<p>With just a few days to go for the Assembly elections in Gujarat, many transgenders in the state still do not have voter ID cards.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The third gender in the country is being denied the right to Universal Adult Franchise.</p>

<p>&quot;We&nbsp;are unable to cast our votes&nbsp;in the election as we do not have voter ID cards and we are not getting any help from anyone,&#39;&#39; a transgender said.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Gujarat?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Gujarat</a>: Transgenders in Surat&#39;s Godadara say that they are unable to cast their vote in the election as they do not have a Voter ID Card, add that they are receiving no help in getting their cards made. <a href="https://t.co/7DCtMftHqs">pic.twitter.com/7DCtMftHqs</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/934097640517537792?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 24, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>A transgender, Payal Kunwar, claims that nobody&nbsp;else except she has the voter ID card in their area.&nbsp;</p>

<p>She said that her name was mentioned under the female gender, while she is a transgender.</p>

<p>&#39;&#39;I faced a lot a problem to open my bank account,&#39;&#39; she said. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">No one here except me has a Voter ID card. When I received it, my name was mentioned under female gender. I am a transgender. Whenever I produce it, I am told that they have mentioned female on it. I had to face a lot of problem to open my bank account.: Payal Kunwar <a href="https://t.co/F7fOMROKEx">pic.twitter.com/F7fOMROKEx</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/934098087621955584?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 24, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Another transgender, Khushboo, said that she has an Aadhaar Card but whenever she approached the authorities for a voter ID card, they turned her&nbsp;away.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">I just have an Aadhaar Card but no Voter Card. I do not even have a bank account. They turn me away whenever I go to them. I want to cast my vote too just like anyone else.: Khushboo <a href="https://t.co/OXpNQUwuJ5">pic.twitter.com/OXpNQUwuJ5</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/934098368237789184?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 24, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>The Gujarat Assembly elections will be held on December 9 and 14.</p>

<p>The counting will take place on December 18.&nbsp;</p>


The community states that no one is helping them to get the Voter ID cards

With just a few days to go for the Assembly elections in Gujarat, many transgenders in the state still do not have voter ID cards. The third gender in the country is being denied the right to Universal Adult Franchise. "We are unable to cast our votes in the election as we do not have voter ID cards and we are not getting any help from anyone,'' a transgender said. #Gujarat: Transgenders in Surat's Godadara say that they are unable to cast their vote in the election as they do not have a Voter ID Card, add that they are receiving no help in getting their cards made. pic.twitter.com/7DCtMftHqs — ANI (@ANI) November 24, 2017 × A transgender, Payal Kunwar, claims that nobody else except she has the voter ID card in their area. She said that her name was mentioned under the female gender, while she is a transgender. ''I faced a lot a problem to open my bank account,'' she said. No one here except me has a Voter ID card. When I received it, my name was mentioned under female gender. I am a transgender. Whenever I produce it, I am told that they have mentioned female on it. I had to face a lot of problem to open my bank account.: Payal Kunwar pic.twitter.com/F7fOMROKEx — ANI (@ANI) November 24, 2017 × Another transgender, Khushboo, said that she has an Aadhaar Card but whenever she approached the authorities for a voter ID card, they turned her away. I just have an Aadhaar Card but no Voter Card. I do not even have a bank account. They turn me away whenever I go to them. I want to cast my vote too just like anyone else.: Khushboo pic.twitter.com/OXpNQUwuJ5 — ANI (@ANI) November 24, 2017 × The Gujarat Assembly elections will be held on December 9 and 14. The counting will take place on December 18.

Many transgenders in Gujarat denied voter IDs ahead of polls

<p>In the post-independence period, Patidars became the social force behind Gujarat&rsquo;s industrial push. By the 1960s and &lsquo;70s, they dominated large sectors of agricultural, industrial and commercial activities.</p>

<p>Patidars consolidated their economic and social standing through affiliating with ruling political parties, first the Congress and then the BJP. &nbsp;The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the &lsquo;prosperous Patel&rsquo; became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination.</p>

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<h5>The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the &lsquo;prosperous Patel&rsquo; became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination.</h5>
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<p>Yet for all this picture of success, it has to be noted that more than a third of the Patidars are still small and marginal farmers, often inhabiting the less fertile regions of north Gujarat. As the sociologist, Ghanshyam Shah, observed in one of his interviews to the magazine Frontline, that with the onset of a phase of agricultural distress in Gujarat induced by a steep increase in input cost for cultivation most of these poor farmers no longer have resources to access to timely credit for investment.</p>

<p>With agriculture becoming difficult and un-remunerative, the young Patidars are forced to find alternative employment in urban areas. It is here that they encounter the deep disconnect between their abilities and their expectations. In Prof Shah&rsquo; words, &ldquo;it is this lot &nbsp;that forms the spine of the Patidar agitation.&rdquo;</p>

<p>This is a complex situation within a community that&rsquo;s aspirational but structurally disadvantaged not by its caste position, but by a neo-liberal economic order that offers them little recourse to cope with the demands of the job market or look to the state for protection. Once spearheading the anti-reservation movement of the 1980s and now faced with the challenges thrown up by the &lsquo;merit&rsquo; imperative in an unequal social order, the demand for reservations seem to be the sole way out.</p>

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<h5>The demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine.</h5>
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<p>Yet, as the political scientist Amit Dholakia argues, the demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine. With the large-scale privatisation of higher education and the proliferation of deemed universities and colleges often demanding high capitation fees and offering a quality of education that rarely meets market demands, the younger Patidars rearing to move out of farming and small enterprise, feel deeply betrayed.</p>

<p>Hemmed in by a lack of educational and social capital and the difficulties of access to the modern sectors of employment, this section of the young Patidars, unlike an older generation, are also finding it increasingly hard to emigrate or seek opportunities in the west. Little wonder then that a &nbsp;2012 film titled &ldquo;Kevi rite jaish?&rdquo; or &ldquo;How do I go?&rdquo; spoofing the Patel aspiration to emigrate resonated with the predicament of the Gujarati youth and became one the most successful regional language films made in recent times.</p>

<p>Alice Tilche a young researcher studying the problems of Patidar discontent makes the astute observation that the problems of Patidar youth have much in common with young people in the newly depleted economies of southern Europe where expectations driven by the promise of education and emigration have been belied by the tightening of international borders and the increasing demands for skilled migrants.</p>

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<h5>Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked &lsquo;down&rsquo; in order to &lsquo;move up&rsquo;.</h5>
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<p>The villages of Gujarat she concluded have become dismal &ldquo;waiting rooms&rdquo; for a generation of young people who are Patels, but not quite. Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked &lsquo;down&rsquo; in order to &lsquo;move up&rsquo;.</p>

<p>Hardik&rsquo;s &nbsp;supporters who are bent on defeating the BJP this time constantly remind us that the policemen deployed to brutalise them on the night of his arrest 2015 belonged to the OBCs. They feel that the reservations for caste groups &lsquo;lower&rsquo; than they have left them both deprived and vulnerable.&nbsp;It&rsquo;s a perception that makes their alliance with the OBCs and the Congress a particularly troubled one.</p>

<p>It is likely that the BJP will win the elections and subdue the angry Patidars, but it remains to be seen if it can sustain Gujarat&rsquo;s developmental model in its existing form. The angry young men from the OBC, Dalit and Patidar communities have a compelling story to tell about the social strains, the human costs and economic limits of a market-led model of economic growth. Any party that wins these elections may be well advised to heed these stories and craft an alternative and more genuinely humane model of development for Gujarat.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</em></p>


Once spearheading the anti-reservation movement of the 1980s, and now faced with the challenges thrown up by the ?merit? imperative in an unequal social order, the demand for reservations seem to be the sole way out for the Patidar community.

In the post-independence period, Patidars became the social force behind Gujarat’s industrial push. By the 1960s and ‘70s, they dominated large sectors of agricultural, industrial and commercial activities. Patidars consolidated their economic and social standing through affiliating with ruling political parties, first the Congress and then the BJP. The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the ‘prosperous Patel’ became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination. The Patidars in sum were the mascots of success in Gujarat and the ‘prosperous Patel’ became a familiar figure in popular culture and national imagination. × Yet for all this picture of success, it has to be noted that more than a third of the Patidars are still small and marginal farmers, often inhabiting the less fertile regions of north Gujarat. As the sociologist, Ghanshyam Shah, observed in one of his interviews to the magazine Frontline, that with the onset of a phase of agricultural distress in Gujarat induced by a steep increase in input cost for cultivation most of these poor farmers no longer have resources to access to timely credit for investment. With agriculture becoming difficult and un-remunerative, the young Patidars are forced to find alternative employment in urban areas. It is here that they encounter the deep disconnect between their abilities and their expectations. In Prof Shah’ words, “it is this lot that forms the spine of the Patidar agitation.” This is a complex situation within a community that’s aspirational but structurally disadvantaged not by its caste position, but by a neo-liberal economic order that offers them little recourse to cope with the demands of the job market or look to the state for protection. Once spearheading the anti-reservation movement of the 1980s and now faced with the challenges thrown up by the ‘merit’ imperative in an unequal social order, the demand for reservations seem to be the sole way out. The demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine. × Yet, as the political scientist Amit Dholakia argues, the demand for reservations is less for jobs than for opportunities in higher education, particularly in engineering and medicine. With the large-scale privatisation of higher education and the proliferation of deemed universities and colleges often demanding high capitation fees and offering a quality of education that rarely meets market demands, the younger Patidars rearing to move out of farming and small enterprise, feel deeply betrayed. Hemmed in by a lack of educational and social capital and the difficulties of access to the modern sectors of employment, this section of the young Patidars, unlike an older generation, are also finding it increasingly hard to emigrate or seek opportunities in the west. Little wonder then that a 2012 film titled “Kevi rite jaish?” or “How do I go?” spoofing the Patel aspiration to emigrate resonated with the predicament of the Gujarati youth and became one the most successful regional language films made in recent times. Alice Tilche a young researcher studying the problems of Patidar discontent makes the astute observation that the problems of Patidar youth have much in common with young people in the newly depleted economies of southern Europe where expectations driven by the promise of education and emigration have been belied by the tightening of international borders and the increasing demands for skilled migrants. Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked ‘down’ in order to ‘move up’. × The villages of Gujarat she concluded have become dismal “waiting rooms” for a generation of young people who are Patels, but not quite. Their demand for reservations within the Other Backward Class category is a poignant statement of their willingness to be marked ‘down’ in order to ‘move up’. Hardik’s supporters who are bent on defeating the BJP this time constantly remind us that the policemen deployed to brutalise them on the night of his arrest 2015 belonged to the OBCs. They feel that the reservations for caste groups ‘lower’ than they have left them both deprived and vulnerable. It’s a perception that makes their alliance with the OBCs and the Congress a particularly troubled one. It is likely that the BJP will win the elections and subdue the angry Patidars, but it remains to be seen if it can sustain Gujarat’s developmental model in its existing form. The angry young men from the OBC, Dalit and Patidar communities have a compelling story to tell about the social strains, the human costs and economic limits of a market-led model of economic growth. Any party that wins these elections may be well advised to heed these stories and craft an alternative and more genuinely humane model of development for Gujarat. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Harsh reality drives Patidar's demand for reservation

<p>Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Chouhan said Wednesday that Padmavati -- the fictional queen of Chittor -- would be taught in the state&#39;s schools.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Rashtramata Maharani Padmavati will be taught in schools from next syllabus,&quot; Chauhan said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Our children will get to know from books about her greatness and not depend on distortions,&quot; he added.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Rashtramata Maharani <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Padmavati?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Padmavati</a> will be taught in schools from next syllabus. Our children will get to know from books about her greatness and not depend on distortions: MP CM Shivraj Chouhan <a href="https://t.co/FIcTVxyc7u">pic.twitter.com/FIcTVxyc7u</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/933339541817065473?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 22, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Chouhan was <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmavati-row-now-shivraj-singh-chuahan-bans-the-film-in-madhya-pradesh-24645" target="_blank">the first chief minister to ban the movie</a> in his state on Tuesday.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He was <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmavati-row-after-madhya-pradesh-gujarat-bans-the-film-24851" target="_blank">followed by Gujarat</a> today.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan have also threatened to ban the movie if &quot;objectionable scenes&quot; from it are not removed.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Rajput and Hindu groups have been vociferously protesting against the movie saying it distorts history.&nbsp;</p>

<p>They have been most worried by a reported &quot;dream sequence&quot; in the movie between Deepika Padukone (who plays Padmavati) and Ranveer Singh (who plays Allaudin Khilji).&nbsp;</p>

<p>Khilji, the sultan of Delhi, had invaded and defeated the Rajput kingdom of Chittor in 1303.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Popular legend says Rani Padmavati committed &quot;jauhar&quot; (mass &quot;sati&quot;) to save her honour from Khilji.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Historians however say there is no mention of a queen Padmavati in history.&nbsp;</p>

<p>And that the first mention of her is found in a book of poetry -- Padmavat -- written in 1520 by the sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The historians therefore say Padmavati was not a historical figure but a literary character -- one found only in books.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>


'Our children will get to know from books about her greatness and not depend on distortions,' the Madhya Pradesh chief minister said

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Chouhan said Wednesday that Padmavati -- the fictional queen of Chittor -- would be taught in the state's schools. "Rashtramata Maharani Padmavati will be taught in schools from next syllabus," Chauhan said. "Our children will get to know from books about her greatness and not depend on distortions," he added. Rashtramata Maharani #Padmavati will be taught in schools from next syllabus. Our children will get to know from books about her greatness and not depend on distortions: MP CM Shivraj Chouhan pic.twitter.com/FIcTVxyc7u — ANI (@ANI) November 22, 2017 × Chouhan was the first chief minister to ban the movie in his state on Tuesday. He was followed by Gujarat today. Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan have also threatened to ban the movie if "objectionable scenes" from it are not removed. Rajput and Hindu groups have been vociferously protesting against the movie saying it distorts history. They have been most worried by a reported "dream sequence" in the movie between Deepika Padukone (who plays Padmavati) and Ranveer Singh (who plays Allaudin Khilji). Khilji, the sultan of Delhi, had invaded and defeated the Rajput kingdom of Chittor in 1303. Popular legend says Rani Padmavati committed "jauhar" (mass "sati") to save her honour from Khilji. Historians however say there is no mention of a queen Padmavati in history. And that the first mention of her is found in a book of poetry -- Padmavat -- written in 1520 by the sufi poet Malik Muhammad Jayasi. The historians therefore say Padmavati was not a historical figure but a literary character -- one found only in books.

Padmavati to be taught in MP schools, will not depend on distortions: Chief Minister Shivraj Chouhan

<p>A few weeks back the prime minister <a href="http://www.firstpost.com/politics/narendra-modi-says-people-in-karnataka-do-not-want-to-wait-for-poll-says-they-are-anxious-to-join-race-for-development-4182893.html" rel="nofollow" target="blank">stirred up controversy</a> in Karnataka by observing that the people of the state were &ldquo;anxious to join the race for development.&rdquo; With elections imminent in Gujarat and round the corner in Karnataka, the implication is of course obvious. The prime minister&rsquo;s economic appeal rest to a large extent on his claim to have achieved above average outcomes in his native state.</p>

<p>Much has been written both in favour of and against the &ldquo;Gujarat model.&rdquo; Many observers have criticised it, focusing on the state&rsquo;s less than convincing record on social protection, welfare outcomes, and of course, ensuring rights of Muslims and other minorities.</p>

<p>In a <a href="https://scroll.in/article/855027/gujarat-model-the-gleam-of-states-high-growth-numbers-hides-dark-reality-of-poverty-inequality" rel="nofollow" target="blank">recent article</a> well-known economist, Maitreesh Ghatak evaluated Gujarat&rsquo;s performance on various economic indicators and found it to be middling to the&nbsp;poor performer on many. Others have pointed out that the state has historically been advanced both industrially and commercially with cities such as Surat and Ahmedabad topping the list. So it is not clear what Modi&rsquo;s contribution has been to its relative success vis-a-vis other states.</p>

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<h5>Gujarat should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states.</h5>
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<p>In any case, development is a multifaceted process and it is always possible to pick indicators that make the point we wish to make. In the new &ldquo;competitive federal&rdquo; framework, wherein development is a &ldquo;race&rdquo; and states are encouraged to market themselves to foreign and domestic investors, this practice has become even more prevalent.</p>

<p>Modi and his supporters are very good at this game. And as befits a race, this year&rsquo;s Economic Survey documented that in the post-reform period there have been <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/in-india-diverging-incomes-despite-equalising-forces/article17336738.ece" rel="nofollow" target="blank">strong divergences across Indian states</a>. There is a clear sense in which globalisation has been pulling us apart rather than bringing us together. It has been the opposite in China.</p>

<p>So while Gujarat does perform better than many other states as well as better than the national average on some indicators, it is not clear that it should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states. In some ways, the incidental pre-poll comparison with Karnataka is instructive to evaluate further since both states are comparable in terms of population and basic health and education outcomes, as well as State Gross Domestic Product (SDP).</p>

<p>As per the latest available data from the Economic Survey, Gujarat has a state domestic product just about 6 per cent higher than Karnataka. The states are tied in terms of life expectancy (69 years) but Karnataka fares much better on infant mortality statistics (28 versus 33). While recent data are not available on poverty, as of 2011 Gujarat substantially outperformed Karnataka on this score (16.6 per cent versus 20.9 per cent).</p>

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<h5>Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio</h5>
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<p>Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio (919:1000 as opposed to Karnataka&rsquo;s 973) and worse even than India as a whole (943:1000). Another indicator of the low status of women in the state is the female labour force participation rate (LFPR), or the percentage of women, 15 years and older, who participate in paid work.</p>

<p>To Karnataka&rsquo;s 32.7 per cent and the national average of 23.7 per cent, Gujarat has a female LFPR of a mere 19.2 per cent, one of the lowest in the country. If a high level of women&rsquo;s participation in paid market work is taken to be a sign of a mature economy, then Gujarat has much scope for improvement and is in no position to lecture Karnataka.</p>

<p>All in all the Gujarat experience is very much a mixed bag. But the most important way in which it is not that different from Karnataka or indeed the rest of the country is in the extent of what economists call &ldquo;structural transformation&rdquo;, or a shift in value-added as well as the workforce from agriculture to manufacturing and services.</p>

<p>Here, conforming to their respective images as industry- and service-led economies respectively, a substantially higher proportion of Gujarat&rsquo;s state domestic product is account for by industry (40 per cent) compared to Karnataka (25 per cent) and reverse is true for services (Karnataka - 56 per cent, Gujarat - 34 per cent).</p>

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<h5>The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce.</h5>
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<p>However, and this is the key, these numbers do not match up with what is happening to the workers in either state. In both states, nearly half of the workforce is still in agriculture, indicating that development has not delivered the desired outcome in either place and indeed in India as a whole. One might say that it is unfair to expect Gujarat to buck what is clearly a national trend. But then again the Gujarat model rhetoric is one of Gujarati exceptionalism.</p>

<p>The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce. 55 per cent of the workforce is still self-employed and a mere 16 per cent earns a regular wage or salary. Nearly, 78 per cent of households reported not a single regular wage or salary earner (compared to 75 per cent for Karnataka and 77 per cent for India).</p>

<p>Even in urban areas of Gujarat 64 per cent of households do not have a regular wage or salary earner (compared to 59&nbsp; for Karnataka and 62.1 per cent for India). One response to this might be that Gujarat is known for its entrepreneurial culture and so an absence of salary earners is not a big concern. Unfortunately, 57 per cent of households still earn&nbsp;INR 10,000 or less per month either through self-employment or wage income. This is similar to Karnataka (59 per cent).</p>

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<h5>One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract.</h5>
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<p>Even in terms of jobs that provide benefits like pension, healthcare etc., Gujarat is not very different from the national average and if anything a little below it (47 per cent as opposed to 50 per cent). Though on this score it vastly outperforms Karnataka (28 per cent). One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as a whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract, 30 per cent as opposed to 20 per cent.</p>

<p>In summary, Gujarat enjoys a status as a relatively well-off, industrial state and has been so for decades. But so are many other states, including Karnataka. And where it really matters, pulling workers out of low productivity occupations into higher productivity ones and raising their incomes substantially, Gujarat fails as do most other states.</p>

<p>Disclaimer:&nbsp;<i>The author writes here in a personal capacity.&nbsp;</i></p>


Gujarat is a relatively well-off, industrial state but suffers from poor sex ratio and a low participation of women in the paid workforce.

