Saudi Arabia has taken multiple steps to polish its tarnished image in advance of this weekend’s hosting of the virtual summit of the G20 that groups the world’s foremost economies and in anticipation of an incoming Biden administration in the United States that is expected to be critical of Riyadh and potentially more conciliatory towards Iran and non-violent Islamists.

The initiatives target the US and European criticism of the five-year-old war in Yemen that has produced one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises and concerns the Biden administration may adopt less Saudi and United Arab Emirates-centric policies than its predecessor headed by Donald J. Trump.

The steps further seek to project Saudi Arabia as being helpful in normalizing relations between Israel and the Muslim world even if it is not yet ready to do so itself and build links with Democrats in Washington as they prepare to take office in January.

Like other countries that fear a Biden administration may be less friendly than its predecessor, Saudi Arabia is looking for Washington PR and lobbying firms that can get it access to the president-elect and his entourage.

Saudi officials and Saudis close to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are counting on the fact that despite criticism US President-elect Joe Biden sees Saudi Arabia in line with long-standing US policy as a crucial partner. “I am very confident that will continue,” said Finance Minister Mohammed Al-Jadaan.

The kingdom, betting that the Biden administration would accept that Saudi Arabia as the custodian of Islam’s two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina, would recognize Israel only once recognition was more widely accepted in the Muslim world, has sought to curry favour by pressuring others to normalize relations with the Jewish state.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan charged last week that the United States and another unidentified country were pressing him to establish diplomatic relations. Pakistani and Israeli media named Saudi Arabia as an unidentified country.&nbsp;

Representing the world’s third most populous Muslim nation, Pakistani recognition, following in the footsteps of the UAE and Bahrain, would be significant.

Missing from the Saudi menu is any effort to fend off criticism of the kingdom’s problematic human rights record. In fact, senior Saudi figures signalled that the kingdom was unlikely to bow to demands for the release of detained activists, clerics, and professionals and transparency on the 2018 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in response to Mr. Biden’s insistence that he would restore human rights as an important element of US foreign policy.

Former Saudi intelligence chief and ambassador to London and Washington Prince Turki Al Faisal suggested that the absence of human rights in the kingdom’s efforts was no coincidence.

Addressing an American audience this week, Prince Turki said: “As far as human rights is concerned, we admit that we have issues to improve and we’re working on that. It is a work in progress. But respectfully, your country also has issues of human rights to improve upon. Witness the turmoil during your elections and the police shootings. We did not…invent waterboarding. Your issues are also a work in progress… Your elections are a wonderful spectacle from which we can learn. They also include elements which we will not learn.”

To drive the point home, a Saudi human rights group asserted this week that Khaled al-Oudeh, a brother of prominent cleric Salman al-Oudeh, who has been held in prison since 2017 and potentially faces the death penalty, had been sentenced to five years in prison on charges of "inciting sedition and destabilising security."

The Saudi Council of Senior Scholars last week, in the first official statement from the kingdom since Saudi Arabia and the UAE banned the group in 2014, labelled the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization. The council said the group did not represent Islam, seeks “to grab the reins of power,” wreaks havoc, and commits “violence and terrorism.”

The council’s statement came as France and Austria were cracking down on Islamist groups, including the Brotherhood. The crackdown was in response to several attacks in Europe, including the gruesome murder of a French schoolteacher.

The statement, implicitly calling into question Saudi Arabia’s alliance in the Yemen war with Al-Islah, a Yemeni party aligned with the Brotherhood, came as the kingdom said it would honour a ceasefire if the Houthi rebels accepted a buffer zone along the Saudi-Yemeni border. The offer was designed to show that the kingdom was seeking a way out of the quagmire.

At the same time, Saudi authorities have stopped just short of blaming the Brotherhood for recent attacks on the French consulate in Jeddah, the Saudi embassy in The Hague and a French-sponsored World War One commemoration at a cemetery in the Red Sea port city, the first attack with explosives in years targeting foreigners in the kingdom.

The kingdom and the UAE fear that "Democrats can (re)create an atmosphere that enables the rise of the Brotherhood in the Sunni world like a decade ago. This is, in my view, what they see as a threat similar to the threat from Iran, if not a bigger one," said Eran Segal, a research fellow at the Ezri Center for Iran &amp; Gulf States research at the University of Haifa.

Mr. Segal was referring to former US President Barak Obama’s support for elections in Egypt and Tunisia in 2012 in the wake of the 2011 popular revolt that toppled Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and his Tunisian counterpart, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, longstanding US allies, despite the likelihood of Brotherhood electoral victories.

In Egypt, the victor, Mohammed Morsi, a Brotherhood leader, was removed from the presidency a year later in a UAE and Saudi-backed military coup that brought general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi to power.

Saudi Arabia’s G-20 presidency has sparked discussion on what the best approach to the kingdom would be: criticism and boycott or engagement. It is a debate that also confronts the incoming Biden administration.

The mayors of London, New York, Los Angeles, and Paris boycotted in September a G20 summit of urban leaders. Members of the European Parliament and the US Congress have called on European leaders and Mr Trump to not participate in this weekend’s summit.

It is an approach that David Rundell a US foreign service officer who served half of his 30-year career in the kingdom argues is doomed to failure. "Saudi Arabia needs encouragement for its economic reforms as well as in addressing its human rights record," Mr Rundell said, advocating greater engagement with rather than isolation of the kingdom.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do&nbsp;not represent the views of&nbsp;WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse&nbsp;the views of the writer)

Saudi Arabia has taken multiple steps to polish its tarnished image in advance of this weekend’s hosting of the virtual summit of the G20 that groups the world’s foremost economies and in anticipation of an incoming Biden administration in the United States that is expected to be critical of Riyadh and potentially more conciliatory towards Iran and non-violent Islamists.

Saudi Arabia has taken multiple steps to polish its tarnished image in advance of this weekend’s hosting of the virtual summit of the G20 that groups the world’s foremost economies and in anticipation of an incoming Biden administration in the United States that is expected to be critical of Riyadh and potentially more conciliatory towards Iran and non-violent Islamists. The initiatives target the US and European criticism of the five-year-old war in Yemen that has produced one of the world’s greatest humanitarian crises and concerns the Biden administration may adopt less Saudi and United Arab Emirates-centric policies than its predecessor headed by Donald J. Trump. The steps further seek to project Saudi Arabia as being helpful in normalizing relations between Israel and the Muslim world even if it is not yet ready to do so itself and build links with Democrats in Washington as they prepare to take office in January. Like other countries that fear a Biden administration may be less friendly than its predecessor, Saudi Arabia is looking for Washington PR and lobbying firms that can get it access to the president-elect and his entourage. Saudi officials and Saudis close to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are counting on the fact that despite criticism US President-elect Joe Biden sees Saudi Arabia in line with long-standing US policy as a crucial partner. “I am very confident that will continue,” said Finance Minister Mohammed Al-Jadaan. The kingdom, betting that the Biden administration would accept that Saudi Arabia as the custodian of Islam’s two holiest cities, Mecca and Medina, would recognize Israel only once recognition was more widely accepted in the Muslim world, has sought to curry favour by pressuring others to normalize relations with the Jewish state. Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan charged last week that the United States and another unidentified country were pressing him to establish diplomatic relations. Pakistani and Israeli media named Saudi Arabia as an unidentified country. Representing the world’s third most populous Muslim nation, Pakistani recognition, following in the footsteps of the UAE and Bahrain, would be significant. Missing from the Saudi menu is any effort to fend off criticism of the kingdom’s problematic human rights record. In fact, senior Saudi figures signalled that the kingdom was unlikely to bow to demands for the release of detained activists, clerics, and professionals and transparency on the 2018 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in response to Mr. Biden’s insistence that he would restore human rights as an important element of US foreign policy. Former Saudi intelligence chief and ambassador to London and Washington Prince Turki Al Faisal suggested that the absence of human rights in the kingdom’s efforts was no coincidence. Addressing an American audience this week, Prince Turki said: “As far as human rights is concerned, we admit that we have issues to improve and we’re working on that. It is a work in progress. But respectfully, your country also has issues of human rights to improve upon. Witness the turmoil during your elections and the police shootings. We did not…invent waterboarding. Your issues are also a work in progress… Your elections are a wonderful spectacle from which we can learn. They also include elements which we will not learn.” To drive the point home, a Saudi human rights group asserted this week that Khaled al-Oudeh, a brother of prominent cleric Salman al-Oudeh, who has been held in prison since 2017 and potentially faces the death penalty, had been sentenced to five years in prison on charges of "inciting sedition and destabilising security." The Saudi Council of Senior Scholars last week, in the first official statement from the kingdom since Saudi Arabia and the UAE banned the group in 2014, labelled the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization. The council said the group did not represent Islam, seeks “to grab the reins of power,” wreaks havoc, and commits “violence and terrorism.” The council’s statement came as France and Austria were cracking down on Islamist groups, including the Brotherhood. The crackdown was in response to several attacks in Europe, including the gruesome murder of a French schoolteacher. The statement, implicitly calling into question Saudi Arabia’s alliance in the Yemen war with Al-Islah, a Yemeni party aligned with the Brotherhood, came as the kingdom said it would honour a ceasefire if the Houthi rebels accepted a buffer zone along the Saudi-Yemeni border. The offer was designed to show that the kingdom was seeking a way out of the quagmire. At the same time, Saudi authorities have stopped just short of blaming the Brotherhood for recent attacks on the French consulate in Jeddah, the Saudi embassy in The Hague and a French-sponsored World War One commemoration at a cemetery in the Red Sea port city, the first attack with explosives in years targeting foreigners in the kingdom. The kingdom and the UAE fear that "Democrats can (re)create an atmosphere that enables the rise of the Brotherhood in the Sunni world like a decade ago. This is, in my view, what they see as a threat similar to the threat from Iran, if not a bigger one," said Eran Segal, a research fellow at the Ezri Center for Iran & Gulf States research at the University of Haifa. Mr. Segal was referring to former US President Barak Obama’s support for elections in Egypt and Tunisia in 2012 in the wake of the 2011 popular revolt that toppled Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak and his Tunisian counterpart, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, longstanding US allies, despite the likelihood of Brotherhood electoral victories. In Egypt, the victor, Mohammed Morsi, a Brotherhood leader, was removed from the presidency a year later in a UAE and Saudi-backed military coup that brought general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi to power. Saudi Arabia’s G-20 presidency has sparked discussion on what the best approach to the kingdom would be: criticism and boycott or engagement. It is a debate that also confronts the incoming Biden administration. The mayors of London, New York, Los Angeles, and Paris boycotted in September a G20 summit of urban leaders. Members of the European Parliament and the US Congress have called on European leaders and Mr Trump to not participate in this weekend’s summit. It is an approach that David Rundell a US foreign service officer who served half of his 30-year career in the kingdom argues is doomed to failure. "Saudi Arabia needs encouragement for its economic reforms as well as in addressing its human rights record," Mr Rundell said, advocating greater engagement with rather than isolation of the kingdom. (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer)

Saudi rushes to improve its image in advance of G20 and Biden

A federal appeals court on Friday rejected an attempt by US President Donald Trump's campaign to block President-elect Joe Biden from being declared the winner of Pennsylvania.

The state&nbsp;certified Biden as its winner this week. Under the law, the candidate who wins the popular vote in the state gets all of the state's 20 electoral votes.

Trump, a Republican, has refused to concede to his Democratic rival and continues to claim, without evidence, widespread voter fraud.

The Trump campaign and its supporters have tried and failed to convince judges of election irregularities in Michigan, Georgia, Arizona and Nevada, all critical to Biden's victory.

"Voters, not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots, not briefs, decide elections," said the appeals court opinion to this end.

"Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy. Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election unfair does not make it so," wrote Stephanos Bibas on behalf of a three-judge panel.

"Charges require specific allegations and then proof. We have neither here," wrote Bibas, who was nominated by Trump.

Soon after Friday's ruling, Trump posted a video from Newsmax on Twitter about alleged voter fraud in Nevada.

