Gorakhpur Lok Sabha constituency witnessed a polling percentage of around 40 per cent while Phulpur saw a turnout of around 29 per cent till 4 pm today, Election Commission sources said.

The voting for the bye-elections to the two Lok Sabha seats began on a dull note but picked up momentum in the day amid tight security, they said.

The by-polls were necessitated after Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya vacated the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha seats, respectively following their election to the state legislative council.

Adityanath, who vacated the Gorakhpur seat after his elevation as the Chief Minister, had held it since 1998.

The results for today&#39;s bypolls will be declared on March 14.&nbsp;

After casting his vote in Gorakhpur, Adityanath claimed the BJP was getting widespread support from the people.

&quot;The people know that development was the only panacea,&quot; he told reporters.

Attacking the BSP and the SP, the chief minister claimed, &quot;These parties are indulging in negative politics, politics of bargaining and politics of opportunism. The state has suffered the negative consequences because of this&quot;.

(With inputs from PTI)

The voting for the bye-elections to the two Lok Sabha seats began on a dull note but picked up momentum in the day amid tight security

Gorakhpur Lok Sabha constituency witnessed a polling percentage of around 40 per cent while Phulpur saw a turnout of around 29 per cent till 4 pm today, Election Commission sources said. The voting for the bye-elections to the two Lok Sabha seats began on a dull note but picked up momentum in the day amid tight security, they said. The by-polls were necessitated after Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya vacated the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha seats, respectively following their election to the state legislative council. Adityanath, who vacated the Gorakhpur seat after his elevation as the Chief Minister, had held it since 1998. The results for today's bypolls will be declared on March 14. After casting his vote in Gorakhpur, Adityanath claimed the BJP was getting widespread support from the people. "The people know that development was the only panacea," he told reporters. Attacking the BSP and the SP, the chief minister claimed, "These parties are indulging in negative politics, politics of bargaining and politics of opportunism. The state has suffered the negative consequences because of this". (With inputs from PTI)

40% polling in Gorakhpur, 29 in Phulpur till 4 pm: EC officials

Gorakhpur Lok Sabha constituency witnessed a polling percentage of around 43 per cent while Phulpur saw a turnout of around 38 per cent till 5 pm today, Election Commission sources said.

The voting for the bye-elections to the two Lok Sabha seats began on a dull note but picked up momentum in the day amid tight security, they said.

The by-polls were necessitated after Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya vacated the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha seats, respectively following their election to the state legislative council.

Adityanath, who vacated the Gorakhpur seat after his elevation as the Chief Minister, had held it since 1998.

The results for today&#39;s bypolls will be declared on March 14.&nbsp;

After casting his vote in Gorakhpur, Adityanath claimed the BJP was getting widespread support from the people.

&quot;The people know that development was the only panacea,&quot; he told reporters.

Attacking the BSP and the SP, the chief minister claimed, &quot;These parties are indulging in negative politics, politics of bargaining and politics of opportunism. The state has suffered the negative consequences because of this&quot;.

(With inputs from PTI)

Adityanath, who vacated the Gorakhpur seat after his elevation as the Chief Minister, had held it since 1998.

Gorakhpur Lok Sabha constituency witnessed a polling percentage of around 43 per cent while Phulpur saw a turnout of around 38 per cent till 5 pm today, Election Commission sources said. The voting for the bye-elections to the two Lok Sabha seats began on a dull note but picked up momentum in the day amid tight security, they said. The by-polls were necessitated after Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya vacated the Gorakhpur and Phulpur Lok Sabha seats, respectively following their election to the state legislative council. Adityanath, who vacated the Gorakhpur seat after his elevation as the Chief Minister, had held it since 1998. The results for today's bypolls will be declared on March 14. After casting his vote in Gorakhpur, Adityanath claimed the BJP was getting widespread support from the people. "The people know that development was the only panacea," he told reporters. Attacking the BSP and the SP, the chief minister claimed, "These parties are indulging in negative politics, politics of bargaining and politics of opportunism. The state has suffered the negative consequences because of this". (With inputs from PTI)

Uttar Pradesh bypolls: Gorakhpur voter turnout reaches 43%, Phulpur 38% by 5 pm

Italy&#39;s ruling centre-left Democratic Party on Monday admitted it had suffered a &quot;clear defeat&quot; in a general election after coming in third according to projections.

&quot;This is a very clear defeat for us,&quot; Michele Martina, a minister in the outgoing government, told reporters.

&quot;We are expecting a result below our expectations... This is very clearly a negative result for us,&quot; he said.

A centre-left coalition led by the Democratic Party was projected to score just 23.1 percent, after the main right-wing alliance at 35.5 percent and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement at 32.5 percent.

&quot;Voters have spoken very clearly and irrefutably. The populists have won and the Democratic Party has lost,&quot; Andrea Marcucci, one of the party&#39;s lawmakers in the outgoing parliament, wrote on his Facebook page.

&quot;The party leaves Italy with much better (economic) results than those that came before. We will start again in opposition,&quot; he said.

The AGI news agency said party leader Matteo Renzi was now considering resigning -- a possibility he had previously ruled out even if his party lost. 
&nbsp;

 
&nbsp;

A centre-left coalition led by the Democratic Party was projected to score just 23.1 percent

Italy's ruling centre-left Democratic Party on Monday admitted it had suffered a "clear defeat" in a general election after coming in third according to projections. "This is a very clear defeat for us," Michele Martina, a minister in the outgoing government, told reporters. "We are expecting a result below our expectations... This is very clearly a negative result for us," he said. A centre-left coalition led by the Democratic Party was projected to score just 23.1 percent, after the main right-wing alliance at 35.5 percent and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement at 32.5 percent. "Voters have spoken very clearly and irrefutably. The populists have won and the Democratic Party has lost," Andrea Marcucci, one of the party's lawmakers in the outgoing parliament, wrote on his Facebook page. "The party leaves Italy with much better (economic) results than those that came before. We will start again in opposition," he said. The AGI news agency said party leader Matteo Renzi was now considering resigning -- a possibility he had previously ruled out even if his party lost.

Italy's ruling centre-left party admits election defeat

The Congress took a massive sweep and won the Ludhiana municipal corporation elections, winning 62 out of the 95 seats on Tuesday.&nbsp;

The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) came in at a distant second, winning 11 wards while the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured wins in 10 wards of the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation.

Also, the Aam Aadmi Party and Independent candidates won eight and four wards respectively.&nbsp;

Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh has hailed the Ludhiana MC results as a &quot;clear vindication of the Congress government&#39;s policies and an endorsement of the pro-people initiatives undertaken by it in the past one year&quot;.

Singh congratulated the Congress workers for the &quot;sweeping victory&quot; in the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation election. &quot;The results are a further vindication of our programmes and policies, it reflects the confidence of the people in our government,&quot; the Punjab CM tweeted.

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Congratulations to all <a href="https://twitter.com/INCPunjab?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@INCPunjab</a> workers for leading the party to a sweeping victory, winning 62 out of 95 seats, in the <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Ludhiana?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Ludhiana</a> MC polls. The results are a further vindication of our programmes and policies, it reflects the confidence of the people in our government.
&mdash; Capt.Amarinder Singh (@capt_amarinder) <a href="https://twitter.com/capt_amarinder/status/968430195366543360?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 27, 2018</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;

In a statement welcoming the poll results, Punjab Congress president Sunil Jakhar and Cabinet Minister Navjot Singh Sidhu also lauded the performance of the party in the MC polls, which they said marked the total annihilation of the opposition parties in the state.

Amarinder termed the victory as a &quot;befitting reply by the people of Punjab to the misdeeds and fabrications of the opposition, which had been trying to mislead them with baseless allegations against the Congress government&quot;. Opposition SAD-BJP and AAP had accused the ruling Congress of rigging the polls.

He described the results as the &quot;proverbial last nail in the political coffins of SAD, AAP and other parties in the fray&quot;. Sidhu welcomed the three independents who had extended support to the Congress.

The election to the cash-rich Ludhiana Municipal Corporation (LMC) in Punjab was held on Saturday. The corporation&#39;s annual budget is pegged at an estimated Rs 1,300 crore.

The election to the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation saw a voter turnout of more than 59 per cent. A total of 494 candidates are in the fray with the contest primarily between the ruling Congress, the SAD-BJP alliance, and the Aam Aadmi Party-Lok Insaaf Party alliance.

The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) came in at a distant second, winning 11 wards while the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured wins in 10 wards of the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation.

The Congress took a massive sweep and won the Ludhiana municipal corporation elections, winning 62 out of the 95 seats on Tuesday. The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) came in at a distant second, winning 11 wards while the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) secured wins in 10 wards of the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation. Also, the Aam Aadmi Party and Independent candidates won eight and four wards respectively. Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh has hailed the Ludhiana MC results as a "clear vindication of the Congress government's policies and an endorsement of the pro-people initiatives undertaken by it in the past one year". Singh congratulated the Congress workers for the "sweeping victory" in the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation election. "The results are a further vindication of our programmes and policies, it reflects the confidence of the people in our government," the Punjab CM tweeted. Congratulations to all @INCPunjab workers for leading the party to a sweeping victory, winning 62 out of 95 seats, in the #Ludhiana MC polls. The results are a further vindication of our programmes and policies, it reflects the confidence of the people in our government. — Capt.Amarinder Singh (@capt_amarinder) February 27, 2018 × In a statement welcoming the poll results, Punjab Congress president Sunil Jakhar and Cabinet Minister Navjot Singh Sidhu also lauded the performance of the party in the MC polls, which they said marked the total annihilation of the opposition parties in the state. Amarinder termed the victory as a "befitting reply by the people of Punjab to the misdeeds and fabrications of the opposition, which had been trying to mislead them with baseless allegations against the Congress government". Opposition SAD-BJP and AAP had accused the ruling Congress of rigging the polls. He described the results as the "proverbial last nail in the political coffins of SAD, AAP and other parties in the fray". Sidhu welcomed the three independents who had extended support to the Congress. The election to the cash-rich Ludhiana Municipal Corporation (LMC) in Punjab was held on Saturday. The corporation's annual budget is pegged at an estimated Rs 1,300 crore. The election to the Ludhiana Municipal Corporation saw a voter turnout of more than 59 per cent. A total of 494 candidates are in the fray with the contest primarily between the ruling Congress, the SAD-BJP alliance, and the Aam Aadmi Party-Lok Insaaf Party alliance.

Congress wins in Ludhiana MC polls, wins 62 out of 95 seats

Nagaland is an ideological frontier to the mainland cultural nationalism. The current mainstream nationalism has met its match in a highly evangelized society which today is interchangeable with the Naga identity. Elections which were supposed to rotate around the issue of Naga Accord today stands superseded by the narrative of cultural freedom, dietary habits and Naga way of life which is primarily Christian today.&nbsp;

Nagaland underwent the process of proselytisation under the British rule where American missionary Edwin W. Clark opened their first mission in Naga Hills near Ao Naga. Rest is history. It is an event in sub-continental history which will stay with the Union of India. Whether it was insularity of Hinduism at that point of time and absence of the dogma to convert or restriction of movement of Indian preachers in colonial India when Hinduism also acquired consciousness of number over caste, the demographic map of North East changed for good.

It is this restlessness of BJP and RSS on the issue of conversions which meets the settled reality of Nagaland wherein Naga identity stands coterminous with Christianity. This is also a case in Mizoram but in Kohima, it is married to the idea of Greater Nagaland or Nagalim. Previous elections moved from one issue to another but the question of Naga identity remained central to the political narrative. This time, with Nagaland Baptist Church Council issuing a statement, the game changed suddenly and unexpectedly. It set the cat amongst the pigeons.

Every political party had to recalibrate its position on issues ranging from faith to food. It is for this reason that BJP has gone to town on the issue of faith. BJP leaders declare in every meeting that Nagaland will be served best of Indian secularism. It is to rest the anxiety over the hard edge of cultural nationalism that has come to dominate Indian political landscape. It is an admission of the reality that what works in Uttar Pradesh will not work in Nagaland.&nbsp;

Nagaland, in fact, is the border where majoritarian nationalism has met its challenge from a small state. It stems from ruling party&rsquo;s desire to expand in areas which have been culturally different from heartland politics. This has happened because of mass media and Internet as distant &lsquo;realities&rsquo; acquire local political relevance. The elections also tell us that Church in North East has never been apolitical. The Baptist Church by writing the letter has officially acknowledged that it gives primacy to the Christian identity of people living in Nagaland than ethnic roots.

It is because of this debate that Nagaland is failing to discuss the real issue of massive corruption and organised pilferage of state subsidy by powerful politicians, bureaucrats and underground organisations. Beautiful houses are built alongside few of the worst maintained or not so their roads through the state. Nagaland is littered with expensive cars but it does not have industry to boost off. This happens for one simple reason and that being cash for votes. The cash distribution capacity represents the true strength of any candidate. For the fact that payment has become acceptable, the electorate loses its own moral power to question the politicians they elect as their representatives.

Lastly, Congress which was a force all across North East today is reduced as a side player in the game. Congress today only relies on the Church-supported narrative to help its candidates on odd 18 seats where it has fielded candidates. This has happened when Congress received 36.28 per cent votes in 2008 and 24.89 per cent in 2013. The BJP, on the other hand, got measly 5.35 per cent votes in 2008 and 1.75 per cent in 2013.&nbsp;

Despite the intrinsic strength and a bigger organisation, Congress allowed a bigger playing field to BJP in this election. The result is that most of the prominent Congress faces are fighting elections under the symbol of different parties. Among the regional parties, the ruling Naga People&#39;s Front maintains a massive edge over Nationalist Democratic People&#39;s Party-BJP alliance which is being led by the former Chief Minister Rio.

&nbsp;The bottom line is that both BJP and Congress, depending on their numbers in assembly, will reposition themselves so that they can be part of the government. The only difference between the both is that BJP is seen to be fighting the election and Congress is struggling to keep up its campaign floating. BJP is seen as a player for the fact that they are in power in the Centre.&nbsp;

As of now, not a single rally of Congress President Rahul Gandhi has been planned which itself is an indication of the lack of importance placed by the party. Lastly, Congress General Secretary CP Joshi has been an abysmal failure who is resented by the Congress across North East.&nbsp;

Another reality is that political mistrust also pervades between NDPP and BJP over funds and loyalty. NPF despite having an edge is still divided into two factions and can split on the question of CM&#39;s post. Nonetheless, it all depends on numbers election results will throw.&nbsp;

The sum total of the election is that with Church jumping into the fray, the game has opened. The only casualty is the debate on the real issue of diversion of state funds and cash for votes. It a disease which continues to flourish in the state with great pomp and show.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Nagaland is the faultline where majoritarian nationalism has met its challenge from a small state.