A few weeks back the prime minister stirred up controversy in Karnataka by observing that the people of the state were “anxious to join the race for development.” With elections imminent in Gujarat and round the corner in Karnataka, the implication is of course obvious. The prime minister’s economic appeal rest to a large extent on his claim to have achieved above average outcomes in his native state. Much has been written both in favour of and against the “Gujarat model.” Many observers have criticised it, focusing on the state’s less than convincing record on social protection, welfare outcomes, and of course, ensuring rights of Muslims and other minorities. In a recent article well-known economist, Maitreesh Ghatak evaluated Gujarat’s performance on various economic indicators and found it to be middling to the poor performer on many. Others have pointed out that the state has historically been advanced both industrially and commercially with cities such as Surat and Ahmedabad topping the list. So it is not clear what Modi’s contribution has been to its relative success vis-a-vis other states. Gujarat should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states. × In any case, development is a multifaceted process and it is always possible to pick indicators that make the point we wish to make. In the new “competitive federal” framework, wherein development is a “race” and states are encouraged to market themselves to foreign and domestic investors, this practice has become even more prevalent. Modi and his supporters are very good at this game. And as befits a race, this year’s Economic Survey documented that in the post-reform period there have been strong divergences across Indian states. There is a clear sense in which globalisation has been pulling us apart rather than bringing us together. It has been the opposite in China. So while Gujarat does perform better than many other states as well as better than the national average on some indicators, it is not clear that it should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states. In some ways, the incidental pre-poll comparison with Karnataka is instructive to evaluate further since both states are comparable in terms of population and basic health and education outcomes, as well as State Gross Domestic Product (SDP). As per the latest available data from the Economic Survey, Gujarat has a state domestic product just about 6 per cent higher than Karnataka. The states are tied in terms of life expectancy (69 years) but Karnataka fares much better on infant mortality statistics (28 versus 33). While recent data are not available on poverty, as of 2011 Gujarat substantially outperformed Karnataka on this score (16.6 per cent versus 20.9 per cent). Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio × Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio (919:1000 as opposed to Karnataka’s 973) and worse even than India as a whole (943:1000). Another indicator of the low status of women in the state is the female labour force participation rate (LFPR), or the percentage of women, 15 years and older, who participate in paid work. To Karnataka’s 32.7 per cent and the national average of 23.7 per cent, Gujarat has a female LFPR of a mere 19.2 per cent, one of the lowest in the country. If a high level of women’s participation in paid market work is taken to be a sign of a mature economy, then Gujarat has much scope for improvement and is in no position to lecture Karnataka. All in all the Gujarat experience is very much a mixed bag. But the most important way in which it is not that different from Karnataka or indeed the rest of the country is in the extent of what economists call “structural transformation”, or a shift in value-added as well as the workforce from agriculture to manufacturing and services. Here, conforming to their respective images as industry- and service-led economies respectively, a substantially higher proportion of Gujarat’s state domestic product is account for by industry (40 per cent) compared to Karnataka (25 per cent) and reverse is true for services (Karnataka - 56 per cent, Gujarat - 34 per cent). The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce. × However, and this is the key, these numbers do not match up with what is happening to the workers in either state. In both states, nearly half of the workforce is still in agriculture, indicating that development has not delivered the desired outcome in either place and indeed in India as a whole. One might say that it is unfair to expect Gujarat to buck what is clearly a national trend. But then again the Gujarat model rhetoric is one of Gujarati exceptionalism. The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce. 55 per cent of the workforce is still self-employed and a mere 16 per cent earns a regular wage or salary. Nearly, 78 per cent of households reported not a single regular wage or salary earner (compared to 75 per cent for Karnataka and 77 per cent for India). Even in urban areas of Gujarat 64 per cent of households do not have a regular wage or salary earner (compared to 59 for Karnataka and 62.1 per cent for India). One response to this might be that Gujarat is known for its entrepreneurial culture and so an absence of salary earners is not a big concern. Unfortunately, 57 per cent of households still earn INR 10,000 or less per month either through self-employment or wage income. This is similar to Karnataka (59 per cent). One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract. × Even in terms of jobs that provide benefits like pension, healthcare etc., Gujarat is not very different from the national average and if anything a little below it (47 per cent as opposed to 50 per cent). Though on this score it vastly outperforms Karnataka (28 per cent). One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as a whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract, 30 per cent as opposed to 20 per cent. In summary, Gujarat enjoys a status as a relatively well-off, industrial state and has been so for decades. But so are many other states, including Karnataka. And where it really matters, pulling workers out of low productivity occupations into higher productivity ones and raising their incomes substantially, Gujarat fails as do most other states. Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity.

Opinion: Deconstructing development in Gujarat

<p>A day after <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/gujarat-election-congress-releases-first-list-of-candidates-24607" target="_blank">Congress released the first list of candidates</a> for the Gujarat assembly elections, the party on Monday came out with its&nbsp;second list.</p>

<p>The second list for the upcoming Gujarat assembly elections includes 13 candidates.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Senior party leader Oscar Fernandes released the name of the 13 candidates.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The party has replaced four candidates from Junagadh, Bharuch, Kamrej and Varachha Road, announced in the first list.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The new candidates for these constituencies are-&nbsp;Bhikhabhai Joshi in Junagadh, Jaish Patel in Bharuch, Ashok Jirawala will contest from Kamrej and Dhirubhai Gajera&nbsp;for the Varachha Road seat.</p>

<p>The nine other candidates released are -Pradyumansinh Jadeja from Abdasa seat, Aadam B Chaki from Bhuj, Santok Arethiya from Rapar and Mithul Donga from Rajkot East.<br />
Dinesh Chovatiya from Rajkot South, Jiwan Kumbharvadia from Jamnagar North, Ashok Lal from Jamnagar South, Vikram Madam from Khambhalia and Meraman Goriya from Dwarka seat.</p>

<p>The first list released on Sunday included 77 candidates.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Elections in Gujarat are scheduled to be held on December 9 and 14.</p>

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The second list for the upcoming Gujarat assembly elections includes 13 candidates

A day after Congress released the first list of candidates for the Gujarat assembly elections, the party on Monday came out with its second list. The second list for the upcoming Gujarat assembly elections includes 13 candidates. Senior party leader Oscar Fernandes released the name of the 13 candidates. The party has replaced four candidates from Junagadh, Bharuch, Kamrej and Varachha Road, announced in the first list. The new candidates for these constituencies are- Bhikhabhai Joshi in Junagadh, Jaish Patel in Bharuch, Ashok Jirawala will contest from Kamrej and Dhirubhai Gajera for the Varachha Road seat. The nine other candidates released are -Pradyumansinh Jadeja from Abdasa seat, Aadam B Chaki from Bhuj, Santok Arethiya from Rapar and Mithul Donga from Rajkot East. Dinesh Chovatiya from Rajkot South, Jiwan Kumbharvadia from Jamnagar North, Ashok Lal from Jamnagar South, Vikram Madam from Khambhalia and Meraman Goriya from Dwarka seat. The first list released on Sunday included 77 candidates. Elections in Gujarat are scheduled to be held on December 9 and 14.

Gujarat elections: Congress releases second list of candidates

<p>Sharad Pawar-led <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/watch-unhappy-over-ticket-distribution-paas-workers-vandalise-congress-office-in-surat-24609">Nationalist Congress Party(NCP)</a> has decided to fight the Gujarat Assembly elections without the Congress.</p>

<p>NCP leader Praful Patel said: &quot;Congress did not seem serious and kept on delaying, so we will fight alone,&quot; adding,&quot;We wanted to contest in Gujarat in alliance with Congress and had talks with them too.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;We are confident of doing even better alone,&quot; he added.</p>

<p>The Congress has been trying to stitch a coalition against the ruling BJP in the Gujarat elections due to be held next month.&nbsp;</p>

<p>On Sunday, Congress and the Hardik Patel&#39;s Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti(PAAS) had reached a seat-sharing agreement after protracted talks, however, last night clashes erupted between PAAS workers and Gujarat Congress party cadres in Ahmedabad and Surat over ticket distribution.</p>

<p>The clashes came even as the Congress released its first list of 77 candidates for the Gujarat polls. The list included three Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) contestants.</p>

<p>The BJP has been in power in Gujarat since 1998, India&#39;s prime minister Narendra Modi became chief minister of the state for the first time in 2002. This will be the first time the BJP will be fighting the elections without Modi at the helm in his home state. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Despite several attempts, the Congress has been unable to dislodge the ruling party.</p>

<p>Last week, taking a jibe at the &#39;&#39;Gujarat model&#39;, senior Congress leader and former finance minister P Chidambaram in a series of tweets slammed PM Modi over &#39;extravagant promises&#39; made by him&nbsp;in Gujarat, asserting that &quot;in reality, had worsened since BJP came to power.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Chidambaram compared Gujarat&#39;s development figures with Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra, and said it continues to &quot;lag behind even after all the &#39;boasting&#39;.&quot;&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>


The Congress has been trying to stitch a coalition against the ruling BJP in Gujarat elections due to be held next month.?

Sharad Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party(NCP) has decided to fight the Gujarat Assembly elections without the Congress. NCP leader Praful Patel said: "Congress did not seem serious and kept on delaying, so we will fight alone," adding,"We wanted to contest in Gujarat in alliance with Congress and had talks with them too." "We are confident of doing even better alone," he added. The Congress has been trying to stitch a coalition against the ruling BJP in the Gujarat elections due to be held next month. On Sunday, Congress and the Hardik Patel's Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti(PAAS) had reached a seat-sharing agreement after protracted talks, however, last night clashes erupted between PAAS workers and Gujarat Congress party cadres in Ahmedabad and Surat over ticket distribution. The clashes came even as the Congress released its first list of 77 candidates for the Gujarat polls. The list included three Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) contestants. The BJP has been in power in Gujarat since 1998, India's prime minister Narendra Modi became chief minister of the state for the first time in 2002. This will be the first time the BJP will be fighting the elections without Modi at the helm in his home state. Despite several attempts, the Congress has been unable to dislodge the ruling party. Last week, taking a jibe at the ''Gujarat model', senior Congress leader and former finance minister P Chidambaram in a series of tweets slammed PM Modi over 'extravagant promises' made by him in Gujarat, asserting that "in reality, had worsened since BJP came to power." Chidambaram compared Gujarat's development figures with Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra, and said it continues to "lag behind even after all the 'boasting'."

NCP won't fight Gujarat elections with Congress: Praful Patel

<p>Senior Congress leader and former finance minister P Chidambaram on Sunday said that Gujarat, in reality, has worsened since BJP came to power 22 years ago.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Taking a jibe at much-touted Gujarat model, Chidambaram said that state&#39;s developmental model, which is being further examined and dissected, in a sense&nbsp;disappointed many as&nbsp;Modi failed to deliver on his &#39;extravagant promises&#39; as he failed to deliver on his grandstanding with his extravagant promises ahead of Lok Sabha polls in 2014: &ldquo;I will create 2 crore jobs every year&rdquo;, &ldquo;I will bring back black money stashed abroad and put Rs 15 lakh in the bank account of every Indian&rdquo; and so on.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">1. Mr Narendra Modi, the candidate, claimed to bring development to the centre of the political debate in 2014 with his brilliant slogan &#39;achhe din aane wale hain&#39;.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094160940580864?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">2. He also took to grandstanding with his extravagant promises: &ldquo;I will create 2 crore jobs every year&rdquo;, &ldquo;I will bring back black money stashed abroad and put Rs 15 lakh in the bank account of every Indian&rdquo; and so on.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094235695710208?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">4. A similar sense of disappointment prevails in Gujarat which goes to election in December. The much-touted &lsquo;Gujarat Model&rsquo; is being dissected and examined.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094329153249280?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>The Congress leader went on to compare Gujarat&#39;s development figures with other states&nbsp;such as&nbsp;Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra, and stated state continues to lag behind even after all the &#39;boasting&#39;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He acknowledged that the state has made some&nbsp;industrial progress. However, it still has a long way to go in critical areas of human development.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">4. A similar sense of disappointment prevails in Gujarat which goes to election in December. The much-touted &lsquo;Gujarat Model&rsquo; is being dissected and examined.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094329153249280?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Gujarat performed above the national growth average even before 1995, he added.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">5. Even before 1995, Gujarat&rsquo;s growth rate was higher than the national average and Gujarat has maintained that edge. Amul, the ports, the vibrant textile industry and the chemical and petrochemical industry pre-date 1995.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094416247910400?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Voicing his concern on how various sections of people have been neglected on the guise of much-touted developmental agenda of Modi, he said that the upcoming election will be of many hues like economic/social reality vs headline-grabbing announcements and poor human development Indicators vs billion dollar investment proposals.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">9. As a result of a distorted concept of development or vikas, many sections of the people have been left behind.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094684712771584?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">10. The election in Gujarat promises to be a contest of many hues: Economic/Social Reality vs Headline Grabbing Announcements and Poor Human Development Indicators vs Billion Dollar Investment Proposals.</p>
&mdash; P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) <a href="https://twitter.com/PChidambaram_IN/status/932094915751714816?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 19, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Earlier, former PM Manmohan Singh also addressed the distress among the youth of different sections of the society &quot;The winds of change are blowing in Gujarat. The agitations are an indication of the deep dissatisfaction with the performance of successive BJP governments in Gujarat. The Congress will ensure the voice of every Gujarati, regardless of caste, creed, gender or class, is&nbsp;heard.&quot; he said.&nbsp;<br />
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The leader said that the state has actually regressed since BJP came to power in the state, 22 years ago.

Senior Congress leader and former finance minister P Chidambaram on Sunday said that Gujarat, in reality, has worsened since BJP came to power 22 years ago. Taking a jibe at much-touted Gujarat model, Chidambaram said that state's developmental model, which is being further examined and dissected, in a sense disappointed many as Modi failed to deliver on his 'extravagant promises' as he failed to deliver on his grandstanding with his extravagant promises ahead of Lok Sabha polls in 2014: “I will create 2 crore jobs every year”, “I will bring back black money stashed abroad and put Rs 15 lakh in the bank account of every Indian” and so on. 1. Mr Narendra Modi, the candidate, claimed to bring development to the centre of the political debate in 2014 with his brilliant slogan 'achhe din aane wale hain'. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × 2. He also took to grandstanding with his extravagant promises: “I will create 2 crore jobs every year”, “I will bring back black money stashed abroad and put Rs 15 lakh in the bank account of every Indian” and so on. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × 4. A similar sense of disappointment prevails in Gujarat which goes to election in December. The much-touted ‘Gujarat Model’ is being dissected and examined. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × The Congress leader went on to compare Gujarat's development figures with other states such as Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Maharashtra, and stated state continues to lag behind even after all the 'boasting'. He acknowledged that the state has made some industrial progress. However, it still has a long way to go in critical areas of human development. 4. A similar sense of disappointment prevails in Gujarat which goes to election in December. The much-touted ‘Gujarat Model’ is being dissected and examined. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × Gujarat performed above the national growth average even before 1995, he added. 5. Even before 1995, Gujarat’s growth rate was higher than the national average and Gujarat has maintained that edge. Amul, the ports, the vibrant textile industry and the chemical and petrochemical industry pre-date 1995. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × Voicing his concern on how various sections of people have been neglected on the guise of much-touted developmental agenda of Modi, he said that the upcoming election will be of many hues like economic/social reality vs headline-grabbing announcements and poor human development Indicators vs billion dollar investment proposals. 9. As a result of a distorted concept of development or vikas, many sections of the people have been left behind. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × 10. The election in Gujarat promises to be a contest of many hues: Economic/Social Reality vs Headline Grabbing Announcements and Poor Human Development Indicators vs Billion Dollar Investment Proposals. — P. Chidambaram (@PChidambaram_IN) November 19, 2017 × Earlier, former PM Manmohan Singh also addressed the distress among the youth of different sections of the society "The winds of change are blowing in Gujarat. The agitations are an indication of the deep dissatisfaction with the performance of successive BJP governments in Gujarat. The Congress will ensure the voice of every Gujarati, regardless of caste, creed, gender or class, is heard." he said.

Chidambaram takes potshots at much-touted 'Gujarat model' ahead of poll

<p>Days before polling-day in the Gujarat assembly elections, differences have cropped up between Congress and Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) over seat sharing as Congress is not ready to yield to the demands of Hardik Patel to part with nine seats.</p>

<p>The Congress is ready to give only 4 tickets to the Patel led outfit.&nbsp;</p>

<p>According to media reports, the representatives from the two parties met on Friday to discuss ticket sharing and quota issue.&nbsp;</p>

<p>By late Friday, PAAS leaders gave a 24-hour ultimatum to Congress for a final decision.&nbsp;</p>

<p>PAAS is demanding tickets in Patidar dominated areas in Ahmedabad, north Gujarat and Saurashtra.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Congress had earlier assured adequate political representation to the Patidars. However, it changed its mind after the<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/gujarat-elections-sex-cd-goes-viral-allegation-is-it-features-hardik-patel-24122" target="_blank"> alleged sex CD</a> surfaced.</p>

<p>The Congress united with the Patidars to garner support from the state&#39;s Patidar community.</p>

<p>It had earlier<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-invites-hardik-patel-to-contest-gujarat-elections-22699" target="_blank"> invited Hardik Patel to contest elections</a> in state&#39;s assembly elections.&nbsp;To which Hardik replied that it was not a BJP-Congress election. However, he added, &quot; we must unite against BJP&quot;.</p>

<p>The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/want-clarity-on-patidar-reservation-issue-by-nov-7-hardik-patel-23167" target="_blank">Patidar leader joined Congress on a condition</a> that the party would adhere to their <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/gujarat-elections-cong-gives-3-quota-options-to-patidars-who-say-theyll-get-back-to-them-23775" target="_blank">demands of allowing reservation </a>in education and government jobs to his community.&nbsp;</p>

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Conflicts arose after Congress refused to accede to the demands Hardik Patel led Samiti's proposal of 9 tickets.?The Congress is ready to give only 4 tickets to the Patel led outfit

Days before polling-day in the Gujarat assembly elections, differences have cropped up between Congress and Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) over seat sharing as Congress is not ready to yield to the demands of Hardik Patel to part with nine seats. The Congress is ready to give only 4 tickets to the Patel led outfit. According to media reports, the representatives from the two parties met on Friday to discuss ticket sharing and quota issue. By late Friday, PAAS leaders gave a 24-hour ultimatum to Congress for a final decision. PAAS is demanding tickets in Patidar dominated areas in Ahmedabad, north Gujarat and Saurashtra. The Congress had earlier assured adequate political representation to the Patidars. However, it changed its mind after the alleged sex CD surfaced. The Congress united with the Patidars to garner support from the state's Patidar community. It had earlier invited Hardik Patel to contest elections in state's assembly elections. To which Hardik replied that it was not a BJP-Congress election. However, he added, " we must unite against BJP". The Patidar leader joined Congress on a condition that the party would adhere to their demands of allowing reservation in education and government jobs to his community.