The Trump campaign filed the Pennsylvania case earlier this month, saying that county election officials had treated mail-in ballots inconsistently and asking US District Judge Matthew Brann to halt certification of the results.

Brann dismissed the case on November 21, saying the case was based on "strained legal arguments" and "speculative accusations."

The Trump campaign said it appealed on the “narrow” question of whether Brann improperly refused to let it amend the lawsuit a second time.

The appeals court said many of the claims by Trump campaign are matters of Pennsylvania law but noted the campaign already lost on those issues in state court.

The other judges on the panel, Brooks Smith and Michael Chagares, were nominated by George W Bush, a Republican.

Meanwhile, Trump said on Thursday he would leave the White House if the Electoral College votes for Biden when it meets on Dec. 14, the closest he has come to conceding the election.

On Monday, Trump's administration cleared the way Biden to transition to the White House, giving him access to briefings and funding even as Trump vowed to continue fighting the election results.

Biden won the election 306-232 in electoral votes, including Pennsylvania's 20. Even if Trump overturned the outcome in Pennsylvania, he would still need to reverse the result in at least two other states to remain as president.

States as states have until December 8 to resolve election disputes. 
&nbsp;

A federal appeals court on Friday rejected an attempt by US President Donald Trump's campaign to block President-elect Joe Biden from being declared the winner of Pennsylvania.

A federal appeals court on Friday rejected an attempt by US President Donald Trump's campaign to block President-elect Joe Biden from being declared the winner of Pennsylvania. The state certified Biden as its winner this week. Under the law, the candidate who wins the popular vote in the state gets all of the state's 20 electoral votes. Trump, a Republican, has refused to concede to his Democratic rival and continues to claim, without evidence, widespread voter fraud. The Trump campaign and its supporters have tried and failed to convince judges of election irregularities in Michigan, Georgia, Arizona and Nevada, all critical to Biden's victory. "Voters, not lawyers, choose the President. Ballots, not briefs, decide elections," said the appeals court opinion to this end. "Free, fair elections are the lifeblood of our democracy. Charges of unfairness are serious. But calling an election unfair does not make it so," wrote Stephanos Bibas on behalf of a three-judge panel. "Charges require specific allegations and then proof. We have neither here," wrote Bibas, who was nominated by Trump. Soon after Friday's ruling, Trump posted a video from Newsmax on Twitter about alleged voter fraud in Nevada. The Trump campaign filed the Pennsylvania case earlier this month, saying that county election officials had treated mail-in ballots inconsistently and asking US District Judge Matthew Brann to halt certification of the results. Brann dismissed the case on November 21, saying the case was based on "strained legal arguments" and "speculative accusations." The Trump campaign said it appealed on the “narrow” question of whether Brann improperly refused to let it amend the lawsuit a second time. The appeals court said many of the claims by Trump campaign are matters of Pennsylvania law but noted the campaign already lost on those issues in state court. The other judges on the panel, Brooks Smith and Michael Chagares, were nominated by George W Bush, a Republican. Meanwhile, Trump said on Thursday he would leave the White House if the Electoral College votes for Biden when it meets on Dec. 14, the closest he has come to conceding the election. On Monday, Trump's administration cleared the way Biden to transition to the White House, giving him access to briefings and funding even as Trump vowed to continue fighting the election results. Biden won the election 306-232 in electoral votes, including Pennsylvania's 20. Even if Trump overturned the outcome in Pennsylvania, he would still need to reverse the result in at least two other states to remain as president. States as states have until December 8 to resolve election disputes.

US court denies Trump's Pennsylvania election challenge

In a recent Monmouth University survey, 77% of Donald Trump's backers said Joe Biden had won the presidential election because of fraud. Many of these same people think climate change is not real. Many of these same people believe they don’t need to listen to scientific experts on how to prevent the spread of the coronavirus.

We live in a country in epistemological crisis, in which much of the Republican Party has become detached from reality. Moreover, this is not just an American problem. All around the world, rising right-wing populist parties are floating on oceans of misinformation and falsehood. What is going on?

Many people point to the internet — the way it funnels people into information silos, the way it abets the spread of misinformation. I mostly reject this view. Why would the internet have corrupted Republicans so much more than Democrats, the global right more than the global left?

My analysis begins with a remarkable essay that Jonathan Rauch wrote for National Affairs in 2018 called “The Constitution of Knowledge.” Rauch pointed out that every society has an epistemic regime, a marketplace of ideas where people collectively hammer out what’s real. In democratic, nontheocratic societies, this regime is a decentralized ecosystem of academics, clergy members, teachers, journalists and others who disagree about a lot but agree on a shared system of rules for weighing evidence and building knowledge.

This ecosystem, Rauch wrote, operates as a funnel. It allows a wide volume of ideas to get floated, but only a narrow group of ideas survives collective scrutiny.

“We let alt-truth talk,” Rauch said, “but we don’t let it write textbooks, receive tenure, bypass peer review, set the research agenda, dominate the front pages, give expert testimony or dictate the flow of public dollars.”

Over the past decades the information age has created a lot more people who make their living working with ideas, who are professional members of this epistemic process. The information economy has increasingly rewarded them with money and status. It has increasingly concentrated them in ever more prosperous metro areas.

While these cities have been prospering, places where fewer people have college degrees have been spiraling down: flatter incomes, decimated families, dissolved communities. In 1972, people without college degrees were nearly as happy as those with college degrees. Now those without a degree are far more unhappy about their lives.

People need a secure order to feel safe. Deprived of that, people legitimately feel cynicism and distrust, alienation and anomie. This precarity has created, in nation after nation, intense populist backlashes against the highly educated folks who have migrated to the cities and accrued significant economic, cultural and political power. Will Wilkinson of the Niskanen Center calls this the “Density Divide.” It is a bitter cultural and political cold war.

In the fervor of this enmity, millions of people have come to detest those who populate the epistemic regime, who are so distant, who appear to have it so easy, who have such different values, who can be so condescending. Millions not only distrust everything the “fake news” people say but also the so-called rules they use to say them.

People in this precarious state are going to demand stories that will both explain their distrust back to them and also enclose them within a safe community of believers. The evangelists of distrust, from Trump to Alex Jones to the followers of QAnon, rose up to give them those stories and provide that community. Paradoxically, conspiracy theories have become the most effective community bonding mechanisms of the 21st century.

For those awash in anxiety and alienation, who feel that everything is spinning out of control, conspiracy theories are extremely effective emotional tools. For those in low status groups, they provide a sense of superiority: I possess important information most people do not have. For those who feel powerless, they provide agency: I have the power to reject “experts” and expose hidden cabals. As Cass Sunstein of Harvard Law School points out, they provide liberation: If I imagine my foes are completely malevolent, then I can use any tactic I want.

Under Trump, the Republican identity is defined not by a set of policy beliefs but by a paranoid mindset. He and his media allies simply ignore the rules of the epistemic regime and have set up a rival trolling regime. The internet is an ideal medium for untested information to get around traditional gatekeepers, but it is an accelerant of the paranoia, not its source. Distrust and precarity, caused by economic, cultural and spiritual threat, are the source.

What to do? You can’t argue people out of paranoia. If you try to point out factual errors, you only entrench false belief. The only solution is to reduce the distrust and anxiety that is the seedbed of this thinking. That can only be done first by contact, reducing the social chasm between the members of the epistemic regime and those who feel so alienated from it. And second, it can be done by policy, by making life more secure for those without a college degree.

Rebuilding trust is, obviously, the work of a generation.

In a recent Monmouth University survey, 77% of Donald Trump's backers said Joe Biden had won the presidential election because of fraud. Many of these same people think climate change is not real.

In a recent Monmouth University survey, 77% of Donald Trump's backers said Joe Biden had won the presidential election because of fraud. Many of these same people think climate change is not real. Many of these same people believe they don’t need to listen to scientific experts on how to prevent the spread of the coronavirus. We live in a country in epistemological crisis, in which much of the Republican Party has become detached from reality. Moreover, this is not just an American problem. All around the world, rising right-wing populist parties are floating on oceans of misinformation and falsehood. What is going on? Many people point to the internet — the way it funnels people into information silos, the way it abets the spread of misinformation. I mostly reject this view. Why would the internet have corrupted Republicans so much more than Democrats, the global right more than the global left? My analysis begins with a remarkable essay that Jonathan Rauch wrote for National Affairs in 2018 called “The Constitution of Knowledge.” Rauch pointed out that every society has an epistemic regime, a marketplace of ideas where people collectively hammer out what’s real. In democratic, nontheocratic societies, this regime is a decentralized ecosystem of academics, clergy members, teachers, journalists and others who disagree about a lot but agree on a shared system of rules for weighing evidence and building knowledge. This ecosystem, Rauch wrote, operates as a funnel. It allows a wide volume of ideas to get floated, but only a narrow group of ideas survives collective scrutiny. “We let alt-truth talk,” Rauch said, “but we don’t let it write textbooks, receive tenure, bypass peer review, set the research agenda, dominate the front pages, give expert testimony or dictate the flow of public dollars.” Over the past decades the information age has created a lot more people who make their living working with ideas, who are professional members of this epistemic process. The information economy has increasingly rewarded them with money and status. It has increasingly concentrated them in ever more prosperous metro areas. While these cities have been prospering, places where fewer people have college degrees have been spiraling down: flatter incomes, decimated families, dissolved communities. In 1972, people without college degrees were nearly as happy as those with college degrees. Now those without a degree are far more unhappy about their lives. People need a secure order to feel safe. Deprived of that, people legitimately feel cynicism and distrust, alienation and anomie. This precarity has created, in nation after nation, intense populist backlashes against the highly educated folks who have migrated to the cities and accrued significant economic, cultural and political power. Will Wilkinson of the Niskanen Center calls this the “Density Divide.” It is a bitter cultural and political cold war. In the fervor of this enmity, millions of people have come to detest those who populate the epistemic regime, who are so distant, who appear to have it so easy, who have such different values, who can be so condescending. Millions not only distrust everything the “fake news” people say but also the so-called rules they use to say them. People in this precarious state are going to demand stories that will both explain their distrust back to them and also enclose them within a safe community of believers. The evangelists of distrust, from Trump to Alex Jones to the followers of QAnon, rose up to give them those stories and provide that community. Paradoxically, conspiracy theories have become the most effective community bonding mechanisms of the 21st century. For those awash in anxiety and alienation, who feel that everything is spinning out of control, conspiracy theories are extremely effective emotional tools. For those in low status groups, they provide a sense of superiority: I possess important information most people do not have. For those who feel powerless, they provide agency: I have the power to reject “experts” and expose hidden cabals. As Cass Sunstein of Harvard Law School points out, they provide liberation: If I imagine my foes are completely malevolent, then I can use any tactic I want. Under Trump, the Republican identity is defined not by a set of policy beliefs but by a paranoid mindset. He and his media allies simply ignore the rules of the epistemic regime and have set up a rival trolling regime. The internet is an ideal medium for untested information to get around traditional gatekeepers, but it is an accelerant of the paranoia, not its source. Distrust and precarity, caused by economic, cultural and spiritual threat, are the source. What to do? You can’t argue people out of paranoia. If you try to point out factual errors, you only entrench false belief. The only solution is to reduce the distrust and anxiety that is the seedbed of this thinking. That can only be done first by contact, reducing the social chasm between the members of the epistemic regime and those who feel so alienated from it. And second, it can be done by policy, by making life more secure for those without a college degree. Rebuilding trust is, obviously, the work of a generation.

The rotting of the Republican mind

WASHINGTON — The calls began pouring in even before Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, bounded onto a makeshift stage in a snowy parking lot in Bangor to declare victory in a race she was supposed to have lost.

Republicans who had privately fretted about her demise offered hearty congratulations, professing to have always known she would survive. Sen. Joe Manchin, the centrist Democrat from West Virginia, reached out wanting to know how soon he could get a meeting with his fellow moderate to begin breaking through the impasse on a coronavirus relief package. And President-elect Joe Biden made a brief call to congratulate a former Senate colleague and legislative ally whose vote he will badly need to push through his agenda and staff his administration.