Nagaland is an ideological frontier to the mainland cultural nationalism. The current mainstream nationalism has met its match in a highly evangelized society which today is interchangeable with the Naga identity. Elections which were supposed to rotate around the issue of Naga Accord today stands superseded by the narrative of cultural freedom, dietary habits and Naga way of life which is primarily Christian today. Nagaland underwent the process of proselytisation under the British rule where American missionary Edwin W. Clark opened their first mission in Naga Hills near Ao Naga. Rest is history. It is an event in sub-continental history which will stay with the Union of India. Whether it was insularity of Hinduism at that point of time and absence of the dogma to convert or restriction of movement of Indian preachers in colonial India when Hinduism also acquired consciousness of number over caste, the demographic map of North East changed for good. It is this restlessness of BJP and RSS on the issue of conversions which meets the settled reality of Nagaland wherein Naga identity stands coterminous with Christianity. This is also a case in Mizoram but in Kohima, it is married to the idea of Greater Nagaland or Nagalim. Previous elections moved from one issue to another but the question of Naga identity remained central to the political narrative. This time, with Nagaland Baptist Church Council issuing a statement, the game changed suddenly and unexpectedly. It set the cat amongst the pigeons. Every political party had to recalibrate its position on issues ranging from faith to food. It is for this reason that BJP has gone to town on the issue of faith. BJP leaders declare in every meeting that Nagaland will be served best of Indian secularism. It is to rest the anxiety over the hard edge of cultural nationalism that has come to dominate Indian political landscape. It is an admission of the reality that what works in Uttar Pradesh will not work in Nagaland. Nagaland, in fact, is the border where majoritarian nationalism has met its challenge from a small state. It stems from ruling party’s desire to expand in areas which have been culturally different from heartland politics. This has happened because of mass media and Internet as distant ‘realities’ acquire local political relevance. The elections also tell us that Church in North East has never been apolitical. The Baptist Church by writing the letter has officially acknowledged that it gives primacy to the Christian identity of people living in Nagaland than ethnic roots. It is because of this debate that Nagaland is failing to discuss the real issue of massive corruption and organised pilferage of state subsidy by powerful politicians, bureaucrats and underground organisations. Beautiful houses are built alongside few of the worst maintained or not so their roads through the state. Nagaland is littered with expensive cars but it does not have industry to boost off. This happens for one simple reason and that being cash for votes. The cash distribution capacity represents the true strength of any candidate. For the fact that payment has become acceptable, the electorate loses its own moral power to question the politicians they elect as their representatives. Lastly, Congress which was a force all across North East today is reduced as a side player in the game. Congress today only relies on the Church-supported narrative to help its candidates on odd 18 seats where it has fielded candidates. This has happened when Congress received 36.28 per cent votes in 2008 and 24.89 per cent in 2013. The BJP, on the other hand, got measly 5.35 per cent votes in 2008 and 1.75 per cent in 2013. Despite the intrinsic strength and a bigger organisation, Congress allowed a bigger playing field to BJP in this election. The result is that most of the prominent Congress faces are fighting elections under the symbol of different parties. Among the regional parties, the ruling Naga People's Front maintains a massive edge over Nationalist Democratic People's Party-BJP alliance which is being led by the former Chief Minister Rio. The bottom line is that both BJP and Congress, depending on their numbers in assembly, will reposition themselves so that they can be part of the government. The only difference between the both is that BJP is seen to be fighting the election and Congress is struggling to keep up its campaign floating. BJP is seen as a player for the fact that they are in power in the Centre. As of now, not a single rally of Congress President Rahul Gandhi has been planned which itself is an indication of the lack of importance placed by the party. Lastly, Congress General Secretary CP Joshi has been an abysmal failure who is resented by the Congress across North East. Another reality is that political mistrust also pervades between NDPP and BJP over funds and loyalty. NPF despite having an edge is still divided into two factions and can split on the question of CM's post. Nonetheless, it all depends on numbers election results will throw. The sum total of the election is that with Church jumping into the fray, the game has opened. The only casualty is the debate on the real issue of diversion of state funds and cash for votes. It a disease which continues to flourish in the state with great pomp and show. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Corruption rules in Nagaland but election will be won on religious identity

For a party that started off without any base in Tripura and only made an entry as late as 2013, the BJP has come a long way.&nbsp;

In the 2013 Assembly polls, which BJP contested, it managed with a poor vote share of 1.54 per cent. On the other hand, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) won 49 out of 60 seats, leaving the Congress, its major rival, with only 10 seats.&nbsp;

Indeed Tripura is the last Left bastion after Kerala. So from a non-entity in 2013, for the BJP to have sounded the poll bugle with confidence for the past one year is some achievement. If the CPI (M) and its sister organisations are known to be cadre-based then the BJP is not far behind. Its ability to mobilise booth level volunteers and mandals is legendary.

The BJP posted RSS pracharak Sunil Deodhar, a man with a mission, who has worked silently in Meghalaya for over two decades before he was made the BJP election-in-charge in Tripura. Deodhar is a committed worker and a great community mobiliser. During his tenure in Meghalaya, he learned the local language and could speak Khasi and Pnar better than the locals here. One of the ways in which the RSS spreads its ideology is by understanding the culture and sensitivities of the people it works with.&nbsp;

Deodhar was a founder member of an organisation called, &lsquo;My Home India&rsquo; with branches across all states. Within this Organisation he set up a sister organisation called &lsquo;ONE&rsquo; an acronym for Our North East. ONE identifies people from the North East who have done exemplary work in their respective fields whether that be social work, journalism, music etc, and awards them. My Home India and ONE also assist students from the North Eastern states who go out to study and encounter problems in their respective colleges and universities. So this benign aspect of the RSS is worth mentioning when people take a dig at the organisation and call it a Hindutva task force.

So in the last one year, Sunil Deodhar has infiltrated the tribal belt and worked with their leaders particularly those with political ambitions. The BJP has tied up with the Indigenous Peoples&rsquo; Front of Tripura (IPFT), a tribal political outfit. Manik Sarkar, Tripura&rsquo;s Chief Minister, alleges IPTF to be a militant outfit that once demanded a sovereign Tripura and has now toned down its demand to a separate state. The BJP-IPFT alliance is a dichotomous one because the BJP says it is against granting statehood to the tribal areas of Tripura but the IPFT&rsquo;s major demand is a separate state. Yet the two parties shared the dais&nbsp;on Thursday&nbsp;when Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned in Tripura.

The major points in the BJP&rsquo;s vision document are (a) one employment per household (b) free education for women up to graduation level (what the Left Front government is already&nbsp; providing) (c) Free smartphones for the youth to further the Digital India agenda (d) 7th Pay Commission to be implemented (d) 33 Social security schemes&nbsp; amongst which pension for widows will be raised to Rs 2000 from Rs 700 (e) daily labourers to get minimum wage of Rs 340 which is the national minimum wage (f) housing to every BPL family under the PMAY (g)&nbsp; Family health Insurance of up to Rs 5 lakh for BPL families.

One important announcement that BJP made is, changing the name of Agartala airport to Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore airport in honour of the royal family of Tripura. Incidentally, the Congress Party also has promised the same &lsquo;if&rsquo; it comes to power.&nbsp;

And of course, the BJP cannot let go the one important agenda which is to investigate into the Rose Valley chit fund scam in which Chief Minister Manik Sarkar&rsquo;s name also features, amongst those of other ministers.

In Tripura, the Congress Party is reduced to a non-entity. The Party bigwigs only started fanning out to campaign about a fortnight ago. Rahul Gandhi will be campaigning in Tripura&nbsp;on Friday&nbsp;which is a tad too late. The royal family of Tripura have been traditional Congress supporters and have represented the Party in the Assembly and Parliament. But as elsewhere, the Congress which lacks the commitment of cadre-based parties is shriveling in Tripura and political analysts believe it might not even get a single seat this time.

The fight in Tripura is between the CPI(M) and BJP. While BJP claims that it will get at least 35 seats, political observers feel that this is a tall claim. They feel that the Left Front will get at least 39-40 seats.&nbsp; &nbsp;

&nbsp;It was in March last year that the saffron party first launched its massive campaign at the Swami Vivekananda multi-purpose stadium, where the BJP national general secretary, Ram Madhav, declared that the party would oust the ruling Left Front in the Assembly elections. This was a rather unusual experience for many in Tripura &ndash; a traditional Left bastion where the red flag is the only thing they are used to seeing. But last year, when I visited Tripura University for some work I was surprised to see the saffron-lotus flag flying atop rooftops and small business establishments. It was almost as if the hoi-polloi had accepted the BJP. I engaged a few university professors on this issue but they ducked my question and that is understandable since all universities are traditionally Left bastions.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Since the BJP won Assam in 2016, and later formed the Government in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the saffron party has been on a high. The formation of the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) headed by Assam&rsquo;s Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who is also the BJP&rsquo;s poster boy in the North East has only emboldened the Party to make inroads into every nook and corner of the region, including Meghalaya and Nagaland where the BJP has launched a bold campaign.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In Tripura, the BJP has been coming second in by-elections and elections to the tribal autonomous councils. They have moved from a vote share of 22% in 2015 to 36% in 2016. The fact that people want a change after two decades of the Left rule is also a reality. Bijan Dhar the general secretary of the CPI(M) unit of Agartala admits that the BJP is their main rival and that the Left cannot underestimate the rise of the BJP. But the fact also remains that the BJP has poached people from the Congress, the TMC and the IPFT because it had no known faces.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In Tripura 20 of the 60 seats are reserved for tribals. The strategic alliance with the IPFT is expected to win the BJP a few seats in these areas.&nbsp; Former MLA of the IPFT, Rajeswar Debbarma who leads the Party has been blowing hot and cold about an alliance with the BJP but even he sees the futility of relying on the Congress Party to achieve the goals of his Party; hence the last minute alliance with the BJP!

Tripura is one day away from the elections. The campaign period has seen a lot of bloodsheds, and we can only hope that polling is peaceful.

Meanwhile,&nbsp; the CPI(M)&rsquo;s main poll plank has been to ensure a climate of peace and security which has been won after a long innings provided by a stable government led by Manik Sarkar. It merits mentioning that Tripura is the first troubled state in the country where the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958) has been revoked by any chief minister and that is no mean achievement.&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

In the last one year, Sunil Deodhar has infiltrated the tribal belt and worked with their leaders particularly those with political ambitions

For a party that started off without any base in Tripura and only made an entry as late as 2013, the BJP has come a long way. In the 2013 Assembly polls, which BJP contested, it managed with a poor vote share of 1.54 per cent. On the other hand, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) won 49 out of 60 seats, leaving the Congress, its major rival, with only 10 seats. Indeed Tripura is the last Left bastion after Kerala. So from a non-entity in 2013, for the BJP to have sounded the poll bugle with confidence for the past one year is some achievement. If the CPI (M) and its sister organisations are known to be cadre-based then the BJP is not far behind. Its ability to mobilise booth level volunteers and mandals is legendary. The BJP posted RSS pracharak Sunil Deodhar, a man with a mission, who has worked silently in Meghalaya for over two decades before he was made the BJP election-in-charge in Tripura. Deodhar is a committed worker and a great community mobiliser. During his tenure in Meghalaya, he learned the local language and could speak Khasi and Pnar better than the locals here. One of the ways in which the RSS spreads its ideology is by understanding the culture and sensitivities of the people it works with. Deodhar was a founder member of an organisation called, ‘My Home India’ with branches across all states. Within this Organisation he set up a sister organisation called ‘ONE’ an acronym for Our North East. ONE identifies people from the North East who have done exemplary work in their respective fields whether that be social work, journalism, music etc, and awards them. My Home India and ONE also assist students from the North Eastern states who go out to study and encounter problems in their respective colleges and universities. So this benign aspect of the RSS is worth mentioning when people take a dig at the organisation and call it a Hindutva task force. So in the last one year, Sunil Deodhar has infiltrated the tribal belt and worked with their leaders particularly those with political ambitions. The BJP has tied up with the Indigenous Peoples’ Front of Tripura (IPFT), a tribal political outfit. Manik Sarkar, Tripura’s Chief Minister, alleges IPTF to be a militant outfit that once demanded a sovereign Tripura and has now toned down its demand to a separate state. The BJP-IPFT alliance is a dichotomous one because the BJP says it is against granting statehood to the tribal areas of Tripura but the IPFT’s major demand is a separate state. Yet the two parties shared the dais on Thursday when Prime Minister Narendra Modi campaigned in Tripura. The major points in the BJP’s vision document are (a) one employment per household (b) free education for women up to graduation level (what the Left Front government is already providing) (c) Free smartphones for the youth to further the Digital India agenda (d) 7th Pay Commission to be implemented (d) 33 Social security schemes amongst which pension for widows will be raised to Rs 2000 from Rs 700 (e) daily labourers to get minimum wage of Rs 340 which is the national minimum wage (f) housing to every BPL family under the PMAY (g) Family health Insurance of up to Rs 5 lakh for BPL families. One important announcement that BJP made is, changing the name of Agartala airport to Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore airport in honour of the royal family of Tripura. Incidentally, the Congress Party also has promised the same ‘if’ it comes to power. And of course, the BJP cannot let go the one important agenda which is to investigate into the Rose Valley chit fund scam in which Chief Minister Manik Sarkar’s name also features, amongst those of other ministers. In Tripura, the Congress Party is reduced to a non-entity. The Party bigwigs only started fanning out to campaign about a fortnight ago. Rahul Gandhi will be campaigning in Tripura on Friday which is a tad too late. The royal family of Tripura have been traditional Congress supporters and have represented the Party in the Assembly and Parliament. But as elsewhere, the Congress which lacks the commitment of cadre-based parties is shriveling in Tripura and political analysts believe it might not even get a single seat this time. The fight in Tripura is between the CPI(M) and BJP. While BJP claims that it will get at least 35 seats, political observers feel that this is a tall claim. They feel that the Left Front will get at least 39-40 seats. It was in March last year that the saffron party first launched its massive campaign at the Swami Vivekananda multi-purpose stadium, where the BJP national general secretary, Ram Madhav, declared that the party would oust the ruling Left Front in the Assembly elections. This was a rather unusual experience for many in Tripura – a traditional Left bastion where the red flag is the only thing they are used to seeing. But last year, when I visited Tripura University for some work I was surprised to see the saffron-lotus flag flying atop rooftops and small business establishments. It was almost as if the hoi-polloi had accepted the BJP. I engaged a few university professors on this issue but they ducked my question and that is understandable since all universities are traditionally Left bastions. Since the BJP won Assam in 2016, and later formed the Government in Arunachal Pradesh and Manipur, the saffron party has been on a high. The formation of the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) headed by Assam’s Finance Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma who is also the BJP’s poster boy in the North East has only emboldened the Party to make inroads into every nook and corner of the region, including Meghalaya and Nagaland where the BJP has launched a bold campaign. In Tripura, the BJP has been coming second in by-elections and elections to the tribal autonomous councils. They have moved from a vote share of 22% in 2015 to 36% in 2016. The fact that people want a change after two decades of the Left rule is also a reality. Bijan Dhar the general secretary of the CPI(M) unit of Agartala admits that the BJP is their main rival and that the Left cannot underestimate the rise of the BJP. But the fact also remains that the BJP has poached people from the Congress, the TMC and the IPFT because it had no known faces. In Tripura 20 of the 60 seats are reserved for tribals. The strategic alliance with the IPFT is expected to win the BJP a few seats in these areas. Former MLA of the IPFT, Rajeswar Debbarma who leads the Party has been blowing hot and cold about an alliance with the BJP but even he sees the futility of relying on the Congress Party to achieve the goals of his Party; hence the last minute alliance with the BJP! Tripura is one day away from the elections. The campaign period has seen a lot of bloodsheds, and we can only hope that polling is peaceful. Meanwhile, the CPI(M)’s main poll plank has been to ensure a climate of peace and security which has been won after a long innings provided by a stable government led by Manik Sarkar. It merits mentioning that Tripura is the first troubled state in the country where the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (1958) has been revoked by any chief minister and that is no mean achievement. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP's gain in Tripura comes from understanding local culture

In a landmark verdict today, the Supreme Court has reduced the allocation of the Cauvery Waters for Tamil Nadu from 192 TMC, as allocated by the Cauvery Water Tribunal Award in 2007, to 177.25 TMC annually.&nbsp; This thousand million cubic feet of water is to be released from Billigundulu, the last measuring station in Karnataka on the Cauvery, to Mettur Dam, which is the first measuring station in Tamil Nadu on the Cauvery river. It is a historic judgment.&nbsp;

The judgment is historical on two counts: first, it marks the culmination of the centuries-old inter-state water dispute that has been an epitome of hostile hydropolitics. Second, it sent a signal to the agricultural economy to efficiently use water and practise crop diversification. The principle followed here, though apparently seems like &ldquo;robbing Peter to pay Paul&rdquo; (by reducing 14.75 TMC water for Tamil Nadu and providing the same to Karnataka for its burgeoning urban water use), recognises a bigger global phenomenon of intersectoral water conflicts: agriculture versus urban water demand.&nbsp;

In a 2009 paper co-authored with Jayanta Bandyopadhyay in Water Policy, I argued that around 85% of the waters of the Cauvery basin go for agriculture, with paddy emerging as the most dominant crop in the basin. While the Tamil Nadu delta has been historically cultivating paddy, Karnataka started developing their irrigation potential in the 1960s onwards.&nbsp;

The minimum support prices (MSP) of rice between the 80s and 90s were increasing at a faster rate vis-&agrave;-vis the drier alternative crop, namely, Ragi. Farmers, therefore, were incentivised to shift to water-consuming crop, for instance, from Ragi to paddy. However, the data over the last 10 years reveals that there has been an overall decline in acreage in the basin, and more so in the Karnataka part, in response to a reversal in the MSP movement. But, the traditional sugarcane agriculture in the delta regions still continues.&nbsp;

Who owns the Cauvery water?