Hardik Patel sulks over seat sharing ahead of Gujarat poll

<p>Is Gujarat ready to deliver the sixth term for Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) on December 18, 2017? The answer is not as simple as the question. Since 1962, Congress and BJP have each been successful six and five times respectively in winning five consecutive terms. However, Madhav Singh Solanki of Congress and Narendra Modi of BJP were the only Chief Ministers to win three consecutive terms for their parties.</p>

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<p>It is common sense that each electoral victory is based on a combination of several factors for which positive determinants outweigh the negative ones. Whatever may, in the 2017 Gujarat election, one may notice that the competitiveness of Congress and BJP is more balanced than expected at least with regard to the popular perception.</p>

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<h5>In the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi&rsquo;s Congress.</h5>
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<p>While the planets may seem aligned for BJP, the bad news is the party running for the sixth consecutive term. Therefore, it appears that there is a risk of fatigue on the part of the electorates in Gujarat. This trend is more visible in the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi&rsquo;s Congress.</p>

<p>We must remember that &ldquo;all politics is local&rdquo; and thus each region has their own political dynamics. It is equally true about Saurashtra and Kutch&nbsp;region. In total, there are 54 assembly seats in this region, the highest number comparing other regions. In particular, these assembly seats are divided as per the following: 6 in Kutch, 5 in Surendranagar, 11 in Rajkot, 7 in Jamnagar, 2 in Porbandar, 9 in Junagarh, 5 in Amreli, and 9 in Bhavnagar.</p>

<p>Saurashtra and Kutch&#39;s region is no longer appearing ideologically stable with BJP and showing trends to swing in favour of Congress. Though BJP did well in this region in 2012 Assembly elections despite the probable challenge from Keshubhai Patel&rsquo;s Gujarat Parivartan Party (GPP). The BJP won 34 of the 54 seats. But the party&rsquo;s vote share in the region was declined from 48 per cent in 2007 to 45 per cent in 2012.</p>

<p>One of the reasons was the GPP&rsquo;s performance that secured almost 8 per cent of the votes in this region and ended up winning two seats. The Congress won 16 seats that is a gain of two seats from 2007. Interestingly, BJP with 34 seats got 45 per cent of votes while Congress with only 16 seats got 37 per cent of votes.</p>

<p>In the past and even now, there has been a deep schism between the mainland Gujarat and Saurashtra. In 1957, Jivraj Mehta from Saurashtra as Chief Minister nominated most of the minsters from Saurashtra region and refused to take orders from the mainland dominated Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee.</p>

<p>The replacement of Keshubhai Patel from Saurashtra by Narendra Modi in 2001 was seen in the similar light. Similarly, in popular imaginations, mainland Gujarat is treated modern, progressive while Saurashtra as backward and regressive.</p>

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<h5>The changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP.</h5>
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<p>In 2017, we must underline that Congress is becoming stronger in this region. As for the voters Congress resembles more as BJP in its methods and approach to make a dent in BJP&rsquo;s support base like visiting temples, attending local festivals, sidelining minorities, playing religious card like using Lord Shiva, exploiting the economic pessimism among farmers, workers, traders, industrialists due to GST, demonetisation, poor employment records and other governance failures at local level.</p>

<p>At the same time, the changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP. It can be seen in the rising anxiety amongst the close circle of BJP due to the rising graph of the Congress. If election will held today, as reflected in the November 2017 survey of Lokniti-CSDS data, both Congress and BJP will secure 42 per cent of votes. However, in the August 2017 Survey, BJP was supposedly enjoying 65 per cent of vote shares while Congress only 26 per cent. It is certainly a huge decline of BJP on perception index.</p>

<p>How do we explain such a decline in popular perception? The significant development is the frustration of Patidars and Karadia Rajputs with BJP. Karadia Rajputs having a dominant presence in 25 Assembly constituencies of this region and traditionally voted for BJP are mobilising against the party.</p>

<p>We must note that Karadia Rajputs are OBCs and the OBC leader Alpesh Thakor is gaining prominence among them. Interestingly, their rivalries with Patidars are also getting diluted due to their anti-BJP convergence. What could not be gained socially is achieved politically? It is also to be highlighted that Rajputs in Saurashtra includes lower castes such as Kathis, Kolis and Mers and collectively referred as Kshatriyas.</p>

<p>For Patidars, Saurashtra and Kutch&nbsp;is a stronghold. They are in sizable presence in more than 30 Assembly seats and are in a position to tip the scale of victory in these constituencies. The Patidar leader, Hardik Patel still enjoys the confidence of his community despite the attempt to demean his character through the sudden release of CDs. It must be noted that it is not for the first time Patidars are giving a challenge to BJP. In 2012, Keshubhai Patel also tried to mobilise Patidar voters but failed.</p>

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<h5>The certain swing of voters and the habit of &lsquo;panic vote&rsquo; in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012.</h5>
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<p>But unlike the past, first, Patidar&rsquo;s anger was consolidated with an organised movement by the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti on the pretext of &lsquo;first reservation then vote&rsquo;. Second, the overall pessimism of the electorate was relatively modest in 2012, and thus BJP did well due to excellent management of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Third, for the first time, Kadvas, Leuvas and other sub-castes of Patels like Chaudharys and Anjanas came together to emerge as the united force due to reservation movement.</p>

<p>However, BJP may get the support from Koli community that is more than 20 per cent and has a sizable presence in 18 Assembly seats in Saurashtra. More specifically, like always, the certain swing of voters and the habit of &lsquo;panic vote&rsquo; in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer</em>: <em>The author writes here in a personal capacity)</em></p>


The changing social dynamics in Saurashtra and Kutch is worrisome for BJP and also Congress is becoming stronger in this region

Is Gujarat ready to deliver the sixth term for Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) on December 18, 2017? The answer is not as simple as the question. Since 1962, Congress and BJP have each been successful six and five times respectively in winning five consecutive terms. However, Madhav Singh Solanki of Congress and Narendra Modi of BJP were the only Chief Ministers to win three consecutive terms for their parties. It is common sense that each electoral victory is based on a combination of several factors for which positive determinants outweigh the negative ones. Whatever may, in the 2017 Gujarat election, one may notice that the competitiveness of Congress and BJP is more balanced than expected at least with regard to the popular perception. In the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi’s Congress. × While the planets may seem aligned for BJP, the bad news is the party running for the sixth consecutive term. Therefore, it appears that there is a risk of fatigue on the part of the electorates in Gujarat. This trend is more visible in the Saurashtra and Kutch region as the present political conjuncture in this region is favourable to Rahul Gandhi’s Congress. We must remember that “all politics is local” and thus each region has their own political dynamics. It is equally true about Saurashtra and Kutch region. In total, there are 54 assembly seats in this region, the highest number comparing other regions. In particular, these assembly seats are divided as per the following: 6 in Kutch, 5 in Surendranagar, 11 in Rajkot, 7 in Jamnagar, 2 in Porbandar, 9 in Junagarh, 5 in Amreli, and 9 in Bhavnagar. Saurashtra and Kutch's region is no longer appearing ideologically stable with BJP and showing trends to swing in favour of Congress. Though BJP did well in this region in 2012 Assembly elections despite the probable challenge from Keshubhai Patel’s Gujarat Parivartan Party (GPP). The BJP won 34 of the 54 seats. But the party’s vote share in the region was declined from 48 per cent in 2007 to 45 per cent in 2012. One of the reasons was the GPP’s performance that secured almost 8 per cent of the votes in this region and ended up winning two seats. The Congress won 16 seats that is a gain of two seats from 2007. Interestingly, BJP with 34 seats got 45 per cent of votes while Congress with only 16 seats got 37 per cent of votes. In the past and even now, there has been a deep schism between the mainland Gujarat and Saurashtra. In 1957, Jivraj Mehta from Saurashtra as Chief Minister nominated most of the minsters from Saurashtra region and refused to take orders from the mainland dominated Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee. The replacement of Keshubhai Patel from Saurashtra by Narendra Modi in 2001 was seen in the similar light. Similarly, in popular imaginations, mainland Gujarat is treated modern, progressive while Saurashtra as backward and regressive. The changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP. × In 2017, we must underline that Congress is becoming stronger in this region. As for the voters Congress resembles more as BJP in its methods and approach to make a dent in BJP’s support base like visiting temples, attending local festivals, sidelining minorities, playing religious card like using Lord Shiva, exploiting the economic pessimism among farmers, workers, traders, industrialists due to GST, demonetisation, poor employment records and other governance failures at local level. At the same time, the changing social dynamics in this region is equally worrisome for BJP. It can be seen in the rising anxiety amongst the close circle of BJP due to the rising graph of the Congress. If election will held today, as reflected in the November 2017 survey of Lokniti-CSDS data, both Congress and BJP will secure 42 per cent of votes. However, in the August 2017 Survey, BJP was supposedly enjoying 65 per cent of vote shares while Congress only 26 per cent. It is certainly a huge decline of BJP on perception index. How do we explain such a decline in popular perception? The significant development is the frustration of Patidars and Karadia Rajputs with BJP. Karadia Rajputs having a dominant presence in 25 Assembly constituencies of this region and traditionally voted for BJP are mobilising against the party. We must note that Karadia Rajputs are OBCs and the OBC leader Alpesh Thakor is gaining prominence among them. Interestingly, their rivalries with Patidars are also getting diluted due to their anti-BJP convergence. What could not be gained socially is achieved politically? It is also to be highlighted that Rajputs in Saurashtra includes lower castes such as Kathis, Kolis and Mers and collectively referred as Kshatriyas. For Patidars, Saurashtra and Kutch is a stronghold. They are in sizable presence in more than 30 Assembly seats and are in a position to tip the scale of victory in these constituencies. The Patidar leader, Hardik Patel still enjoys the confidence of his community despite the attempt to demean his character through the sudden release of CDs. It must be noted that it is not for the first time Patidars are giving a challenge to BJP. In 2012, Keshubhai Patel also tried to mobilise Patidar voters but failed. The certain swing of voters and the habit of ‘panic vote’ in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012. × But unlike the past, first, Patidar’s anger was consolidated with an organised movement by the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti on the pretext of ‘first reservation then vote’. Second, the overall pessimism of the electorate was relatively modest in 2012, and thus BJP did well due to excellent management of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah. Third, for the first time, Kadvas, Leuvas and other sub-castes of Patels like Chaudharys and Anjanas came together to emerge as the united force due to reservation movement. However, BJP may get the support from Koli community that is more than 20 per cent and has a sizable presence in 18 Assembly seats in Saurashtra. More specifically, like always, the certain swing of voters and the habit of ‘panic vote’ in the last minute may still be able to change the fate of the BJP in Saurashtra as it happened in 2012. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)

Changing dynamics in Saurashtra might hurt BJP in Gujarat

<p>All good things take time &ndash; and so they have, as the Bhils of Jhabua bear witness. Traditionally, a tribal population, the Bhils have settled across the hilly terrain of western Madhya Pradesh as the main populace for centuries now. A community left outside the realm of mainstream civilisation, thanks to the tense and often tremulous relationships they shared with the people in authority. Having been labelled guerrillas and vagrants by the British overlords and soon demons and savages by their Indian successors, the Bhils have spent decades fending for themselves, as they struggled to stake claim over their land, water and traditions.</p>

<p>Flanked by the borders of arid Rajasthan and industrious Gujarat on one side and the vast expanse of Madhya Pradesh on the other, the district of Jhabua has battled many a misfortune &ndash; unemployment, illiteracy, malnutrition - to name a few. Without opportunities to make their own decisions, the Bhils had come to believe that they were too backward and illiterate to think for themselves.</p>

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<p>We are family: The large family of Maansingh bhai, leader of village Vikas Kendra, sitting outside their home in Dhawdipada village in Jhabua, Madhya Pradesh (Others)</p>
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<p>Today, the Bhils are slowly making inroads into modern society due to the combined efforts of the community and the numerous NGOs working in the region. For over two decades now, Mahesh Sharmaji, founder and visionary behind the unique social movement that is Shivganga Samastha Gram Vikas Parishad (Shivganga), has travelled and lived amongst the Bhils.</p>

<p>This slow and steady march towards progress and prosperity is in itself a &lsquo;social movement&rsquo;. The community, with the help of NGOs like Shivganga, has learnt to identify their needs, unify their strengths and realise their goals. Self-help and self-reliance have become the motto of the community and protection of Mother Nature &ndash; their only collective asset &ndash; has become their primary goal.</p>

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<p>On the edge: Sitting in Bhaji Dungra village in Madhya Pradesh, with Uchavaniya district of the state of Gujarat in the backdrop. (Others)</p>
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<p>Years of exclusion has led the community to encourage open dialogue and look for solutions internally. For a population with an average literacy rate of 44.45 per cent - far lower among the tribal community of Bhils &ndash; innovative and creative tools of information dissemination and community mobilisations need to be devised. Mythology, lore and cultural devices, become the unique means of achieving extraordinary goals.</p>

<p>Protection and preservation of natural resources and traditions have been identified by the community as its main aim. Often the two are mingled into one broad objective that the Bhils sometimes defend passionately. When droughts became a yearly phenomenon and the government initiatives struggled to deliver timely results, Halma, the age-old (and dying) tribal tradition of community help, was resurrected. Again, NGOs like Shivganga worked to mobilise and train the tribal to come together in thousands and dig trenches to save water.</p>

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<p>Powwow zone: Community Shivlings where regular village meetings, storytelling sessions and awareness campaigns are held (Others)</p>
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<p>Bhagirath Katha, the tale of the great king Bhagiratha whose arduous penance brought River Ganga, and also peace and prosperity, to Earth, was used to inspire the Bhils on the importance of water conservation. Today, Halma has become a yearly event, started first in 2010, with over two thousand Bhils congregating over the hills every summer to dig trenches that would store the monsoons rains for the year.</p>

<p>The Bhils now devise unique ways to break free from the cycle of unemployment and poverty. Some households have taken up animal husbandry while others now indulge in rearing the world famous sable Kadaknath chickens, indigenous to Madhya Pradesh.</p>

<p>The rise in the number of motorbikes in the villages have encouraged the youths to learn mechanical repair work even as women set up petty shops to sell their handicrafts. Organic farming is gaining popularity as farmers wish to free their land from the harm caused by harsh chemical fertilizers.</p>

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<p>Together we cry: A child cries for his mother in Chayanpachim village in Jhabua, Madhya Pradesh. (Others)</p>
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<p>While such efforts have been far too many to count, spread across every sphere of the lives of the Bhils, their effects are only just being witnessed. The Bhils still live in extreme poverty, isolated from mainstream society without sufficient education or healthcare facilities. Social evils such as child marriage, dowry and casteism still prevail among the community.</p>

<p>While efforts are being made to enlighten the community about the harm of such customs, Sharmaji is quick to warn against the sanction of laws banning the tribe&rsquo;s age-old customs &ndash; no matter how archaic and erroneous, as it will only cause anger and distrust, in an already isolated community.</p>

<p>In fact, efforts by authorities to promote tribal participation in local government structures and to conserve water bodies are yet to show the desired results as they have failed to inspire and include the tribe in the planning and decision-making process.</p>

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/untitled%20design%20(36)-20171115090457.jpg" />
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<p>Labour of love: A reservoir built from scratch, through voluntary contributions, by members of Bhil tribes in Bhaji Doongra village, large enough to hold monsoon water for six months (Others)</p>
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

<p>Despite the slow nature of change, the developmental progress of the region due to continuous work of the government, NGOs and the community, cannot be denied. Contributions from large philanthropic organisations such as the Infosys Foundation too have had a momentous impact on the social and economic improvement of the tribal landscape.</p>

<p>Such is the nature of any great social movement - its influence is spread over decades of labour while integrating every member of the community in the stride towards prosperity. It may be too soon to dismiss the impact of the social movement orchestrated by the Bhils, but it&rsquo;s never too late to help in whatever way one can.</p>

<p>Image Credit: Nidhi Punmia</p>


Self-help and self-reliance have become the motto of the Bhil community and protection of Mother Nature has become their primary goal.

All good things take time – and so they have, as the Bhils of Jhabua bear witness. Traditionally, a tribal population, the Bhils have settled across the hilly terrain of western Madhya Pradesh as the main populace for centuries now. A community left outside the realm of mainstream civilisation, thanks to the tense and often tremulous relationships they shared with the people in authority. Having been labelled guerrillas and vagrants by the British overlords and soon demons and savages by their Indian successors, the Bhils have spent decades fending for themselves, as they struggled to stake claim over their land, water and traditions. Flanked by the borders of arid Rajasthan and industrious Gujarat on one side and the vast expanse of Madhya Pradesh on the other, the district of Jhabua has battled many a misfortune – unemployment, illiteracy, malnutrition - to name a few. Without opportunities to make their own decisions, the Bhils had come to believe that they were too backward and illiterate to think for themselves. We are family: The large family of Maansingh bhai, leader of village Vikas Kendra, sitting outside their home in Dhawdipada village in Jhabua, Madhya Pradesh (Others) × Today, the Bhils are slowly making inroads into modern society due to the combined efforts of the community and the numerous NGOs working in the region. For over two decades now, Mahesh Sharmaji, founder and visionary behind the unique social movement that is Shivganga Samastha Gram Vikas Parishad (Shivganga), has travelled and lived amongst the Bhils. This slow and steady march towards progress and prosperity is in itself a ‘social movement’. The community, with the help of NGOs like Shivganga, has learnt to identify their needs, unify their strengths and realise their goals. Self-help and self-reliance have become the motto of the community and protection of Mother Nature – their only collective asset – has become their primary goal. On the edge: Sitting in Bhaji Dungra village in Madhya Pradesh, with Uchavaniya district of the state of Gujarat in the backdrop. (Others) × Years of exclusion has led the community to encourage open dialogue and look for solutions internally. For a population with an average literacy rate of 44.45 per cent - far lower among the tribal community of Bhils – innovative and creative tools of information dissemination and community mobilisations need to be devised. Mythology, lore and cultural devices, become the unique means of achieving extraordinary goals. Protection and preservation of natural resources and traditions have been identified by the community as its main aim. Often the two are mingled into one broad objective that the Bhils sometimes defend passionately. When droughts became a yearly phenomenon and the government initiatives struggled to deliver timely results, Halma, the age-old (and dying) tribal tradition of community help, was resurrected. Again, NGOs like Shivganga worked to mobilise and train the tribal to come together in thousands and dig trenches to save water. Powwow zone: Community Shivlings where regular village meetings, storytelling sessions and awareness campaigns are held (Others) × Bhagirath Katha, the tale of the great king Bhagiratha whose arduous penance brought River Ganga, and also peace and prosperity, to Earth, was used to inspire the Bhils on the importance of water conservation. Today, Halma has become a yearly event, started first in 2010, with over two thousand Bhils congregating over the hills every summer to dig trenches that would store the monsoons rains for the year. The Bhils now devise unique ways to break free from the cycle of unemployment and poverty. Some households have taken up animal husbandry while others now indulge in rearing the world famous sable Kadaknath chickens, indigenous to Madhya Pradesh. The rise in the number of motorbikes in the villages have encouraged the youths to learn mechanical repair work even as women set up petty shops to sell their handicrafts. Organic farming is gaining popularity as farmers wish to free their land from the harm caused by harsh chemical fertilizers. Together we cry: A child cries for his mother in Chayanpachim village in Jhabua, Madhya Pradesh. (Others) × While such efforts have been far too many to count, spread across every sphere of the lives of the Bhils, their effects are only just being witnessed. The Bhils still live in extreme poverty, isolated from mainstream society without sufficient education or healthcare facilities. Social evils such as child marriage, dowry and casteism still prevail among the community. While efforts are being made to enlighten the community about the harm of such customs, Sharmaji is quick to warn against the sanction of laws banning the tribe’s age-old customs – no matter how archaic and erroneous, as it will only cause anger and distrust, in an already isolated community. In fact, efforts by authorities to promote tribal participation in local government structures and to conserve water bodies are yet to show the desired results as they have failed to inspire and include the tribe in the planning and decision-making process. Labour of love: A reservoir built from scratch, through voluntary contributions, by members of Bhil tribes in Bhaji Doongra village, large enough to hold monsoon water for six months (Others) × Despite the slow nature of change, the developmental progress of the region due to continuous work of the government, NGOs and the community, cannot be denied. Contributions from large philanthropic organisations such as the Infosys Foundation too have had a momentous impact on the social and economic improvement of the tribal landscape. Such is the nature of any great social movement - its influence is spread over decades of labour while integrating every member of the community in the stride towards prosperity. It may be too soon to dismiss the impact of the social movement orchestrated by the Bhils, but it’s never too late to help in whatever way one can. Image Credit: Nidhi Punmia

How Bhil tribe members are changing the course of their history

<p>The Election Commission(EC) has put restrictions on the use of the term &quot;Pappu&quot; by BJP&#39;s electronic advertisement cell in Gujarat.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The ruling BJP has been barred from using the term &quot;Pappu&quot; in their electronic advertisement for the upcoming assembly elections in the state.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The term is often used to describe Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi.</p>

<p>Calling the term &quot;derogatory&quot;&nbsp;the Election Commission in Gujarat has asked to remove or replace it.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The media committee under the Gujarat Chief Electoral Officer(CEO) objected to the word &quot;pappu&quot; which was mentioned in the BJP&#39;s script of advertising, BJP sources cited. The script was submitted to the media committee for approval.</p>

<p>Clarifying itself, the BJP said the script of the advertisement did not &quot;link the word to any individual&quot;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>A BJP leader said that they asked the Election Commission to reconsider their decision as there was no direct reference to any person with the term. However, the request was rejected by the EC.</p>

<p>The leader later assured to replace the word and submit a new script to the Election Commission.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
All political parties need to submit their script related to the election advertisement to the EC. The parties can continue with the advertisement only after they get a certificate of approval from the commission.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Calling the term "derogatory"?the Election Commission in Gujarat has asked to remove or replace it

The Election Commission(EC) has put restrictions on the use of the term "Pappu" by BJP's electronic advertisement cell in Gujarat. The ruling BJP has been barred from using the term "Pappu" in their electronic advertisement for the upcoming assembly elections in the state. The term is often used to describe Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi. Calling the term "derogatory" the Election Commission in Gujarat has asked to remove or replace it. The media committee under the Gujarat Chief Electoral Officer(CEO) objected to the word "pappu" which was mentioned in the BJP's script of advertising, BJP sources cited. The script was submitted to the media committee for approval. Clarifying itself, the BJP said the script of the advertisement did not "link the word to any individual". A BJP leader said that they asked the Election Commission to reconsider their decision as there was no direct reference to any person with the term. However, the request was rejected by the EC. The leader later assured to replace the word and submit a new script to the Election Commission. All political parties need to submit their script related to the election advertisement to the EC. The parties can continue with the advertisement only after they get a certificate of approval from the commission.