The ring kissing reflected the prime perch of Collins, who, after having survived the steepest reelection challenge of her career with a comfortable margin, has emerged more powerful than ever, poised for a fifth term in which her brand of bipartisan deal-making will be crucial.

The question is how Collins, who has long held sway as one of the few swing votes in a narrowly divided Senate, will use that power. She has drawn brutal criticism in the past from Democrats who say she courts compromise, only to ultimately side with the Republican Party line. Now, with Republicans bent on blocking any policy accomplishments by a Biden administration, Collins will be under immense pressure from both sides for her pivotal vote.

“We will be able to encourage the president not to be drawn to the far-left,” Collins said in an interview in Washington, calling her election and Biden’s an endorsement of divided government that vindicated her moderate approach.

“I think that’s a message the American people were sending — that they want more centrist politics pursued, and they don’t want to go to the far-left — so that too provides me with an opportunity,” Collins said.

Collins, 67, has a strong relationship with Biden, who has called her “a woman of incredible character, integrity and grace.” And now she has the battle scars and enhanced credibility that come with having accomplished a feat many Republicans readily concede they never could have: win a resounding victory in a state that President Donald Trump lost. She has also surpassed a more enduring milestone, having now outlasted Margaret Chase Smith, the first woman to represent Maine in the Senate, to become the longest-serving Republican woman in the chamber’s history.

“She’s the greatest that’s ever been,” Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., one of the most conservative members of the Senate, declared in the aftermath, noticing Collins in conversation with a reporter in the Capitol. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, effectively declared her the queen of the Senate, posting on Instagram a depiction of Collins seated on a throne of skulls.

Her success in Maine, where she prevailed over the Democrat, Sara Gideon, despite polls showing her on track to lose, has vindicated Collins’ signature brand of New England moderation, cultivated over the last two decades. Come January, whether Biden oversees a divided government or a narrow Democratic hold on both chambers, she is positioned to play a crucial role in confirming administration nominations, approving spending agreements and negotiating legislative priorities like coronavirus relief or prescription drug legislation.

“My winning shows that a moderate can prevail in this highly polarized environment,” Collins said. “My victory in Maine shows that you can be an independent voice and take some breaths, do what you think is right, and the voters — in some states, at least — will reward you.”

Collins said she was open to working with former political foes in order to achieve legislative accomplishments. But having survived a brutal campaign in which Democrats savaged her, Collins has reason to hold some grudges. She pointedly noted that Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the minority leader, presented “a challenge” given “the millions of dollars in blatantly false ads he ran against me.”

Although the precise balance of the power in the Senate will remain unknown until two Georgia runoff races are decided in early January, Republicans are favored to win both seats, likely leaving Biden as the first Democratic president since Grover Cleveland in 1885 to take office without Democrats in control of both congressional chambers. A fraction of Republican support — likely, that of Collins and Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who faces reelection in 2022 — will be needed to advance both his legislative and political ambitions.

“It puts her in a very strong position to get things done in the Senate,” said Steve Abbott, her campaign manager and a longtime adviser. He described “a special self-confidence that comes” from “beating the odds” — one that, he added, “strengthens her to the core to do what she thinks is right.”

(STORY CAN END HERE. OPTIONAL MATERIAL FOLLOWS.)

In a signal of where the power could rest in the 117th Congress, Biden has yet to speak to Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader. But he made a point of calling Collins before his own victory was cemented. (Biden formally endorsed Gideon during the campaign but did not appear in person with her.)

“I know we come, technically, from political backgrounds that are different, but they’re not that different,” Biden said in a 2017 video filmed in honor of Collins receiving an Irish Heritage Center award. “We’ve become fast and good friends, and I look forward to you continuing to lead in the United States Senate, Susan.

“We Irish are the only ones who are nostalgic about the future,” Biden mused in the video, which the Collins campaign provided before the November election. “Well, I’m nostalgic about your future. A long way to go, and you’ve got a lot more to give.”

By no means will the Senate of 2021 resemble the courtly chamber where both Biden and Collins forged their respective careers. The civility that dominated back then has been left in tatters by partisan warfare over judicial confirmations and legislative obstruction. But the pair both steered their respective campaigns to victory based in part on their legislative prowess and the long-standing relationships they had built over decades in Washington.

Collins, who is in line to lead the powerful Appropriations Committee, ran a classic retail campaign, popping into business after business — sometimes purchasing a pair of earrings, or cans of food for a local food drive — and emphasizing the importance to Maine of her clout in the Senate.

The argument resonated for many of the voters who flocked to her flurry of campaign stops across the state, including a woman who brought a Tupperware full of the senator’s favorite cookies to a Fourth of July parade in rural Jackman; the business owners and town leaders grateful for the federal dollars she had steered their way; and the Postal Service worker who thanked her for pushing for funding for the embattled mail delivery agency.

“There needs to be a balance,” said Liz Wisecup, a retired registered nurse who said she voted for both Biden and Collins. Without Collins, she added, she feared that “Maine will be lost forever” in the partisan shuffle.

Collins and her allies are quick to note that her gentility and penchant for deal-making has not wavered in more than two decades, even as liberal critics have grown scornful of what they say is a seemingly perpetual pattern of condemning the extreme elements of her own party but then siding with them on crucial votes. Her record also has plenty of notable moments of having defied the will of the Republican Party, including in declining to vote to confirm Justice Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court the week before the election.

Having taken careful note of at least eight Democrats who have reached out and expressed interest in negotiating on big issues — Schumer was not among them, she noted — Collins has already begun to push for compromise.

In recent days, she has held court in the Senate basement, chastising the administration for denying Biden critical intelligence briefings and urging her colleagues to reconcile their differences on the pandemic aid measure and a funding package for the entire government.

“We work so well together,” Manchin said of Collins. “We look at the issues, and we look at the problems, and how we might fix them. I just can’t see losing good people like that just because they have a ‘D’ or an ‘R’ by their name.”

WASHINGTON — The calls began pouring in even before Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, bounded onto a makeshift stage in a snowy parking lot in Bangor to declare victory in a race she was supposed to have lost.

WASHINGTON — The calls began pouring in even before Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, bounded onto a makeshift stage in a snowy parking lot in Bangor to declare victory in a race she was supposed to have lost. Republicans who had privately fretted about her demise offered hearty congratulations, professing to have always known she would survive. Sen. Joe Manchin, the centrist Democrat from West Virginia, reached out wanting to know how soon he could get a meeting with his fellow moderate to begin breaking through the impasse on a coronavirus relief package. And President-elect Joe Biden made a brief call to congratulate a former Senate colleague and legislative ally whose vote he will badly need to push through his agenda and staff his administration. The ring kissing reflected the prime perch of Collins, who, after having survived the steepest reelection challenge of her career with a comfortable margin, has emerged more powerful than ever, poised for a fifth term in which her brand of bipartisan deal-making will be crucial. The question is how Collins, who has long held sway as one of the few swing votes in a narrowly divided Senate, will use that power. She has drawn brutal criticism in the past from Democrats who say she courts compromise, only to ultimately side with the Republican Party line. Now, with Republicans bent on blocking any policy accomplishments by a Biden administration, Collins will be under immense pressure from both sides for her pivotal vote. “We will be able to encourage the president not to be drawn to the far-left,” Collins said in an interview in Washington, calling her election and Biden’s an endorsement of divided government that vindicated her moderate approach. “I think that’s a message the American people were sending — that they want more centrist politics pursued, and they don’t want to go to the far-left — so that too provides me with an opportunity,” Collins said. Collins, 67, has a strong relationship with Biden, who has called her “a woman of incredible character, integrity and grace.” And now she has the battle scars and enhanced credibility that come with having accomplished a feat many Republicans readily concede they never could have: win a resounding victory in a state that President Donald Trump lost. She has also surpassed a more enduring milestone, having now outlasted Margaret Chase Smith, the first woman to represent Maine in the Senate, to become the longest-serving Republican woman in the chamber’s history. “She’s the greatest that’s ever been,” Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., one of the most conservative members of the Senate, declared in the aftermath, noticing Collins in conversation with a reporter in the Capitol. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, effectively declared her the queen of the Senate, posting on Instagram a depiction of Collins seated on a throne of skulls. Her success in Maine, where she prevailed over the Democrat, Sara Gideon, despite polls showing her on track to lose, has vindicated Collins’ signature brand of New England moderation, cultivated over the last two decades. Come January, whether Biden oversees a divided government or a narrow Democratic hold on both chambers, she is positioned to play a crucial role in confirming administration nominations, approving spending agreements and negotiating legislative priorities like coronavirus relief or prescription drug legislation. “My winning shows that a moderate can prevail in this highly polarized environment,” Collins said. “My victory in Maine shows that you can be an independent voice and take some breaths, do what you think is right, and the voters — in some states, at least — will reward you.” Collins said she was open to working with former political foes in order to achieve legislative accomplishments. But having survived a brutal campaign in which Democrats savaged her, Collins has reason to hold some grudges. She pointedly noted that Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., the minority leader, presented “a challenge” given “the millions of dollars in blatantly false ads he ran against me.” Although the precise balance of the power in the Senate will remain unknown until two Georgia runoff races are decided in early January, Republicans are favored to win both seats, likely leaving Biden as the first Democratic president since Grover Cleveland in 1885 to take office without Democrats in control of both congressional chambers. A fraction of Republican support — likely, that of Collins and Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who faces reelection in 2022 — will be needed to advance both his legislative and political ambitions. “It puts her in a very strong position to get things done in the Senate,” said Steve Abbott, her campaign manager and a longtime adviser. He described “a special self-confidence that comes” from “beating the odds” — one that, he added, “strengthens her to the core to do what she thinks is right.” (STORY CAN END HERE. OPTIONAL MATERIAL FOLLOWS.) In a signal of where the power could rest in the 117th Congress, Biden has yet to speak to Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader. But he made a point of calling Collins before his own victory was cemented. (Biden formally endorsed Gideon during the campaign but did not appear in person with her.) “I know we come, technically, from political backgrounds that are different, but they’re not that different,” Biden said in a 2017 video filmed in honor of Collins receiving an Irish Heritage Center award. “We’ve become fast and good friends, and I look forward to you continuing to lead in the United States Senate, Susan. “We Irish are the only ones who are nostalgic about the future,” Biden mused in the video, which the Collins campaign provided before the November election. “Well, I’m nostalgic about your future. A long way to go, and you’ve got a lot more to give.” By no means will the Senate of 2021 resemble the courtly chamber where both Biden and Collins forged their respective careers. The civility that dominated back then has been left in tatters by partisan warfare over judicial confirmations and legislative obstruction. But the pair both steered their respective campaigns to victory based in part on their legislative prowess and the long-standing relationships they had built over decades in Washington. Collins, who is in line to lead the powerful Appropriations Committee, ran a classic retail campaign, popping into business after business — sometimes purchasing a pair of earrings, or cans of food for a local food drive — and emphasizing the importance to Maine of her clout in the Senate. The argument resonated for many of the voters who flocked to her flurry of campaign stops across the state, including a woman who brought a Tupperware full of the senator’s favorite cookies to a Fourth of July parade in rural Jackman; the business owners and town leaders grateful for the federal dollars she had steered their way; and the Postal Service worker who thanked her for pushing for funding for the embattled mail delivery agency. “There needs to be a balance,” said Liz Wisecup, a retired registered nurse who said she voted for both Biden and Collins. Without Collins, she added, she feared that “Maine will be lost forever” in the partisan shuffle. Collins and her allies are quick to note that her gentility and penchant for deal-making has not wavered in more than two decades, even as liberal critics have grown scornful of what they say is a seemingly perpetual pattern of condemning the extreme elements of her own party but then siding with them on crucial votes. Her record also has plenty of notable moments of having defied the will of the Republican Party, including in declining to vote to confirm Justice Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court the week before the election. Having taken careful note of at least eight Democrats who have reached out and expressed interest in negotiating on big issues — Schumer was not among them, she noted — Collins has already begun to push for compromise. In recent days, she has held court in the Senate basement, chastising the administration for denying Biden critical intelligence briefings and urging her colleagues to reconcile their differences on the pandemic aid measure and a funding package for the entire government. “We work so well together,” Manchin said of Collins. “We look at the issues, and we look at the problems, and how we might fix them. I just can’t see losing good people like that just because they have a ‘D’ or an ‘R’ by their name.”