There are three extreme principles of water allocation based on divergent definitions of property rights: Harmon, History and Hobbes. The Harmon doctrine states the primary rights of water are bestowed on those who own land at the source of the water. History confers primary rights to historical users of water irrespective of their geographical location. Hobbes identifies rights as the final result of awards obtained through negotiations.&nbsp;

Tamil Nadu, given the long history of water use especially in the delta regions, has been advocating its position in terms of History. While the basin area&#39;s contribution to the river flow should also be an important variable to be taken into consideration, the principle of prescriptive rights given in the 1924 agreement between the Madras Presidency and the Princely State of Mysore also translates to the principle of prior appropriation or the doctrine of history as the basis of property rights definition.

On the other hand, Karnataka has always maintained that a downstream state cannot make a claim when there is a scarcity of water and inadequacy in the upstream areas. At the same time, upstream development should not be compromised because of downstream concerns. This implies that Karnataka has been exercising the Harmon doctrine for its property rights.

The divergent definitions of property rights are amplified by the fact that the subject of water falls in the State list, subject to the provisions of 56 (i) of the Indian Constitution. Even the provisions of the Interstate Water Dispute (ISWD) Act of 1956 and its subsequent amendment in 2002 merely talk of setting up tribunals for adjudications and declaring awards. In view of global standards on water governance, this is insufficient. One can perceive that Hobbesian modes of negotiations are failing. Besides, it has exposed the failings of a state-led, &lsquo;decentralised&rsquo; approach.

Interestingly, much in departure to this existing thinking of water being State subject, thereby, leading to divergent definitions of property rights, the Supreme Court has observed that water of the Cauvery river was a &ldquo;national asset and no single state could claim ownership over it&rdquo;.

A holistic understanding is needed

The verdict, therefore, presents an unprecedented benchmark in Indian water governance by seeking a departure from age-old policies. There are many solutions for managing agricultural water, such as crop-diversification through minimum support price, regime change in favour of drier crops, promoting water-use-efficiency through technical and institutional measures, imports of agricultural crops from water-rich regions, among others. But, the basic human needs should be met first.&nbsp;

However, there is one more thing that remains to be taken care of, i.e. the cause of the ecosystems. The CWT award in 2007 was thoroughly based on reductionist &ldquo;arithmetic hydrology&rdquo;, and not on holistic eco-hydrology. The arithmetic by way of which this 50% dependability of water is arrived at depends on past precedence of estimates conducted by engineers like K.L. Rao.&nbsp;

The CWT seemed to be oblivious to the challenges by possible impacts of global warming and climate change that can result in variability in water availability. That award reserved the &ldquo;quantity &hellip; for environmental protection&rdquo; and &ldquo;quantity determined for inevitable escapages to the sea&rdquo; as 10 TMC and 4 TMC respectively, none of which adhere to any scientific assessment of the ecosystem-based water usages in the basin.&nbsp;

The present verdict does not have the cause of the ecosystem in its scope. But, ecological scientists must advocate for a more scientific approach for the cause of the ecosystems for life in the basin. The resolution mechanism worked out by the Cauvery Water Tribunal has been based on myopic number-games for sharing the waters, without much consideration about the broader institutions, economics, ecology, hydrology, and holistic understanding of the conflicts. There is a need to correct that.

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Much in departure to this existing thinking of water being State subject, thereby, leading to divergent definitions of property rights, the Supreme Court has observed that water of the Cauvery river was a “national asset and no single state could claim ownership over it”.

In a landmark verdict today, the Supreme Court has reduced the allocation of the Cauvery Waters for Tamil Nadu from 192 TMC, as allocated by the Cauvery Water Tribunal Award in 2007, to 177.25 TMC annually. This thousand million cubic feet of water is to be released from Billigundulu, the last measuring station in Karnataka on the Cauvery, to Mettur Dam, which is the first measuring station in Tamil Nadu on the Cauvery river. It is a historic judgment. The judgment is historical on two counts: first, it marks the culmination of the centuries-old inter-state water dispute that has been an epitome of hostile hydropolitics. Second, it sent a signal to the agricultural economy to efficiently use water and practise crop diversification. The principle followed here, though apparently seems like “robbing Peter to pay Paul” (by reducing 14.75 TMC water for Tamil Nadu and providing the same to Karnataka for its burgeoning urban water use), recognises a bigger global phenomenon of intersectoral water conflicts: agriculture versus urban water demand. In a 2009 paper co-authored with Jayanta Bandyopadhyay in Water Policy, I argued that around 85% of the waters of the Cauvery basin go for agriculture, with paddy emerging as the most dominant crop in the basin. While the Tamil Nadu delta has been historically cultivating paddy, Karnataka started developing their irrigation potential in the 1960s onwards. The minimum support prices (MSP) of rice between the 80s and 90s were increasing at a faster rate vis-à-vis the drier alternative crop, namely, Ragi. Farmers, therefore, were incentivised to shift to water-consuming crop, for instance, from Ragi to paddy. However, the data over the last 10 years reveals that there has been an overall decline in acreage in the basin, and more so in the Karnataka part, in response to a reversal in the MSP movement. But, the traditional sugarcane agriculture in the delta regions still continues. Who owns the Cauvery water? There are three extreme principles of water allocation based on divergent definitions of property rights: Harmon, History and Hobbes. The Harmon doctrine states the primary rights of water are bestowed on those who own land at the source of the water. History confers primary rights to historical users of water irrespective of their geographical location. Hobbes identifies rights as the final result of awards obtained through negotiations. Tamil Nadu, given the long history of water use especially in the delta regions, has been advocating its position in terms of History. While the basin area's contribution to the river flow should also be an important variable to be taken into consideration, the principle of prescriptive rights given in the 1924 agreement between the Madras Presidency and the Princely State of Mysore also translates to the principle of prior appropriation or the doctrine of history as the basis of property rights definition. On the other hand, Karnataka has always maintained that a downstream state cannot make a claim when there is a scarcity of water and inadequacy in the upstream areas. At the same time, upstream development should not be compromised because of downstream concerns. This implies that Karnataka has been exercising the Harmon doctrine for its property rights. The divergent definitions of property rights are amplified by the fact that the subject of water falls in the State list, subject to the provisions of 56 (i) of the Indian Constitution. Even the provisions of the Interstate Water Dispute (ISWD) Act of 1956 and its subsequent amendment in 2002 merely talk of setting up tribunals for adjudications and declaring awards. In view of global standards on water governance, this is insufficient. One can perceive that Hobbesian modes of negotiations are failing. Besides, it has exposed the failings of a state-led, ‘decentralised’ approach. Interestingly, much in departure to this existing thinking of water being State subject, thereby, leading to divergent definitions of property rights, the Supreme Court has observed that water of the Cauvery river was a “national asset and no single state could claim ownership over it”. A holistic understanding is needed The verdict, therefore, presents an unprecedented benchmark in Indian water governance by seeking a departure from age-old policies. There are many solutions for managing agricultural water, such as crop-diversification through minimum support price, regime change in favour of drier crops, promoting water-use-efficiency through technical and institutional measures, imports of agricultural crops from water-rich regions, among others. But, the basic human needs should be met first. However, there is one more thing that remains to be taken care of, i.e. the cause of the ecosystems. The CWT award in 2007 was thoroughly based on reductionist “arithmetic hydrology”, and not on holistic eco-hydrology. The arithmetic by way of which this 50% dependability of water is arrived at depends on past precedence of estimates conducted by engineers like K.L. Rao. The CWT seemed to be oblivious to the challenges by possible impacts of global warming and climate change that can result in variability in water availability. That award reserved the “quantity … for environmental protection” and “quantity determined for inevitable escapages to the sea” as 10 TMC and 4 TMC respectively, none of which adhere to any scientific assessment of the ecosystem-based water usages in the basin. The present verdict does not have the cause of the ecosystem in its scope. But, ecological scientists must advocate for a more scientific approach for the cause of the ecosystems for life in the basin. The resolution mechanism worked out by the Cauvery Water Tribunal has been based on myopic number-games for sharing the waters, without much consideration about the broader institutions, economics, ecology, hydrology, and holistic understanding of the conflicts. There is a need to correct that. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Cauvery is a national river, no state owns it

The Russian police arrested opposition leader Alexei Navalny in Moscow on Sunday as protests continue.&nbsp;

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/russian-opposition-leader-navalny-detained-in-moscow-30993">Russian Police detained</a> opposition leader Alexei Navalny moments after he appeared at a rally to urge voters to boycott what he said would be a rigged presidential election in March.

Police forced their way into Navalny`s office using power tools, citing reports of a bomb threat, an online feed run by Navalny`s supporters showed.

Surrounded by supporters, the 41-year-old chanted &quot;Swindlers and thieves&quot; before being detained by police shortly afterwards at an unsanctioned gathering in the city centre amid heavy police presence.

&quot;I have been detained,&quot; Navalny tweeted. &quot;This means nothing. Come to Tverskaya (Avenue),&quot; he said, referring to Moscow&#39;s main thoroughfare.

&quot;You are not rallying for me, but for yourselves and your future.&quot;

Heeding a call by President Putin&#39;s bete noire, thousands rallied in dozens of cities to protest upcoming &quot;pseudo-elections,&quot; with many chanting and brandishing placards saying &quot;Voters&#39; strike.&quot;

Around 90 people were detained across the country, according to OVD-Info, an independent group which monitors crackdowns on demonstrations.

Teenagers, pensioners and middle-aged citizens ignored police broadcasts to clear the square, chanting &ldquo;Putin is a thief&rdquo; and &ldquo;Russia without Putin&rdquo;, waving placards and Russian flags.

A dozen buses filled with riot police flanked the square, as the protest gradually swelled. &ldquo;Get Putin out of power,&rdquo; shouted one elderly lady as she moved through the crowd, under a placard reading: &ldquo;Putin, you leave us no choice.&rdquo;

Russia&rsquo;s election commission in December formally banned Navalny from taking part in the election, where Mr Putin will almost certainly win another six-year term in power and extend his 18-year rule.&nbsp;

Officials rejected Navalny&rsquo;s candidacy because of a February 2017 criminal conviction for embezzlement, which itself has been criticised by independent legal experts and foreign judges as politically motivated. 
&nbsp;

Heeding a call by President Putin's bete noire, thousands rallied in dozens of cities to protest upcoming 'pseudo-elections,' with many chanting and brandishing placards saying 'Voters' strike'

The Russian police arrested opposition leader Alexei Navalny in Moscow on Sunday as protests continue. The Russian Police detained opposition leader Alexei Navalny moments after he appeared at a rally to urge voters to boycott what he said would be a rigged presidential election in March. Police forced their way into Navalny`s office using power tools, citing reports of a bomb threat, an online feed run by Navalny`s supporters showed. Surrounded by supporters, the 41-year-old chanted "Swindlers and thieves" before being detained by police shortly afterwards at an unsanctioned gathering in the city centre amid heavy police presence. "I have been detained," Navalny tweeted. "This means nothing. Come to Tverskaya (Avenue)," he said, referring to Moscow's main thoroughfare. "You are not rallying for me, but for yourselves and your future." Heeding a call by President Putin's bete noire, thousands rallied in dozens of cities to protest upcoming "pseudo-elections," with many chanting and brandishing placards saying "Voters' strike." Around 90 people were detained across the country, according to OVD-Info, an independent group which monitors crackdowns on demonstrations. Teenagers, pensioners and middle-aged citizens ignored police broadcasts to clear the square, chanting “Putin is a thief” and “Russia without Putin”, waving placards and Russian flags. A dozen buses filled with riot police flanked the square, as the protest gradually swelled. “Get Putin out of power,” shouted one elderly lady as she moved through the crowd, under a placard reading: “Putin, you leave us no choice.” Russia’s election commission in December formally banned Navalny from taking part in the election, where Mr Putin will almost certainly win another six-year term in power and extend his 18-year rule. Officials rejected Navalny’s candidacy because of a February 2017 criminal conviction for embezzlement, which itself has been criticised by independent legal experts and foreign judges as politically motivated.

Russian opposition leader Alexi Navalny arrested

In a major development in poll-bound Nagaland, 11 parties including the ruling Naga People&#39;s Front today decided not to contest the February 27 elections, agreeing to the demand of tribal bodies and civil society groups to resolve the protracted Naga political problem first.

The decision came at a meeting called by the core committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) and attended by representatives of 11 parties.

&quot;It is the unanimous view of the Naga people that the political solution or Naga peace accord is more important than elections and therefore, it has become imperative that the elections to the legislative assembly of Nagaland be deferred for peace and tranquillity,&quot; read a joint declaration signed by the parties.

An all-party meeting in Dimapur took the decision to &lsquo;come together in the greater interest of the state in solidarity with the call &ldquo;Solution Before Election&rdquo;. It also decided to defer the 13th Nagaland Assembly elections and allow the Naga political process to reach its logical conclusion by giving space and time to the negotiating groups to bring out an early solution.

Altogether, 79 members were present in the meeting, including representatives from political parties, NSCN(I-M), Tribal Hohos and civil society groups.

The parties are -- Naga People&#39;s Front, Congress, BJP, Nationalist Democratic People&#39;s&nbsp;Party, Nagaland Congress, United Nagaland Democratic Party, Aam Admi Party, National Congress Party, Lok Jan Party, Janata Dal (United) and National People&#39;s Party.

&quot;We, on behalf of all the political parties and the intending candidates, have in compliance with the wishes of the people decided not to go ahead with the issuance of party tickets or filing of nominations,&quot; it read.

The Naga Hoho, an apex Naga tribal body, had earlier this month sought Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s help in postponing the elections, saying the vexed issue should be resolved first.

Civil society groups in Nagaland have also launched a campaign &#39;Solution before Election&#39;.

The decision came at a meeting called by the core committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) and attended by representatives of 11 parties

In a major development in poll-bound Nagaland, 11 parties including the ruling Naga People's Front today decided not to contest the February 27 elections, agreeing to the demand of tribal bodies and civil society groups to resolve the protracted Naga political problem first. The decision came at a meeting called by the core committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) and attended by representatives of 11 parties. "It is the unanimous view of the Naga people that the political solution or Naga peace accord is more important than elections and therefore, it has become imperative that the elections to the legislative assembly of Nagaland be deferred for peace and tranquillity," read a joint declaration signed by the parties. An all-party meeting in Dimapur took the decision to ‘come together in the greater interest of the state in solidarity with the call “Solution Before Election”. It also decided to defer the 13th Nagaland Assembly elections and allow the Naga political process to reach its logical conclusion by giving space and time to the negotiating groups to bring out an early solution. Altogether, 79 members were present in the meeting, including representatives from political parties, NSCN(I-M), Tribal Hohos and civil society groups. The parties are -- Naga People's Front, Congress, BJP, Nationalist Democratic People's Party, Nagaland Congress, United Nagaland Democratic Party, Aam Admi Party, National Congress Party, Lok Jan Party, Janata Dal (United) and National People's Party. "We, on behalf of all the political parties and the intending candidates, have in compliance with the wishes of the people decided not to go ahead with the issuance of party tickets or filing of nominations," it read. The Naga Hoho, an apex Naga tribal body, had earlier this month sought Prime Minister Narendra Modi's help in postponing the elections, saying the vexed issue should be resolved first. Civil society groups in Nagaland have also launched a campaign 'Solution before Election'.