Election Commission bars BJP from using the term 'Pappu' in Gujarat elections

<p>Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi on Monday&nbsp;alleged that Narendra Modi made money &quot;disappear&quot; from Gujarat through &quot;magic&quot; in the last two decades of the BJP rule, as he stepped up his attack on the Prime Minister in the poll-bound state.</p>

<p>Gandhi&#39;s jibe at Modi came after a man met him during an interaction with members of the notified and denotified tribes in Harij village in the district and lamented that he was once a snake charmer and now makes a living by performing magic.</p>

<p>Gandhi then asked him to perform some tricks and the man obliged. During his brief performance, the man produced some money through tricks.</p>

<p>&quot;....Narendra Modi did magic in Gujarat for 22 years like you did. The difference is that you produced money but Modiji made it disappear,&quot; Gandhi told the gathering after the performance got over.</p>

<p>He assured the members that their problems and difficulties will be considered by the party.</p>

<p>&quot;We are preparing the manifesto of the Congress Party (for December polls). Earlier 2-3 leaders used to make the manifesto behind closed doors. This time we are preparing the manifesto by consulting people,&quot; the Congress vice president said.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/WATCH?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#WATCH</a> Rahul Gandhi campaigning in Mehsana <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Gujaratelections2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Gujaratelections2017</a> <a href="https://t.co/S3hoKDIHwF">pic.twitter.com/S3hoKDIHwF</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/930071750330564609?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 13, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>He asked the members to send a delegation to the manifesto committee and apprise them about their issues.</p>

<p>&quot;Tell them what do you want exactly. We will listen to your delegation and we will include your demands in our manifesto,&quot; Gandhi said.</p>

<p>Later addressing a public meeting in Varana, Gandhi asked Modi to respond to allegations of manipulative share trading by a firm linked to Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani.</p>

<p>&quot;This charge (against Rupani) is not levelled by media. The body which controls the stock markets says that your chief minister is &#39;beimaan&#39; (dishonest). They have fined him,&quot; Gandhi said.</p>

<p>He also raked up allegations of profiteering against the firm of BJP president Amit Shah&#39;s son Jay.</p>

<p>&quot;No businessmen, howsoever clever, can make Rs 80 crore from Rs 50,000 in a span of few months. But it happened in the company owned by Amit Shah&#39;s son after the BJP came to power in 2014,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Referring to Modi&#39;s promise that he won&#39;t let corruption thrive under him, Gandhi said the country wants to listen what the Prime Minister has to say about Rupani or Jay Shah&#39;s dealings.</p>

<p>&quot;Modiji used to say &#39;Na Khaunga, Na Khane Dunga&#39;. People of the country want to listen what you (Modi) have to say about the company of Amit Shah&#39;s son and on Vijay Rupani. People of Gujarat will believe that you are not &#39;chowkidar&#39; (watchman) but &#39;bhagidar&#39; (collaborator) if you don&#39;t say anything on these issues,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has reportedly fined 22 entities, including Rupani&#39;s HUF (Hindu Undivided Family), for alleged manipulative trading in the shares of a company, Saran Chemicals Ltd, during the January- June 2011 period.</p>

<p>Rupani has said that the SEBI set aside the fine of Rs 6.91 crore imposed on 22 entities, including his firm.</p>

<p>Gandhi also targeted the Modi government over demonetisation, the GST, unemployment and various issues related to farmers.</p>

<p>He visited Rani Ki Vav, a UNESCO world heritage site in Patan, and a cotton growing farm to inquire how cotton is grown.</p>

<p>During his interaction with a group of Dalits in Patan, Gandhi assured them of implementing all the promises made in the Congress&#39;s manifesto.</p>

<p>He also termed the RSS, the BJP&#39;s ideological mentor, as a &quot;manuvadi institute&quot;.</p>


Gandhi's jibe at Modi came after a man met him during an interaction with members of the notified and denotified tribes in Harij village in the district and lamented that he was once a snake charmer and now makes a living by performing magic.

Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi on Monday alleged that Narendra Modi made money "disappear" from Gujarat through "magic" in the last two decades of the BJP rule, as he stepped up his attack on the Prime Minister in the poll-bound state. Gandhi's jibe at Modi came after a man met him during an interaction with members of the notified and denotified tribes in Harij village in the district and lamented that he was once a snake charmer and now makes a living by performing magic. Gandhi then asked him to perform some tricks and the man obliged. During his brief performance, the man produced some money through tricks. "....Narendra Modi did magic in Gujarat for 22 years like you did. The difference is that you produced money but Modiji made it disappear," Gandhi told the gathering after the performance got over. He assured the members that their problems and difficulties will be considered by the party. "We are preparing the manifesto of the Congress Party (for December polls). Earlier 2-3 leaders used to make the manifesto behind closed doors. This time we are preparing the manifesto by consulting people," the Congress vice president said. #WATCH Rahul Gandhi campaigning in Mehsana #Gujaratelections2017 pic.twitter.com/S3hoKDIHwF — ANI (@ANI) November 13, 2017 × He asked the members to send a delegation to the manifesto committee and apprise them about their issues. "Tell them what do you want exactly. We will listen to your delegation and we will include your demands in our manifesto," Gandhi said. Later addressing a public meeting in Varana, Gandhi asked Modi to respond to allegations of manipulative share trading by a firm linked to Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani. "This charge (against Rupani) is not levelled by media. The body which controls the stock markets says that your chief minister is 'beimaan' (dishonest). They have fined him," Gandhi said. He also raked up allegations of profiteering against the firm of BJP president Amit Shah's son Jay. "No businessmen, howsoever clever, can make Rs 80 crore from Rs 50,000 in a span of few months. But it happened in the company owned by Amit Shah's son after the BJP came to power in 2014," he said. Referring to Modi's promise that he won't let corruption thrive under him, Gandhi said the country wants to listen what the Prime Minister has to say about Rupani or Jay Shah's dealings. "Modiji used to say 'Na Khaunga, Na Khane Dunga'. People of the country want to listen what you (Modi) have to say about the company of Amit Shah's son and on Vijay Rupani. People of Gujarat will believe that you are not 'chowkidar' (watchman) but 'bhagidar' (collaborator) if you don't say anything on these issues," he said. The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) has reportedly fined 22 entities, including Rupani's HUF (Hindu Undivided Family), for alleged manipulative trading in the shares of a company, Saran Chemicals Ltd, during the January- June 2011 period. Rupani has said that the SEBI set aside the fine of Rs 6.91 crore imposed on 22 entities, including his firm. Gandhi also targeted the Modi government over demonetisation, the GST, unemployment and various issues related to farmers. He visited Rani Ki Vav, a UNESCO world heritage site in Patan, and a cotton growing farm to inquire how cotton is grown. During his interaction with a group of Dalits in Patan, Gandhi assured them of implementing all the promises made in the Congress's manifesto. He also termed the RSS, the BJP's ideological mentor, as a "manuvadi institute".

Modi made money disappear from Gujarat through magic: Rahul

<p>For many of us who grew up in Bengal and hadn&rsquo;t visited Gujarat, Ahmedabad surprisingly was never unknown territory. It figured hazily in our imaginations through stories, memories and anecdotal trivia garnered from friends and family who&rsquo;d gone to study or work there. It was also the city that featured in Tagore&rsquo;s reminiscences as the place that inspired him to write his first story, &ldquo;Kshudito Pashan&rdquo; or the &ldquo;Hungry Stones&rdquo;.</p>

<p>The historian Shailesh Parekh and author of &ldquo;Tagore in Ahmedabad&rdquo; writes, that Tagore&rsquo;s stay with his brother the ICS, Satyendranath Tagore at Shah Jahan&rsquo;s palace on the banks of the Sabarmati, brought him a deep appreciation of the city&rsquo;s history and a fondness for it that would grow stronger over the years through his friendship with Mahatma Gandhi.</p>

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<h5>We drew inspiration from an older generation who brought us stories of work and life in Ahmedabad of the 1960s when many a Bengali scientist and engineer joined the ISRO, the PRL or ONGC.</h5>
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<p>As anxious young undergraduates in the 1980s,&nbsp;however, we began to look at the city through a different lens. It was a new career destination. We marvelled at friends who had cracked the CAT and entered the hallowed portals of the IIM or mastered the equally daunting entrance test to the National Institute of Design to become part of an elite cultural fraternity. We drew inspiration from an older generation who brought us stories of work and life in Ahmedabad of the 1960s when many a Bengali scientist and engineer joined the ISRO, the PRL or ONGC.</p>

<p>We learnt&nbsp; of Ahmedabad as a new haven for job seekers who sought employment in the vast network of petrochemical and pharmaceutical companies that came to dominate Gujarat&rsquo;s industrial landscape following the closure of the city&rsquo;s textile mills in the 1970s.</p>

<p>This largely positive image of a city offering exciting new job opportunities and a relatively peaceful life came to be radically unsettled by the events of February 2002. The images of carnage and mayhem beamed live on national television lingered in our minds for many months after. So when marriage and a job beckoned me to Ahmedabad in 2004, I was deeply apprehensive.</p>

<p>But when I was greeted at the airport,&nbsp;by our young and mirthful Muslim driver, I felt strangely reassured. Kaiyum Khan Pathan claimed descent from an official serving the erstwhile Pashtun Nawabs of Balasinor a small princely state in central Gujarat. After a spate of misfortunes from which the family never recovered, his grandfather came to Ahmedabad as a mill-hand in the 1940s. Following the shutdowns of the 1970s, he took driving lessons and found employment in the Gujarat Secretariat in the capital Gandhinagar.</p>

<p>When I asked Kaiyum about the events of 2002, he seemed a bit uncomfortable at first, but collected himself soon after, and said rather ruefully that &lsquo;such things have happened before&rsquo; and memories of the first riot he&rsquo;d witnessed went back to his childhood in the late 1960s. He said he was relieved that his family had moved out of the grimy mills districts of the Asarva-Chamanpur areas on the eastern peripheries of the old city and moved to Gandhinagar where he felt &lsquo;safe&rsquo;.</p>

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<h5>Ahmedabad&rsquo;s tryst with communal polarisation and civil unrest has a long and bitter history.</h5>
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<p>Although it&rsquo;s seldom recalled now, Ahmedabad&rsquo;s tryst with communal polarisation and civil unrest has a long and bitter history. Two of the city&rsquo;s most respected chroniclers, Achyut Yagnik and Shuchitra Seth tell us that much of the contemporary history of communal strife was triggered by the radical shifts in the city&rsquo;s political economy. They locate these shifts in the crisis of the textile industry and large-scale unemployment thereafter.</p>

<p>These developments in the city&rsquo;s economy deepened the already existing caste and community divides and sharpened the growing anti-Muslim resentment following the Indo-Pak war of 1965, especially when the Chief Minister Balwant Rai Mehta was killed when Pakistan shot down a plane carrying him.</p>

<p>Against the backdrop of the anti-reservation caste politics and the Hindutva mobilisation thereafter, communal polarisation crystallised in the 1990s around a new urban development politics that pitted real estate developers and the government against Dalit and Muslim slum dwellers and squatters. These simmering tensions spilled forth with extreme violence and brutality in the small town of Godhra in February 2002.</p>

<p>Yet, when I began to live in Ahmedabad since 2004, the embers of violence had died down and the city sought to reinvent itself all over again. It had entered a frenetic phase of real estate development through new housing societies, shopping malls, flyovers, underpasses, rapid transport networks, showpiece temples, gourmet restaurant and boutique cafes. Ahmedabad it seemed was in a tearing hurry to move on. The Vibrant Gujarat summits added fervour to this renewed spate of urban optimism.</p>

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<h5>The exquisitely carved wooden facades, doors and latticed windows that adorn every Hindu, Jain and Muslim dwelling, spoke of a city fraught with conflict but blessed with grace.</h5>
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<p>Even if the razzle-dazzle of the new city added more fun to my existence, I have to confess that I found greater comfort in the quieter stretches of the city closer to the western banks of the Sabarmati. One of my favourite places being the Sabarmati Ashram set up by Gandhi in 1916.</p>

<p>Unfortunately, this place that was once the site of a novel political and social experiment no longer inspires the younger Ahmedabadis. It remains museumised as a relic of the city&rsquo;s past that has little relevance today. The old walled city on the eastern bank of the river suffers a similar fate.</p>

<p>When on occasion I&rsquo;ve crossed the bridge and entered the old city through the imposing arches of the Teen Darwaza, I&rsquo;ve felt drawn into a different world. Behind the bustle, congestion and chaos of the market square adjoining the gate, fleeting visions of an older and much grander city seemed to greet me at every turn. This is the city that was birthed by Sultan Ahmad Shah in 1411 and consecrated by many a Sufi saint. Its numinous domes, arches and minarets, its spires and shikharas, its densely packed gated neighbourhoods or pols with their imposing havelis set amid warrens of narrow lanes, and the exquisitely carved wooden facades, doors and latticed windows that adorn every Hindu, Jain and Muslim dwelling, spoke of a city fraught with conflict but blessed with grace.</p>

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<h5>The glitzy urban sprawl on the western bank of the river continues to dominate the larger national imagination, it is this old walled city that has earned Ahmedabad its World Heritage tag.&nbsp;</h5>
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<p>The architectural and aesthetic marvels of Ahmad Shah&rsquo;s city have now been extensively photographed, documented and presented as markers of a syncretic urban culture, and a new tourist attraction. Although the glitzy urban sprawl on the western bank of the river continues to dominate the larger national imagination, it is this old walled city that has earned Ahmedabad its World Heritage tag.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Yet while heritage activists have celebrated and showcased the gentler symbols of the city&rsquo;s syncretic inheritance, its more sombre chroniclers have pointed to the grimmer realities of its modern self. Yagnik and Seth, for instance, conclude, that Ahmedabad is an irredeemably divided city &ndash; the city of Sultans and Sufis, the city of the Nagarsheths ( prosperous mill owners turned city patrons) and the ghostly city of abandoned mill districts, slums and ghettos. The relations between the three remain tense and ambivalent.&nbsp;Behind the energy and optimism that seemingly pervades Ahmedabad&rsquo;s urban consciousness there always lurks the niggling fear of yet another conflagration.</p>

<p>For me, however, the city is still working itself into my life at a quiet and languid pace. I see its many divides, but I see its connections too. To me, the iconic &ldquo;tree of life&rdquo; motif on the jaali flanking the central aisle of the Siddi Saiyyid Mosque remains a poignant reminder of the benign energies that have healed the wounds of hate and brought hopes of reconciliation into the troubled life of this historic city.</p>


Ahmedabad city revived itself from 2002's brutality and entered into a phase of infrastructure and real estate development

For many of us who grew up in Bengal and hadn’t visited Gujarat, Ahmedabad surprisingly was never unknown territory. It figured hazily in our imaginations through stories, memories and anecdotal trivia garnered from friends and family who’d gone to study or work there. It was also the city that featured in Tagore’s reminiscences as the place that inspired him to write his first story, “Kshudito Pashan” or the “Hungry Stones”. The historian Shailesh Parekh and author of “Tagore in Ahmedabad” writes, that Tagore’s stay with his brother the ICS, Satyendranath Tagore at Shah Jahan’s palace on the banks of the Sabarmati, brought him a deep appreciation of the city’s history and a fondness for it that would grow stronger over the years through his friendship with Mahatma Gandhi. We drew inspiration from an older generation who brought us stories of work and life in Ahmedabad of the 1960s when many a Bengali scientist and engineer joined the ISRO, the PRL or ONGC. × As anxious young undergraduates in the 1980s, however, we began to look at the city through a different lens. It was a new career destination. We marvelled at friends who had cracked the CAT and entered the hallowed portals of the IIM or mastered the equally daunting entrance test to the National Institute of Design to become part of an elite cultural fraternity. We drew inspiration from an older generation who brought us stories of work and life in Ahmedabad of the 1960s when many a Bengali scientist and engineer joined the ISRO, the PRL or ONGC. We learnt of Ahmedabad as a new haven for job seekers who sought employment in the vast network of petrochemical and pharmaceutical companies that came to dominate Gujarat’s industrial landscape following the closure of the city’s textile mills in the 1970s. This largely positive image of a city offering exciting new job opportunities and a relatively peaceful life came to be radically unsettled by the events of February 2002. The images of carnage and mayhem beamed live on national television lingered in our minds for many months after. So when marriage and a job beckoned me to Ahmedabad in 2004, I was deeply apprehensive. But when I was greeted at the airport, by our young and mirthful Muslim driver, I felt strangely reassured. Kaiyum Khan Pathan claimed descent from an official serving the erstwhile Pashtun Nawabs of Balasinor a small princely state in central Gujarat. After a spate of misfortunes from which the family never recovered, his grandfather came to Ahmedabad as a mill-hand in the 1940s. Following the shutdowns of the 1970s, he took driving lessons and found employment in the Gujarat Secretariat in the capital Gandhinagar. When I asked Kaiyum about the events of 2002, he seemed a bit uncomfortable at first, but collected himself soon after, and said rather ruefully that ‘such things have happened before’ and memories of the first riot he’d witnessed went back to his childhood in the late 1960s. He said he was relieved that his family had moved out of the grimy mills districts of the Asarva-Chamanpur areas on the eastern peripheries of the old city and moved to Gandhinagar where he felt ‘safe’. Ahmedabad’s tryst with communal polarisation and civil unrest has a long and bitter history. × Although it’s seldom recalled now, Ahmedabad’s tryst with communal polarisation and civil unrest has a long and bitter history. Two of the city’s most respected chroniclers, Achyut Yagnik and Shuchitra Seth tell us that much of the contemporary history of communal strife was triggered by the radical shifts in the city’s political economy. They locate these shifts in the crisis of the textile industry and large-scale unemployment thereafter. These developments in the city’s economy deepened the already existing caste and community divides and sharpened the growing anti-Muslim resentment following the Indo-Pak war of 1965, especially when the Chief Minister Balwant Rai Mehta was killed when Pakistan shot down a plane carrying him. Against the backdrop of the anti-reservation caste politics and the Hindutva mobilisation thereafter, communal polarisation crystallised in the 1990s around a new urban development politics that pitted real estate developers and the government against Dalit and Muslim slum dwellers and squatters. These simmering tensions spilled forth with extreme violence and brutality in the small town of Godhra in February 2002. Yet, when I began to live in Ahmedabad since 2004, the embers of violence had died down and the city sought to reinvent itself all over again. It had entered a frenetic phase of real estate development through new housing societies, shopping malls, flyovers, underpasses, rapid transport networks, showpiece temples, gourmet restaurant and boutique cafes. Ahmedabad it seemed was in a tearing hurry to move on. The Vibrant Gujarat summits added fervour to this renewed spate of urban optimism. The exquisitely carved wooden facades, doors and latticed windows that adorn every Hindu, Jain and Muslim dwelling, spoke of a city fraught with conflict but blessed with grace. × Even if the razzle-dazzle of the new city added more fun to my existence, I have to confess that I found greater comfort in the quieter stretches of the city closer to the western banks of the Sabarmati. One of my favourite places being the Sabarmati Ashram set up by Gandhi in 1916. Unfortunately, this place that was once the site of a novel political and social experiment no longer inspires the younger Ahmedabadis. It remains museumised as a relic of the city’s past that has little relevance today. The old walled city on the eastern bank of the river suffers a similar fate. When on occasion I’ve crossed the bridge and entered the old city through the imposing arches of the Teen Darwaza, I’ve felt drawn into a different world. Behind the bustle, congestion and chaos of the market square adjoining the gate, fleeting visions of an older and much grander city seemed to greet me at every turn. This is the city that was birthed by Sultan Ahmad Shah in 1411 and consecrated by many a Sufi saint. Its numinous domes, arches and minarets, its spires and shikharas, its densely packed gated neighbourhoods or pols with their imposing havelis set amid warrens of narrow lanes, and the exquisitely carved wooden facades, doors and latticed windows that adorn every Hindu, Jain and Muslim dwelling, spoke of a city fraught with conflict but blessed with grace. The glitzy urban sprawl on the western bank of the river continues to dominate the larger national imagination, it is this old walled city that has earned Ahmedabad its World Heritage tag. × The architectural and aesthetic marvels of Ahmad Shah’s city have now been extensively photographed, documented and presented as markers of a syncretic urban culture, and a new tourist attraction. Although the glitzy urban sprawl on the western bank of the river continues to dominate the larger national imagination, it is this old walled city that has earned Ahmedabad its World Heritage tag. Yet while heritage activists have celebrated and showcased the gentler symbols of the city’s syncretic inheritance, its more sombre chroniclers have pointed to the grimmer realities of its modern self. Yagnik and Seth, for instance, conclude, that Ahmedabad is an irredeemably divided city – the city of Sultans and Sufis, the city of the Nagarsheths ( prosperous mill owners turned city patrons) and the ghostly city of abandoned mill districts, slums and ghettos. The relations between the three remain tense and ambivalent. Behind the energy and optimism that seemingly pervades Ahmedabad’s urban consciousness there always lurks the niggling fear of yet another conflagration. For me, however, the city is still working itself into my life at a quiet and languid pace. I see its many divides, but I see its connections too. To me, the iconic “tree of life” motif on the jaali flanking the central aisle of the Siddi Saiyyid Mosque remains a poignant reminder of the benign energies that have healed the wounds of hate and brought hopes of reconciliation into the troubled life of this historic city.