Empowered by an odds-defying win, Susan Collins is ready to deal

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Oxford/AstraZeneca coronavirus vaccine to undergo new global trials The coronavirus vaccine developed by Oxford University and AstraZeneca will undergo a new global trial as questions remain of the claims whether it could protect up to 90 per cent of people | READ MORE Trump says he'll leave if Biden wins Electoral College vote Donald Trump has said he'd leave the White House if the Electoral College votes for President-elect Joe Biden | READ MORE Biden to face crucial test over access to sensitive information as he transitions into power US President-elect Joe Biden and his team will soon face a crucial test as they begin transitioning into power | READ MORE From begger to lawyer, Nisha aspires to become Pakistan's first transgender judge Life has not been easy for Nisha Rao, a lawyer in the southern Pakistani city of Karachi | READ MORE Sudan's last democratically elected PM dies of Covid-19 Sadiq al-Mahdi, Sudan's last democratically elected leader and the great-grandson of the messianic figure who fought the British in the 19th century, has died of Covid-19.

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Morning news brief: Trump lays down condition to leave office, AstraZeneca's new trial and more

Donald Trump has said he'd leave the White House if the Electoral College votes for President-elect Joe Biden.

This is the closest the incumbent US president has come to conceding defeat in the November 3 vote.

Trump has so far refused to fully acknowledge his defeat, though earlier this week - with mounting pressure from his own Republican ranks - he agreed to let Biden's transition process officially proceed. Frenzied efforts by him and his aides to overturn results in key states, either by lawsuits or by pressuring state legislators, have failed, and he is running out of options.

On the Thanksgiving holiday on Thursday, Trump spoke to reporters and said, "Certainly I will. Certainly I will. And you know that," when asked if he'd leave if the electoral college votes for Biden.

He also added it would be hard for him to concede because "we know there was massive fraud."

"It was a rigged election ... at the highest level," Trump insisted in a sometimes rambling discourse at the White House, while continuing to offer no concrete evidence of widespread voting irregularities.

It was the first time Trump has taken questions from reporters since November 3.

In the United States, a candidate becomes president by securing the most “electoral” votes rather than by winning a majority of the national popular vote. Electors, allotted to the 50 states and the District of Columbia largely based on their population, are party loyalists who pledge to support the candidate who won the popular vote in their state.

Biden won the election with 306 Electoral College votes - many more than the 270 required - to Trump's 232, and the electors are scheduled to meet on Dec. 14 to formalize the outcome. Biden also leads Trump by more than 6 million in the popular vote tally.

Trump said on Thursday he would travel on December 5 to Georgia, a once solidly Republican state he lost narrowly to Biden, to campaign for two Republican US Senate candidates.

The two runoff elections in Georgia on January 5 will determine whether the Republicans keep their majority in the Senate.

"I just want to tell my people: don't be disappointed yet because this race is far from over," Trump said.

Meanwhile, Biden appeared with his wife in a video message posted on his Twitter account on Thanksgiving, and said his family typically holds a large gathering on the island of Nantucket off Massachusetts, but would remain in Delaware this year "with just a small group around our dinner table" because of the pandemic.

In the presidential-style address to a nation that has lost more than 260,000 lives to the coronavirus, the Democratic president-elect said on Wednesday Americans were making a "shared sacrifice for the whole country" and a "statement of common purpose" by staying at home with their immediate families.

Donald Trump has said he'd leave the White House if the Electoral College votes for President-elect Joe Biden. This is the closest the incumbent US president has come to conceding defeat in the November 3 vote.

Donald Trump has said he'd leave the White House if the Electoral College votes for President-elect Joe Biden. This is the closest the incumbent US president has come to conceding defeat in the November 3 vote. Trump has so far refused to fully acknowledge his defeat, though earlier this week - with mounting pressure from his own Republican ranks - he agreed to let Biden's transition process officially proceed. Frenzied efforts by him and his aides to overturn results in key states, either by lawsuits or by pressuring state legislators, have failed, and he is running out of options. On the Thanksgiving holiday on Thursday, Trump spoke to reporters and said, "Certainly I will. Certainly I will. And you know that," when asked if he'd leave if the electoral college votes for Biden. He also added it would be hard for him to concede because "we know there was massive fraud." "It was a rigged election ... at the highest level," Trump insisted in a sometimes rambling discourse at the White House, while continuing to offer no concrete evidence of widespread voting irregularities. It was the first time Trump has taken questions from reporters since November 3. In the United States, a candidate becomes president by securing the most “electoral” votes rather than by winning a majority of the national popular vote. Electors, allotted to the 50 states and the District of Columbia largely based on their population, are party loyalists who pledge to support the candidate who won the popular vote in their state. Biden won the election with 306 Electoral College votes - many more than the 270 required - to Trump's 232, and the electors are scheduled to meet on Dec. 14 to formalize the outcome. Biden also leads Trump by more than 6 million in the popular vote tally. Trump said on Thursday he would travel on December 5 to Georgia, a once solidly Republican state he lost narrowly to Biden, to campaign for two Republican US Senate candidates. The two runoff elections in Georgia on January 5 will determine whether the Republicans keep their majority in the Senate. "I just want to tell my people: don't be disappointed yet because this race is far from over," Trump said. Meanwhile, Biden appeared with his wife in a video message posted on his Twitter account on Thanksgiving, and said his family typically holds a large gathering on the island of Nantucket off Massachusetts, but would remain in Delaware this year "with just a small group around our dinner table" because of the pandemic. In the presidential-style address to a nation that has lost more than 260,000 lives to the coronavirus, the Democratic president-elect said on Wednesday Americans were making a "shared sacrifice for the whole country" and a "statement of common purpose" by staying at home with their immediate families.

Trump says he'll leave if Biden wins Electoral College vote

Wilton Gregory is about to make history: the first African-American to be picked as cardinal is handing out interviews like a Hollywood star and the Catholic world can't get enough.

The 72-year old Washington archbishop, who is currently under quarantine ahead of the big day in the Vatican on Saturday, shows no sign of pre-ceremony nerves as he chats via Zoom about Pope Francis's "important choice".

"I'm only one person, but at this point I'm a symbolic individual," the Chicago native told AFP with a broad smile.

His elevation is "a sign of the importance of and respect for the African-American community" — and comes as the first recognised African-American priest, Augustus Tolton, is being considered for sainthood, he said.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/how-the-vatican-protected-priests-involved-in-child-sex-abuse-342467">How the Vatican protected priests involved in child sex abuse</a>

Tolton, born to slaves in 19th-century Missouri, was ordained in Rome because no US seminary wanted him.

Times have changed: Gregory not only commands affection and respect in the United States, he speaks for many.

The first black archbishop of the US capital, appointed 18 months ago, did not hesitate to slam President Donald Trump's stunt with a bible last June after an anti-racism protest.

He has also not shied away from one of the Catholic Church's darkest ills: paedophile priests.

The US has been hit hard by the scandal and Gregory has echoed Francis in vowing zero tolerance.&nbsp;

A recent Vatican report found several popes had failed to tackle allegations that one of America's most influential cardinals, Theodore McCarrick, a former Washington archbishop himself, was a sexual predator.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/how-vatican-covered-up-archbishop-theodore-mccarrick-teen-sexual-assault-case-342481">How Vatican covered up Archbishop Theodore McCarrick teen sexual assault case</a>

"It's a sad report, but it's an important one," particularly in terms of bettering the vetting process for potential new bishops and cardinals, said Gregory, who was head of the American Bishops' Conference in the early 2000s.

'Diversity'

On Saturday, as is customary, Gregory and 12 other new so-called "Princes of the Church," dressed in red cassocks, will kneel before the pope to receive their quadrangular scarlet cap, or biretta.

The colour red signifies the cardinals' willingness to shed their own blood for the church.

In almost eight years of pontificate, Pope Francis has selected the majority of cardinals who will chose his successor -- prelates who are very often in tune with his ideas.

"The Holy Father has made a point of trying to bring different races, languages, cultures together within the college of cardinals," Gregory said.

"He named cardinals from countries that never had cardinals before. He's made it clear that he wants the college of cardinals to reflect the great diversity of the Church," he added.

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The ceremony, known as a consistory, will be held in the sumptuous setting of Saint Peter's Basilica -- but this edition will be low key, due to coronavirus restrictions.

The Vatican is taking no risks with the health of the 83-year old pope and his cardinal-elects.

Two of those being raised to princehood will not make the trip from Asia, while many elderly cardinals have opted out of coming to greet the newcomers.

'It must change'

Gregory has travelled alone to Rome, with just an assistant for company, leaving family and friends behind.

"I'm just happy to be able to participate with pope Francis in what will be an unusual consistory," he said.

Gregory has a reputation as a moderate, a man who prizes dialogue, in a US Church split between progressives and ultra-conservatives who are often hostile to Pope Francis and delight in taking political stands.

"This must change. The divisions that appear so harshly in the public arena are not the way that we are called to be the Church," Gregory said.

Peace may be some way off, however.

Francis -- whose ideals have run contrary to Trump on migrants, the death penalty, social justice and the power of financial markets -- had warm words this month for his successor, Democrat Joe Biden.

Biden will become the second Catholic US president after John F. Kennedy.

But the current head of the American Bishops' Conference, Archbishop Jose Gomez, was less enthusiastic, launching a probe into Biden's pro-abortion programme, described as "a threat to the common good".

Wilton Gregory is about to make history: the first African-American to be picked as cardinal is handing out interviews like a Hollywood star and the Catholic world can't get enough.

Wilton Gregory is about to make history: the first African-American to be picked as cardinal is handing out interviews like a Hollywood star and the Catholic world can't get enough. The 72-year old Washington archbishop, who is currently under quarantine ahead of the big day in the Vatican on Saturday, shows no sign of pre-ceremony nerves as he chats via Zoom about Pope Francis's "important choice". "I'm only one person, but at this point I'm a symbolic individual," the Chicago native told AFP with a broad smile. His elevation is "a sign of the importance of and respect for the African-American community" — and comes as the first recognised African-American priest, Augustus Tolton, is being considered for sainthood, he said. Also read| How the Vatican protected priests involved in child sex abuse Tolton, born to slaves in 19th-century Missouri, was ordained in Rome because no US seminary wanted him. Times have changed: Gregory not only commands affection and respect in the United States, he speaks for many. The first black archbishop of the US capital, appointed 18 months ago, did not hesitate to slam President Donald Trump's stunt with a bible last June after an anti-racism protest. He has also not shied away from one of the Catholic Church's darkest ills: paedophile priests. The US has been hit hard by the scandal and Gregory has echoed Francis in vowing zero tolerance. A recent Vatican report found several popes had failed to tackle allegations that one of America's most influential cardinals, Theodore McCarrick, a former Washington archbishop himself, was a sexual predator. Also read| How Vatican covered up Archbishop Theodore McCarrick teen sexual assault case "It's a sad report, but it's an important one," particularly in terms of bettering the vetting process for potential new bishops and cardinals, said Gregory, who was head of the American Bishops' Conference in the early 2000s. 'Diversity' On Saturday, as is customary, Gregory and 12 other new so-called "Princes of the Church," dressed in red cassocks, will kneel before the pope to receive their quadrangular scarlet cap, or biretta. The colour red signifies the cardinals' willingness to shed their own blood for the church. In almost eight years of pontificate, Pope Francis has selected the majority of cardinals who will chose his successor -- prelates who are very often in tune with his ideas. "The Holy Father has made a point of trying to bring different races, languages, cultures together within the college of cardinals," Gregory said. "He named cardinals from countries that never had cardinals before. He's made it clear that he wants the college of cardinals to reflect the great diversity of the Church," he added. × The ceremony, known as a consistory, will be held in the sumptuous setting of Saint Peter's Basilica -- but this edition will be low key, due to coronavirus restrictions. The Vatican is taking no risks with the health of the 83-year old pope and his cardinal-elects. Two of those being raised to princehood will not make the trip from Asia, while many elderly cardinals have opted out of coming to greet the newcomers. 'It must change' Gregory has travelled alone to Rome, with just an assistant for company, leaving family and friends behind. "I'm just happy to be able to participate with pope Francis in what will be an unusual consistory," he said. Gregory has a reputation as a moderate, a man who prizes dialogue, in a US Church split between progressives and ultra-conservatives who are often hostile to Pope Francis and delight in taking political stands. "This must change. The divisions that appear so harshly in the public arena are not the way that we are called to be the Church," Gregory said. Peace may be some way off, however. Francis -- whose ideals have run contrary to Trump on migrants, the death penalty, social justice and the power of financial markets -- had warm words this month for his successor, Democrat Joe Biden. Biden will become the second Catholic US president after John F. Kennedy. But the current head of the American Bishops' Conference, Archbishop Jose Gomez, was less enthusiastic, launching a probe into Biden's pro-abortion programme, described as "a threat to the common good".