11 political parties in Nagaland not to contest assembly polls over stalled peace accord

New Congress President Rahul Gandhi has his work cut out for him.

Following the election results in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh on Monday, the Congress -- the country&#39;s &quot;grand old party&quot; -- is now left in power in only four states in the country.&nbsp;

The four states are Punjab, Karnataka, Meghalaya, and Mizoram.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/election-results-bjp-wins-gujaratand-himachal-27098">Election results prove country ready for reform: Modi after Gujarat win</a>

Since coming to power at the Centre -- Modi had at the time promised to deliver a &quot;Congress- mukt Bharat&quot; -- the BJP has wrested Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttarakhand, Assam, and Manipur from the Congress.

The Congress had ruled Maharashtra for over 15 years, and Assam for over 10.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/it-is-a-temporary-and-face-saving-win-for-bjp-says-mamata-banerjee-27094">It is a temporary and face-saving win for BJP, says Mamata Banerjee</a>

The next battleground will be Karnataka, which is expected to go to the polls sometime in April or May next year.&nbsp;

&quot;Victory in Gujarat and Himachal shows people have once again accepted PM Modi, his policies and Gujarat model. They&#39;ve voted for development and against corrupt Congress. It&#39;ll have positive impact in Karnataka,&quot; Karnataka BJP President said Monday after the BJP won Gujarat and HImachal.&nbsp;

On Sunday, Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh had attacked Karnataka&#39;s Congress government over what he said was the deteriorating law and order situation.

He cited the murder of the&nbsp;journalist Gauri Lankesh, saying if&nbsp;the&nbsp;BJP came to power in the state it would catch her killers.&nbsp;

There have also been killings of members of right-wing Hindu groups in Karnataka in recent months.&nbsp;

Singh also accused the&nbsp;Siddaramaiah government of trying to &quot;divide&quot;&nbsp;society, saying the state government should have refrained from celebrating Tipu Sultan&#39;s birthday.&nbsp;

The &quot;divide&quot; though is really between two different forms of nationalism.&nbsp;

Karnataka has been mulling the adoption of a state flag and there have been protests in the state against Hindi signboards.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Commentators say&nbsp;Siddaramaiah will deploy this &quot;sub-nationalism&quot; to counter Modi and the BJP&#39;s exhortation of &quot;nationalism&quot;.&nbsp; &nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The four states are Punjab, Karnataka, Meghalaya, and Mizoram

New Congress President Rahul Gandhi has his work cut out for him. Following the election results in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh on Monday, the Congress -- the country's "grand old party" -- is now left in power in only four states in the country. The four states are Punjab, Karnataka, Meghalaya, and Mizoram. Also read: Election results prove country ready for reform: Modi after Gujarat win Since coming to power at the Centre -- Modi had at the time promised to deliver a "Congress- mukt Bharat" -- the BJP has wrested Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Haryana, Uttarakhand, Assam, and Manipur from the Congress. The Congress had ruled Maharashtra for over 15 years, and Assam for over 10. Also read: It is a temporary and face-saving win for BJP, says Mamata Banerjee The next battleground will be Karnataka, which is expected to go to the polls sometime in April or May next year. "Victory in Gujarat and Himachal shows people have once again accepted PM Modi, his policies and Gujarat model. They've voted for development and against corrupt Congress. It'll have positive impact in Karnataka," Karnataka BJP President said Monday after the BJP won Gujarat and HImachal. On Sunday, Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh had attacked Karnataka's Congress government over what he said was the deteriorating law and order situation. He cited the murder of the journalist Gauri Lankesh, saying if the BJP came to power in the state it would catch her killers. There have also been killings of members of right-wing Hindu groups in Karnataka in recent months. Singh also accused the Siddaramaiah government of trying to "divide" society, saying the state government should have refrained from celebrating Tipu Sultan's birthday. The "divide" though is really between two different forms of nationalism. Karnataka has been mulling the adoption of a state flag and there have been protests in the state against Hindi signboards. Commentators say Siddaramaiah will deploy this "sub-nationalism" to counter Modi and the BJP's exhortation of "nationalism".

After Himachal loss, Congress left in power in only four states

Two persons died after an&nbsp;under-renovation building collapsed in Mumbai&#39;s Zaveri Bazaar on Friday afternoon.

Four workers are currently trapped under the debris.

Earlier, media reports had said that at least nine workers were trapped, of which seven were rescued.

The fire brigade and police officials had reached the spot and rescue operation was underway.

No one is reported to be injured so far.

The back portion of the building collapsed when the repair work was going on.

Zaveri Bazaar is a major hub of the jewellery business in Mumbai.

(With inputs from ANI, PTI)

 
&nbsp;

Earlier this month, the UP government announced their decision to double farmers' income by 2022 and to take contract farming as a part of their strategy to uplift the income after a number of failed attempts

Two persons died after an under-renovation building collapsed in Mumbai's Zaveri Bazaar on Friday afternoon. Four workers are currently trapped under the debris. Earlier, media reports had said that at least nine workers were trapped, of which seven were rescued. The fire brigade and police officials had reached the spot and rescue operation was underway. No one is reported to be injured so far. The back portion of the building collapsed when the repair work was going on. Zaveri Bazaar is a major hub of the jewellery business in Mumbai. (With inputs from ANI, PTI)

Adityanath promises roof over every head by 2022

Nepal police have arrested around 957 people from various regions of the country for carrying out anti-election activities.&nbsp;

People have been arrested for allegedly attacking political leaders, members, candidates, and cadres. Out of the total arrested, 600 belong to Biplav-led Maoist, 13 were with CK Raut and the rest were associated with some other political party, as per media reports.

Around 11 people were also arrested by the police in Saptari which included three Indian nationals, for being a part of anti-election activities.&nbsp;

Reports also claim that the police have vowed to ensure complete safety for candidates and voters in order to carry out proper election process.&nbsp;

Almost 90% of the workforce has been adopted to ensure full security during elections. &nbsp;

According to Saptari&rsquo;s Superintendent of Police, Mukesh Kumar Singh, police also confiscated firearms from them, media reports further said.

&quot;The Nepal Police has deputed booth security squads, mobile teams and security in plain clothes for the purpose of election security,&quot; The Himalayan Times quoted the police official as saying.

Nepal also closed its border points with India for three days from Tuesday mid-night ahead of elections.

A 65% voter turnout was recorded in the first phase of the elections.

The security personnel, who were assigned for the first phase of elections, have been sent to the districts where the second phase of elections to the House of Representatives and State Assemblies is scheduled to take place on Thursday

Nepal police have arrested around 957 people from various regions of the country for carrying out anti-election activities. People have been arrested for allegedly attacking political leaders, members, candidates, and cadres. Out of the total arrested, 600 belong to Biplav-led Maoist, 13 were with CK Raut and the rest were associated with some other political party, as per media reports. Around 11 people were also arrested by the police in Saptari which included three Indian nationals, for being a part of anti-election activities. Reports also claim that the police have vowed to ensure complete safety for candidates and voters in order to carry out proper election process. Almost 90% of the workforce has been adopted to ensure full security during elections. According to Saptari’s Superintendent of Police, Mukesh Kumar Singh, police also confiscated firearms from them, media reports further said. "The Nepal Police has deputed booth security squads, mobile teams and security in plain clothes for the purpose of election security," The Himalayan Times quoted the police official as saying. Nepal also closed its border points with India for three days from Tuesday mid-night ahead of elections. A 65% voter turnout was recorded in the first phase of the elections.

957 arrested for anti-election activities in Nepal

A senior FBI official was removed from the Russia election meddling probe for sending text messages critical of <a href="http://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-news-us-president-trump-praises-indian-pm-modi-for-ges-2017-7131">President Donald Trump</a>, the Washington Post reported Saturday.

Peter Strzok, deputy head of counter-intelligence at the FBI, was a key player in special prosecutor Robert Mueller&#39;s probe into possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russian operatives trying to tilt the election in Trump&#39;s favour, the Post said. It quoted people familiar with the issue.

Strzok also worked on the probe into Hillary Clinton&#39;s use of a private email server while serving as secretary of state.

During the Clinton investigation, Strzok was having an affair with a senior FBI lawyer named Lisa Page, the Post said.

Strzok and his lover traded text messages during the Clinton probe and the campaign in which they expressed anti-Trump feelings and other remarks apparently in support of Clinton, the Post said.

Strzok was removed from the Russia probe over the summer, the Post and the New York Times said.

&quot;Immediately upon learning of the allegations, the special counsel&rsquo;s office removed Peter Strzok from the investigation,&quot; said a spokesman for the special counsel&#39;s office, Peter Carr.

Peter Strzok was reportedly a key player in special prosecutor Robert Mueller's probe into possible collusion between the Trump presidential campaign and Russian operatives

A senior FBI official was removed from the Russia election meddling probe for sending text messages critical of President Donald Trump, the Washington Post reported Saturday. Peter Strzok, deputy head of counter-intelligence at the FBI, was a key player in special prosecutor Robert Mueller's probe into possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russian operatives trying to tilt the election in Trump's favour, the Post said. It quoted people familiar with the issue. Strzok also worked on the probe into Hillary Clinton's use of a private email server while serving as secretary of state. During the Clinton investigation, Strzok was having an affair with a senior FBI lawyer named Lisa Page, the Post said. Strzok and his lover traded text messages during the Clinton probe and the campaign in which they expressed anti-Trump feelings and other remarks apparently in support of Clinton, the Post said. Strzok was removed from the Russia probe over the summer, the Post and the New York Times said. "Immediately upon learning of the allegations, the special counsel’s office removed Peter Strzok from the investigation," said a spokesman for the special counsel's office, Peter Carr.

FBI official removed from probe for anti-Trump remarks

Honduras announced a curfew and suspended some constitutional rights to allow security forces to contain protests and unrest over a disputed election in which both candidates have declared themselves winner and the ballot count is entering its sixth day.

Honduras&#39; electoral court had finished counting nearly 95 percent of the vote boxes from last Sunday&#39;s presidential election by late yesterday and said it would conduct a hand count of 1,031 other boxes that presented &quot;inconsistencies.&quot;

Incumbent President Juan Orlando Hernandez held a lead of more than 46,000 votes over challenger Salvador Nasralla before the last-stage count. It was not immediately clear how many votes could be at play in the uncounted boxes.

As the wait for election results has dragged on rock-wielding protesters have increasingly taken to the streets against riot police armed with tear gas, batons and water cannons. National Police spokesman Jair Meza said 12 people had been wounded in clashes between police and protesters.

Meza said numerous businesses were also damaged and looted in the capital and in San Pedro Sula. Local press reported that protesters set a bank branch on fire and looted several other businesses along a street in San Pedro Sula.

Groups of demonstrators also continued blocking highways with burning tires and other debris, in some cases forcing parents to carry their children through the smoking barriers.

In a decree read out on radio and television, the government&#39;s Cabinet chief Jorge Hernandez said late yesterday that some constitutional guarantees would be suspended for 10 days to allow the army and police to control the situation.

The government declared a curfew from 6 PM to 6 AM across the country.

&quot;The curfew is to safeguard the security of the country,&quot; President Hernandez said as he left a hotel in the capital after meeting with observers from the Organization of the American States and the European Union.

&quot;This is the time for the people to feel supported by their armed forces and their police because it cannot be that somebody decides to loot or rob.&quot;

Earlier, electoral court president David Matamoros said that representatives of the political parties would be present for the vote counts and that no announcements would be made until there is a final result.

After speaking with representatives of the opposition alliance and the National Party, Matamoros said yesterday that each party would be able to accredit 60 people to participate in the afternoon count alongside international observers. He estimated it could take six hours.

But the opposition published a list of demands that included a broader review of votes in three jurisdictions where it alleges voter turnout was unusually high and said the number of ballot boxes that presented issues was far larger. It was unclear if its demands would be met.

The count had still not begun last night because no representatives for Nasralla had arrived: &quot;The wait continues,&quot; said court spokeswoman Lourdes Rosales.

In a statement, the court also said any suggestion of wrongdoing in its operations is false and it lamented the increasing violence in the streets.

Heide Fulton, charge d&#39;affaires at the US Embassy in Honduras, said via Twitter yesterday that Honduras was beginning an &quot;unprecedented phase in the electoral process.&quot; She called for calm during the count.

Both Nasralla and Hernandez have declared themselves the winner of the election and their parties have urged their supporters to defend the vote in the street.

Nasralla and Hernandez have urged calm and warned their supporters to not be provoked into violence.

Retired Gen Romeo Vazquez, who led the coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya in 2009, blamed the unrest on the electoral tribunal&#39;s delay in returning results.&nbsp;

Earlier, electoral court president David Matamoros said that representatives of the political parties would be present for the vote counts and that no announcements would be made until there is a final result

Honduras announced a curfew and suspended some constitutional rights to allow security forces to contain protests and unrest over a disputed election in which both candidates have declared themselves winner and the ballot count is entering its sixth day. Honduras' electoral court had finished counting nearly 95 percent of the vote boxes from last Sunday's presidential election by late yesterday and said it would conduct a hand count of 1,031 other boxes that presented "inconsistencies." Incumbent President Juan Orlando Hernandez held a lead of more than 46,000 votes over challenger Salvador Nasralla before the last-stage count. It was not immediately clear how many votes could be at play in the uncounted boxes. As the wait for election results has dragged on rock-wielding protesters have increasingly taken to the streets against riot police armed with tear gas, batons and water cannons. National Police spokesman Jair Meza said 12 people had been wounded in clashes between police and protesters. Meza said numerous businesses were also damaged and looted in the capital and in San Pedro Sula. Local press reported that protesters set a bank branch on fire and looted several other businesses along a street in San Pedro Sula. Groups of demonstrators also continued blocking highways with burning tires and other debris, in some cases forcing parents to carry their children through the smoking barriers. In a decree read out on radio and television, the government's Cabinet chief Jorge Hernandez said late yesterday that some constitutional guarantees would be suspended for 10 days to allow the army and police to control the situation. The government declared a curfew from 6 PM to 6 AM across the country. "The curfew is to safeguard the security of the country," President Hernandez said as he left a hotel in the capital after meeting with observers from the Organization of the American States and the European Union. "This is the time for the people to feel supported by their armed forces and their police because it cannot be that somebody decides to loot or rob." Earlier, electoral court president David Matamoros said that representatives of the political parties would be present for the vote counts and that no announcements would be made until there is a final result. After speaking with representatives of the opposition alliance and the National Party, Matamoros said yesterday that each party would be able to accredit 60 people to participate in the afternoon count alongside international observers. He estimated it could take six hours. But the opposition published a list of demands that included a broader review of votes in three jurisdictions where it alleges voter turnout was unusually high and said the number of ballot boxes that presented issues was far larger. It was unclear if its demands would be met. The count had still not begun last night because no representatives for Nasralla had arrived: "The wait continues," said court spokeswoman Lourdes Rosales. In a statement, the court also said any suggestion of wrongdoing in its operations is false and it lamented the increasing violence in the streets. Heide Fulton, charge d'affaires at the US Embassy in Honduras, said via Twitter yesterday that Honduras was beginning an "unprecedented phase in the electoral process." She called for calm during the count. Both Nasralla and Hernandez have declared themselves the winner of the election and their parties have urged their supporters to defend the vote in the street. Nasralla and Hernandez have urged calm and warned their supporters to not be provoked into violence. Retired Gen Romeo Vazquez, who led the coup that ousted President Manuel Zelaya in 2009, blamed the unrest on the electoral tribunal's delay in returning results.