Ahmedabad: A conflicted yet a graceful city

<p>Like many others, Muslims of Gujarat are disillusioned with politics, politicians and political parties who claim to represent them. It is because of the continual shortfall between what politicians promise them and what they deliver. The most serious concern of the Muslims is the rising communalisation of the political atmosphere of Gujarat and their consequent insecurities, elections after elections.</p>

<p><strong>Demographic Value and Political Representation of Muslims:</strong></p>

<p>As per the 2011 Census Report, Muslims constitute 9.67 per cent of Gujarat&rsquo;s population. They are mostly located in Urban Gujarat (14.75 per cent) with the poor presence in rural areas (5.9 per cent ). There are 20 Assembly constituencies where Muslims can tip the scales of victory for or against of any party. But they have never been represented in the proportion of their population.</p>

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<h5>In 2017, a large number of Muslims have shown their interest in contesting elections from BJP and Congress.</h5>
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<p>It was only in 1980 when Muslims were last represented in the proportion of their population share. In this year, 12 Muslim MLAs were elected to Gujarat Assembly while in 1985, 8 MLAs, in 1990 2 MLAs, in 1995 1 MLA, in 1998 5 MLAs, in 2002 3 MLAs, in 2007 5 MLAs and finally in 2012, only 2 Muslim MLAs who got elected.</p>

<p>Interestingly, in 2017, a large number of Muslims have shown their interest in contesting elections from BJP and Congress. But neither of these two parties seems to be interested. But they are used in the campaign. It must not be understood here that Muslim interests could be represented by Muslim leaders alone. It has never been in the past and will never be in future too.</p>

<p><strong>Muslim Vote in Gujarat:</strong></p>

<p>Unlike many other states, Muslims have voted for the Congress Party in large number in Gujarat from 1962 to 2012 Assembly elections. Taking advantage of this voting trend, BJP has always projected the Congress as Muslim appeaser and anti-to-Gujarat. There was an interesting change in the BJP&rsquo;s campaign strategy in the last Assembly election. For the first time in 2012, Narendra Modi tried to overtly reach out to the Mulsim voters by launching Sadhbhawna mission and observing 36 one-day fasts in different parts of the Gujarat and manage to mobilise a section of elite Muslims at his rallies. Ironically, Muslims have shifted to BJP in this Assembly election. Lokniti Survey data on Gujarat Assembly elections have proven the shift of Muslims towards BJP as 22 per cent Muslim voters voted for the party.</p>

<p>But contrary to the previous election, neither Narendra Modi nor BJP is making a direct appeal to the Muslims. Instead, the party is using its minority cell members from across India to campaign for BJP in Gujarat in 2017.</p>

<p>Why did Muslims of Gujarat support the BJP in 2012 that is perceived to profess an anti-Muslim agenda? First, I argue that there is nothing called monolith Muslim votes. Muslim voters like all voters are divided along individual, caste, communal, class, sect and other heterogeneous lines.</p>

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<h5>The 2012 elections already witnessed a visible upsurge in Muslim support for the BJP even when none of the 182 candidates was a Muslim.</h5>
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<p>Traditionally, 6-8 per cent Muslims in Gujarat had always voted for the BJP before and in immediate years after 2002. For long, a sizable number of Shia Muslim sects engaged in mercantile occupations like Dawoodi Bohra voted for the BJP. Similarly, Sunni Muslims have also given their tacit support to BJP candidates in many Assembly constituencies. The 2012 elections already witnessed a visible upsurge in Muslim support for the BJP even when none of the 182 candidates was a Muslim.</p>

<p>Second, the decline of Congress in the state frustrated the Muslims. A majority of Muslims felt their inability to defeat BJP on their own due to the consolidation of Hindu votes. As a result, Muslims in Hindu dominant constituencies publicly supported the BJP to gain the material advantage from the local MLA and seek security in return. Third, economically poor Muslims and those living in mixed localities have voted for BJP.</p>

<p>The most interesting trend in 2017 is the way Congress and BJP are contesting the election with the relatively common strategy of caste and community polarisation as they cannot survive electorally without it. There is every possibility that the mobilisation on religious wedge issues will speed up with the active engagement of both the parties till the Election Day.<br />
&nbsp;</p>


The 2012 elections already witnessed a visible upsurge in Muslim support for the BJP even when none of the 182 candidates was a Muslim.

Like many others, Muslims of Gujarat are disillusioned with politics, politicians and political parties who claim to represent them. It is because of the continual shortfall between what politicians promise them and what they deliver. The most serious concern of the Muslims is the rising communalisation of the political atmosphere of Gujarat and their consequent insecurities, elections after elections. Demographic Value and Political Representation of Muslims: As per the 2011 Census Report, Muslims constitute 9.67 per cent of Gujarat’s population. They are mostly located in Urban Gujarat (14.75 per cent) with the poor presence in rural areas (5.9 per cent ). There are 20 Assembly constituencies where Muslims can tip the scales of victory for or against of any party. But they have never been represented in the proportion of their population. In 2017, a large number of Muslims have shown their interest in contesting elections from BJP and Congress. × It was only in 1980 when Muslims were last represented in the proportion of their population share. In this year, 12 Muslim MLAs were elected to Gujarat Assembly while in 1985, 8 MLAs, in 1990 2 MLAs, in 1995 1 MLA, in 1998 5 MLAs, in 2002 3 MLAs, in 2007 5 MLAs and finally in 2012, only 2 Muslim MLAs who got elected. Interestingly, in 2017, a large number of Muslims have shown their interest in contesting elections from BJP and Congress. But neither of these two parties seems to be interested. But they are used in the campaign. It must not be understood here that Muslim interests could be represented by Muslim leaders alone. It has never been in the past and will never be in future too. Muslim Vote in Gujarat: Unlike many other states, Muslims have voted for the Congress Party in large number in Gujarat from 1962 to 2012 Assembly elections. Taking advantage of this voting trend, BJP has always projected the Congress as Muslim appeaser and anti-to-Gujarat. There was an interesting change in the BJP’s campaign strategy in the last Assembly election. For the first time in 2012, Narendra Modi tried to overtly reach out to the Mulsim voters by launching Sadhbhawna mission and observing 36 one-day fasts in different parts of the Gujarat and manage to mobilise a section of elite Muslims at his rallies. Ironically, Muslims have shifted to BJP in this Assembly election. Lokniti Survey data on Gujarat Assembly elections have proven the shift of Muslims towards BJP as 22 per cent Muslim voters voted for the party. But contrary to the previous election, neither Narendra Modi nor BJP is making a direct appeal to the Muslims. Instead, the party is using its minority cell members from across India to campaign for BJP in Gujarat in 2017. Why did Muslims of Gujarat support the BJP in 2012 that is perceived to profess an anti-Muslim agenda? First, I argue that there is nothing called monolith Muslim votes. Muslim voters like all voters are divided along individual, caste, communal, class, sect and other heterogeneous lines. The 2012 elections already witnessed a visible upsurge in Muslim support for the BJP even when none of the 182 candidates was a Muslim. × Traditionally, 6-8 per cent Muslims in Gujarat had always voted for the BJP before and in immediate years after 2002. For long, a sizable number of Shia Muslim sects engaged in mercantile occupations like Dawoodi Bohra voted for the BJP. Similarly, Sunni Muslims have also given their tacit support to BJP candidates in many Assembly constituencies. The 2012 elections already witnessed a visible upsurge in Muslim support for the BJP even when none of the 182 candidates was a Muslim. Second, the decline of Congress in the state frustrated the Muslims. A majority of Muslims felt their inability to defeat BJP on their own due to the consolidation of Hindu votes. As a result, Muslims in Hindu dominant constituencies publicly supported the BJP to gain the material advantage from the local MLA and seek security in return. Third, economically poor Muslims and those living in mixed localities have voted for BJP. The most interesting trend in 2017 is the way Congress and BJP are contesting the election with the relatively common strategy of caste and community polarisation as they cannot survive electorally without it. There is every possibility that the mobilisation on religious wedge issues will speed up with the active engagement of both the parties till the Election Day.

Why Muslims of Gujarat are voting for BJP

<p>101-year-old Shyam Saran Negi,&nbsp;believed to be the oldest and the first voter of independent India, exercised his franchise today during the voting in the&nbsp;hill state of Himachal Pradesh. The government had made&nbsp;special arrangement for Negi&nbsp;at Kalpa polling booth in tribal Kinnaur constituency.</p>

<p>People who came out to vote waited anxiously for Negi to arrive at the polling booth. It was a morning as unual for Negi as he got ready to cast his vote.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">India&#39;s first voter Shyam Saran Negi saying his daily prayers as he gets ready to vote one more time <a href="https://twitter.com/wion?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@wion</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/dna?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@dna</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hpelection?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@hpelection</a> <a href="https://t.co/s2iYYlMmY3">pic.twitter.com/s2iYYlMmY3</a></p>
&mdash; Raghvendra Rao (@raghvendra_rao) <a href="https://twitter.com/raghvendra_rao/status/928479463297314816?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 9, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Negi, a retired schoolteacher, was born in July 1917 and has never missed an opportunity to cast his vote.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">India&#39;s first voter Sh Shyam Saran Negi has voted, yet again. The 100-year old has never missed an opportunity to vote <a href="https://t.co/kuLDZmYPh6">pic.twitter.com/kuLDZmYPh6</a></p>
&mdash; Raghvendra Rao (@raghvendra_rao) <a href="https://twitter.com/raghvendra_rao/status/928503762062262272?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 9, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>He&nbsp;voted&nbsp;in the independent&nbsp;India&#39;s first ever election held in 1951 at a polling station in Kinnaur.</p>

<p>Though the election took place in February 1952, residents of Himachal Pradesh voted five months early&nbsp;to avoid the difficulty of voting&nbsp;during&nbsp;snow fall.</p>

<p>Negi says that he has voted in every election that&nbsp;held in the country since 1951.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He was honoured with an invitation&nbsp;to be a part of the Election Commission diamond jubilee celebrations in 2010.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In 2014, he talked about his experience of the first election&nbsp;in the Google India&#39;s public service announcement.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Meanwhile,&nbsp;at the age of 83,<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/himachal-election-virbhadra-singh-is-oldest-cm-looking-for-7th-term-23799" target="_blank"> Virbhadra Singh</a>, India&#39;s oldest chief minister&nbsp;is heading to contest his seventh&nbsp;term election.</p>

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101-year-old Shyam Saran Negi,?believed to be the oldest and the first voter of independent India, exercised his franchise today during the voting in the?hill state of Himachal Pradesh. The government had made special arrangement for Negi?at Kalpa polling booth in tribal Kinnaur constituency.

101-year-old Shyam Saran Negi, believed to be the oldest and the first voter of independent India, exercised his franchise today during the voting in the hill state of Himachal Pradesh. The government had made special arrangement for Negi at Kalpa polling booth in tribal Kinnaur constituency. People who came out to vote waited anxiously for Negi to arrive at the polling booth. It was a morning as unual for Negi as he got ready to cast his vote. India's first voter Shyam Saran Negi saying his daily prayers as he gets ready to vote one more time @wion @dna @hpelection pic.twitter.com/s2iYYlMmY3 — Raghvendra Rao (@raghvendra_rao) November 9, 2017 × Negi, a retired schoolteacher, was born in July 1917 and has never missed an opportunity to cast his vote. India's first voter Sh Shyam Saran Negi has voted, yet again. The 100-year old has never missed an opportunity to vote pic.twitter.com/kuLDZmYPh6 — Raghvendra Rao (@raghvendra_rao) November 9, 2017 × He voted in the independent India's first ever election held in 1951 at a polling station in Kinnaur. Though the election took place in February 1952, residents of Himachal Pradesh voted five months early to avoid the difficulty of voting during snow fall. Negi says that he has voted in every election that held in the country since 1951. He was honoured with an invitation to be a part of the Election Commission diamond jubilee celebrations in 2010. In 2014, he talked about his experience of the first election in the Google India's public service announcement. Meanwhile, at the age of 83, Virbhadra Singh, India's oldest chief minister is heading to contest his seventh term election.

Himachal election: India's oldest voter Shyam Saran Negi proudly shows his inked finger

<p>Gearing up for Gujarat election, the BJP is distributing a letter written by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.</p>

<p>The handwritten letter is being distributed in a door-to-door campaign by the BJP. &quot;Gujarat is my soul and my God,&quot; PM Modi has said in the letter written in Gujarati script.</p>

<p>Highlighting BJP&rsquo;s achievements, PM Modi has said that his party has ensured all-round development of Gujarat. &quot;Gujarat is synonymous with development. The state has good roads and high level of women safety,&quot; the PM has said.</p>

<p>The 182-member Gujarat Assembly will go to the polls in two phases - on December 9 and 14 - and counting of votes will be taken up on December 18.&nbsp;</p>


The handwritten letter is being distributed in a door-to-door campaign by the BJP. "Gujarat is my soul and my God," PM Modi has said in the letter written in Gujarati script.

Gearing up for Gujarat election, the BJP is distributing a letter written by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The handwritten letter is being distributed in a door-to-door campaign by the BJP. "Gujarat is my soul and my God," PM Modi has said in the letter written in Gujarati script. Highlighting BJP’s achievements, PM Modi has said that his party has ensured all-round development of Gujarat. "Gujarat is synonymous with development. The state has good roads and high level of women safety," the PM has said. The 182-member Gujarat Assembly will go to the polls in two phases - on December 9 and 14 - and counting of votes will be taken up on December 18.

Gujarat polls: BJP launchers door-to-door campaign with PM Modi's letter

<p>The Congress on Sunday expressed suspicion over the arrest of Abdul Rashid Ajmeri, alleged prime conspirator of the terrorist attack on Gandhinagar Akshardham temple in 2002, ahead of the Gujarat Assembly elections.</p>

<p>Congress leader Tom Vadakkan told ANI, &quot;Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat when this incident happened and he was not able to trace this culprit then. Now 15 years later, just before the Gujarat elections, he as the Prime Minister has been able to get hold of this culprit. Moreover, the culprit is arrested after the visit of the Prime Minister to the temple. There are too many coincidences,&quot; Vadakkan mooted.</p>

<p>He added that Vijay Rupani as Gujarat&#39;s Chief Minister has failed in all fronts of governance but it took Prime Minister Modi&#39;s prodding to capture the chief architect of the crime.</p>

<p>&quot;It also happened very close to Gujarat`s elections, which is suspicious. But yes, I am happy that the terrorist has been arrested,&quot; Vadakkan said.</p>

<p>Earlier on Friday, Ajmeri, was arrested at the Ahmedabad airport after his arrival from Riyadh.</p>

<p>It was alleged that he had planned the terror attack and helped Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) in executing it. Ajmeri, an Ahmedabad resident, had absconded to Riyadh before the terror act was committed.</p>

<p>Two terrorists, allegedly with links to Pakistan-based LeT, had attacked the temple in Gandhinagar on September 24, 2002, killing 32 and injuring over 80 people.</p>

<p>The attackers were killed by the National Security Guard (NSG) commandos.</p>

<p>The Supreme Court had, in May 2014, acquitted all six convicts arrested earlier, including three facing death sentences, in the case.</p>

<p>The two-phase polling in the state is scheduled on December 9 and 14.</p>


Congress leader Tom Vadakkan said that Vijay Rupani as Gujarat's Chief Minister has failed in all fronts of governance but it took Prime Minister Modi's prodding to capture the chief architect of the crime.

The Congress on Sunday expressed suspicion over the arrest of Abdul Rashid Ajmeri, alleged prime conspirator of the terrorist attack on Gandhinagar Akshardham temple in 2002, ahead of the Gujarat Assembly elections. Congress leader Tom Vadakkan told ANI, "Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the chief minister of Gujarat when this incident happened and he was not able to trace this culprit then. Now 15 years later, just before the Gujarat elections, he as the Prime Minister has been able to get hold of this culprit. Moreover, the culprit is arrested after the visit of the Prime Minister to the temple. There are too many coincidences," Vadakkan mooted. He added that Vijay Rupani as Gujarat's Chief Minister has failed in all fronts of governance but it took Prime Minister Modi's prodding to capture the chief architect of the crime. "It also happened very close to Gujarat`s elections, which is suspicious. But yes, I am happy that the terrorist has been arrested," Vadakkan said. Earlier on Friday, Ajmeri, was arrested at the Ahmedabad airport after his arrival from Riyadh. It was alleged that he had planned the terror attack and helped Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) in executing it. Ajmeri, an Ahmedabad resident, had absconded to Riyadh before the terror act was committed. Two terrorists, allegedly with links to Pakistan-based LeT, had attacked the temple in Gandhinagar on September 24, 2002, killing 32 and injuring over 80 people. The attackers were killed by the National Security Guard (NSG) commandos. The Supreme Court had, in May 2014, acquitted all six convicts arrested earlier, including three facing death sentences, in the case. The two-phase polling in the state is scheduled on December 9 and 14.

Congress questions arrest of 2002 Akshardham attacker ahead of Gujarat polls

<p>The Ahmedabad crime branch has arrested the main accused responsible for a terrorist attack in Gandhinagar&#39;s Akshardham in 2002.</p>

<p>Ajmeri Abdul Rashid, allegedly involved in the terrorist attack on Akshardham Temple was arrested on the early morning of Saturday when he came to Ahmedabad from Riyadh.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The terror attack that was conducted on the Akshardham temple on September 24, 2002, had claimed the lives of 32 people, injuring several others.</p>

<p>Three commandoes also died while countering the terror attack.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Rashid is the brother of Adam Ajmeri who was acquitted by the Supreme court in 2014.</p>

<p>The Supreme Court in 2014 acquitted six people in the attack because of lack of evidence.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The court slammed the Gujarat police for their incompetence in establishing the guilt of the accused.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Ajmeri Abdul Rashid, allegedly involved in the 2002 terror attack on Akshardham Temple in Gandhinagar was arrested on the early morning of Saturday when he came to Ahmedabad from Riyadh

The Ahmedabad crime branch has arrested the main accused responsible for a terrorist attack in Gandhinagar's Akshardham in 2002. Ajmeri Abdul Rashid, allegedly involved in the terrorist attack on Akshardham Temple was arrested on the early morning of Saturday when he came to Ahmedabad from Riyadh. The terror attack that was conducted on the Akshardham temple on September 24, 2002, had claimed the lives of 32 people, injuring several others. Three commandoes also died while countering the terror attack. Rashid is the brother of Adam Ajmeri who was acquitted by the Supreme court in 2014. The Supreme Court in 2014 acquitted six people in the attack because of lack of evidence. The court slammed the Gujarat police for their incompetence in establishing the guilt of the accused.

Key accused in 2002 Akshardham terrorist attack arrested

<p>The BJP in poll-bound Gujarat today asked <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/want-clarity-on-patidar-reservation-issue-by-nov-7-hardik-patel-23167" target="_blank">Patidar leader Hardik Patel</a> and the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/rahul-gandhi-to-meet-gujarat-dalit-leader-mevani-congress-leader-23461" target="_blank">Congress</a> to clarify their positions after senior Congress leader Mohansinh Rathwa said it is not possible to carve out a quota for the Patidar community in the existing 49 per cent reservations.</p>

<p>Rathwa, Leader of Opposition in the Assembly, made the statement at a rally before party vice president Rahul Gandhi&#39;s arrival at the tribal-dominated Nana Pondha village in Valsad district yesterday.</p>

<p>&quot;Patidars will be given reservation without interfering with the current quota of 49 per cent. There will not be any change in the current quota. If we give reservation, it has to be outside that quota,&quot; said Rathwa, a tribal leader and the senior-most Congress MLA in the state.</p>

<p>BJP leader and Union minister Parshottam Rupala today said Rathwa&#39;s remarks put both Hardik Patel and the Congress in the dock.</p>

<p>&quot;Rathwa spoke his mind. Now both Hardik and Congress need to clarify their stands, as Hardik only wanted reservation under the OBC quota, not under EBC (economically backward classes) category which was offered by the Congress. But opposition leaders are mum about granting the OBC status to Patels,&quot; Rupala said, speaking to reporters here.</p>

<p>&quot;As soon as Hardik slid towards Congress, some Congress leaders began suspecting whether there was any secret deal (to include Patels in the OBC category). After Rathwa&#39;s remarks, the Congress should clarify how it would grant reservation to Patidars under the existing OBC quota,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Earlier this week, members of Hardik Patel-led Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) and the Congress held a meeting and announced that an agreement has been reached on four main demands of the community. But there wasn&#39;t a final agreement on the key demand of the reservation yet, they said.</p>

<p>PAAS leaders said they will hold another round of discussions with the Congress by November 7.</p>

<p>Earlier, the Gujarat Congress had promised a 20 per cent reservation under the EBC quota to non-reserved communities including Patels if the party came to power.</p>

<p>&quot;The fact is, the Congress never said anything about OBC reservations. They only talk about EBC quota. The Gujarat government has already given a 10 per cent quota in EBC. It is now quite clear that the Congress is trying to mislead Patidars with such vague promises,&quot; said Rupala.&nbsp;</p>


The BJP in poll-bound Gujarat today asked Patidar leader Hardik Patel and the Congress to clarify their positions after senior Congress leader Mohansinh Rathwa said it is not possible to carve out a quota for the Patidar community in the existing 49 per cent reservations

The BJP in poll-bound Gujarat today asked Patidar leader Hardik Patel and the Congress to clarify their positions after senior Congress leader Mohansinh Rathwa said it is not possible to carve out a quota for the Patidar community in the existing 49 per cent reservations. Rathwa, Leader of Opposition in the Assembly, made the statement at a rally before party vice president Rahul Gandhi's arrival at the tribal-dominated Nana Pondha village in Valsad district yesterday. "Patidars will be given reservation without interfering with the current quota of 49 per cent. There will not be any change in the current quota. If we give reservation, it has to be outside that quota," said Rathwa, a tribal leader and the senior-most Congress MLA in the state. BJP leader and Union minister Parshottam Rupala today said Rathwa's remarks put both Hardik Patel and the Congress in the dock. "Rathwa spoke his mind. Now both Hardik and Congress need to clarify their stands, as Hardik only wanted reservation under the OBC quota, not under EBC (economically backward classes) category which was offered by the Congress. But opposition leaders are mum about granting the OBC status to Patels," Rupala said, speaking to reporters here. "As soon as Hardik slid towards Congress, some Congress leaders began suspecting whether there was any secret deal (to include Patels in the OBC category). After Rathwa's remarks, the Congress should clarify how it would grant reservation to Patidars under the existing OBC quota," he said. Earlier this week, members of Hardik Patel-led Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) and the Congress held a meeting and announced that an agreement has been reached on four main demands of the community. But there wasn't a final agreement on the key demand of the reservation yet, they said. PAAS leaders said they will hold another round of discussions with the Congress by November 7. Earlier, the Gujarat Congress had promised a 20 per cent reservation under the EBC quota to non-reserved communities including Patels if the party came to power. "The fact is, the Congress never said anything about OBC reservations. They only talk about EBC quota. The Gujarat government has already given a 10 per cent quota in EBC. It is now quite clear that the Congress is trying to mislead Patidars with such vague promises," said Rupala.

