rice, a daily staple, but a lot goes to waste as many just peck on the sides and rarely even reach the middle. Entrepreneur Mashal al Kharashi is fighting back with a rice plate that makes the portion of food appear bigger. With a mound in the centre, the plate minimises the middle area, prompting people to serve less and save more.

Saudi entrepreneur comes up with novel idea to reduce food waste

Watch in Your Story: Saudi ranked number 1 for wasting food, basically the oil rich nations fight the food waste. Watch this video to know more.

Your Story: Saudi ranked number 1 for wasting food

Is Aramco Really Worth $2 Trillion? #WION #Gravitas #SaudiAramco

Gravitas: Inside Saudi Arabia's oil politics

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