Honduras announces curfew, restrictions amid vote protests

Ireland&#39;s deputy prime minister agreed to resign on Tuesday, broadcaster RTE reported, a move that should end the likelihood of a new election that would have a potentially negative impact on Britain&#39;s Brexit negotiations.

It leaves her governing party and its relations with the opposition propping it up seriously damaged, however.

Citing two senior government figures, RTE radio reported that Frances Fitzgerald had agreed to resign. A spokeswoman for the government media office said they had no information as the cabinet meeting was ongoing.

The decision to resign should end the likelihood of a new election that would have a potentially negative impact on Britain's Brexit negotiations

Ireland's deputy prime minister agreed to resign on Tuesday, broadcaster RTE reported, a move that should end the likelihood of a new election that would have a potentially negative impact on Britain's Brexit negotiations. It leaves her governing party and its relations with the opposition propping it up seriously damaged, however. Citing two senior government figures, RTE radio reported that Frances Fitzgerald had agreed to resign. A spokeswoman for the government media office said they had no information as the cabinet meeting was ongoing.

Irish deputy PM to resign over political crisis

It&rsquo;s apparently premature, yet 2019 election talks have already started in Bangladesh and almost surely election fever will grip the country from early next year. There are reasons for this early election enthusiasm and the chief of which is that, the 2014 election was a one-sided affair without BNP, the main Opposition party, and that too with extremely low voter&rsquo;s turn out. There is interest and urge for a proper election in the general populace, media and civil society.

Under the current circumstances, the vital question though is whether the next one will be an all-inclusive and fair one and whether the incumbent Awami League (AL) is ready for that. It seems that the main Opposition, although out of the parliament now, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) will participate in the next election with or without a neutral caretaker government, upon the demand of which they boycotted the last one. But, if there is another one-sided election or if a rigged election is on the cards, what will be the outcome of that domestically and internationally?

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<h5>BNP tried to launch a popular agitation after 2014, sometimes with violence, but the AL government shrewdly suppressed it.</h5>
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Awami League&rsquo;s political legitimacy in its second of these two consecutive terms came under scrutiny because of the questionable validity of the 2014 election. Many analysts have commented that there is a sense of a lack of accountability and bad governance, stemming from that dubious mandate. BNP tried to launch a popular agitation after 2014, sometimes with violence, but the AL government shrewdly suppressed it.

BNP learned the limit of its cadre power and now a tamed BNP is looking forward to the election and its political survival.&nbsp;Although the BNP still seems to have a considerable popular base, it failed&nbsp;due to its organisational and motivational weakness, to bring people on the streets and organise mass agitation to force the government for an early or midterm poll. AL political cadres on the streets and the police together suppressed their attempt fairly easily.

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<h5>In Bangladesh, people are more concerned now about a proper election first and then it&rsquo;s possible outcome.</h5>
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But in Bangladesh, people are more concerned now about a proper election first and then about it&rsquo;s outcome. Performance wise, the AL government, by and large, maintained the momentum of moderate economic growth that had been there in Bangladesh for the last couple of decades. It delivered, in a big way, on its election promise of completing the trial of the war criminals of 1971 and, in the process, the leadership of the Jamaat-e-Islami. Thus, a considerable political force and ally of BNP was eliminated. This party is also in disarray and it seems unlikely that they will be participating in the next election pending a possible ban on them.

The AL government came hard on the radical Islamists fractions in Bangladesh after the July terror attack in Dhaka in 2016. The government tends to project itself to the West and India as the true demolisher of Islamic radicalism in Bangladesh. However, it&rsquo;s not clear whether the key western countries upon whom Bangladesh&rsquo;s vital exports depend will accept another 2014 style one-sided election.

BNP meanwhile was trying to convince the West and India that it&rsquo;s not sympathetic to Islamic radicals, and there is no danger of the spread of Islamic militancy if they come to power. It also tries to assure India that if it comes to power in Bangladesh insurgents of India&rsquo;s northeast will have no passage or sanctuary in Bangladesh. BNP believes that Indian support helped the post-2014 AL government to gain recognition in the international arena.

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<h5>Bangladesh is in incertitude now and its pretty difficult to predict the country&rsquo;s political course.</h5>
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Bangladesh is in incertitude now and its pretty difficult to predict the country&rsquo;s political course. If there are enough genuine pressure from the EU, US, Gulf countries and, at least, a neutrality from India the Bangladesh government might have to shed any possibility of one-sided or rigged election. In that case, the government will be forced to negotiate with the Opposition to facilitate a free and fair election.

If the mentioned pressure is low from the quartet the probability of one-sided or rigged election might be on the cards. It&rsquo;s tough to predict what happens in case of a divided quartet. The danger would be heightened if there is no negotiation between the government and Opposition.&nbsp;In such scenario, the AL might have no other way but to try to cling on to power at any cost as they would fear hostile reprisal from much oppressed BNP in any possibility of the latter&rsquo;s coming to power. But if the AL try this and fail, the fall could be big and costly. Bangladesh has a bloody and tumultuous past.

Such uncertainty is bad for a reasonably large country of 165 million that has high potential under a stable condition. There could also be some considerable spillover effect in the region in case things go grossly wrong in Bangladesh. The commoners in Bangladesh expect that all key stakeholders should apply their prudence and good judgment for the greater and collective well being the country and its people.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

In Bangladesh, a genuine election is necessary for the greater and collective well being the country and its people

It’s apparently premature, yet 2019 election talks have already started in Bangladesh and almost surely election fever will grip the country from early next year. There are reasons for this early election enthusiasm and the chief of which is that, the 2014 election was a one-sided affair without BNP, the main Opposition party, and that too with extremely low voter’s turn out. There is interest and urge for a proper election in the general populace, media and civil society. Under the current circumstances, the vital question though is whether the next one will be an all-inclusive and fair one and whether the incumbent Awami League (AL) is ready for that. It seems that the main Opposition, although out of the parliament now, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) will participate in the next election with or without a neutral caretaker government, upon the demand of which they boycotted the last one. But, if there is another one-sided election or if a rigged election is on the cards, what will be the outcome of that domestically and internationally? BNP tried to launch a popular agitation after 2014, sometimes with violence, but the AL government shrewdly suppressed it. × Awami League’s political legitimacy in its second of these two consecutive terms came under scrutiny because of the questionable validity of the 2014 election. Many analysts have commented that there is a sense of a lack of accountability and bad governance, stemming from that dubious mandate. BNP tried to launch a popular agitation after 2014, sometimes with violence, but the AL government shrewdly suppressed it. BNP learned the limit of its cadre power and now a tamed BNP is looking forward to the election and its political survival. Although the BNP still seems to have a considerable popular base, it failed due to its organisational and motivational weakness, to bring people on the streets and organise mass agitation to force the government for an early or midterm poll. AL political cadres on the streets and the police together suppressed their attempt fairly easily. In Bangladesh, people are more concerned now about a proper election first and then it’s possible outcome. × But in Bangladesh, people are more concerned now about a proper election first and then about it’s outcome. Performance wise, the AL government, by and large, maintained the momentum of moderate economic growth that had been there in Bangladesh for the last couple of decades. It delivered, in a big way, on its election promise of completing the trial of the war criminals of 1971 and, in the process, the leadership of the Jamaat-e-Islami. Thus, a considerable political force and ally of BNP was eliminated. This party is also in disarray and it seems unlikely that they will be participating in the next election pending a possible ban on them. The AL government came hard on the radical Islamists fractions in Bangladesh after the July terror attack in Dhaka in 2016. The government tends to project itself to the West and India as the true demolisher of Islamic radicalism in Bangladesh. However, it’s not clear whether the key western countries upon whom Bangladesh’s vital exports depend will accept another 2014 style one-sided election. BNP meanwhile was trying to convince the West and India that it’s not sympathetic to Islamic radicals, and there is no danger of the spread of Islamic militancy if they come to power. It also tries to assure India that if it comes to power in Bangladesh insurgents of India’s northeast will have no passage or sanctuary in Bangladesh. BNP believes that Indian support helped the post-2014 AL government to gain recognition in the international arena. Bangladesh is in incertitude now and its pretty difficult to predict the country’s political course. × Bangladesh is in incertitude now and its pretty difficult to predict the country’s political course. If there are enough genuine pressure from the EU, US, Gulf countries and, at least, a neutrality from India the Bangladesh government might have to shed any possibility of one-sided or rigged election. In that case, the government will be forced to negotiate with the Opposition to facilitate a free and fair election. If the mentioned pressure is low from the quartet the probability of one-sided or rigged election might be on the cards. It’s tough to predict what happens in case of a divided quartet. The danger would be heightened if there is no negotiation between the government and Opposition. In such scenario, the AL might have no other way but to try to cling on to power at any cost as they would fear hostile reprisal from much oppressed BNP in any possibility of the latter’s coming to power. But if the AL try this and fail, the fall could be big and costly. Bangladesh has a bloody and tumultuous past. Such uncertainty is bad for a reasonably large country of 165 million that has high potential under a stable condition. There could also be some considerable spillover effect in the region in case things go grossly wrong in Bangladesh. The commoners in Bangladesh expect that all key stakeholders should apply their prudence and good judgment for the greater and collective well being the country and its people. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Bad governance and rigged elections in Bangladesh

Kenya&#39;s Supreme Court&nbsp;on Monday&nbsp;dismissed two petitions to overturn the country&#39;s October presidential election re-run, validating the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta.

Celebrations erupted in ruling party strongholds, but tensions remained high in areas loyal to veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga, which have been rocked by protests during the dramatic four-month election process.

The ruling paves the way for Kenyatta to be sworn in on&nbsp;November 28.

&quot;The court has unanimously determined that the petitions are not merited. As a consequence, the presidential election of 26 October is hereby upheld as is the election of the third respondent,&quot; said Chief Justice David Maraga, referring to Kenyatta.

Maraga had in September annulled an August election due to &quot;irregularities and illegalities&quot;, a historic decision hailed across the globe as an opportunity to boost Kenyan democracy.

However, the ruling -- a rare victory for Odinga -- only deepened acrimony and protests that have left 52 people dead -- mostly at the hands of police -- since the first election.

Accusing the IEBC elections commission of failing to make fundamental reforms to improve the vote, Odinga withdrew from the October ballot which he urged his followers to boycott.&nbsp;

&nbsp;&#39;Toxic environment&#39;&nbsp;

In the run-up to the vote, a top election official fled the country, saying the poll would not be credible, and IEBC chairman Wafula Chebukati himself said he could not guarantee a free and fair election.

Election day was marred by chaos in opposition strongholds, with polling stations unable to open in 25 constituencies.

The boycott handed Kenyatta a landslide victory of 98 percent, although turnout was only 39 percent.

This time, Odinga and his National Super Alliance (NASA) coalition did not go to court to challenge the second election, but a former politician and two rights activists did.

They pointed to procedural questions, the toxic democratic environment, and Chebukati&#39;s own questioning of the process.

However the six-judge bench dismissed the petitions in a matter of minutes.

&nbsp;&#39;Decision under duress&#39;&nbsp;

In a statement, Odinga said the ruling &quot;did not come as a surprise&quot;, nor did it alter his opposition to a government he regards as illegitimate.

&quot;It was a decision taken under duress. We do not condemn the court, we sympathise with it,&quot; he said.

News of the court&#39;s decision sparked celebrations in Kenyatta&#39;s strongholds.&nbsp;

&quot;Let NASA people now go and mourn quietly and allow us to celebrate. They were laughing last time, today it is our turn,&quot; said Jackson Mandago the governor of Uasin Gishu county.

&quot;We are happy that we will not have another election until 2022.&quot;

But while many will be breathing a sigh of relief that the prolonged election process is drawing to an end, tensions remain high and it was unclear how Odinga&#39;s supporters would react to Kenyatta being sworn in.

Protesters began gathering in the western city of Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold, where they set a vehicle alight, an AFP correspondent said.

&quot;Maraga has gone against our wish. They could have nullified it because that was not an election. It was just done in parts of the country,&quot; said Mercyline Akinyi.

&quot;We will wait for Baba (Odinga), to tell us the way forward.&quot;

Clashes had erupted in Nairobi&#39;s Mathare slum&nbsp;on Sunday&nbsp;after four bodies were found in the street, with outrage spreading to Kibera and protests also taking place in Kisumu.

Nairobi police chief Japheth Koome said the cause of the four deaths was not immediately clear but that the victims appeared to have been hit by a blunt object, while one had also been cut.&nbsp;

However, the opposition claimed the four had been shot dead, and angry residents blamed members of Kenyatta&#39;s Kikuyu tribe.

Tensions had also risen&nbsp;on Friday&nbsp;when a mass opposition demonstration to welcome Odinga back from a trip overseas turned violent, with three demonstrators shot dead in Muthurwa, a suburb not far from Mathare.

Kenya's Supreme Court?on Monday?dismissed two petitions to overturn the country's October presidential election re-run, validating the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta

Kenya's Supreme Court on Monday dismissed two petitions to overturn the country's October presidential election re-run, validating the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta. Celebrations erupted in ruling party strongholds, but tensions remained high in areas loyal to veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga, which have been rocked by protests during the dramatic four-month election process. The ruling paves the way for Kenyatta to be sworn in on November 28. "The court has unanimously determined that the petitions are not merited. As a consequence, the presidential election of 26 October is hereby upheld as is the election of the third respondent," said Chief Justice David Maraga, referring to Kenyatta. Maraga had in September annulled an August election due to "irregularities and illegalities", a historic decision hailed across the globe as an opportunity to boost Kenyan democracy. However, the ruling -- a rare victory for Odinga -- only deepened acrimony and protests that have left 52 people dead -- mostly at the hands of police -- since the first election. Accusing the IEBC elections commission of failing to make fundamental reforms to improve the vote, Odinga withdrew from the October ballot which he urged his followers to boycott. 'Toxic environment' In the run-up to the vote, a top election official fled the country, saying the poll would not be credible, and IEBC chairman Wafula Chebukati himself said he could not guarantee a free and fair election. Election day was marred by chaos in opposition strongholds, with polling stations unable to open in 25 constituencies. The boycott handed Kenyatta a landslide victory of 98 percent, although turnout was only 39 percent. This time, Odinga and his National Super Alliance (NASA) coalition did not go to court to challenge the second election, but a former politician and two rights activists did. They pointed to procedural questions, the toxic democratic environment, and Chebukati's own questioning of the process. However the six-judge bench dismissed the petitions in a matter of minutes. 'Decision under duress' In a statement, Odinga said the ruling "did not come as a surprise", nor did it alter his opposition to a government he regards as illegitimate. "It was a decision taken under duress. We do not condemn the court, we sympathise with it," he said. News of the court's decision sparked celebrations in Kenyatta's strongholds. "Let NASA people now go and mourn quietly and allow us to celebrate. They were laughing last time, today it is our turn," said Jackson Mandago the governor of Uasin Gishu county. "We are happy that we will not have another election until 2022." But while many will be breathing a sigh of relief that the prolonged election process is drawing to an end, tensions remain high and it was unclear how Odinga's supporters would react to Kenyatta being sworn in. Protesters began gathering in the western city of Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold, where they set a vehicle alight, an AFP correspondent said. "Maraga has gone against our wish. They could have nullified it because that was not an election. It was just done in parts of the country," said Mercyline Akinyi. "We will wait for Baba (Odinga), to tell us the way forward." Clashes had erupted in Nairobi's Mathare slum on Sunday after four bodies were found in the street, with outrage spreading to Kibera and protests also taking place in Kisumu. Nairobi police chief Japheth Koome said the cause of the four deaths was not immediately clear but that the victims appeared to have been hit by a blunt object, while one had also been cut. However, the opposition claimed the four had been shot dead, and angry residents blamed members of Kenyatta's Kikuyu tribe. Tensions had also risen on Friday when a mass opposition demonstration to welcome Odinga back from a trip overseas turned violent, with three demonstrators shot dead in Muthurwa, a suburb not far from Mathare.