BJP questions Congress's quota promise to Patidars

<p><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/pidi-can-save-congress-bjps-jibe-at-rahul-gandhi-23113" target="_blank">Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi </a>would meet Gujarat Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani on Friday at Navsari, a spokesperson of the party said.</p>

<p>Mevani, who has been critical of the ruling BJP in the state, is expected to discuss the demands of his community when he meets the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-likens-rahul-gandhi-congress-to-pakistan-23338" target="_blank">Congress vice-president</a>, who is currently on an election campaign tour of south Gujarat.</p>

<p>&quot;Jignesh Mevani and other Dalit leaders had met Ashok Gehlot, the Congress&#39; Gujarat affairs in-charge earlier and presented a set of demands to him,&quot; Congress spokesperson Manish Doshi said.</p>

<p>&quot;We have extended an invitation to Mevani to meet our vice-president Rahul Gandhi today. The two will meet at Navsari later in the day,&quot; he added.</p>

<p>Congress Scheduled Castes (SC) cell national president K Raju also said a meeting had been arranged between Rahul Gandhi and Mevani.</p>

<p>Mevani had earlier said he would meet Rahul Gandhi only when he will be called to discuss the opposition party&#39;s stand on various demands of the Dalit community.</p>

<p>The Dalit rights campaigner, who has dubbed the BJP &quot;anti-Dalit&quot;, had also said he had no plans to join any political party.</p>

<p>&quot;I want to make it clear that neither have I joined the Congress nor am I going to join the party in the future. Not just the Congress, I have no plans of joining any other party as of now,&quot; he had told reporters in Ahmedabad yesterday.</p>

<p>However, the young leader, who shot to fame after the Una Dalit flogging incident last year, had added that he was ready to meet Rahul Gandhi to know about the Congress&#39; stand on 17 demands related to his community.</p>

<p>The demands include an allotment of five acres of farmland to the Dalits, alternative employment for those involved in cattle-skinning and manual scavenging and the release of a probe report into an incident of firing on the community members at Thangadh in Surendranagar district in 2012.</p>

<p>&quot;Since the BJP government is not even ready to hold talks with us on these demands, it is very clear that it is anti-Dalit. And, that is why we are also anti-BJP. But, that does not mean we are joining another party,&quot; Mevani had said.</p>

<p>&quot;However, I am ready to meet Rahul Gandhi to know about his party&#39;s stand on these demands. I want to know what can they do for our community if they come to power (in Gujarat),&quot; he had added.&nbsp;</p>


Mevani, who has been critical of the ruling BJP in the state, is expected to discuss the demands of his community when he meets the Congress vice-president, who is currently on an election campaign tour of south Gujarat

Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi would meet Gujarat Dalit leader Jignesh Mevani on Friday at Navsari, a spokesperson of the party said. Mevani, who has been critical of the ruling BJP in the state, is expected to discuss the demands of his community when he meets the Congress vice-president, who is currently on an election campaign tour of south Gujarat. "Jignesh Mevani and other Dalit leaders had met Ashok Gehlot, the Congress' Gujarat affairs in-charge earlier and presented a set of demands to him," Congress spokesperson Manish Doshi said. "We have extended an invitation to Mevani to meet our vice-president Rahul Gandhi today. The two will meet at Navsari later in the day," he added. Congress Scheduled Castes (SC) cell national president K Raju also said a meeting had been arranged between Rahul Gandhi and Mevani. Mevani had earlier said he would meet Rahul Gandhi only when he will be called to discuss the opposition party's stand on various demands of the Dalit community. The Dalit rights campaigner, who has dubbed the BJP "anti-Dalit", had also said he had no plans to join any political party. "I want to make it clear that neither have I joined the Congress nor am I going to join the party in the future. Not just the Congress, I have no plans of joining any other party as of now," he had told reporters in Ahmedabad yesterday. However, the young leader, who shot to fame after the Una Dalit flogging incident last year, had added that he was ready to meet Rahul Gandhi to know about the Congress' stand on 17 demands related to his community. The demands include an allotment of five acres of farmland to the Dalits, alternative employment for those involved in cattle-skinning and manual scavenging and the release of a probe report into an incident of firing on the community members at Thangadh in Surendranagar district in 2012. "Since the BJP government is not even ready to hold talks with us on these demands, it is very clear that it is anti-Dalit. And, that is why we are also anti-BJP. But, that does not mean we are joining another party," Mevani had said. "However, I am ready to meet Rahul Gandhi to know about his party's stand on these demands. I want to know what can they do for our community if they come to power (in Gujarat)," he had added.

Rahul Gandhi to meet Gujarat Dalit leader Mevani: Congress leader

<p>The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Thursday said that the statement of Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi on India&#39;s business ranking seemed to be coming from Pakistan.</p>

<p>Rahul on Wednesday said, &#39;&#39;India does not need a certificate from a foreign institution after India became the first ever country to record the highest jump in World&#39;s Bank&#39;s ease of doing business ranking.&#39;&#39;</p>

<p>BJP leader GVL Narsimha Rao said, &quot;When you hear statements of Rahul Gandhi and Congress Party about India doing well in the economy, and making it big into the world economy, the statement appears as if they are coming from Pakistan.&quot;</p>

<p>He further said that the Congress vice-president and his party feel pitiable when India is praised all over the world.</p>

<p>&quot;The whole world accepts that India is progressing but Pakistan can never accept the fact that India is doing well, more or less &nbsp;Rahul Gandhi and Congress Party are in the same position,&quot; he added.</p>

<p>During a roadshow in the poll-bound Gujarat on Wednesday, Rahul also mocked Finance Minister Arun Jaitley and said that he is living in an illusion to believe in foreign certification for India&#39;s growth.</p>

<p>&quot;Arun Jaitley ji is working on the basis of some foreign institution. India does not need a certificate from a foreign institution. Jaitley ji said ease of doing business has seen improvement in India. Is he living in a real or a dream world?&quot; Rahul said.</p>

<p>Rahul further downplayed the World Bank report and said, &quot;India needs a certificate from the people of the country, and the people are saying Narendra Modi and Arun Jaitley have failed.&quot;</p>

<p>In accordance with the World Bank&#39;s &#39;Ease of Doing Business index&#39;, India had risen as much as 30 positions to rank 100th amongst 190 countries on Tuesday.</p>

<p>As per the 2018 version of the Ease of Doing Business index issued by the World Bank, India has been amongst the world&#39;s top ten improvers worldwide and a leading regional reformer.</p>


BJP on Thursday said Rahul Gandhi on India's business ranking seemed to be coming from Pakistan.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Thursday said that the statement of Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi on India's business ranking seemed to be coming from Pakistan. Rahul on Wednesday said, ''India does not need a certificate from a foreign institution after India became the first ever country to record the highest jump in World's Bank's ease of doing business ranking.'' BJP leader GVL Narsimha Rao said, "When you hear statements of Rahul Gandhi and Congress Party about India doing well in the economy, and making it big into the world economy, the statement appears as if they are coming from Pakistan." He further said that the Congress vice-president and his party feel pitiable when India is praised all over the world. "The whole world accepts that India is progressing but Pakistan can never accept the fact that India is doing well, more or less Rahul Gandhi and Congress Party are in the same position," he added. During a roadshow in the poll-bound Gujarat on Wednesday, Rahul also mocked Finance Minister Arun Jaitley and said that he is living in an illusion to believe in foreign certification for India's growth. "Arun Jaitley ji is working on the basis of some foreign institution. India does not need a certificate from a foreign institution. Jaitley ji said ease of doing business has seen improvement in India. Is he living in a real or a dream world?" Rahul said. Rahul further downplayed the World Bank report and said, "India needs a certificate from the people of the country, and the people are saying Narendra Modi and Arun Jaitley have failed." In accordance with the World Bank's 'Ease of Doing Business index', India had risen as much as 30 positions to rank 100th amongst 190 countries on Tuesday. As per the 2018 version of the Ease of Doing Business index issued by the World Bank, India has been amongst the world's top ten improvers worldwide and a leading regional reformer.

BJP likens Rahul Gandhi, Congress to Pakistan

<p>October 31, 2017, is the 142nd birth anniversary of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel. Unlike the past, political parties of all orientations particularly BJP and Congress are into competitive contest to appropriate Sardar Patel. Undoubtedly, it is a welcome sign. As a mark of respect, all the leaders who served immensely in shaping India as a modern united country deserve special tribute.</p>

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<h5>Sardar Patel&rsquo;s contributions are immense and thus he deserves special remembrance by the State, groups and individuals.</h5>
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<p>It does not mean that political regimes should prefer one leader over another or exaggerate the contributions of one while hiding the others to suit their ideological temperament. It has happened in the past and it is happening now. For many of us, both are wrong. And two wrongs cannot make right.</p>

<p>Sardar Patel&rsquo;s contributions are immense and thus he deserves special remembrance by the State, groups and individuals. His personality was multifaceted. He was known for a strong sense of determination, quick decision-making, straightforwardness in discussions, firmness in action, believe in unity in diversity and deep sense of patriotic pride. Alas! These characteristics are visibly lacking in the present leadership.</p>

<p>In the past, Congress has named many policies, monuments, places, roads, institutions after Sardar Patel. But comparing the people belonging to Nehru dynasty, the name of other stalwarts did not figure much in its governance model of commemoration. It is because of this gap, BJP is able to gain the strategic edge in appropriating them.</p>

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<h5>The much-hyped World&rsquo;s tallest statue of Sardar Patel referred as Statue of Unity (SOU) with a projected cost of more than two-thousand crores is already in circulation.</h5>
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<p>Sardar Patel is now an easy co-opt for the BJP. &nbsp;October 31 is declared as the Rashtriya Ekta Diwas (National Unity Day) in 2014. The much-hyped World&rsquo;s tallest statue of Sardar Patel referred as Statue of Unity (SOU) with a projected cost of more than two-thousand crores is already in circulation. Interestingly, public sector companies like ONGC, HPCL, IOCL and OIL have decided to contribute over hundreds of crore towards the construction of this statue as a part of their corporate social responsibility. These are extravaganza but often justified because similar things had been done in the past too.</p>

<p>Ministries of the Centre and States are giving special focus to observe &ldquo;Nation Salutes Sardar Vallabbhai Patel&rdquo; on October 31, 2017. Cultural, literary and sports programmes including essay competitions and &lsquo;Unity Run&rsquo; are organised across India. Despite all these, the renewed and unprecedented interest of the BJP in Sardar Patel is more strategic than its love for the ideas and actions of Sardar Patel. It can be seen in overuse of these exercises in the electoral campaigns beginning with 2014. Sardar Patel hardly gained the present prominence in the framework of Narendra Modi when he was the Chief Minister of Gujarat for one and half decade.</p>

<p>One may agree or disagree on the methods and approaches of Sardar Patel, but his commitment to preserving India&rsquo;s unity cannot be doubted. He is rightly credited along with V.P. Menon to save the country from balkanisation by putting up the representatives of more than 500 states on one platform and transforming them into 14 administrative units and later shaping them into uniform administrative, financial and judicial mechanism of India. At many instances, his impersonal and hard actions were the outcome of the then expediency than conscious choice. Despite achieving this herculean task, Sardar Patel had neither tried to adopt the narcissistic politics nor indulged in populist and ideological actions.</p>

<p>Though he has a dominant presence in the organisational wing of Congress from the late 1930s until his death in 1950, he has neither used principally untoward means to achieve personal gains nor side-lined his political opponents within the party. It can be seen in his acceptance of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad as the President of the Congress and later stepping aside to allow Jawaharlal Nehru to become Prime Minister despite being the choice of the majority of the political leaders in the provinces. However, the death of Patel in 1950 was a great loss for the Congress but a gain for the Nehru family as the absence of his unique leadership clearly drifted the party towards dynastic ambitions that finally culminated in the virtual decay of the Congress in today&rsquo;s time.</p>

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<h5>Sardar Patel appreciated the service role of RSS and later critiqued it for its supposed role in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and banned the organisation for a year.</h5>
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<p>Sardar Patel&rsquo;s biographer Narhari Parikh has highlighted that Patel was always willing to fight for what he considered right. He always took a procedural route to express his anguish while respecting the party hierarchy. At the same time, he accommodated dissent and a great variety of opinions. For instance, his opposition to socialist politics was paternalistic as can be seen in his offer to Purshottam Trikamdas, a renowned socialist to form the government in the State of Bombay to prove the promises of a clean and efficient government. Similarly, despite being loyal to Congress, Sardar Patel appreciated the service role of RSS and later critiqued it for its supposed role in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and banned the organisation for a year.</p>

<p>Ironically, BJP has emerged as the ardent admirer of Sardar Patel but without subscribing to his leadership quality, understanding his idea of patriotism and treatment to secular ethos. The uniqueness of Patel&rsquo;s leadership lies in its judicious character that treated everyone with the same yardstick. Sardar Patel has certainly believed in strong and united India but his patriotism was rarely rooted in extreme nationalism, in general, or Hindu nationalism. He was a secularist to the core but with a difference of Nehru and Gandhi. Nehru&rsquo;s secularism was religious neutral while Patel&rsquo;s notion of secularism was rooted in his religious and cultural socialisation. Similarly, Gandhi&rsquo;s approach towards secularism was to grant dignified concessions to Muslims while Patel wanted to treat everyone as a citizen without creating minority-majority dyad.</p>

<p>There has always been made an attempt to vitiate the communal atmosphere of the country by looking at things through the polarised spectacles. Contrary to the wishes of Patel, communal harmony has become a unrealised goal. Much against the belief of Patel, he is being glorified as the champion of anti-Muslim tirade. Selective reading and un-contextual quotes of his speeches are cited to support the proposition. In fact, after Independence, it was Patel who asked the people of India in plain-speaking terms, &ldquo;to forget the past, because it is a manly virtue to do so... in India, every Muslim should feel that he is an Indian citizen and has equal rights as an Indian citizen&rdquo;.</p>

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<h5>His dream was to lay the foundation of strong and united India without obliterating the socio-cultural diversities of the country.</h5>
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<p>At the same time, he frankly told Muslims that for &ldquo;a community to think that its interests are different from that of the country in which it lives is a great mistake.&rdquo; He, therefore, advised them that &ldquo;the future of a minority-any minority-is to trust the majority&rdquo;; that they should &ldquo;make friends with others and create a change in the atmosphere.&rdquo; His advice to Muslims is very much in tune with the advices of Dr M.A. Ansari, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and all other patriotic citizens. One can have a detailed understanding of Patel and Muslim relationship while reading the timely book Sardar Patel and Indian Muslims by Rafiq Zakaria published in 1995.</p>

<p>Be that as it may, Sardar Patel&rsquo;s tone and approach may be harsh and at time suspicious, but he never aimed at creating hatred between minorities and majority. Let the country know on his 142nd birth anniversary that Sardar Patel&rsquo;s sense of unity was not sharpened on the artificial disunity between religious and cultural communities. Like many others, his dream was to lay the foundation of strong and united India without obliterating the socio-cultural diversities of the country.</p>


Sardar Patel?s sense of unity was not sharpened on the artificial disunity between religious and cultural communities

October 31, 2017, is the 142nd birth anniversary of Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel. Unlike the past, political parties of all orientations particularly BJP and Congress are into competitive contest to appropriate Sardar Patel. Undoubtedly, it is a welcome sign. As a mark of respect, all the leaders who served immensely in shaping India as a modern united country deserve special tribute. Sardar Patel’s contributions are immense and thus he deserves special remembrance by the State, groups and individuals. × It does not mean that political regimes should prefer one leader over another or exaggerate the contributions of one while hiding the others to suit their ideological temperament. It has happened in the past and it is happening now. For many of us, both are wrong. And two wrongs cannot make right. Sardar Patel’s contributions are immense and thus he deserves special remembrance by the State, groups and individuals. His personality was multifaceted. He was known for a strong sense of determination, quick decision-making, straightforwardness in discussions, firmness in action, believe in unity in diversity and deep sense of patriotic pride. Alas! These characteristics are visibly lacking in the present leadership. In the past, Congress has named many policies, monuments, places, roads, institutions after Sardar Patel. But comparing the people belonging to Nehru dynasty, the name of other stalwarts did not figure much in its governance model of commemoration. It is because of this gap, BJP is able to gain the strategic edge in appropriating them. The much-hyped World’s tallest statue of Sardar Patel referred as Statue of Unity (SOU) with a projected cost of more than two-thousand crores is already in circulation. × Sardar Patel is now an easy co-opt for the BJP. October 31 is declared as the Rashtriya Ekta Diwas (National Unity Day) in 2014. The much-hyped World’s tallest statue of Sardar Patel referred as Statue of Unity (SOU) with a projected cost of more than two-thousand crores is already in circulation. Interestingly, public sector companies like ONGC, HPCL, IOCL and OIL have decided to contribute over hundreds of crore towards the construction of this statue as a part of their corporate social responsibility. These are extravaganza but often justified because similar things had been done in the past too. Ministries of the Centre and States are giving special focus to observe “Nation Salutes Sardar Vallabbhai Patel” on October 31, 2017. Cultural, literary and sports programmes including essay competitions and ‘Unity Run’ are organised across India. Despite all these, the renewed and unprecedented interest of the BJP in Sardar Patel is more strategic than its love for the ideas and actions of Sardar Patel. It can be seen in overuse of these exercises in the electoral campaigns beginning with 2014. Sardar Patel hardly gained the present prominence in the framework of Narendra Modi when he was the Chief Minister of Gujarat for one and half decade. One may agree or disagree on the methods and approaches of Sardar Patel, but his commitment to preserving India’s unity cannot be doubted. He is rightly credited along with V.P. Menon to save the country from balkanisation by putting up the representatives of more than 500 states on one platform and transforming them into 14 administrative units and later shaping them into uniform administrative, financial and judicial mechanism of India. At many instances, his impersonal and hard actions were the outcome of the then expediency than conscious choice. Despite achieving this herculean task, Sardar Patel had neither tried to adopt the narcissistic politics nor indulged in populist and ideological actions. Though he has a dominant presence in the organisational wing of Congress from the late 1930s until his death in 1950, he has neither used principally untoward means to achieve personal gains nor side-lined his political opponents within the party. It can be seen in his acceptance of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad as the President of the Congress and later stepping aside to allow Jawaharlal Nehru to become Prime Minister despite being the choice of the majority of the political leaders in the provinces. However, the death of Patel in 1950 was a great loss for the Congress but a gain for the Nehru family as the absence of his unique leadership clearly drifted the party towards dynastic ambitions that finally culminated in the virtual decay of the Congress in today’s time. Sardar Patel appreciated the service role of RSS and later critiqued it for its supposed role in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and banned the organisation for a year. × Sardar Patel’s biographer Narhari Parikh has highlighted that Patel was always willing to fight for what he considered right. He always took a procedural route to express his anguish while respecting the party hierarchy. At the same time, he accommodated dissent and a great variety of opinions. For instance, his opposition to socialist politics was paternalistic as can be seen in his offer to Purshottam Trikamdas, a renowned socialist to form the government in the State of Bombay to prove the promises of a clean and efficient government. Similarly, despite being loyal to Congress, Sardar Patel appreciated the service role of RSS and later critiqued it for its supposed role in the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi and banned the organisation for a year. Ironically, BJP has emerged as the ardent admirer of Sardar Patel but without subscribing to his leadership quality, understanding his idea of patriotism and treatment to secular ethos. The uniqueness of Patel’s leadership lies in its judicious character that treated everyone with the same yardstick. Sardar Patel has certainly believed in strong and united India but his patriotism was rarely rooted in extreme nationalism, in general, or Hindu nationalism. He was a secularist to the core but with a difference of Nehru and Gandhi. Nehru’s secularism was religious neutral while Patel’s notion of secularism was rooted in his religious and cultural socialisation. Similarly, Gandhi’s approach towards secularism was to grant dignified concessions to Muslims while Patel wanted to treat everyone as a citizen without creating minority-majority dyad. There has always been made an attempt to vitiate the communal atmosphere of the country by looking at things through the polarised spectacles. Contrary to the wishes of Patel, communal harmony has become a unrealised goal. Much against the belief of Patel, he is being glorified as the champion of anti-Muslim tirade. Selective reading and un-contextual quotes of his speeches are cited to support the proposition. In fact, after Independence, it was Patel who asked the people of India in plain-speaking terms, “to forget the past, because it is a manly virtue to do so... in India, every Muslim should feel that he is an Indian citizen and has equal rights as an Indian citizen”. His dream was to lay the foundation of strong and united India without obliterating the socio-cultural diversities of the country. × At the same time, he frankly told Muslims that for “a community to think that its interests are different from that of the country in which it lives is a great mistake.” He, therefore, advised them that “the future of a minority-any minority-is to trust the majority”; that they should “make friends with others and create a change in the atmosphere.” His advice to Muslims is very much in tune with the advices of Dr M.A. Ansari, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and all other patriotic citizens. One can have a detailed understanding of Patel and Muslim relationship while reading the timely book Sardar Patel and Indian Muslims by Rafiq Zakaria published in 1995. Be that as it may, Sardar Patel’s tone and approach may be harsh and at time suspicious, but he never aimed at creating hatred between minorities and majority. Let the country know on his 142nd birth anniversary that Sardar Patel’s sense of unity was not sharpened on the artificial disunity between religious and cultural communities. Like many others, his dream was to lay the foundation of strong and united India without obliterating the socio-cultural diversities of the country.