First African-American cardinal readies for 'princehood'

WASHINGTON — When President Donald Trump talks about efforts to deliver the coronavirus vaccine to millions of Americans eager to return to their normal lives, he often says he is “counting on the military” to get it done.

Trump has given the impression that troops would be packing up vials, transporting them from factories to pharmacies and perhaps even administering shots. And, at times, military officers working on the sprawling interagency program to move those vaccine doses from drug companies into doctors’ offices have indicated the same thing.

In reality, the role of the military has been less public and more pervasive than this characterization suggests.

When companies have lacked the physical spaces needed to conduct their drug trials, the Defense Department has acquired trailers and permits to create pop-up medical sites in parking lots. When a required piece of plastic or glass was in short supply, the military leveraged a law passed during the Korean War to force manufacturers to move them to the front of the line. Should a hurricane hit somewhere, blocking trucks, the military has transportation ready.

But the distribution of vaccines will be left largely to their producers and commercial transportation companies. Black Hawk helicopters will not be landing next to neighborhood drugstores to drop off doses. No troops will be administering shots.

“It is extremely unlikely that anyone from the government will touch a vaccine, whether that’s loading a truck, unloading a truck, moving dry ice or actually injecting the vaccine before Americans getting it,” said Paul Mango, the deputy chief of staff for policy at the Department of Health and Human Services and the main spokesman for Operation Warp Speed, the multiagency federal consortium for fast-tracking a vaccine.

However, he added, “every logistical detail you could think of, needles, syringes, swabs, bandages, dry ice,” could be procured through the government contracting process, and often faster than through the private sector.

Scores of Defense Department employees are laced through the government offices involved in the effort, making up a large portion of the federal personnel devoted to the effort. Those numbers have led some current and former officials at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to privately grumble that the military’s role in Operation Warp Speed was too large for a task that is, at its core, a public health campaign.

“Frankly, it has been breathtaking to watch,” said Paul Ostrowski, the director of supply, production and distribution for Operation Warp Speed. He is a retired Army lieutenant general who was selected to manage logistics for the program by Gen. Gustave F. Perna, the chief operating officer for Operation Warp Speed.

Wrangling volunteers for four expedited vaccine trials — a chore in any circumstance — became even more challenging during a pandemic, when asking hundreds of thousands of subjects to sit in hospital waiting rooms and other health care centers was often not feasible. The Pentagon has helped three companies — AstraZeneca, Moderna and Janssen — set up pop-up sites to conduct trials at 63 locations nationwide.

Needed for each site: double-wide trailers equipped with wheelchair ramps and septic systems. Also, some will need to be hurricane-proof.

These are the types of things that the military can quickly obtain through its contracting system, as well as any permits needed to set it all up. “We have the ability to set up large-scale housing capabilities throughout the entire world at a moment’s notice,” Ostrowski said.

Military officials can call up companies, he said, “And say, ‘I need X number of trailers, and I need them immediately.’” The personnel on his team “work closely with all the city officials to make sure we have all the certificates and that all the codes are being addressed,” he said.

The two pharmaceutical companies leading the vaccine race, Pfizer and Moderna, have estimated that they will have 45 million doses, or enough to vaccinate 22.5 million Americans, by early next year. Because they began manufacturing vaccines that were awaiting federal approval, they should be ready to begin shipping them within days of securing it.

But some companies were hampered by a lack of excess manufacturing capacity in the United States and a shortage of many of the goods needed to make and package vaccines. For raw materials, the military has been able to leverage its contracting muscle, as well as the Defense Production Act, a Korean War-era law that permits the federal government to impose some control over the private sector.

“Everyone is clamoring for that substance or this product,” Ostrowski said. “That’s what we do, we understand capturing supply chains.”

Operation Warp Speed has issued six Defense Production Act orders to companies to put themselves at the front of the line for certain supplies, like large vats needed to produce a vaccine. In October, the government awarded $31 million to manufacturer Cytiva to expand production of the vats.

“There are only a certain number of producers of those in the world,” Ostrowski said. “We were able to make sure they knew where the priority was.”

Military officials also came up with the clever idea — if it works — to coordinate the delivery of vaccines to drugstores, medical centers and other immunization sites by sending kits full of needles, syringes and alcohol wipes. Vaccine makers will be alerted when the kits arrive at an immunization site so they know to ship doses. Once the first dose is given, the manufacturer will be notified so it can send the second dose with a patient’s name attached several weeks later.

But when it comes to the herculean task of vaccine distribution, the job will largely fall to the manufacturers to get the vaccines from loading docks to pharmacies and medical offices.

While governors may use their National Guard units in their vaccine programs, the military is least likely to play a role in moving doses of the vaccine — and certainly troops are not expected to help administer shots, even though Trump has suggested that they will.

“I was surprised when Trump talked about the Department of Defense disseminating any vaccine,” said Dr. Marcus Plescia, the chief medical officer for the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials, which has been deeply involved in the planning process for the vaccines. “There is not any role for the military there. And if there were, we would be up in arms about it because we are advocates for the states.”

Concerns about conspiracy theories surrounding the vaccines are even more reason to keep the military out of sight, Plescia said. “There has been a lot of concern around vaccine hesitancy, and having a bunch of troops around would not be very helpful,” he said. “Even having the National Guard participate could have a down side.”

As one of the largest suppliers of liquid-injectable medicine in the country, Pfizer already has a large network of commercial shippers that helps move its drugs from its manufacturing facility in Michigan to providers around the country. This will be all the more important with the company’s coronavirus vaccine, which needs to be kept at a subfreezing temperature.

The military has spent hours conducting tabletop exercises to help think through how the program could go awry and how it might need to step in to help.

“The government has offered any and all support and is prepared to help clear any obstacle,” said Amy Rose, a spokeswoman for Pfizer. Of the six companies developing a vaccine, the pharmaceutical giant was the only one to reject federal funding.

Pentagon planners have looked at a range of risks to distributing a vaccine, from large-scale protests that could disrupt traffic to poor weather conditions. The military says it can use its airplanes and helicopters to deliver vaccines to remote locations, but only if no other means of transportation are feasible.

The military will also monitor vaccine distribution through an operations center. “They will know where every vaccine dose is,” Mango said on a call with reporters. “If a vaccine dose is at risk of expiring, they will guide the movement of that to someplace else.”

Ostrowski said this specific assignment was worth delaying his retirement. “This is very important to our nation and our world,” he said. “I could think of no better challenge and something more noble than being able to do this.”

WASHINGTON — When President Donald Trump talks about efforts to deliver the coronavirus vaccine to millions of Americans eager to return to their normal lives, he often says he is “counting on the military” to get it done.

WASHINGTON — When President Donald Trump talks about efforts to deliver the coronavirus vaccine to millions of Americans eager to return to their normal lives, he often says he is “counting on the military” to get it done. Trump has given the impression that troops would be packing up vials, transporting them from factories to pharmacies and perhaps even administering shots. And, at times, military officers working on the sprawling interagency program to move those vaccine doses from drug companies into doctors’ offices have indicated the same thing. In reality, the role of the military has been less public and more pervasive than this characterization suggests. When companies have lacked the physical spaces needed to conduct their drug trials, the Defense Department has acquired trailers and permits to create pop-up medical sites in parking lots. When a required piece of plastic or glass was in short supply, the military leveraged a law passed during the Korean War to force manufacturers to move them to the front of the line. Should a hurricane hit somewhere, blocking trucks, the military has transportation ready. But the distribution of vaccines will be left largely to their producers and commercial transportation companies. Black Hawk helicopters will not be landing next to neighborhood drugstores to drop off doses. No troops will be administering shots. “It is extremely unlikely that anyone from the government will touch a vaccine, whether that’s loading a truck, unloading a truck, moving dry ice or actually injecting the vaccine before Americans getting it,” said Paul Mango, the deputy chief of staff for policy at the Department of Health and Human Services and the main spokesman for Operation Warp Speed, the multiagency federal consortium for fast-tracking a vaccine. However, he added, “every logistical detail you could think of, needles, syringes, swabs, bandages, dry ice,” could be procured through the government contracting process, and often faster than through the private sector. Scores of Defense Department employees are laced through the government offices involved in the effort, making up a large portion of the federal personnel devoted to the effort. Those numbers have led some current and former officials at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to privately grumble that the military’s role in Operation Warp Speed was too large for a task that is, at its core, a public health campaign. “Frankly, it has been breathtaking to watch,” said Paul Ostrowski, the director of supply, production and distribution for Operation Warp Speed. He is a retired Army lieutenant general who was selected to manage logistics for the program by Gen. Gustave F. Perna, the chief operating officer for Operation Warp Speed. Wrangling volunteers for four expedited vaccine trials — a chore in any circumstance — became even more challenging during a pandemic, when asking hundreds of thousands of subjects to sit in hospital waiting rooms and other health care centers was often not feasible. The Pentagon has helped three companies — AstraZeneca, Moderna and Janssen — set up pop-up sites to conduct trials at 63 locations nationwide. Needed for each site: double-wide trailers equipped with wheelchair ramps and septic systems. Also, some will need to be hurricane-proof. These are the types of things that the military can quickly obtain through its contracting system, as well as any permits needed to set it all up. “We have the ability to set up large-scale housing capabilities throughout the entire world at a moment’s notice,” Ostrowski said. Military officials can call up companies, he said, “And say, ‘I need X number of trailers, and I need them immediately.’” The personnel on his team “work closely with all the city officials to make sure we have all the certificates and that all the codes are being addressed,” he said. The two pharmaceutical companies leading the vaccine race, Pfizer and Moderna, have estimated that they will have 45 million doses, or enough to vaccinate 22.5 million Americans, by early next year. Because they began manufacturing vaccines that were awaiting federal approval, they should be ready to begin shipping them within days of securing it. But some companies were hampered by a lack of excess manufacturing capacity in the United States and a shortage of many of the goods needed to make and package vaccines. For raw materials, the military has been able to leverage its contracting muscle, as well as the Defense Production Act, a Korean War-era law that permits the federal government to impose some control over the private sector. “Everyone is clamoring for that substance or this product,” Ostrowski said. “That’s what we do, we understand capturing supply chains.” Operation Warp Speed has issued six Defense Production Act orders to companies to put themselves at the front of the line for certain supplies, like large vats needed to produce a vaccine. In October, the government awarded $31 million to manufacturer Cytiva to expand production of the vats. “There are only a certain number of producers of those in the world,” Ostrowski said. “We were able to make sure they knew where the priority was.” Military officials also came up with the clever idea — if it works — to coordinate the delivery of vaccines to drugstores, medical centers and other immunization sites by sending kits full of needles, syringes and alcohol wipes. Vaccine makers will be alerted when the kits arrive at an immunization site so they know to ship doses. Once the first dose is given, the manufacturer will be notified so it can send the second dose with a patient’s name attached several weeks later. But when it comes to the herculean task of vaccine distribution, the job will largely fall to the manufacturers to get the vaccines from loading docks to pharmacies and medical offices. While governors may use their National Guard units in their vaccine programs, the military is least likely to play a role in moving doses of the vaccine — and certainly troops are not expected to help administer shots, even though Trump has suggested that they will. “I was surprised when Trump talked about the Department of Defense disseminating any vaccine,” said Dr. Marcus Plescia, the chief medical officer for the Association of State and Territorial Health Officials, which has been deeply involved in the planning process for the vaccines. “There is not any role for the military there. And if there were, we would be up in arms about it because we are advocates for the states.” Concerns about conspiracy theories surrounding the vaccines are even more reason to keep the military out of sight, Plescia said. “There has been a lot of concern around vaccine hesitancy, and having a bunch of troops around would not be very helpful,” he said. “Even having the National Guard participate could have a down side.” As one of the largest suppliers of liquid-injectable medicine in the country, Pfizer already has a large network of commercial shippers that helps move its drugs from its manufacturing facility in Michigan to providers around the country. This will be all the more important with the company’s coronavirus vaccine, which needs to be kept at a subfreezing temperature. The military has spent hours conducting tabletop exercises to help think through how the program could go awry and how it might need to step in to help. “The government has offered any and all support and is prepared to help clear any obstacle,” said Amy Rose, a spokeswoman for Pfizer. Of the six companies developing a vaccine, the pharmaceutical giant was the only one to reject federal funding. Pentagon planners have looked at a range of risks to distributing a vaccine, from large-scale protests that could disrupt traffic to poor weather conditions. The military says it can use its airplanes and helicopters to deliver vaccines to remote locations, but only if no other means of transportation are feasible. The military will also monitor vaccine distribution through an operations center. “They will know where every vaccine dose is,” Mango said on a call with reporters. “If a vaccine dose is at risk of expiring, they will guide the movement of that to someplace else.” Ostrowski said this specific assignment was worth delaying his retirement. “This is very important to our nation and our world,” he said. “I could think of no better challenge and something more noble than being able to do this.”