Kenya's Supreme Court upholds Kenyatta election win

Pro-Catalonia independence parties will combine for the most votes in regional election in December though may fall just short of a majority needed to revive the secession campaign, a poll showed on Sunday.

According to the GAD3 survey of 1,233 people conducted between Oct. 30 and Nov. 3 and published in La Vanguardia newspaper, pro-independence parties ERC, PDECat and CUP would take between 66 and 69 seats in the 135-seat parliament.

Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy called the Dec. 21 election after firing the previous government and imposing direct rule over the autonomous region shortly after&nbsp;Catalan&nbsp;lawmakers passed a unilateral declaration of independence on Oct. 27.

Catalonia&#39;s statehood push has tipped Spain into its worst political crisis since its return to democracy four decades ago as surging pro-secession sentiment in the region has in turn kindled nationalism across the country.

Sacked regional leader Carles Puigdemont travelled to Belgium shortly after Madrid took control and is now facing an arrest warrant for rebellion, sedition, misuse of public funds, disobedience and breach of trust relating to the secessionist campaign.

On Thursday, nine members of his sacked cabinet were ordered by Spain&#39;s High Court to be held on remand pending an investigation and potential trial.

One member of the dismissed cabinet, Santi Vila, was freed after paying bail of 50,000 euros ($58,035) on Friday.

The other eight could remain in custody for up to four years.

A second poll, in the conservative newspaper La Razon, echoed the GAD3 survey on Sunday, showing pro-independence parties would capture the most votes though still fall just shy of a parliamentary majority with 65 seats.

The NC Report survey was also taken between Oct. 30 and Nov. 3 and polled 1,000 people.

Parties will fall just short of majority needed to revive secession campaign, survey says

Pro-Catalonia independence parties will combine for the most votes in regional election in December though may fall just short of a majority needed to revive the secession campaign, a poll showed on Sunday. According to the GAD3 survey of 1,233 people conducted between Oct. 30 and Nov. 3 and published in La Vanguardia newspaper, pro-independence parties ERC, PDECat and CUP would take between 66 and 69 seats in the 135-seat parliament. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy called the Dec. 21 election after firing the previous government and imposing direct rule over the autonomous region shortly after Catalan lawmakers passed a unilateral declaration of independence on Oct. 27. Catalonia's statehood push has tipped Spain into its worst political crisis since its return to democracy four decades ago as surging pro-secession sentiment in the region has in turn kindled nationalism across the country. Sacked regional leader Carles Puigdemont travelled to Belgium shortly after Madrid took control and is now facing an arrest warrant for rebellion, sedition, misuse of public funds, disobedience and breach of trust relating to the secessionist campaign. On Thursday, nine members of his sacked cabinet were ordered by Spain's High Court to be held on remand pending an investigation and potential trial. One member of the dismissed cabinet, Santi Vila, was freed after paying bail of 50,000 euros ($58,035) on Friday. The other eight could remain in custody for up to four years. A second poll, in the conservative newspaper La Razon, echoed the GAD3 survey on Sunday, showing pro-independence parties would capture the most votes though still fall just shy of a parliamentary majority with 65 seats. The NC Report survey was also taken between Oct. 30 and Nov. 3 and polled 1,000 people.

Pro-Catalonia independence parties seen winning most votes in election: Poll

Catalonian president Carles Puigdemont is set to call a snap regional election on Dec. 20, local media said on Thursday, a move that could help break a one-month deadlock between the Madrid government and<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/catalonia-stops-short-of-formal-independence-declaration-to-allow-talks-21251"> Catalan separatists seeking independence from Spain</a>.

Barcelona-based La Vanguardia said Puigdemont had taken the decision in a bid to convince the government of <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/spain-to-suspend-catalonias-government-call-elections-22701">Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy </a>not to enforce the direct rule in the region.

Puigdemont will deliver an address at 1.30 p.m (1130 GMT), his office said.

Calling an election could either strengthen Puigdemont&#39;s mandate if pro-independence parties won, or allow him a graceful exit if they did not.

But it could also heighten divisions within the secessionist camp and bring the current campaign to a halt.

Cracks appeared late on Wednesday in the secessionist coalition as members backed a vote while others said there was no alternative to independence.

An opinion poll published by the El Periodico newspaper on Sunday showed a snap election would probably have results similar to the last ballot, in 2015, when a coalition of pro-independence parties formed a minority government.

Barcelona-based La Vanguardia said Puigdemont had taken the decision in a bid to convince the government of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy not to enforce the direct rule in the region

Catalonian president Carles Puigdemont is set to call a snap regional election on Dec. 20, local media said on Thursday, a move that could help break a one-month deadlock between the Madrid government and Catalan separatists seeking independence from Spain. Barcelona-based La Vanguardia said Puigdemont had taken the decision in a bid to convince the government of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy not to enforce the direct rule in the region. Puigdemont will deliver an address at 1.30 p.m (1130 GMT), his office said. Calling an election could either strengthen Puigdemont's mandate if pro-independence parties won, or allow him a graceful exit if they did not. But it could also heighten divisions within the secessionist camp and bring the current campaign to a halt. Cracks appeared late on Wednesday in the secessionist coalition as members backed a vote while others said there was no alternative to independence. An opinion poll published by the El Periodico newspaper on Sunday showed a snap election would probably have results similar to the last ballot, in 2015, when a coalition of pro-independence parties formed a minority government.

Catalan head Puigdemont set to call regional election: Media

Spurred by the spate of recent electoral victories, the Bharatiya Janata Party has become audaciously ambitious. It has begun to not just enter enemy territory with new-found confidence and aggression but also march into enemy strongholds within that forbidden territory.

On October 3, party president Amit Shah launched the Jan Raksha Yatra (March for People&rsquo;s Protection) in the Marxist bastion of Kerala &mdash; and from Kannur district which has been the centre of political violence. If the BJP&rsquo;s opponents thought this was another symbolic show to remind the people of the party&rsquo;s presence in this southern state, and no more, they were soon disabused of the notion when Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath arrived on wednesday to participate in the high-profile event.

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The message is clear. The BJP will play every card to enhance its footprint in Kerala. If the politics of polarisation needs to be resorted to, so be it. But polarisation does not happen in a vacuum; a context is necessary. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) rule has created a fertile ground for deep disaffection among large sections of the populace in the state and the BJP (along with the RSS which has had a strong presence for years) is set to exploit the situation.

Amit Shah claimed that more than 84 BJP-RSS workers had been killed in Kannur alone since 2001 by Left-supported individuals and organisations. One can quibble over the figure or the counter-claim that right-wing activists too have participated in political violence. But there cannot be a denial of the ground reality that the major victims have been the Rightists.

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<h5>The Jan Raksha Yatra is arguably the BJP&rsquo;s most determined effort so far in Kerala.</h5>
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The BJP believes that by ratcheting up public sentiment against such killings and other forms of violence, it can eventually create a conducive electoral environment in its favour. That is to be seen; for now, State Assembly elections are far away. But the Lok Sabha poll will be held in less than two years and the party hopes to harvest some advantage from its counter-aggression. To that end, the Jan Raksha Yatra is, arguably, the BJP&rsquo;s most determined effort so far in Kerala.

The Marxists have been dismissive of their opponent&rsquo;s drive, and they have been especially critical of the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister&rsquo;s presence, advising him to mend governance in his home state before condemning the Left rule in Kerala. But there is no doubt that the Left is worried.

Unlike the BJP which is ruling most parts of the country either on its own or with the help of allies, the Left Front, and especially the CPI (M), is facing an existential crisis. It has been driven out from its one-time stronghold, West Bengal, by Mamata Banerjee&rsquo;s Trinamool Congress. This was bad enough, but worse has followed. For all practical purposes, it&rsquo;s not even the main opposition there; the BJP has occupied that spot. Given that it has been marginalised in a state which it once ruled for three uninterrupted decades, the CPI (M)&rsquo;s salvation lies in Kerala where, in any case, it cannot presume invincibility since the Congress has been breathing down its neck. But the Congress is a friendly opposition when compared to the BJP.&nbsp;

The BJP&rsquo;s game plan is simple enough. Exploit the anger among the people over political violence against its people and the larger Sangh family, attribute such violence to the Marxists&rsquo; ideology of intolerance, link the incidents to minority appeasement politics of the Left, and arouse passions in the name of majority-victimhood. The more it can do this the more it would push the Left into the anti-majority-community trap. Yogi Adityanath is a perfect candidate to further this strategy in the deep south. He is charismatic and a crowd-puller. It helps that he is also considered a &lsquo;Hindu mascot&rsquo;.

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There is something to be said in favour of striking when the iron is hot. Not only is the CPI (M) battling for political relevance, but it has also been facing embarrassment from within. A gentleman named Ritabrata Banerjee has been doing his bit in this regard. Once the blue-eyed boy of the Marxists and a Rajya Sabha MP, the highly visible Banerjee was expelled from the CPI (M) last month for &ldquo;grave anti-party activities&rdquo;. He claimed to have fallen foul with the senior leadership after he began to speak out in party forums against the &lsquo;Kannur cabal&rsquo; comprising among others, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and senior leader Kodiyeri Balakrishnan.

In interviews to television channels, Banerjee gleefully tore into the Marxists, saying that he had been targeted by the party leaders for, among other things, saying &ldquo;Bharat Mata ki Jai&rdquo;. He added that certain party leaders whose wish prevailed had problems with his lifestyle &mdash; including the apple watch he wore and the foreign trips he undertook!

There is of course little need to make a martyr out of him or take all that he has said as unadulterated truth. Nonetheless, he seems to have underlined the basic problems the Marxists are confronted with, and are increasingly failing to effectively address: That the CPI (M) has lost its connection with the aspirations and demands of the new voter who not just abhors retributive politics but also frowns at dated ideological positions and defers with the party on issues of &lsquo;nationalism&rsquo;. If the BJP manages to enhance its presence in Kerala, it will be as much due to its perseverance as it will be on account of the Marxists&rsquo; obstinacy to change with the times.&nbsp;

There are two primary reasons for the BJP&rsquo;s focus on Kerala. The first is simply that it&rsquo;s a hard nut to crack &mdash; and Amit Shah enjoys nothing better than meeting such challenges head-on &mdash; even if it entails the use of techniques in the book and outside of it. In southern India, the party has a fighting chance in Karnataka where the Assembly election is due next year. It rules in alliance in Andhra Pradesh, and is contemplating various combinations to unlock Tamil Nadu. But whereas it&rsquo;s at the mercy of regional allies, both current and potential, to be relevant elsewhere in the south, in Kerala it hopes to be a dominant player, even if it stitches deals with regional outfits.

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<h5>BJP may yet have a long road to traverse in Kerala.</h5>
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The second reason stems from its own electoral performance in the past few years. In the 2016 Assembly election, the BJP-led NDA received over 14 per cent of the votes; it won one seat; and finished second in six others. Compare these to the five per cent vote-share in 2001, under five per cent in 2006, six per cent in 2011 &mdash; and a little less than 11 per cent in the 2014 Lok Sabha poll, and the cause for the BJP&rsquo;s optimism becomes obvious. A CSDS-Lokniti survey done for a leading national daily soon after the last Assembly poll informed that the BJP had cut into the support base of both the Left and the Congress. Interestingly, the party also managed to win over a small segment of the Christian votes.&nbsp;

While these should cheer, and have cheered, the Rightist party and its supporters, the BJP may yet have a long road to traverse in Kerala. The moot question is: Will the party resort to dangerous social divisions to succeed electorally or moderate its stance and bank on inclusivity?

Amit Shah comes up with a master plan to enhance BJP's dominance in Kerala

Spurred by the spate of recent electoral victories, the Bharatiya Janata Party has become audaciously ambitious. It has begun to not just enter enemy territory with new-found confidence and aggression but also march into enemy strongholds within that forbidden territory. On October 3, party president Amit Shah launched the Jan Raksha Yatra (March for People’s Protection) in the Marxist bastion of Kerala — and from Kannur district which has been the centre of political violence. If the BJP’s opponents thought this was another symbolic show to remind the people of the party’s presence in this southern state, and no more, they were soon disabused of the notion when Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath arrived on wednesday to participate in the high-profile event. Amit Shah claimed that more than 84 BJP-RSS workers had been killed in Kannur alone since 2001 by Left-supported individuals and organisations. × The message is clear. The BJP will play every card to enhance its footprint in Kerala. If the politics of polarisation needs to be resorted to, so be it. But polarisation does not happen in a vacuum; a context is necessary. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) rule has created a fertile ground for deep disaffection among large sections of the populace in the state and the BJP (along with the RSS which has had a strong presence for years) is set to exploit the situation. Amit Shah claimed that more than 84 BJP-RSS workers had been killed in Kannur alone since 2001 by Left-supported individuals and organisations. One can quibble over the figure or the counter-claim that right-wing activists too have participated in political violence. But there cannot be a denial of the ground reality that the major victims have been the Rightists. The Jan Raksha Yatra is arguably the BJP’s most determined effort so far in Kerala. × The BJP believes that by ratcheting up public sentiment against such killings and other forms of violence, it can eventually create a conducive electoral environment in its favour. That is to be seen; for now, State Assembly elections are far away. But the Lok Sabha poll will be held in less than two years and the party hopes to harvest some advantage from its counter-aggression. To that end, the Jan Raksha Yatra is, arguably, the BJP’s most determined effort so far in Kerala. The Marxists have been dismissive of their opponent’s drive, and they have been especially critical of the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister’s presence, advising him to mend governance in his home state before condemning the Left rule in Kerala. But there is no doubt that the Left is worried. Unlike the BJP which is ruling most parts of the country either on its own or with the help of allies, the Left Front, and especially the CPI (M), is facing an existential crisis. It has been driven out from its one-time stronghold, West Bengal, by Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress. This was bad enough, but worse has followed. For all practical purposes, it’s not even the main opposition there; the BJP has occupied that spot. Given that it has been marginalised in a state which it once ruled for three uninterrupted decades, the CPI (M)’s salvation lies in Kerala where, in any case, it cannot presume invincibility since the Congress has been breathing down its neck. But the Congress is a friendly opposition when compared to the BJP. The BJP’s game plan is simple enough. Exploit the anger among the people over political violence against its people and the larger Sangh family, attribute such violence to the Marxists’ ideology of intolerance, link the incidents to minority appeasement politics of the Left, and arouse passions in the name of majority-victimhood. The more it can do this the more it would push the Left into the anti-majority-community trap. Yogi Adityanath is a perfect candidate to further this strategy in the deep south. He is charismatic and a crowd-puller. It helps that he is also considered a ‘Hindu mascot’. If the BJP manages to enhance its presence in Kerala, it will be as much due to its perseverance as it will be on account of the Marxists’ obstinacy to change with the times. × There is something to be said in favour of striking when the iron is hot. Not only is the CPI (M) battling for political relevance, but it has also been facing embarrassment from within. A gentleman named Ritabrata Banerjee has been doing his bit in this regard. Once the blue-eyed boy of the Marxists and a Rajya Sabha MP, the highly visible Banerjee was expelled from the CPI (M) last month for “grave anti-party activities”. He claimed to have fallen foul with the senior leadership after he began to speak out in party forums against the ‘Kannur cabal’ comprising among others, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and senior leader Kodiyeri Balakrishnan. In interviews to television channels, Banerjee gleefully tore into the Marxists, saying that he had been targeted by the party leaders for, among other things, saying “Bharat Mata ki Jai”. He added that certain party leaders whose wish prevailed had problems with his lifestyle — including the apple watch he wore and the foreign trips he undertook! There is of course little need to make a martyr out of him or take all that he has said as unadulterated truth. Nonetheless, he seems to have underlined the basic problems the Marxists are confronted with, and are increasingly failing to effectively address: That the CPI (M) has lost its connection with the aspirations and demands of the new voter who not just abhors retributive politics but also frowns at dated ideological positions and defers with the party on issues of ‘nationalism’. If the BJP manages to enhance its presence in Kerala, it will be as much due to its perseverance as it will be on account of the Marxists’ obstinacy to change with the times. There are two primary reasons for the BJP’s focus on Kerala. The first is simply that it’s a hard nut to crack — and Amit Shah enjoys nothing better than meeting such challenges head-on — even if it entails the use of techniques in the book and outside of it. In southern India, the party has a fighting chance in Karnataka where the Assembly election is due next year. It rules in alliance in Andhra Pradesh, and is contemplating various combinations to unlock Tamil Nadu. But whereas it’s at the mercy of regional allies, both current and potential, to be relevant elsewhere in the south, in Kerala it hopes to be a dominant player, even if it stitches deals with regional outfits. BJP may yet have a long road to traverse in Kerala. × The second reason stems from its own electoral performance in the past few years. In the 2016 Assembly election, the BJP-led NDA received over 14 per cent of the votes; it won one seat; and finished second in six others. Compare these to the five per cent vote-share in 2001, under five per cent in 2006, six per cent in 2011 — and a little less than 11 per cent in the 2014 Lok Sabha poll, and the cause for the BJP’s optimism becomes obvious. A CSDS-Lokniti survey done for a leading national daily soon after the last Assembly poll informed that the BJP had cut into the support base of both the Left and the Congress. Interestingly, the party also managed to win over a small segment of the Christian votes. While these should cheer, and have cheered, the Rightist party and its supporters, the BJP may yet have a long road to traverse in Kerala. The moot question is: Will the party resort to dangerous social divisions to succeed electorally or moderate its stance and bank on inclusivity?