Sardar Patel never wanted hatred between religious communities

<p>Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) leader Hardik Patel has said that he wants clarity by November 7 on the issue of reservation to his community.</p>

<p>Patel`s statement came just hours after the first formal meeting of the Patidar community and the Congress leaders ahead of the upcoming Gujarat assembly elections.&quot;I am not with or against anyone (Congress). I need clarity by November 7 on an issue of reservation to our community&quot;, he told the reporters.</p>

<p>The PAAS leader, earlier on Monday, extended the deadline for the Congress Party till November 7 to clear its stand on the Patidar community`s demand for reservation.In a meeting with the Congress, the Patidar leaders listed their demands and the party agreed to four of them, but the demand for Patidar reservation did not reach a final conclusion.</p>

<p>Nevertheless, Patel has remarked that the meeting turned out to be fruitful and the PAAS may meet Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi if the core committee advises so.</p>

<p>Amid the conjectures surrounding the Patidar`s choice of an ally in the upcoming Gujarat Assembly election, Patel clarified that he will never support the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and added that there is &quot;no match fixing at all&quot;. Meanwhile, the Congress has said that it will make a decision after consulting the matter with legal experts.</p>

<p>&quot;PAAS has put forward their point, and we will go to a legal expert and then take things forward,&quot; Gujarat State President Bharatsinh Solanki said in a press conference yesterday.</p>

<p>The Patidar leader had earlier said that he will extend support to the Congress if it supports their community and provides reservation.The Congress is counting on Patidar votes to sway the election results of Gujarat polls in their favour and overthrow the BJP, which has been in power since 1995 in the state.</p>

<p>The polls will be conducted in two phases in the state.The polling for the first phase will be held on December 9 and for the second phase on December 14.The counting of the votes will be held on December 18</p>


Patel`s statement came just hours after the first formal meeting of the Patidar community and the Congress leaders ahead of the upcoming Gujarat assembly elections.

Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti (PAAS) leader Hardik Patel has said that he wants clarity by November 7 on the issue of reservation to his community. Patel`s statement came just hours after the first formal meeting of the Patidar community and the Congress leaders ahead of the upcoming Gujarat assembly elections."I am not with or against anyone (Congress). I need clarity by November 7 on an issue of reservation to our community", he told the reporters. The PAAS leader, earlier on Monday, extended the deadline for the Congress Party till November 7 to clear its stand on the Patidar community`s demand for reservation.In a meeting with the Congress, the Patidar leaders listed their demands and the party agreed to four of them, but the demand for Patidar reservation did not reach a final conclusion. Nevertheless, Patel has remarked that the meeting turned out to be fruitful and the PAAS may meet Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi if the core committee advises so. Amid the conjectures surrounding the Patidar`s choice of an ally in the upcoming Gujarat Assembly election, Patel clarified that he will never support the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and added that there is "no match fixing at all". Meanwhile, the Congress has said that it will make a decision after consulting the matter with legal experts. "PAAS has put forward their point, and we will go to a legal expert and then take things forward," Gujarat State President Bharatsinh Solanki said in a press conference yesterday. The Patidar leader had earlier said that he will extend support to the Congress if it supports their community and provides reservation.The Congress is counting on Patidar votes to sway the election results of Gujarat polls in their favour and overthrow the BJP, which has been in power since 1995 in the state. The polls will be conducted in two phases in the state.The polling for the first phase will be held on December 9 and for the second phase on December 14.The counting of the votes will be held on December 18

Hardik Patel wants clarity on Patidar reservation issue by November 7

<p>Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani demanded Congress leader Ahmed Patel&#39;s resignation as Rajya Sabha MP, alleging that a suspected ISIS operative arrested recently used to work at a hospital where Patel had been a trustee earlier.</p>

<p>Patel rejected the charge as &quot;completely baseless&quot; and urged the BJP not to politicise matters pertaining to national security and divide the peace-loving Gujaratis.</p>

<p>Union minister Prakash Javadekar also said that the Congress &quot;owes an explanation as to how a terrorist had been working there for so long&quot;.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">BJP &amp; Gujarat CM Rupani trying to hide their incompetence by making such baseless statements: Randeep Surjewala, Congress <a href="https://t.co/rn3r28t6Nv">pic.twitter.com/rn3r28t6Nv</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/923953841904615424?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 27, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Two suspected ISIS operatives were arrested by the Gujarat Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) three days ago. According to an FIR, one of the accused, Kasim Stimberwala, earlier worked as a technician at Sardar Patel Hospital in Ankleshwar town of Bharuch district.</p>

<p>Rupani said in Gandhinagar that Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi and Patel owe a clarification to the nation as the matter pertains to national security.</p>

<p>&quot;This is a serious issue, as a terrorist was arrested from a hospital which is being run by Patel... It has now been revealed that though Patel had resigned as a trustee of that hospital in 2014, he is still at the helm of the hospital&#39;s affairs,&quot; the Gujarat CM alleged.</p>

<p>&quot;Imagine what would have happened if these two terrorists were not arrested... Patel, Rahul Gandhi and the Congress must come clean on the issue. We also want Patel to resign as Rajya Sabha MP,&quot; he demanded.</p>

<p>&quot;It has now been revealed that Kasim had resigned just two days before he was arrested. This raises several questions. Patel must clarify how such a person got a job in his hospital and why he resigned just days ahead of his arrest,&quot; Rupani said.</p>

<p>Replying to the charges, Patel tweeted, &quot;My party and I appreciate the ATS&#39; effort to nab the two terrorists. I demand strict and speedy action against them. The allegations put forward by the BJP are completely baseless.&quot;</p>

<p>In another tweet, he said, &quot;We request that matters of national security not be politicised keeping elections in mind. Let&#39;s not divide the peace-loving Gujaratis while fighting terrorism.&quot;</p>

<p>Javadekar said in Bengaluru the Congress owes an explanation as to &quot;how a terrorist could work so long at the hospital&quot;.</p>

<p>The two IS suspects &quot;were planning attacks on a Jewish religious place&quot;, he said.</p>

<p>Congress in-charge of communications Randeep Surjewala came to the defence of Patel, saying neither he nor any of his family members were a trustee of the Bharuch Hospital where the alleged terrorist was working.</p>

<p>&quot;A frustrated BJP facing imminent defeat in Gujarat is resorting to leveling reckless and baseless allegations against Ahmed Patel,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Sardar Vallabhai Patel Hospital is a charitable hospital and it has between 150-200 employees including doctors and technicians, he said.</p>

<p>&quot;The BJP is being shown the door by 6.5 crore Gujaratis and a defeated BJP is clutching onto the polarising straws of blatant lies to reset the agenda. It will never succeed in its sinister conspiracies,&quot; the Congress leader said.</p>

<p>He said the BJP should stop preaching about fighting terrorism to anyone.</p>

<p>&quot;The BJP&#39;s track record on terrorism is quite dismal. Will Amit Shah and Vijay Rupani answer as to who permitted dreaded terrorist Dawood Ibrahim&#39;s wife to visit Mumbai and leave unscathed with the entire government sleeping over the same,&quot; he asked.</p>

<p>&quot;The truth is that Vijay Rupani and his government fired upon and killed farmers in Dahod in Gujarat. The BJP is trying to divert attention,&quot; he alleged.</p>

<p>The two suspected IS operatives had allegedly planned to carry out a &quot;lone wolf&quot; attack on a Jewish synagogue in Khadia area of the city.</p>


Vijay Rupani alleged that a suspected ISIS operative arrested recently used to work at a hospital where Patel had been a trustee

Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani demanded Congress leader Ahmed Patel's resignation as Rajya Sabha MP, alleging that a suspected ISIS operative arrested recently used to work at a hospital where Patel had been a trustee earlier. Patel rejected the charge as "completely baseless" and urged the BJP not to politicise matters pertaining to national security and divide the peace-loving Gujaratis. Union minister Prakash Javadekar also said that the Congress "owes an explanation as to how a terrorist had been working there for so long". BJP & Gujarat CM Rupani trying to hide their incompetence by making such baseless statements: Randeep Surjewala, Congress pic.twitter.com/rn3r28t6Nv — ANI (@ANI) October 27, 2017 × Two suspected ISIS operatives were arrested by the Gujarat Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) three days ago. According to an FIR, one of the accused, Kasim Stimberwala, earlier worked as a technician at Sardar Patel Hospital in Ankleshwar town of Bharuch district. Rupani said in Gandhinagar that Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi and Patel owe a clarification to the nation as the matter pertains to national security. "This is a serious issue, as a terrorist was arrested from a hospital which is being run by Patel... It has now been revealed that though Patel had resigned as a trustee of that hospital in 2014, he is still at the helm of the hospital's affairs," the Gujarat CM alleged. "Imagine what would have happened if these two terrorists were not arrested... Patel, Rahul Gandhi and the Congress must come clean on the issue. We also want Patel to resign as Rajya Sabha MP," he demanded. "It has now been revealed that Kasim had resigned just two days before he was arrested. This raises several questions. Patel must clarify how such a person got a job in his hospital and why he resigned just days ahead of his arrest," Rupani said. Replying to the charges, Patel tweeted, "My party and I appreciate the ATS' effort to nab the two terrorists. I demand strict and speedy action against them. The allegations put forward by the BJP are completely baseless." In another tweet, he said, "We request that matters of national security not be politicised keeping elections in mind. Let's not divide the peace-loving Gujaratis while fighting terrorism." Javadekar said in Bengaluru the Congress owes an explanation as to "how a terrorist could work so long at the hospital". The two IS suspects "were planning attacks on a Jewish religious place", he said. Congress in-charge of communications Randeep Surjewala came to the defence of Patel, saying neither he nor any of his family members were a trustee of the Bharuch Hospital where the alleged terrorist was working. "A frustrated BJP facing imminent defeat in Gujarat is resorting to leveling reckless and baseless allegations against Ahmed Patel," he said. Sardar Vallabhai Patel Hospital is a charitable hospital and it has between 150-200 employees including doctors and technicians, he said. "The BJP is being shown the door by 6.5 crore Gujaratis and a defeated BJP is clutching onto the polarising straws of blatant lies to reset the agenda. It will never succeed in its sinister conspiracies," the Congress leader said. He said the BJP should stop preaching about fighting terrorism to anyone. "The BJP's track record on terrorism is quite dismal. Will Amit Shah and Vijay Rupani answer as to who permitted dreaded terrorist Dawood Ibrahim's wife to visit Mumbai and leave unscathed with the entire government sleeping over the same," he asked. "The truth is that Vijay Rupani and his government fired upon and killed farmers in Dahod in Gujarat. The BJP is trying to divert attention," he alleged. The two suspected IS operatives had allegedly planned to carry out a "lone wolf" attack on a Jewish synagogue in Khadia area of the city.

Gujarat CM demands Ahmed Patel's resignation after arrest of Islamic State suspect

<p>India&#39;s Election Commission <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/gujarat-polling-before-himachal-results-are-out-election-commission-22759">today announced dates for Gujarat assembly polls</a> to be held in December.</p>

<p>The Election Commission said the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/himachal-polls-275-nominations-filed-on-last-day-22810">first phase of polls in Gujarat will be conducted on December 9th </a>and the second phase on December 14th.</p>

<p>The counting of votes will be held on December 18th.</p>

<p>&quot;No candidate can spend more than Rs 28 lakhs on campaigning,&quot; Chief Election Commissioner(CEC) AK Joti said.</p>

<p>&quot;Model code of conduct is now in effect,&quot; the CEC added.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">We are ready, confident that BJP will win 3/4th majority: Gujarat CM Vijay Rupani on announcement of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GujaratElections2017?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GujaratElections2017</a> dates <a href="https://t.co/Kw1ZjM67Yt">pic.twitter.com/Kw1ZjM67Yt</a></p>
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<p>While declaring the Himachal election dates a few weeks back, the commission had announced that the counting of votes in both the states would take place on December 18.</p>

<p>The election body had come&nbsp;under attack from the opposition parties for not announcing the dates for Gujarat assembly elections along with Himachal Pradesh.</p>

<p>Election Commission officials had said that multiple factors, including the weather, were considered before deciding to hold the elections in Himachal Pradesh earlier than Gujarat.</p>

<p>Himachal Pradesh will go to the polls on November 9.</p>


India's Election Commission today announced dates for Gujarat assembly polls to be held in December. The Election Commission said the first phase of polls in Gujarat will be conducted on December 9th and the second phase on December 14th. The counting of votes will be held on December 18th. "No candidate can spend more than Rs 28 lakhs on campaigning," Chief Election Commissioner(CEC) AK Joti said. "Model code of conduct is now in effect," the CEC added. We are ready, confident that BJP will win 3/4th majority: Gujarat CM Vijay Rupani on announcement of #GujaratElections2017 dates pic.twitter.com/Kw1ZjM67Yt — ANI (@ANI) October 25, 2017 × While declaring the Himachal election dates a few weeks back, the commission had announced that the counting of votes in both the states would take place on December 18. The election body had come under attack from the opposition parties for not announcing the dates for Gujarat assembly elections along with Himachal Pradesh. Election Commission officials had said that multiple factors, including the weather, were considered before deciding to hold the elections in Himachal Pradesh earlier than Gujarat. Himachal Pradesh will go to the polls on November 9.

Gujarat elections to be held on Dec 9 & 14, results to be announced on Dec 18

<p>The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is headed towards yet another clean sweep victory in the 2017 Gujarat Assembly election, an opinion poll has found. The survey concluded that the BJP is likely to win between 115 and 125 seats in the 182-seat Gujarat Assembly. This, despite many of the big ticket moves of the Modi government being viewed unfavourably.</p>

<p>The India Today-Axis My India opinion poll prediction puts the BJP in reach of an absolute majority. The Congress, with some pundits predicted would put up a fight this time, was expected to win 57 to 65 seats in the opinion poll, which also gave 0-3 seats to &#39;others&#39;.</p>

<p>The India Today-Axis My India opinion poll indicated that the BJP is likely to get 48 percent of the votes, with the Congress booking 38 percent.</p>

<p>As for the most preferred Chief Minister, 34 percent of the respondents preferred the incumbent, Vijay Rupani. Congress&#39;s Shaktisinh Gohil and Bharatsinh Madhavsinh Solanki found 19 percent and 11 percent support on this metric. BJP chief Amit Shah would make a good Chief Minister, thought 10 percent of the respondents, while six percent thought similarly of the Patel agitation leader Hardik Patel.</p>

<p>The opinion polls also found that 66 percent of the respondents believed Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister was beneficial for Gujarat. The opposite view was held by 31 percent of those who took part in the survey.</p>

<p>The result prediction notwithstanding, the opinion poll revealed that a number of key economic initiatives of the Modi government have not gone down well in Gujarat. This is significant considering the clout that traders wield in the state.</p>

<p>&nbsp;The rollout of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) made 51 percent of the respondents unhappy. Demonetisation too took a hit, with 53 percent saying they did not find it beneficial. 49 percent of the respondents said they were dissatisfied with the Centre, while seven percent said they were angry.</p>

<p>The survey was conducted across all the constituencies of Gujarat between September 25 and October 15, and saw the participation of more than 18,000 respondents.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Other findings of the opinion poll include:</p>

<p>- Development, jobs and price rise emerged as the key issues in the polls.</p>

<p>- 31 percent said that price rise was the biggest issue, 24 percent said jobs, 16 percent development, 9 percent roads, 6 percent water, 4 percent agriculture and 3 percent water. &nbsp;</p>

<p>- 38 percent are happy with the GST, while 51 percent are unhappy with the new tax reform.</p>

<p>- 53 percent said that demonetisation was not beneficial. 44 percent gave thumps up to the note ban announced on November 08, 2016.</p>

<p>- 38 percent farmers are satisfied with the incumbent government, 49 percent are dissatisfied, while 7 percent are extremely angry as per the poll.</p>


The India Today-Axis My India opinion poll has indicated that the BJP is likely to get 48 percent of the votes, with the Congress booking 38 percent.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is headed towards yet another clean sweep victory in the 2017 Gujarat Assembly election, an opinion poll has found. The survey concluded that the BJP is likely to win between 115 and 125 seats in the 182-seat Gujarat Assembly. This, despite many of the big ticket moves of the Modi government being viewed unfavourably. The India Today-Axis My India opinion poll prediction puts the BJP in reach of an absolute majority. The Congress, with some pundits predicted would put up a fight this time, was expected to win 57 to 65 seats in the opinion poll, which also gave 0-3 seats to 'others'. The India Today-Axis My India opinion poll indicated that the BJP is likely to get 48 percent of the votes, with the Congress booking 38 percent. As for the most preferred Chief Minister, 34 percent of the respondents preferred the incumbent, Vijay Rupani. Congress's Shaktisinh Gohil and Bharatsinh Madhavsinh Solanki found 19 percent and 11 percent support on this metric. BJP chief Amit Shah would make a good Chief Minister, thought 10 percent of the respondents, while six percent thought similarly of the Patel agitation leader Hardik Patel. The opinion polls also found that 66 percent of the respondents believed Narendra Modi becoming the Prime Minister was beneficial for Gujarat. The opposite view was held by 31 percent of those who took part in the survey. The result prediction notwithstanding, the opinion poll revealed that a number of key economic initiatives of the Modi government have not gone down well in Gujarat. This is significant considering the clout that traders wield in the state. The rollout of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) made 51 percent of the respondents unhappy. Demonetisation too took a hit, with 53 percent saying they did not find it beneficial. 49 percent of the respondents said they were dissatisfied with the Centre, while seven percent said they were angry. The survey was conducted across all the constituencies of Gujarat between September 25 and October 15, and saw the participation of more than 18,000 respondents. Other findings of the opinion poll include: - Development, jobs and price rise emerged as the key issues in the polls. - 31 percent said that price rise was the biggest issue, 24 percent said jobs, 16 percent development, 9 percent roads, 6 percent water, 4 percent agriculture and 3 percent water. - 38 percent are happy with the GST, while 51 percent are unhappy with the new tax reform. - 53 percent said that demonetisation was not beneficial. 44 percent gave thumps up to the note ban announced on November 08, 2016. - 38 percent farmers are satisfied with the incumbent government, 49 percent are dissatisfied, while 7 percent are extremely angry as per the poll.

BJP set to sweep Gujarat elections, says opinion poll

<p>Gujarat OBC leader Alpesh Thakor came out in support of Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi on Monday.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Thakor said &quot;the BJP has given several slogans...&quot; but &quot;no work has taken place on the ground&quot;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;The BJP has given several slogans for the SC, ST and OBCs but in reality, no work has taken place on the ground. Irrespective of what the Congress&#39; image is, Rahul Gandhi is honest, his intention is noble. He told me that we would work together and I have not asked for any post in return for my support,&quot; Thakor told News18.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Thakor is expected to join the Congress today at Rahul Gandhi&#39;s Gandhinagar rally.&nbsp;</p>

<p>News18 also reported Thakor as saying all allegations against the&nbsp;Gandhis were baseless. And asking why people were not talking about corruption in the BJP.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&ldquo;Measures like GST and Demonetisation were done in haste. All black money, that the BJP claimed to be eliminating, has been turned to white. The traders have only now realised it,&rdquo; Thakor told News18.</p>


The OBC leader is expected to join the Congress today

Gujarat OBC leader Alpesh Thakor came out in support of Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi on Monday. Thakor said "the BJP has given several slogans..." but "no work has taken place on the ground". "The BJP has given several slogans for the SC, ST and OBCs but in reality, no work has taken place on the ground. Irrespective of what the Congress' image is, Rahul Gandhi is honest, his intention is noble. He told me that we would work together and I have not asked for any post in return for my support," Thakor told News18. Thakor is expected to join the Congress today at Rahul Gandhi's Gandhinagar rally. News18 also reported Thakor as saying all allegations against the Gandhis were baseless. And asking why people were not talking about corruption in the BJP. “Measures like GST and Demonetisation were done in haste. All black money, that the BJP claimed to be eliminating, has been turned to white. The traders have only now realised it,” Thakor told News18.