Military’s role in vaccine will be strictly behind the scenes, despite Trump’s claims

ROCKVILLE, Md. — The mercurial presidency of Donald Trump apparently is over. Historians, 20 or 30 years hence, will be the impartial arbiters of his accomplishments, but for the nearly 74 million people who voted for him, he already has fulfilled their hopes and justified their trust.

The Democrats call now for unity, but four years ago, they screamed for resistance and upheaval. They encouraged confrontation of Trump officials at their homes and restaurants. They opposed the administration every step of the way. Their hypocrisy is laughable.

Trump gave us a strong economy, achieved the lowest unemployment in 50 years, fortified the border and guaranteed the integrity of the judicial system by appointing over 200 judges, including three Supreme Court justices.

He was labeled a racist but funded historically Black colleges and created opportunity zones with Sen. Tim Scott. He was able to sign meaningful prison reform legislation.

He had foreign policy successes as well, renegotiating NAFTA and abandoning the disastrous Iranian nuclear deal (which took a $400 million cash bribe to close). He aggressively confronted China for its egregious behavior, brokered Middle East peace deals and was the greatest friend in the White House that Israel ever had.

Donald Trump was not without his flaws, but he stood like a brick wall against an unfair and openly hostile press and, alarmingly, a deep state aligned against him.

Trump made the Republican Party tougher, teaching it to counterpunch harder than its opponent. The Republicans did well on election night, gaining House seats when Nancy Pelosi predicted they would lose them.

They’re favored to retain control of the Senate, pending two runoffs in Georgia. This is very important as the Senate now will stand as the last line of defense against the radicals who steer the Democratic agenda.

Joe Biden was the best default option the Republicans could hope for. He is a creature of the Senate and hopefully will resist any attempts at major changes, like eliminating the filibuster and packing the Supreme Court. The problem, of course, is that he seems diminished and may not be up to the tidal wave coming from the left.

Mark down the levels of the Dow Jones and your 401(k)s. If Biden reimposes President Barack Obama’s regulations, the economy will shortly be back to where it was under Obama.

The Democrats remain mystified by the loyalty of Trump’s base. It is rock solid because half the country was tired of being patronized and lied to and worse, taken for granted. Trump was unique because he was only interested in results.

Democrats have been quick to dismiss any Trump supporter as a racist, homophobe or redneck, but they all shared a common trait with him, an unapologetic love of America.

The Republican success down-ballot and in state legislatures shows the folly of this condescension and sends a clear message that a majority of Americans are not ready for the socialist agenda favored by the radical left. Not only were there more Trump voters in 2020, there were more Hispanic and African-American voters backing Trump. The supreme irony here is that gradually the Republicans are becoming the party of the working class.

Trump reawakened the base with a populist message disdained by his critics as “Trumpism” but more closely resembling the rise of Huey Long. Trump was adored by his followers, who will remember him kindly.

Now it is time for Republicans to refocus and concentrate on winning the two races in Georgia. I am sure President Trump will do the right thing when the time comes.

A final word to the media: The open bar at the wedding is closed. Your ratings and circulation are about to tank. You may think you ran down the stag, but you will quickly realize that Joe Biden on a daily basis, speaking through his mask, will not generate the same ratings.

A word of caution to Fox News: Your not-so-subtle shift leftward is a mistake. You are one of a kind. Watching the quick abdication of Bret Baier and Martha MacCallum following the election (joining an already hostile Chris Wallace) was like finding out my wife was cheating. No one is tuning in to listen to the musings of Chris Hahn and Marie Harf.

Maybe now is the time for Trump to move on. There should not be a run in 2024. He can start a media empire to replace an increasingly disappointing Fox News. Rush will be leaving, and we will need someone to hold the left accountable.

I would not want to see Donald Trump, four years older, looking like Joe Biden did this year. A star knows when to leave the stage.

And finally, a special congratulations to Sen. Susan Collins, who cruised to reelection despite gloomy forecasts and a ton of dark money spent against her. The people of Maine place high value on integrity.

Happy Thanksgiving.

ROCKVILLE, Md. — The mercurial presidency of Donald Trump apparently is over. Historians, 20 or 30 years hence, will be the impartial arbiters of his accomplishments, but for the nearly 74 million people who voted for him, he already has fulfilled their hopes and justified their trust.

ROCKVILLE, Md. — The mercurial presidency of Donald Trump apparently is over. Historians, 20 or 30 years hence, will be the impartial arbiters of his accomplishments, but for the nearly 74 million people who voted for him, he already has fulfilled their hopes and justified their trust. The Democrats call now for unity, but four years ago, they screamed for resistance and upheaval. They encouraged confrontation of Trump officials at their homes and restaurants. They opposed the administration every step of the way. Their hypocrisy is laughable. Trump gave us a strong economy, achieved the lowest unemployment in 50 years, fortified the border and guaranteed the integrity of the judicial system by appointing over 200 judges, including three Supreme Court justices. He was labeled a racist but funded historically Black colleges and created opportunity zones with Sen. Tim Scott. He was able to sign meaningful prison reform legislation. He had foreign policy successes as well, renegotiating NAFTA and abandoning the disastrous Iranian nuclear deal (which took a $400 million cash bribe to close). He aggressively confronted China for its egregious behavior, brokered Middle East peace deals and was the greatest friend in the White House that Israel ever had. Donald Trump was not without his flaws, but he stood like a brick wall against an unfair and openly hostile press and, alarmingly, a deep state aligned against him. Trump made the Republican Party tougher, teaching it to counterpunch harder than its opponent. The Republicans did well on election night, gaining House seats when Nancy Pelosi predicted they would lose them. They’re favored to retain control of the Senate, pending two runoffs in Georgia. This is very important as the Senate now will stand as the last line of defense against the radicals who steer the Democratic agenda. Joe Biden was the best default option the Republicans could hope for. He is a creature of the Senate and hopefully will resist any attempts at major changes, like eliminating the filibuster and packing the Supreme Court. The problem, of course, is that he seems diminished and may not be up to the tidal wave coming from the left. Mark down the levels of the Dow Jones and your 401(k)s. If Biden reimposes President Barack Obama’s regulations, the economy will shortly be back to where it was under Obama. The Democrats remain mystified by the loyalty of Trump’s base. It is rock solid because half the country was tired of being patronized and lied to and worse, taken for granted. Trump was unique because he was only interested in results. Democrats have been quick to dismiss any Trump supporter as a racist, homophobe or redneck, but they all shared a common trait with him, an unapologetic love of America. The Republican success down-ballot and in state legislatures shows the folly of this condescension and sends a clear message that a majority of Americans are not ready for the socialist agenda favored by the radical left. Not only were there more Trump voters in 2020, there were more Hispanic and African-American voters backing Trump. The supreme irony here is that gradually the Republicans are becoming the party of the working class. Trump reawakened the base with a populist message disdained by his critics as “Trumpism” but more closely resembling the rise of Huey Long. Trump was adored by his followers, who will remember him kindly. Now it is time for Republicans to refocus and concentrate on winning the two races in Georgia. I am sure President Trump will do the right thing when the time comes. A final word to the media: The open bar at the wedding is closed. Your ratings and circulation are about to tank. You may think you ran down the stag, but you will quickly realize that Joe Biden on a daily basis, speaking through his mask, will not generate the same ratings. A word of caution to Fox News: Your not-so-subtle shift leftward is a mistake. You are one of a kind. Watching the quick abdication of Bret Baier and Martha MacCallum following the election (joining an already hostile Chris Wallace) was like finding out my wife was cheating. No one is tuning in to listen to the musings of Chris Hahn and Marie Harf. Maybe now is the time for Trump to move on. There should not be a run in 2024. He can start a media empire to replace an increasingly disappointing Fox News. Rush will be leaving, and we will need someone to hold the left accountable. I would not want to see Donald Trump, four years older, looking like Joe Biden did this year. A star knows when to leave the stage. And finally, a special congratulations to Sen. Susan Collins, who cruised to reelection despite gloomy forecasts and a ton of dark money spent against her. The people of Maine place high value on integrity. Happy Thanksgiving.

Oh, brother! Tears for Trump

Outgoing US president Donald Trump has pardons his former national security adviser Michael Flynn. Flynn had pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the investigation into Russian meddling during 2016 US Elections.

Donald Trump grants full pardon to Michael Flynn

President Donald Trump on Wednesday pardoned his former national security advisor Michael Flynn, who had twice pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election.

The pardon, which was expected, came in the final weeks of Trump's presidency, two years of which was spent fighting the allegations that Trump had overseen and sought to cover up a dangerous scheme of cooperation with Russia.&nbsp;

It was the first of several possible pardons that analysts think Trump could extend to political aides and allies before he steps down on January 20.

A retired Army general, Flynn pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about interactions he had with Russia’s ambassador to the United States in the weeks leading up to Trump's inauguration in January 2017. He has since sought to withdraw the plea, arguing that prosecutors violated his rights and duped him into a plea agreement.&nbsp;

Flynn's sentencing has been deferred several times.

Flynn was supposed to help cooperate with the government as part of his plea deal. But he later switched lawyers and tactics, arguing that prosecutors in the case had tricked him into lying about his December 2016 conversations with then-Russian Ambassador Sergei Kislyak.

"It is my Great Honor to announce that General Michael T. Flynn has been granted a Full Pardon. Congratulations to @GenFlynn and his wonderful family, I know you will now have a truly fantastic Thanksgiving!" Trump wrote on Twitter, a day before the US Thanksgiving holiday.

The Republican president had earlier pardoned Army personnel accused of war crimes in Afghanistan and Joe Arpaio, a former Arizona sheriff and hardliner against illegal immigration.