BJP ambitious to gain majority in CPIM's Kerala

Angela Merkel will continue as chancellor of Germany. But following an <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/politics">election</a> that saw the rise of <a href="http://www.focus.de/politik/praxistipps/erste-hochrechnungen-die-aktuelle-prognose-zum-ergebnis-der-bundestagswahl-2017_id_7631195.html">smaller parties</a> &ndash; most notably the far right &ndash; her fourth term will probably be an eventful one in ways, she would not wish for.

The Union parties (Merkel&rsquo;s CDU and sister party CSU) finished in top place with just under 33%. They did nevertheless lose almost 9% over their previous election result of 2013.

The Social Democratic Party (SPD), coalition partner to the Union parties, finished a distant second, with just over 20% of the vote. For the SPD, this is a historic low: almost 6% down on the last election. Party leader Martin Schulz failed to come up to scratch in a lacklustre campaign.

Four smaller parties have managed to meet the 5% threshold to qualify for seats in parliament.

The right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), achieved a dubious milestone in post-war German history. With a vote share of 12.5%, it will be the first overtly far-right nationalist party to enter the federal parliament.

The Left Party (die Linke) and the Green Party (B&uuml;ndnis &lsquo;90/die Gr&uuml;nen) made marginal gains to score 9% and just over 9% respectively. Big gains went to one party that had been more or less written off after the last election and to another that many commentators hoped never to see in parliament at the federal level. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) rose from the ashes to return to parliament under their charismatic new leader Christian Lindner. With 10.7% of the vote, the party more than doubled its tally of the last election.

Forming a government

The new government will need to control 316 seats in the parliament to achieve the majority needed to take office. While probably technically possible, a continuation of the current Grand Coalition (GroKo) between CDU/CSU and SPD now seems unlikely.

Having sent mixed messages before the election, the SPD declared after the close of polls that it aims to work as an <a href="http://www.focus.de/politik/deutschland/bundestagswahl_2017/bundestagswahl-2017-im-live-ticker-wahlbeteiligung-bislang-schwaecher-als-2013_id_7631710.html">opposition</a> party in the new parliament.

With the AfD and die Linke ruled out of a CDU/CSU-based coalition on ideological grounds, this leaves the possibility of a so-called Jamaica coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens (the parties&rsquo; traditional colours of black, green and yellow tally with the Jamaican flag). However, this option is no foregone conclusion and could prove very unpopular with voters.

All roads lead to Merkel

Despite the consistency of the polls over the past few weeks, an unprecedented number of German voters &ndash; <a href="http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/bundestagswahl/bundestagswahl-2017-entscheidet-die-taktik-der-waehler-15212740.html">around 40%</a> &ndash; remained undecided as late as a week before the election.

The uncertainty was palpable in an unusually nervy, volatile mood among the electorate. <a href="https://www.pocketstory.com/der-spiegel/sicherheit-und-wut">Psychologist Stephan Gr&uuml;newald</a> noted odd swings in public perceptions of the Merkel government&rsquo;s achievements. One minute Germany was a &ldquo;desolate land&rdquo;, the next an &ldquo;island of prosperity&rdquo;.

Germans are well aware of their relative prosperity in Europe but seem to have been traumatised by the impact of the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41147362">migrant crisis</a> within their borders. Anxiety runs high over international tensions and there is a fear that Germany&rsquo;s economic security is under threat. At one level, people could hardly be bothered about the election. Even so, social media posts exploded with rage and Merkel&rsquo;s car was <a href="http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/bundestagswahl/merkels-wagen-mit-tomaten-beworfen-15190057.html">pelted with tomatoes</a> at appearances in the east &ndash; her home territory.

The voters sensed that a change was overdue but calculated that in practice all votes &ndash; other than for the radical outliers of the Left Party and AfD &ndash; would trickle back to Merkel. Ironically, the opposition parties fed the perception that there was no alternative to Merkel.

Before election day, all of the remaining mainstream parties &ndash; SPD, Greens and FDP &ndash; had seemed open to the idea of joining a coalition. With the Union parties bossing the polls at around 36% and the SPD well behind at around 22%, it was clear that any continuation of the GroKo would be led by Merkel, not Schulz.

Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, 56% claimed in polling that they would rather see her <a href="http://www.forschungsgruppe.de/Aktuelles/Politbarometer/">remain chancellor</a> while only 32% favoured Schulz. With neither the mainstream parties nor the voters daring to rock the boat, Merkel barely needed to campaign.

But now she faces another set of challenges before she can forge a new government. Before the election, it was thought that the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the likelihood that the vote of the other smaller parties would be squeezed, making a continuation of the crumbling CDU/CSU-SPD partnership unavoidable. Instead, it was the vote of the two main parties that was squeezed, apparently convincing the SPD that there was no future for it in a Merkel-led GroKo. Now Merkel must try to make a pact with two parties that will stretch the comfort zone of an already broad Union church.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84578/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />Also, the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the pressure that the CSU, the CDU&rsquo;s more conservative and reactionary Bavarian sister party, can exert on the content of the government&rsquo;s coalition agreement and on future policy direction. Horst Seehofer, the leader of the CSU, had already announced his intention of driving the Union parties further to the right in the post-election coalition negotiations. The strident entry of the AfD into parliament will help him to justify his demands, including a more <a href="https://theconversation.com/angela-merkels-election-manifesto-attempts-to-rebrand-refugees-80447">rigorous immigration control policy</a>. With the CSU suffering a historic low of 38.5% &ndash; a drop of almost <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/csu-stuerzt-in-bayern-auf-niedrigstes-ergebnis-seit-1949-a-1169590.html">11% of the vote</a> &ndash; in its Bavarian constituency, it will be sure to press even harder for conservative reforms.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/angela-merkel-wins-a-fourth-term-in-office-but-it-wont-be-an-easy-one-84578">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Angela Merkel maintains her pre-eminence and leads to the challenging fourth term

Angela Merkel will continue as chancellor of Germany. But following an election that saw the rise of smaller parties – most notably the far right – her fourth term will probably be an eventful one in ways, she would not wish for. The Union parties (Merkel’s CDU and sister party CSU) finished in top place with just under 33%. They did nevertheless lose almost 9% over their previous election result of 2013. The Social Democratic Party (SPD), coalition partner to the Union parties, finished a distant second, with just over 20% of the vote. For the SPD, this is a historic low: almost 6% down on the last election. Party leader Martin Schulz failed to come up to scratch in a lacklustre campaign. Four smaller parties have managed to meet the 5% threshold to qualify for seats in parliament. The right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), achieved a dubious milestone in post-war German history. With a vote share of 12.5%, it will be the first overtly far-right nationalist party to enter the federal parliament. The Left Party (die Linke) and the Green Party (Bündnis ‘90/die Grünen) made marginal gains to score 9% and just over 9% respectively. Big gains went to one party that had been more or less written off after the last election and to another that many commentators hoped never to see in parliament at the federal level. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) rose from the ashes to return to parliament under their charismatic new leader Christian Lindner. With 10.7% of the vote, the party more than doubled its tally of the last election. Forming a government The new government will need to control 316 seats in the parliament to achieve the majority needed to take office. While probably technically possible, a continuation of the current Grand Coalition (GroKo) between CDU/CSU and SPD now seems unlikely. Having sent mixed messages before the election, the SPD declared after the close of polls that it aims to work as an opposition party in the new parliament. With the AfD and die Linke ruled out of a CDU/CSU-based coalition on ideological grounds, this leaves the possibility of a so-called Jamaica coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens (the parties’ traditional colours of black, green and yellow tally with the Jamaican flag). However, this option is no foregone conclusion and could prove very unpopular with voters. All roads lead to Merkel Despite the consistency of the polls over the past few weeks, an unprecedented number of German voters – around 40% – remained undecided as late as a week before the election. The uncertainty was palpable in an unusually nervy, volatile mood among the electorate. Psychologist Stephan Grünewald noted odd swings in public perceptions of the Merkel government’s achievements. One minute Germany was a “desolate land”, the next an “island of prosperity”. Germans are well aware of their relative prosperity in Europe but seem to have been traumatised by the impact of the migrant crisis within their borders. Anxiety runs high over international tensions and there is a fear that Germany’s economic security is under threat. At one level, people could hardly be bothered about the election. Even so, social media posts exploded with rage and Merkel’s car was pelted with tomatoes at appearances in the east – her home territory. The voters sensed that a change was overdue but calculated that in practice all votes – other than for the radical outliers of the Left Party and AfD – would trickle back to Merkel. Ironically, the opposition parties fed the perception that there was no alternative to Merkel. Before election day, all of the remaining mainstream parties – SPD, Greens and FDP – had seemed open to the idea of joining a coalition. With the Union parties bossing the polls at around 36% and the SPD well behind at around 22%, it was clear that any continuation of the GroKo would be led by Merkel, not Schulz. Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, 56% claimed in polling that they would rather see her remain chancellor while only 32% favoured Schulz. With neither the mainstream parties nor the voters daring to rock the boat, Merkel barely needed to campaign. But now she faces another set of challenges before she can forge a new government. Before the election, it was thought that the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the likelihood that the vote of the other smaller parties would be squeezed, making a continuation of the crumbling CDU/CSU-SPD partnership unavoidable. Instead, it was the vote of the two main parties that was squeezed, apparently convincing the SPD that there was no future for it in a Merkel-led GroKo. Now Merkel must try to make a pact with two parties that will stretch the comfort zone of an already broad Union church. Also, the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the pressure that the CSU, the CDU’s more conservative and reactionary Bavarian sister party, can exert on the content of the government’s coalition agreement and on future policy direction. Horst Seehofer, the leader of the CSU, had already announced his intention of driving the Union parties further to the right in the post-election coalition negotiations. The strident entry of the AfD into parliament will help him to justify his demands, including a more rigorous immigration control policy. With the CSU suffering a historic low of 38.5% – a drop of almost 11% of the vote – in its Bavarian constituency, it will be sure to press even harder for conservative reforms. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Angela Merkel wins a fourth term in office ? but it won't be an easy one

When Angela Merkel first became Chancellor of Germany in 2005, she was a virtual unknown. Critics were sceptical about her staying power. There were confident predictions that she wouldn&rsquo;t see out the 100-day honeymoon period traditionally enjoyed by a new incumbent. Now, 12 years on, Merkel is undoubtedly the most powerful woman in the world and a symbol of continuity both at home and abroad. Yet remarkably little is known about her, what drives her and what explains her extraordinary resilience. So who is Angela Merkel and what explains her dominance of Germany&rsquo;s millennial years?

Within her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Merkel&rsquo;s rise to political prominence was aided by two factors: she was both fiercely competent and inconspicuous. She was underestimated, even patronised, by party colleagues. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jun/16/helmut-kohl-ex-chancellor-and-architect-of-german-reunification-dies-aged-87">Helmut Kohl</a>, the long-serving CDU prime minister who presided over German unification, referred to her as &ldquo;the girl&rdquo; (das M&auml;dchen). He never seriously rated her as a challenge for his role.

<figure class="align-center ">
<figcaption>
When Kohl became embroiled in a <a href="http://www.dw.com/en/the-scandal-that-rocked-the-government-of-helmut-kohl/a-5137950" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">party funding scandal</a> it was Merkel who represented the new face of the CDU, free of the taint of past party sleaze. Kohl apparently <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/angela-merkel/11920552/10-moments-that-define-German-chancellor-Angela-Merkel.html" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">never forgave her</a> for usurping him.
</figcaption>
</figure>

The appeal of the ordinary

Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, Merkel remains extraordinarily popular with the German public. Significantly, <a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/deutschlandtrend-895.html">her popularity extends across all parties</a>.

Part of her enduring appeal lies in her unobtrusiveness. For a politician, she is, well, rather ordinary. Merkel has never felt the need to validate herself through a polished public image. She famously wears <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/fashion/shortcuts/2012/oct/09/angela-merkel-jacket-pantone">the same jacket in a dizzying array of colours</a>, because it&rsquo;s easier than selecting new styles for every public appearance. Her groundedness and indifference to the trappings of the political high life have earned widespread respect.

Although entitled to live in a fine official residence at the Brandenburg Gate, she prefers to stay in a small flat she shares with her husband. When she has time, she cooks her own food. A keen football fan, the photos of her and president Joachim Gauck celebrating in the German national squad&rsquo;s dressing room after their <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/sport/football/world-cup/pictures/10965966/Angela-Merkels-World-Cup-German-Chancellor-joins-in-the-celebrations.html">2014 World Cup</a> win look natural and convincing.

In her understated way, Merkel conveys an image of a woman who can&rsquo;t be bought; who somehow remains outside the privileged elite. Both endearing and slightly demeaning, her nickname of &ldquo;Mutti&rdquo; (Mum) combines common responses to this eastern-born outsider and cements a sense of trustworthiness that serves her well with the voters.

Patience and pragmatism

A large part of Merkel&rsquo;s success lies in her consummate mastery of the German political system. Quite simply, she has what it takes to win in German politics. She is cautious, pragmatic, strategic, patient, and is imbued with the traditional Christian Democratic certainty that the integration of interests provides a sound basis for governance. She is an outstanding mediator. At times these attributes have infuriated supporters and critics alike, but they have worked for her.

Merkel has a keen instinct for shifts in public opinion and is swift to occupy new ground. This maddens the opposition SPD, which often complains that the union parties are &ldquo;stealing their clothes&rdquo;, making it difficult for them to develop a distinctive policy platform.

Just before the dissolution of parliament ahead of the 2017 election, Merkel engineered the passage of a <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/angela-merkel-ja-zur-ehe-fuer-alle-nicht-aus-ueberzeugung-a-1155042.html">popular bill</a> legalising gay marriage. Although it went against majority opinion within her own party, she didn&rsquo;t want the SPD or the Green Party to be able to capitalise on the issue in the election campaign.

Merkel is frequently criticised for &ldquo;de-politicising&rdquo; government. She tends to a technocratic, pragmatic approach and often sits on the fence. After three terms in office, there are concerns that this &ldquo;Merkel model&rdquo; of governance is smothering the vigorous plural exchanges that ought to characterise democratic interaction between the mainstream parties.