BJP has given slogans, but no work on ground: Alpesh Thakor

<p>Two leaders from the Patidar community in Gujarat, Reshma Patel, and Varun Patel have joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).</p>

<p>The leaders&nbsp;were&nbsp;staunch&nbsp;critics of the party during the 2015&nbsp;Patidar agitation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Reshma Patel said the BJP had accepted&nbsp;three of their demands. She&nbsp;added that they had not been fighting for the victory of the Congress party. Instead, their fight was to bring justice to&nbsp;society.</p>

<p>She also said that the BJP had always supported the community and accepted a majority of their demands while the Congress was only trying to reap benefits from the Patidar&nbsp;vote bank, PTI reported.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">Humari ladai samaj ko nyay dilaane ki thi na ki Congress ko jitane ki. BJP ne humari teen maangen accept kari: Reshma Patel, Patidar leader <a href="https://t.co/peKDyPUi4V">pic.twitter.com/peKDyPUi4V</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/921786463850708992?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 21, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Varun Patel said that they have spoken to the government and the chief minister about their demands, and &quot;they have committed to fulfill&nbsp;them.&quot;</p>

<p>He also said that they do not want to become Congress agents. He further added that while the state government led by BJP held talks with them and tried resolving various issues, the Congress never held&nbsp;talks with them, PTI said.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">We spoke to the government &amp; CM over our demands, they have committed to fulfill them: Varun Patel, Patidar leader who joined BJP <a href="https://t.co/jaJ4SFMF6N">pic.twitter.com/jaJ4SFMF6N</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/921784751857451008?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 21, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Hardik Patel, who led the Patidar agitation responded to the alliance of his close aides with the BJP by saying that &quot; Centipede will run even after breaking its legs. I have the support of the people. I will fight till I have this support.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">???????? ?? ??? ??? ???? ?? ?????? ?? ???????? ??????? !! ????? ??? ???? ???????? ?? ??? ?? ?? ?? ????? ?????? !!</p>
&mdash; Hardik Patel (@HardikPatel_) <a href="https://twitter.com/HardikPatel_/status/921763078835863552?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 21, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>A day before,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-invites-hardik-patel-to-contest-gujarat-elections-22699" target="_blank">Gujarat Congress chief Bharatsinh Solanki invited Hardik Patel, OBC leader Alpesh Thakur and Dalit activist Jignesh Mevani</a> to contest assembly elections from&nbsp;Congress tickets.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Alpesh Thakur joined the party assuring that Hardik will be working with the Congress to defeat BJP.</p>

<p>Solanki even promised to give an additional 20 per cent reservation to economically backward classes in the state if the Congress is voted to power in the upcoming assembly elections PTI reported.&nbsp;</p>

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Two leaders from the Patidar community in Gujarat, Reshma Patel, and Varun Patel have joined the BJP

Two leaders from the Patidar community in Gujarat, Reshma Patel, and Varun Patel have joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The leaders were staunch critics of the party during the 2015 Patidar agitation. Reshma Patel said the BJP had accepted three of their demands. She added that they had not been fighting for the victory of the Congress party. Instead, their fight was to bring justice to society. She also said that the BJP had always supported the community and accepted a majority of their demands while the Congress was only trying to reap benefits from the Patidar vote bank, PTI reported. Humari ladai samaj ko nyay dilaane ki thi na ki Congress ko jitane ki. BJP ne humari teen maangen accept kari: Reshma Patel, Patidar leader pic.twitter.com/peKDyPUi4V — ANI (@ANI) October 21, 2017 × Varun Patel said that they have spoken to the government and the chief minister about their demands, and "they have committed to fulfill them." He also said that they do not want to become Congress agents. He further added that while the state government led by BJP held talks with them and tried resolving various issues, the Congress never held talks with them, PTI said. We spoke to the government & CM over our demands, they have committed to fulfill them: Varun Patel, Patidar leader who joined BJP pic.twitter.com/jaJ4SFMF6N — ANI (@ANI) October 21, 2017 × Hardik Patel, who led the Patidar agitation responded to the alliance of his close aides with the BJP by saying that " Centipede will run even after breaking its legs. I have the support of the people. I will fight till I have this support. ???????? ?? ??? ??? ???? ?? ?????? ?? ???????? ??????? !! ????? ??? ???? ???????? ?? ??? ?? ?? ?? ????? ?????? !! — Hardik Patel (@HardikPatel_) October 21, 2017 × A day before, Gujarat Congress chief Bharatsinh Solanki invited Hardik Patel, OBC leader Alpesh Thakur and Dalit activist Jignesh Mevani to contest assembly elections from Congress tickets. Alpesh Thakur joined the party assuring that Hardik will be working with the Congress to defeat BJP. Solanki even promised to give an additional 20 per cent reservation to economically backward classes in the state if the Congress is voted to power in the upcoming assembly elections PTI reported.

Hardik Patel's close aides join BJP

<p>The Election Commission is all set to announce today the dates for assembly elections in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh.</p>

<p>The announcement will be made at 4pm, the Press Information Bureau said in a tweet on Thursday.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Nirvachan Sadan, 4 PM today: Presser by the Election Commission, to announce schedule for Assembly Elections to Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh <a href="https://t.co/rYX4Ic01VX">pic.twitter.com/rYX4Ic01VX</a></p>
&mdash; PIB India (@PIB_India) <a href="https://twitter.com/PIB_India/status/918347194637283329?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 12, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Commission had indicated on Wednesday that Gujarat may go to polls in December as the term of the current legislative assembly is coming to end in the third week of January.</p>

<p>Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) A K Joti also said that voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) system will be used in over 50,000 booths in Gujarat. VVPAT was first used in Goa polls earlier this year.</p>

<p>For the first time, the poll panel will also introduce all-women polling stations in Gujarat in all assembly segments.</p>

<p>A team of Election Commission officials headed by the CEC was on a visit of Gujarat to assess the poll preparedness.</p>

<p>Gujarat will have 50,128 polling stations and 28,639 polling locations, Joti said.</p>

<p>He said the total number of voters in Gujarat now stands at 4.33 crore.</p>

<p>The tenure of 182-member Gujarat assembly is due to end on January 22, 2018.</p>

<p>The term of the 68-member Himachal Assembly ends on January 7, 2018.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(With inputs from news agency PTI)</em></p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


The Commission had indicated on Wednesday that Gujarat may go to polls in December as the term of the current legislative assembly is coming to end in the third week of January.

The Election Commission is all set to announce today the dates for assembly elections in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh. The announcement will be made at 4pm, the Press Information Bureau said in a tweet on Thursday. Nirvachan Sadan, 4 PM today: Presser by the Election Commission, to announce schedule for Assembly Elections to Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh pic.twitter.com/rYX4Ic01VX — PIB India (@PIB_India) October 12, 2017 × The Commission had indicated on Wednesday that Gujarat may go to polls in December as the term of the current legislative assembly is coming to end in the third week of January. Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) A K Joti also said that voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) system will be used in over 50,000 booths in Gujarat. VVPAT was first used in Goa polls earlier this year. For the first time, the poll panel will also introduce all-women polling stations in Gujarat in all assembly segments. A team of Election Commission officials headed by the CEC was on a visit of Gujarat to assess the poll preparedness. Gujarat will have 50,128 polling stations and 28,639 polling locations, Joti said. He said the total number of voters in Gujarat now stands at 4.33 crore. The tenure of 182-member Gujarat assembly is due to end on January 22, 2018. The term of the 68-member Himachal Assembly ends on January 7, 2018. (With inputs from news agency PTI)

Dates for Gujarat, Himachal polls to be announced today

<p>On the fateful morning of 27 February 2002, 59 people died in a fire inside the Sabarmati Express train near the Godhra railway station in the Indian state of Gujarat. All of them were <em>kar</em><em> </em><em>sevaks</em> who were returning after a religious ceremony at the disputed Babri Masjid site.&nbsp;</p>

<p>On the way, coach S6 of Sabarmati Express was set on fire. The tragedy of the incident did not end there but spilled into a terrible riot across the state of Gujarat. The retaliatory spree of the rioting mob killed hundreds of Muslims, displacing thousands of others as homes were set on fire.</p>

<p>The hearing on the case has continued for more than a decade. Initially, 11 of the perpetrators of the Godhra carnage were given death sentences. But, recently, in a verdict given by the Gujarat High Court, the bench of Justices Anant S Dave and G.R. Udhwani has commuted the sentence of the 11 convicts into life imprisonment.&nbsp;</p>

<p>WION spoke to human rights activist and the Director of Human Rights Watch in South Asia, Meenakshi Ganguly on the issue.</p>

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<h5>What is key is a criminal justice system that conducts a fair and impartial investigation to identify perpetrators and then prosecutes them with enough credible evidence to ensure a conviction.</h5>
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<p><strong>1. Has justice been done in giving life imprisonment terms for 11 convicts of the Godhra train burning incident?</strong></p>

<p>The High Court, on October 10, ruled on an appeal in the Godhra case, commuting 11 death sentences to life imprisonment. Under the Indian constitution, everyone has the right to a fair trial and the right of appeal. In the 2002 cases from Gujarat, most of those convicted-- both in the Sabarmati Express attack in Godhra, as well as for the subsequent attacks on Muslims in various parts of Gujarat including those claiming to be supporters of the government-- have appealed the verdict. Prosecutors can also appeal the verdict, as also happened in this case. The High Court has upheld the 2011 special court ruling, convicting 31 and acquitting 63.</p>

<p>For victims and their families, what is key is a criminal justice system that conducts a fair and impartial investigation to identify perpetrators and then prosecutes them with enough credible evidence to ensure a conviction.</p>

<p>Many believe that violent crimes deserve the capital punishment. We, however, oppose the death penalty in all countries and under all circumstances because it is unique in its cruelty and finality, and is plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error. In its December 18, 2007 resolution calling for a worldwide moratorium on the death penalty, the UN General Assembly stated that &ldquo;there is no conclusive evidence of the death penalty&rsquo;s deterrent value and that any miscarriage or failure of justice in the death penalty&rsquo;s implementation is irreversible and irreparable.&rdquo;</p>

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<h5>We oppose the death penalty. But, of course, those responsible for these deaths need to be held to account.</h5>
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<p><strong>2. The Gujarat High Court has cited 2 reasons for commuting the death sentence: &quot;overcrowdedness&quot; of the coach &amp; &quot;more than 100 people could escape&quot;. Do you see these as sufficient reasons to rule out premeditated murder?</strong></p>

<p>There have been various inquiries into the circumstances that led to the horrible deaths of 59 people on the Sabarmati Express. What is not in doubt is that there was a mob attack on the train and that scores were killed or injured. Since 2002, we continue to see incidents of vigilante violence, often based on racial or religious prejudice. It is crucial that the state draw some lessons. The Gujarat High Court, for instance, said that it was highly charged communal environment at that time, and the state administration should have been much more active in ensuring the protection of pilgrims, particularly in an area that was known to be prone to violence.</p>

<p><strong>3. 59 people died that day but can a state hang eleven people for the crime committed?&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>We oppose the death penalty. But, of course, those responsible for these deaths need to be held to account. The High Court has upheld convictions after hearing appeals. It has, however, we believe also upheld humane principles and commuted the death penalty to life imprisonment.</p>

<p><strong>4. The High Court has blamed the state administration for its failure to maintain law &amp; order, leading to </strong><strong>kar</strong><strong> </strong><strong>seva</strong><strong>. Who do you think should take moral responsibility for the failure?</strong></p>

<p>It is the responsibility of the state to protect lives, and the administration clearly failed to take necessary steps to protect the pilgrims. The High Court has ordered the state to bear responsibility and pay compensation to the victims.</p>

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<p><strong>5. Does the Human Rights Watch still hold on to the view that the government and the Court have been particularly slow in bringing the people involved in Gujarat riots to justice? Particularly, in comparison to the case filed on Godhra?</strong></p>

<p>There have been three incidents of massive communal violence in recent decades. The mass attacks on Sikhs in 1984 after the Indira Gandhi assassination, the 1992-93 attacks on Muslims around the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and then the 2002 attacks on Muslims, killing hundreds after 59 Hindus died during a mob attack on the Sabarmati Express.</p>

<p>In the 1984 and 1992-93 cases, the justice process is stalled despite numerous inquiries. In the Gujarat cases, because of interventions of the Supreme Court, the National Human Rights Commission, and the appointment of independent investigators, there has been progress in a number of cases. People, including those that held office in the Gujarat administration, have been convicted.</p>

<p><strong>6. As a human rights activist, in a situation like this, how do you decide whose side you take? Whose cause do you fight for?</strong></p>

<p>We don&rsquo;t have to take sides. Our role is to ensure that the state abides by the constitution and upholds international standards. We will seek the prosecution of someone responsible for a crime, but will then defend the right of that same accused to a fair trial.</p>


The Gujarat High Court has booked the guilty while passing a 'humane' judgement, says Meenakshi Ganguly of Human Rights Watch

On the fateful morning of 27 February 2002, 59 people died in a fire inside the Sabarmati Express train near the Godhra railway station in the Indian state of Gujarat. All of them were kar sevaks who were returning after a religious ceremony at the disputed Babri Masjid site. On the way, coach S6 of Sabarmati Express was set on fire. The tragedy of the incident did not end there but spilled into a terrible riot across the state of Gujarat. The retaliatory spree of the rioting mob killed hundreds of Muslims, displacing thousands of others as homes were set on fire. The hearing on the case has continued for more than a decade. Initially, 11 of the perpetrators of the Godhra carnage were given death sentences. But, recently, in a verdict given by the Gujarat High Court, the bench of Justices Anant S Dave and G.R. Udhwani has commuted the sentence of the 11 convicts into life imprisonment. WION spoke to human rights activist and the Director of Human Rights Watch in South Asia, Meenakshi Ganguly on the issue. What is key is a criminal justice system that conducts a fair and impartial investigation to identify perpetrators and then prosecutes them with enough credible evidence to ensure a conviction. × 1. Has justice been done in giving life imprisonment terms for 11 convicts of the Godhra train burning incident? The High Court, on October 10, ruled on an appeal in the Godhra case, commuting 11 death sentences to life imprisonment. Under the Indian constitution, everyone has the right to a fair trial and the right of appeal. In the 2002 cases from Gujarat, most of those convicted-- both in the Sabarmati Express attack in Godhra, as well as for the subsequent attacks on Muslims in various parts of Gujarat including those claiming to be supporters of the government-- have appealed the verdict. Prosecutors can also appeal the verdict, as also happened in this case. The High Court has upheld the 2011 special court ruling, convicting 31 and acquitting 63. For victims and their families, what is key is a criminal justice system that conducts a fair and impartial investigation to identify perpetrators and then prosecutes them with enough credible evidence to ensure a conviction. Many believe that violent crimes deserve the capital punishment. We, however, oppose the death penalty in all countries and under all circumstances because it is unique in its cruelty and finality, and is plagued with arbitrariness, prejudice, and error. In its December 18, 2007 resolution calling for a worldwide moratorium on the death penalty, the UN General Assembly stated that “there is no conclusive evidence of the death penalty’s deterrent value and that any miscarriage or failure of justice in the death penalty’s implementation is irreversible and irreparable.” We oppose the death penalty. But, of course, those responsible for these deaths need to be held to account. × 2. The Gujarat High Court has cited 2 reasons for commuting the death sentence: "overcrowdedness" of the coach & "more than 100 people could escape". Do you see these as sufficient reasons to rule out premeditated murder? There have been various inquiries into the circumstances that led to the horrible deaths of 59 people on the Sabarmati Express. What is not in doubt is that there was a mob attack on the train and that scores were killed or injured. Since 2002, we continue to see incidents of vigilante violence, often based on racial or religious prejudice. It is crucial that the state draw some lessons. The Gujarat High Court, for instance, said that it was highly charged communal environment at that time, and the state administration should have been much more active in ensuring the protection of pilgrims, particularly in an area that was known to be prone to violence. 3. 59 people died that day but can a state hang eleven people for the crime committed? We oppose the death penalty. But, of course, those responsible for these deaths need to be held to account. The High Court has upheld convictions after hearing appeals. It has, however, we believe also upheld humane principles and commuted the death penalty to life imprisonment. 4. The High Court has blamed the state administration for its failure to maintain law & order, leading to kar seva. Who do you think should take moral responsibility for the failure? It is the responsibility of the state to protect lives, and the administration clearly failed to take necessary steps to protect the pilgrims. The High Court has ordered the state to bear responsibility and pay compensation to the victims. We will seek the prosecution of someone responsible for a crime, but will then defend the right of that same accused to a fair trial. × 5. Does the Human Rights Watch still hold on to the view that the government and the Court have been particularly slow in bringing the people involved in Gujarat riots to justice? Particularly, in comparison to the case filed on Godhra? There have been three incidents of massive communal violence in recent decades. The mass attacks on Sikhs in 1984 after the Indira Gandhi assassination, the 1992-93 attacks on Muslims around the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and then the 2002 attacks on Muslims, killing hundreds after 59 Hindus died during a mob attack on the Sabarmati Express. In the 1984 and 1992-93 cases, the justice process is stalled despite numerous inquiries. In the Gujarat cases, because of interventions of the Supreme Court, the National Human Rights Commission, and the appointment of independent investigators, there has been progress in a number of cases. People, including those that held office in the Gujarat administration, have been convicted. 6. As a human rights activist, in a situation like this, how do you decide whose side you take? Whose cause do you fight for? We don’t have to take sides. Our role is to ensure that the state abides by the constitution and upholds international standards. We will seek the prosecution of someone responsible for a crime, but will then defend the right of that same accused to a fair trial.

Why the Godhra verdict is humane

<p>BJP President Amit Shah said Monday that Rahul Gandhi should wear Gujarati spectacles -- and not Italian ones -- then he will see development in Gujarat.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He also added that if Rahul dreams of Gujarat, then he should visit Porbandar -- and not Italy.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">Agar Rahul ko Gujarat ke sapne aate hain toh unko pura karne ke liye Italy nahi, Porbandar aana padega: Amit Shah in Porbandar <a href="https://t.co/5IY1gKPBGP">pic.twitter.com/5IY1gKPBGP</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/914771768249692160?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 2, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">Agar Rahul ko Gujarat ke sapne aate hain toh unko pura karne ke liye Italy nahi, Porbandar aana padega: Amit Shah in Porbandar <a href="https://t.co/5IY1gKPBGP">pic.twitter.com/5IY1gKPBGP</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/914771768249692160?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 2, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Rahul&#39;s mother and Congress President Sonia Gandhi was born Italian; she is now an Indian citizen.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Rahul was recently in Gujarat, which is soon going to the polls this year.&nbsp;</p>

<p><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/gujarat-government-is-running-from-a-remote-control-rahul-gandhi-20680" target="_blank">Also read:&nbsp;Gujarat government on remote control: Rahul Gandhi </a></p>

<p>Shah was speaking in Porbandar, Gujarat.&nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>Shah had on Sunday flagged off the Gujarat Gaurav Yatra -- to highlight development in the state under two decades of BJP rule -- from Karamsad, which is where Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel is from.</p>


He also added that if Rahul dreams of Gujarat, then he should visit Porbandar -- and not Italy.?

BJP President Amit Shah said Monday that Rahul Gandhi should wear Gujarati spectacles -- and not Italian ones -- then he will see development in Gujarat. He also added that if Rahul dreams of Gujarat, then he should visit Porbandar -- and not Italy. Agar Rahul ko Gujarat ke sapne aate hain toh unko pura karne ke liye Italy nahi, Porbandar aana padega: Amit Shah in Porbandar pic.twitter.com/5IY1gKPBGP — ANI (@ANI) October 2, 2017 × Agar Rahul ko Gujarat ke sapne aate hain toh unko pura karne ke liye Italy nahi, Porbandar aana padega: Amit Shah in Porbandar pic.twitter.com/5IY1gKPBGP — ANI (@ANI) October 2, 2017 × Rahul's mother and Congress President Sonia Gandhi was born Italian; she is now an Indian citizen. Rahul was recently in Gujarat, which is soon going to the polls this year. Also read: Gujarat government on remote control: Rahul Gandhi Shah was speaking in Porbandar, Gujarat. Shah had on Sunday flagged off the Gujarat Gaurav Yatra -- to highlight development in the state under two decades of BJP rule -- from Karamsad, which is where Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel is from.

Rahul should wear Gujarati specs, then he will see development: Amit Shah

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