Flynn served as Trump's first national security advisor but the president fired him after only 24 days for lying to Vice President Mike Pence as controversy broke over the former general's contacts with Kislyak.

The president has spent the days since the November 3 election seeking to overturn the results and refusing to concede to Biden. On Monday, he allowed his administration to take part in a transition to a Biden White House, but he has continued to challenge the election's legitimacy.

Two former White House officials said more pardons were likely.

Flynn joined the Trump 2016 election campaign and at the Republican National Convention that year led supporters in chants of "Lock her up," in reference to Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton.

Flynn was one of several former Trump aides to plead guilty or be convicted at trial in former Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Moscow’s interference in the 2016 US election to boost Trump’s candidacy.

Russia had, however, denied meddling.

Other former Trump aides were also convicted of federal crimes following the Russia inquiry. Trump's longtime friend and advisor Roger Stone was sentenced on February 20 to three years and four months in prison for obstruction of justice, witness tampering and lying to lawmakers investigating the Russian election interference. Trump commuted his sentence.

Paul Manafort, Trump's former campaign chairman, was sentenced last year to 3-1/2 years in prison after being convicted of unlawful lobbying and witness tampering. Manafort was released from prison in May and is serving the rest of his sentence at home.

Thursday's announcement helped Flynn avoid a potential prison sentence being weighed in a Washington federal court.

It also appeared to bring to a close the last case arising from special counsel Robert Mueller's sprawling 2017-2019 investigation of the Trump campaign, which saw six campaign associates plead guilty or be convicted at trial.&nbsp;

(with inputs from agencies)

President Donald Trump on Wednesday pardoned his former national security advisor Michael Flynn, who had twice pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election.

President Donald Trump on Wednesday pardoned his former national security advisor Michael Flynn, who had twice pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI during the investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election. The pardon, which was expected, came in the final weeks of Trump's presidency, two years of which was spent fighting the allegations that Trump had overseen and sought to cover up a dangerous scheme of cooperation with Russia. It was the first of several possible pardons that analysts think Trump could extend to political aides and allies before he steps down on January 20. A retired Army general, Flynn pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about interactions he had with Russia’s ambassador to the United States in the weeks leading up to Trump's inauguration in January 2017. He has since sought to withdraw the plea, arguing that prosecutors violated his rights and duped him into a plea agreement. Flynn's sentencing has been deferred several times. Flynn was supposed to help cooperate with the government as part of his plea deal. But he later switched lawyers and tactics, arguing that prosecutors in the case had tricked him into lying about his December 2016 conversations with then-Russian Ambassador Sergei Kislyak. "It is my Great Honor to announce that General Michael T. Flynn has been granted a Full Pardon. Congratulations to @GenFlynn and his wonderful family, I know you will now have a truly fantastic Thanksgiving!" Trump wrote on Twitter, a day before the US Thanksgiving holiday. The Republican president had earlier pardoned Army personnel accused of war crimes in Afghanistan and Joe Arpaio, a former Arizona sheriff and hardliner against illegal immigration. Flynn served as Trump's first national security advisor but the president fired him after only 24 days for lying to Vice President Mike Pence as controversy broke over the former general's contacts with Kislyak. The president has spent the days since the November 3 election seeking to overturn the results and refusing to concede to Biden. On Monday, he allowed his administration to take part in a transition to a Biden White House, but he has continued to challenge the election's legitimacy. Two former White House officials said more pardons were likely. Flynn joined the Trump 2016 election campaign and at the Republican National Convention that year led supporters in chants of "Lock her up," in reference to Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton. Flynn was one of several former Trump aides to plead guilty or be convicted at trial in former Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Moscow’s interference in the 2016 US election to boost Trump’s candidacy. Russia had, however, denied meddling. Other former Trump aides were also convicted of federal crimes following the Russia inquiry. Trump's longtime friend and advisor Roger Stone was sentenced on February 20 to three years and four months in prison for obstruction of justice, witness tampering and lying to lawmakers investigating the Russian election interference. Trump commuted his sentence. Paul Manafort, Trump's former campaign chairman, was sentenced last year to 3-1/2 years in prison after being convicted of unlawful lobbying and witness tampering. Manafort was released from prison in May and is serving the rest of his sentence at home. Thursday's announcement helped Flynn avoid a potential prison sentence being weighed in a Washington federal court. It also appeared to bring to a close the last case arising from special counsel Robert Mueller's sprawling 2017-2019 investigation of the Trump campaign, which saw six campaign associates plead guilty or be convicted at trial. (with inputs from agencies)

Trump pardons former NSA Flynn, who pleaded guilty in Russia probe

Joe Biden further added that America will put in place a distribution plan to get the entire country immunised.

Joe Biden: Will discuss Corona vaccine distribution plan with task force

As Trump's legal efforts to prevent states confirming President-elect Joe Biden's win are falling apart, he is now citing online polls to deny US elections results.

Trump tweeted an online viewer poll, conducted by a media outlet touting that 98.9 per cent of viewers don’t think he should concede the election.

According to the results of the ‘poll’ in which Trump claimed 192,774 people voted, 98.9% or 190,593 were not in favour of conceding to Biden while 1.1% or 2,181 voted in favour.

“Should President Trump concede to Biden? Poll results: No: 190,593 (98.9%), Yes: 2,181 (1.1%) Total Votes: 192,774. @gregkellyusa @newsnewsmax. For the good of our Country, we must prevail!” Trump tweeted.

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
Should President Trump concede to Biden? Poll Results: No: 190,593 (98.9%) Yes: 2,181 (1.1%) Total Votes: 192,774. <a href="https://twitter.com/gregkellyusa?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@gregkellyusa</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/newsmax?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@newsmax</a> For the good of our Country we must prevail!
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) <a href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1331404288149643264?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 25, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Meanwhile, US President-elect Joe Biden has said the United States would be "ready to lead" again on the global stage, turning the page on Republican President Donald Trump's "America First" policies as he pledged to work together with the nation's allies.

Introducing his foreign policy and national security team, the Democratic former vice president Tuesday signalled he intended after taking office on January 20 to steer the United States away from the unilateralist nationalism pursued by Trump.

(With inputs from agencies)

As Trump's legal efforts to prevent states confirming President-elect Joe Biden's win are falling apart, he is now citing online polls to deny US elections results.

As Trump's legal efforts to prevent states confirming President-elect Joe Biden's win are falling apart, he is now citing online polls to deny US elections results. Trump tweeted an online viewer poll, conducted by a media outlet touting that 98.9 per cent of viewers don’t think he should concede the election. According to the results of the ‘poll’ in which Trump claimed 192,774 people voted, 98.9% or 190,593 were not in favour of conceding to Biden while 1.1% or 2,181 voted in favour. “Should President Trump concede to Biden? Poll results: No: 190,593 (98.9%), Yes: 2,181 (1.1%) Total Votes: 192,774. @gregkellyusa @newsnewsmax. For the good of our Country, we must prevail!” Trump tweeted. Should President Trump concede to Biden? Poll Results: No: 190,593 (98.9%) Yes: 2,181 (1.1%) Total Votes: 192,774. @gregkellyusa @newsmax For the good of our Country we must prevail! — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 25, 2020 × Meanwhile, US President-elect Joe Biden has said the United States would be "ready to lead" again on the global stage, turning the page on Republican President Donald Trump's "America First" policies as he pledged to work together with the nation's allies. Introducing his foreign policy and national security team, the Democratic former vice president Tuesday signalled he intended after taking office on January 20 to steer the United States away from the unilateralist nationalism pursued by Trump. (With inputs from agencies)

Trump boasts of 'online poll results' with 98.9% of viewers saying he shouldn’t concede

Incumbent US president Donald Trump is mulling to pardon his former national security advisor Michael Flynn, who pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI over his Russian contacts.

Trump fired Flynn just 22 days into his administration.

According to reports from US media Tuesday, Axios and the New York Times both cited unnamed sources as saying that Trump plans to include Flynn in a series of pardons he will issue in the final days of his presidency.

Flynn's secret talks with the Russian ambassador to Washington in December 2016, before Trump was inaugurated, were a cornerstone of the sprawling investigation by Special Counsel Robert Mueller into Moscow's meddling in the US election earlier that year.

The president has always claimed the investigation was a political "witch hunt" and that Flynn, a former army general and head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, was a "good man."

Also, the Justice Department withdrew its case against Flynn in May this year, saying the alleged lies to the FBI were not significant and handing Trump a major political victory. But a federal judge has demanded a further judicial review of the matter.&nbsp;

A pardon from Trump would, hence, take the matter out of the courts.

Incumbent US president Donald Trump is mulling to pardon his former national security advisor Michael Flynn, who pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI over his Russian contacts.

Incumbent US president Donald Trump is mulling to pardon his former national security advisor Michael Flynn, who pleaded guilty in 2017 to lying to the FBI over his Russian contacts. Trump fired Flynn just 22 days into his administration. According to reports from US media Tuesday, Axios and the New York Times both cited unnamed sources as saying that Trump plans to include Flynn in a series of pardons he will issue in the final days of his presidency. Flynn's secret talks with the Russian ambassador to Washington in December 2016, before Trump was inaugurated, were a cornerstone of the sprawling investigation by Special Counsel Robert Mueller into Moscow's meddling in the US election earlier that year. The president has always claimed the investigation was a political "witch hunt" and that Flynn, a former army general and head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, was a "good man." Also, the Justice Department withdrew its case against Flynn in May this year, saying the alleged lies to the FBI were not significant and handing Trump a major political victory. But a federal judge has demanded a further judicial review of the matter. A pardon from Trump would, hence, take the matter out of the courts.

Trump planning to pardon ex-aide Flynn, US media says

When the Biden administration takes office in 2021, it will face a unique, fraught decision: Should Donald Trump be criminally investigated and prosecuted?

Any renewed investigative activity or a criminal prosecution would further divide the country and stoke claims that the Justice Department was merely exacting revenge. An investigation and trial would be a spectacle that would surely consume the administration’s energy.

But as painful and hard as it may be for the country, I believe the next attorney general should investigate Mr. Trump and, if warranted, prosecute him for potential federal crimes.

I do not come to this position lightly. Indeed, we have witnessed two U.S. presidential elections in which large crowds have found it acceptable to chant with fervent zeal that the nominee of the opposing party should be jailed. We do not want to turn into an autocratic state, where law enforcement authorities are political weapons of the reigning party.

But that is not sufficient reason to let Mr. Trump off the hook.

Mr. Trump’s criminal exposure is clear. I was a senior member of the investigation led by the former special counsel Robert Mueller to determine whether Russia attempted to subvert our fundamental democratic source of political legitimacy: our electoral system. Among other things, he was tasked with determining whether Mr. Trump interfered with our fact-finding into this issue.

We amassed ample evidence to support a charge that Mr. Trump obstructed justice. That view is widely shared. Shortly after our report was issued, hundreds of former prosecutors concluded that the evidence supported such a charge.

What precedent is set if obstructing such an investigation is allowed to go unpunished and undeterred? It is hard enough for the executive branch to investigate a sitting president, who has the power to fire a special counsel (if needed, through the attorney general) and to thwart cooperation with an investigation by use of the clemency power. We saw Mr. Trump use his clemency power to do just that with, for example, his ally Roger Stone. He commuted Mr. Stone’s sentence, who was duly convicted by a jury but never spent a day in jail for crimes that a federal judge found were committed for the president. The same judge found that Paul Manafort, a former Trump campaign chairman, lied to us repeatedly, breaching his cooperation agreement. He, too, was surely holding out hope for a dangled pardon.

Mr. Trump can’t point to what the special counsel investigation did not find (e.g., “collusion”) when he obstructed that very investigation. The evidence against Mr. Trump includes the testimony of Don McGahn, Mr. Trump’s former White House counsel, who detailed how the president ordered the firing of the special counsel and how when that effort was reported in the press, Mr. Trump beseeched Mr. McGahn to deny publicly the truth and, for safe measure, memorialize that falsity in a written memorandum.