In particular, critics fear that Merkel&rsquo;s current grand coalition (where government power is shared between the leading party and the main party of opposition) is driving out the democratic principle of alternation of government (where there is a real potential for elections to replace one government party with another). With no mainstream opposition to the existing government, voters are drawn to cast a protest vote for radical parties, such as right-wing populists AfD. Moreover, this middle-of-the-road approach blocks reform of outdated policies.

While these are valid arguments, Merkel&rsquo;s depoliticised approach is, in fact, a logical strategy for sustained leadership in the German political system. In order to pass major domestic legislation in Germany, a government has to get a bill passed not only the parliament, in which it has a majority, but also the second legislature, the Bundesrat, where the federal government majority is not replicated. In practice, every government has to &ldquo;collude&rdquo; with opposition forces on a routine basis if it is to be successful.

The &ldquo;boring&rdquo; election campaigns so common in German politics are also a function of the system. Until the votes have been cast and the parliamentary arithmetic is known, neither the CDU/CSU nor the SPD can know for sure how it might work with the other parties in parliament to forge a majority coalition government. The election is only the beginning. Many of the details of the new chancellor&rsquo;s programme will not be settled until the rounds of coalition negotiations that take place immediately afterwards. It makes sense, then, for the two main parties to avoid specifics on their policy platforms. Keeping their powder dry, though, can make the public feel that their main concerns are not being adequately addressed.

Recently, media reports have highlighted unprecedented levels of rage and polarisation in post-war German opinion. The anti-immigrant Pegida movement and the populist <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-37274201">Alternative for Germany</a> (AfD) have voiced views that only a few years ago would have been considered completely unacceptable in public discourse. This has carried over into society, where public opinion is hardening against asylum seekers.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84442/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />Some argue that this new German anger can&rsquo;t be dismissed simply as a protest vote for the AfD, but may indicate a more profound disaffection with the Merkel model. But a quick glance at the world outside and the alternative leadership at home seems to have persuaded most voters that this is not the time to throw their toys out of the pram. The Merkel decade has quietly transformed Germany into a world power while protecting the economy from the worst of the fallout from the eurozone crisis. Throughout the postwar period, German voters have shown a strong inclination for predictability: for &ldquo;the devil they know&rdquo;. Perhaps this more than anything else will secure one more term for Merkel.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" nofollow="" rel="">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-angela-merkel-model-or-how-to-succeed-in-german-politics-84442" nofollow="" rel="">original article</a>.

Angela Merkel looks set to continue her magnificent political journey

When Angela Merkel first became Chancellor of Germany in 2005, she was a virtual unknown. Critics were sceptical about her staying power. There were confident predictions that she wouldn’t see out the 100-day honeymoon period traditionally enjoyed by a new incumbent. Now, 12 years on, Merkel is undoubtedly the most powerful woman in the world and a symbol of continuity both at home and abroad. Yet remarkably little is known about her, what drives her and what explains her extraordinary resilience. So who is Angela Merkel and what explains her dominance of Germany’s millennial years? Within her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Merkel’s rise to political prominence was aided by two factors: she was both fiercely competent and inconspicuous. She was underestimated, even patronised, by party colleagues. Helmut Kohl, the long-serving CDU prime minister who presided over German unification, referred to her as “the girl” (das Mädchen). He never seriously rated her as a challenge for his role. When Kohl became embroiled in a party funding scandal it was Merkel who represented the new face of the CDU, free of the taint of past party sleaze. Kohl apparently never forgave her for usurping him. The appeal of the ordinary Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, Merkel remains extraordinarily popular with the German public. Significantly, her popularity extends across all parties. Part of her enduring appeal lies in her unobtrusiveness. For a politician, she is, well, rather ordinary. Merkel has never felt the need to validate herself through a polished public image. She famously wears the same jacket in a dizzying array of colours, because it’s easier than selecting new styles for every public appearance. Her groundedness and indifference to the trappings of the political high life have earned widespread respect. Although entitled to live in a fine official residence at the Brandenburg Gate, she prefers to stay in a small flat she shares with her husband. When she has time, she cooks her own food. A keen football fan, the photos of her and president Joachim Gauck celebrating in the German national squad’s dressing room after their 2014 World Cup win look natural and convincing. In her understated way, Merkel conveys an image of a woman who can’t be bought; who somehow remains outside the privileged elite. Both endearing and slightly demeaning, her nickname of “Mutti” (Mum) combines common responses to this eastern-born outsider and cements a sense of trustworthiness that serves her well with the voters. Patience and pragmatism A large part of Merkel’s success lies in her consummate mastery of the German political system. Quite simply, she has what it takes to win in German politics. She is cautious, pragmatic, strategic, patient, and is imbued with the traditional Christian Democratic certainty that the integration of interests provides a sound basis for governance. She is an outstanding mediator. At times these attributes have infuriated supporters and critics alike, but they have worked for her. Merkel has a keen instinct for shifts in public opinion and is swift to occupy new ground. This maddens the opposition SPD, which often complains that the union parties are “stealing their clothes”, making it difficult for them to develop a distinctive policy platform. Just before the dissolution of parliament ahead of the 2017 election, Merkel engineered the passage of a popular bill legalising gay marriage. Although it went against majority opinion within her own party, she didn’t want the SPD or the Green Party to be able to capitalise on the issue in the election campaign. Merkel is frequently criticised for “de-politicising” government. She tends to a technocratic, pragmatic approach and often sits on the fence. After three terms in office, there are concerns that this “Merkel model” of governance is smothering the vigorous plural exchanges that ought to characterise democratic interaction between the mainstream parties. In particular, critics fear that Merkel’s current grand coalition (where government power is shared between the leading party and the main party of opposition) is driving out the democratic principle of alternation of government (where there is a real potential for elections to replace one government party with another). With no mainstream opposition to the existing government, voters are drawn to cast a protest vote for radical parties, such as right-wing populists AfD. Moreover, this middle-of-the-road approach blocks reform of outdated policies. While these are valid arguments, Merkel’s depoliticised approach is, in fact, a logical strategy for sustained leadership in the German political system. In order to pass major domestic legislation in Germany, a government has to get a bill passed not only the parliament, in which it has a majority, but also the second legislature, the Bundesrat, where the federal government majority is not replicated. In practice, every government has to “collude” with opposition forces on a routine basis if it is to be successful. The “boring” election campaigns so common in German politics are also a function of the system. Until the votes have been cast and the parliamentary arithmetic is known, neither the CDU/CSU nor the SPD can know for sure how it might work with the other parties in parliament to forge a majority coalition government. The election is only the beginning. Many of the details of the new chancellor’s programme will not be settled until the rounds of coalition negotiations that take place immediately afterwards. It makes sense, then, for the two main parties to avoid specifics on their policy platforms. Keeping their powder dry, though, can make the public feel that their main concerns are not being adequately addressed. Recently, media reports have highlighted unprecedented levels of rage and polarisation in post-war German opinion. The anti-immigrant Pegida movement and the populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) have voiced views that only a few years ago would have been considered completely unacceptable in public discourse. This has carried over into society, where public opinion is hardening against asylum seekers. Some argue that this new German anger can’t be dismissed simply as a protest vote for the AfD, but may indicate a more profound disaffection with the Merkel model. But a quick glance at the world outside and the alternative leadership at home seems to have persuaded most voters that this is not the time to throw their toys out of the pram. The Merkel decade has quietly transformed Germany into a world power while protecting the economy from the worst of the fallout from the eurozone crisis. Throughout the postwar period, German voters have shown a strong inclination for predictability: for “the devil they know”. Perhaps this more than anything else will secure one more term for Merkel. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The Angela Merkel model ? or how to succeed in German politics

US&nbsp;Democrats hope frustration with President Donald Trump will give them a surprise victory on Tuesday in an election to fill a vacant congressional seat in suburban Atlanta that has been held by Republicans for decades.

As voting concluded on Tuesday, Democrat Jon Ossoff, a 30-year-old political novice, was expected to come out atop a field of 18 candidates vying for a US&nbsp;House of Representatives seat that was vacated when Trump named Tom Price as his health secretary.

The drama hinged on whether the documentary filmmaker would win an outright majority of the vote, which would send him to Congress, or if he would fall short of 50 per cent and be forced into a June 20 runoff with one of the 11 Republicans in the race.

An Ossoff win would not tip the balance of power in Washington but could weaken the already shaky hold Trump has on his fellow Republicans by encouraging lawmakers to distance themselves from him.

&quot;It&#39;s a test case for how far a Democratic candidate can go in a Republican district on the strength of opposition to Trump,&quot; said Todd Rehm, a Georgia Republican strategist who is not affiliated with any candidate in the race.

The district, which encompasses a swath of well-heeled suburbs north of Atlanta, has elected Republicans to the House since the late 1970s, but Trump carried it by only 1 percentage point in the November presidential election.

Republicans in the race are split among Trump supporters and candidates trying to hold the president at arm&#39;s length. Party officials say they can beat Ossoff once the primary is over and they unite behind a single candidate.

The party avoided embarrassment last week when it narrowly held a conservative Kansas seat vacated when Trump tapped Republican Representative Mike Pompeo to head the Central Intelligence Agency.

&nbsp;

&#39;MAKE TRUMP FURIOUS&#39;

With the slogan &quot;Make Trump Furious,&quot; Ossoff aims to galvanise opposition to a president struggling with an approval rating that has not topped 50 per cent since he took office on January&nbsp;20, according to Reuters/Ipsos polling.

Ossoff has drawn volunteers and donors from out of state who see the race as a way to strike a blow against Trump. He raised a stunning $8.3 million in the first three months of the year, fuelling a robust campaign.

&quot;They were ringing my phone off the hook,&quot; said Kim Fambro, 45, who said the outreach convinced her to vote for Ossoff.

Trump blasted Ossoff on Twitter and said in a robocall that the Democrat would &quot;raise your taxes, destroy your healthcare, and flood our country with illegal immigrants&quot;.

Ossoff said on CNN that Trump was misinformed about his positions and that he was focussed on issues affecting the region, not Washington.

Republicans have responded with millions of dollars of spending of their own, casting Ossoff as an inexperienced outsider who does not live in the area he hopes to represent. Ossoff, who grew up in the district, says he will move back if he wins.

(Reuters)

Jon Ossoff can fill a vacant congressional seat in suburban Atlanta that has been held by Republicans for decades

US Democrats hope frustration with President Donald Trump will give them a surprise victory on Tuesday in an election to fill a vacant congressional seat in suburban Atlanta that has been held by Republicans for decades. As voting concluded on Tuesday, Democrat Jon Ossoff, a 30-year-old political novice, was expected to come out atop a field of 18 candidates vying for a US House of Representatives seat that was vacated when Trump named Tom Price as his health secretary. The drama hinged on whether the documentary filmmaker would win an outright majority of the vote, which would send him to Congress, or if he would fall short of 50 per cent and be forced into a June 20 runoff with one of the 11 Republicans in the race. An Ossoff win would not tip the balance of power in Washington but could weaken the already shaky hold Trump has on his fellow Republicans by encouraging lawmakers to distance themselves from him. "It's a test case for how far a Democratic candidate can go in a Republican district on the strength of opposition to Trump," said Todd Rehm, a Georgia Republican strategist who is not affiliated with any candidate in the race. The district, which encompasses a swath of well-heeled suburbs north of Atlanta, has elected Republicans to the House since the late 1970s, but Trump carried it by only 1 percentage point in the November presidential election. Republicans in the race are split among Trump supporters and candidates trying to hold the president at arm's length. Party officials say they can beat Ossoff once the primary is over and they unite behind a single candidate. The party avoided embarrassment last week when it narrowly held a conservative Kansas seat vacated when Trump tapped Republican Representative Mike Pompeo to head the Central Intelligence Agency. 'MAKE TRUMP FURIOUS' With the slogan "Make Trump Furious," Ossoff aims to galvanise opposition to a president struggling with an approval rating that has not topped 50 per cent since he took office on January 20, according to Reuters/Ipsos polling. Ossoff has drawn volunteers and donors from out of state who see the race as a way to strike a blow against Trump. He raised a stunning $8.3 million in the first three months of the year, fuelling a robust campaign. "They were ringing my phone off the hook," said Kim Fambro, 45, who said the outreach convinced her to vote for Ossoff. Trump blasted Ossoff on Twitter and said in a robocall that the Democrat would "raise your taxes, destroy your healthcare, and flood our country with illegal immigrants". Ossoff said on CNN that Trump was misinformed about his positions and that he was focussed on issues affecting the region, not Washington. Republicans have responded with millions of dollars of spending of their own, casting Ossoff as an inexperienced outsider who does not live in the area he hopes to represent. Ossoff, who grew up in the district, says he will move back if he wins. (Reuters)

US Democrats hope to strike blow at Trump in Georgia congressional race

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)&nbsp;asked the Samajwadi Party to resolve the ongoing &#39;political drama&#39;&nbsp;and focus on law and order, corruption and&nbsp;lack of administration in the politically crucial Uttar Pradesh.

BJP general secretary Vijay Bahadur Pathak told ANI the tussle in the Samajwadi Party clearly indicates that the ruling party in Uttar Pradesh is in total confusion at the moment.

&quot;It is purely a political drama. This is a sign that the party (SP) is in total disarray and they talk about giving a fight to the BJP. There was lot of corruption and now the Samajwadi Party family is seen fighting for power,&quot; he said. &quot;The people are upset with the party (SP). I hope there will be a change in UP,&quot; he added.

The Election Commission will later today hold its first hearing on the dispute in the Samajwadi Party. The poll panel announced the date of hearing on Tuesday, a day after both factions - led by party patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav and his son, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav - submitted their rebuttal to each other`s claims over control of the party.

Earlier&nbsp;on Monday, Mulayam met Chief Election Commissioner Nasim Zaidi and Election Commissioners OP Rawat and AK Joti during which he has reportedly reiterated that Ram Gopal Yadav stands expelled from the party and he continues to remain the Samajwadi Party president.

Mulayam, however, later extended an olive branch to his son and said that Akhilesh would become the Chief Minister after the elections.

Earlier, Ram Gopal submitted a dossier containing signed affidavits of support for the Akhilesh faction from party delegates, MPs, MLAs and MLCs. The Akhilesh camp urged the poll body to decide on the matter at the earliest.

(ANI)

'The people are upset with the party (SP). I hope there will be a change in UP,' said BJP general secretary, Vijay Bahadur Pathak

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) asked the Samajwadi Party to resolve the ongoing 'political drama' and focus on law and order, corruption and lack of administration in the politically crucial Uttar Pradesh. BJP general secretary Vijay Bahadur Pathak told ANI the tussle in the Samajwadi Party clearly indicates that the ruling party in Uttar Pradesh is in total confusion at the moment. "It is purely a political drama. This is a sign that the party (SP) is in total disarray and they talk about giving a fight to the BJP. There was lot of corruption and now the Samajwadi Party family is seen fighting for power," he said. "The people are upset with the party (SP). I hope there will be a change in UP," he added. The Election Commission will later today hold its first hearing on the dispute in the Samajwadi Party. The poll panel announced the date of hearing on Tuesday, a day after both factions - led by party patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav and his son, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav - submitted their rebuttal to each other`s claims over control of the party. Earlier on Monday, Mulayam met Chief Election Commissioner Nasim Zaidi and Election Commissioners OP Rawat and AK Joti during which he has reportedly reiterated that Ram Gopal Yadav stands expelled from the party and he continues to remain the Samajwadi Party president. Mulayam, however, later extended an olive branch to his son and said that Akhilesh would become the Chief Minister after the elections. Earlier, Ram Gopal submitted a dossier containing signed affidavits of support for the Akhilesh faction from party delegates, MPs, MLAs and MLCs. The Akhilesh camp urged the poll body to decide on the matter at the earliest. (ANI)

India: BJP mocks 'political drama' in Samajwadi Party

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