The evidence includes Mr. Trump’s efforts to influence the outcome of a deliberating jury in the Manafort trial and his holding out the hope for a pardon to thwart witnesses from cooperating with our investigation. Can anyone even fathom a legitimate reason to dangle a pardon?

His potential criminal liability goes further, to actions before taking office. The Manhattan district attorney is by all appearances conducting a classic white-collar investigation into tax and bank fraud, and the New York attorney general is engaged in a civil investigation into similar allegations, which could quickly turn into a criminal inquiry.

These state matters may well reveal evidence warranting additional federal charges. Such potential financial crimes were not explored by the special counsel investigation and could reveal criminal evidence. Any evidence that was not produced to Congress in its inquiries, like internal State Department and White House communications, is another potential trove to which the new administration should have access.

The matters already set out by the special counsel and under investigation are not trivial; they should not raise concerns that Mr. Trump is being singled out for something that would not be investigated or prosecuted if committed by anyone else.

Because some of the activities in question predated his presidency, it would be untenable to permit Mr. Trump’s winning a federal election to immunize him from consequences for earlier crimes. We would not countenance that result if a former president was found to have committed a serious violent crime.

Sweeping under the rug Mr. Trump’s federal obstruction would be worse still. The precedent set for not deterring a president’s obstruction of a special counsel investigation would be too costly: It would make any future special counsel investigation toothless and set the presidency de facto above the law. For those who point to the pardon of Richard Nixon by Gerald Ford as precedent for simply looking forward, that is not analogous: Mr. Nixon paid a very heavy price by resigning from the presidency in disgrace for his conduct.

Mr. Trump may very well choose to pardon not just his family and friends before leaving office but also himself in order to avoid federal criminal liability. This historic turn of events would have no effect on his potential criminal exposure at the state level. If Mr. Trump bestows such pardons, states like New York should take up the mantle to see that the rule of law is upheld. And pardons would not preclude the new attorney general challenging a self-pardon or the state calling the pardoned friends and family before the grand jury to advance its investigation of Mr. Trump after he leaves office (where, if they lied, they would still risk charges of perjury and obstruction).

In short, being president should mean you are more accountable, not less, to the rule of law.

Andrew Weissmann, a senior prosecutor in Robert Mueller’s special counsel investigation, is a senior fellow at the New York University School of Law and the author of “Where Law Ends: Inside the Mueller Investigation.”

When the Biden administration takes office in 2021, it will face a unique, fraught decision: Should Donald Trump be criminally investigated and prosecuted? Any renewed investigative activity or a criminal prosecution would further divide the country and stoke claims that the Justice Department was merely exacting revenge.

When the Biden administration takes office in 2021, it will face a unique, fraught decision: Should Donald Trump be criminally investigated and prosecuted? Any renewed investigative activity or a criminal prosecution would further divide the country and stoke claims that the Justice Department was merely exacting revenge. An investigation and trial would be a spectacle that would surely consume the administration’s energy. But as painful and hard as it may be for the country, I believe the next attorney general should investigate Mr. Trump and, if warranted, prosecute him for potential federal crimes. I do not come to this position lightly. Indeed, we have witnessed two U.S. presidential elections in which large crowds have found it acceptable to chant with fervent zeal that the nominee of the opposing party should be jailed. We do not want to turn into an autocratic state, where law enforcement authorities are political weapons of the reigning party. But that is not sufficient reason to let Mr. Trump off the hook. Mr. Trump’s criminal exposure is clear. I was a senior member of the investigation led by the former special counsel Robert Mueller to determine whether Russia attempted to subvert our fundamental democratic source of political legitimacy: our electoral system. Among other things, he was tasked with determining whether Mr. Trump interfered with our fact-finding into this issue. We amassed ample evidence to support a charge that Mr. Trump obstructed justice. That view is widely shared. Shortly after our report was issued, hundreds of former prosecutors concluded that the evidence supported such a charge. What precedent is set if obstructing such an investigation is allowed to go unpunished and undeterred? It is hard enough for the executive branch to investigate a sitting president, who has the power to fire a special counsel (if needed, through the attorney general) and to thwart cooperation with an investigation by use of the clemency power. We saw Mr. Trump use his clemency power to do just that with, for example, his ally Roger Stone. He commuted Mr. Stone’s sentence, who was duly convicted by a jury but never spent a day in jail for crimes that a federal judge found were committed for the president. The same judge found that Paul Manafort, a former Trump campaign chairman, lied to us repeatedly, breaching his cooperation agreement. He, too, was surely holding out hope for a dangled pardon. Mr. Trump can’t point to what the special counsel investigation did not find (e.g., “collusion”) when he obstructed that very investigation. The evidence against Mr. Trump includes the testimony of Don McGahn, Mr. Trump’s former White House counsel, who detailed how the president ordered the firing of the special counsel and how when that effort was reported in the press, Mr. Trump beseeched Mr. McGahn to deny publicly the truth and, for safe measure, memorialize that falsity in a written memorandum. The evidence includes Mr. Trump’s efforts to influence the outcome of a deliberating jury in the Manafort trial and his holding out the hope for a pardon to thwart witnesses from cooperating with our investigation. Can anyone even fathom a legitimate reason to dangle a pardon? His potential criminal liability goes further, to actions before taking office. The Manhattan district attorney is by all appearances conducting a classic white-collar investigation into tax and bank fraud, and the New York attorney general is engaged in a civil investigation into similar allegations, which could quickly turn into a criminal inquiry. These state matters may well reveal evidence warranting additional federal charges. Such potential financial crimes were not explored by the special counsel investigation and could reveal criminal evidence. Any evidence that was not produced to Congress in its inquiries, like internal State Department and White House communications, is another potential trove to which the new administration should have access. The matters already set out by the special counsel and under investigation are not trivial; they should not raise concerns that Mr. Trump is being singled out for something that would not be investigated or prosecuted if committed by anyone else. Because some of the activities in question predated his presidency, it would be untenable to permit Mr. Trump’s winning a federal election to immunize him from consequences for earlier crimes. We would not countenance that result if a former president was found to have committed a serious violent crime. Sweeping under the rug Mr. Trump’s federal obstruction would be worse still. The precedent set for not deterring a president’s obstruction of a special counsel investigation would be too costly: It would make any future special counsel investigation toothless and set the presidency de facto above the law. For those who point to the pardon of Richard Nixon by Gerald Ford as precedent for simply looking forward, that is not analogous: Mr. Nixon paid a very heavy price by resigning from the presidency in disgrace for his conduct. Mr. Trump may very well choose to pardon not just his family and friends before leaving office but also himself in order to avoid federal criminal liability. This historic turn of events would have no effect on his potential criminal exposure at the state level. If Mr. Trump bestows such pardons, states like New York should take up the mantle to see that the rule of law is upheld. And pardons would not preclude the new attorney general challenging a self-pardon or the state calling the pardoned friends and family before the grand jury to advance its investigation of Mr. Trump after he leaves office (where, if they lied, they would still risk charges of perjury and obstruction). In short, being president should mean you are more accountable, not less, to the rule of law. Andrew Weissmann, a senior prosecutor in Robert Mueller’s special counsel investigation, is a senior fellow at the New York University School of Law and the author of “Where Law Ends: Inside the Mueller Investigation.”

Should Trump be prosecuted?

A man donning a Donald Trump shirt with an inflatable inner tube wrapping his belly was recently seen&nbsp;purposely exhaling on two women outside incumbent US President Donald Trump’s golf course in Virginia. Now, he has been charged with simple assault.

The 61-year-old Raymond Deskins of Sterling, Virginia was charged with misdemeanour simple assault, as claimed by Loudoun County Sheriff’s Office statement.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/biden-to-name-yellen-to-us-treasury-breaking-a-231-year-gender-barrier-345005" hreflang="en">Biden to name Yellen to US Treasury, breaking a 231-year gender barrier</a>

Out of the two women he was exhaling on, one filmed the video and shared it on social, after which it gained traction across social media.

In another clip of Deskins - he was seeing arguing with women who were protesting against Trump, and without a mask.

Watch the clip below

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Trump supporter forcefully exhaling without a mask on a protester outside the Trump National Golf Club, Nov. 21, 2020 <a href="https://t.co/Bq2mMH1At0">pic.twitter.com/Bq2mMH1At0</a>
— Douglas Christian (@DougChristianDC) <a href="https://twitter.com/DougChristianDC/status/1330209018367926273?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 21, 2020</a></blockquote>
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In the clip, one of the women can be heard saying "Get away from me! Get away from me!" Another woman told him “You don't get up in somebody's face”. Deskins responded with “I’m not in anybody's face."

"You are in my face - and you don't have a mask, so you need to back up”, the woman retorted with.

At this moment, the man was seen exhaling forcefully on women.&nbsp;To this, one of the women responded with “That's assault!" The man said - “I breathed on you" after which he exhaled on the woman filming.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/transition-executive-announces-start-of-process-for-joe-biden-345001" hreflang="en">Transition Executive announces start of process for Joe Biden</a>

The US continues to remain deeply divided in the aftermath of recent presidential election - whereby Democrat Joe Biden emerged victorious, which was quickly followed by Trump blaming his loss on election fraud - a claim largely discredit both by election officials and analysts.

Joe Biden's administration can formally begin its transition to power after President Trump, who has still hasn't conceded the White House race, tweeted he was "recommending" the GSA and others in his administration begin "initial protocols" to kick-start the formal transfer of presidential power.

A man donning a Donald Trump shirt with an inflatable inner tube wrapping his belly was recently seen purposely exhaling on two women outside incumbent US President Donald Trump’s golf course in Virginia.

A man donning a Donald Trump shirt with an inflatable inner tube wrapping his belly was recently seen purposely exhaling on two women outside incumbent US President Donald Trump’s golf course in Virginia. Now, he has been charged with simple assault. The 61-year-old Raymond Deskins of Sterling, Virginia was charged with misdemeanour simple assault, as claimed by Loudoun County Sheriff’s Office statement. Also read: Biden to name Yellen to US Treasury, breaking a 231-year gender barrier Out of the two women he was exhaling on, one filmed the video and shared it on social, after which it gained traction across social media. In another clip of Deskins - he was seeing arguing with women who were protesting against Trump, and without a mask. Watch the clip below Trump supporter forcefully exhaling without a mask on a protester outside the Trump National Golf Club, Nov. 21, 2020 pic.twitter.com/Bq2mMH1At0 — Douglas Christian (@DougChristianDC) November 21, 2020 × In the clip, one of the women can be heard saying "Get away from me! Get away from me!" Another woman told him “You don't get up in somebody's face”. Deskins responded with “I’m not in anybody's face." "You are in my face - and you don't have a mask, so you need to back up”, the woman retorted with. At this moment, the man was seen exhaling forcefully on women. To this, one of the women responded with “That's assault!" The man said - “I breathed on you" after which he exhaled on the woman filming. Also read: Transition Executive announces start of process for Joe Biden The US continues to remain deeply divided in the aftermath of recent presidential election - whereby Democrat Joe Biden emerged victorious, which was quickly followed by Trump blaming his loss on election fraud - a claim largely discredit both by election officials and analysts. Joe Biden's administration can formally begin its transition to power after President Trump, who has still hasn't conceded the White House race, tweeted he was "recommending" the GSA and others in his administration begin "initial protocols" to kick-start the formal transfer of presidential power.

Man donning Trump merchandise charged after 'forcefully exhaling' on two women

Presidency of Donald Trump, at least on Twitter, seems to be coming to an end as the social media giant has decided to hand over the POTUS (President Of The United States) Twitter account to&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>, irrespective of how <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>&nbsp;reacts to his loss.

As per the announcement, Twitter will be handing over the account to the President-elect immediately after he is sworn in as the 46th President of the United States in January.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/dont-be-embarrassing-czech-president-asks-donald-trump-to-step-down-344233" hreflang="en">'Don't be embarrassing': Czech President asks Donald Trump to step down</a>

The decision has been taken by Twitter after Donald Trump&nbsp;has consistently refused to acknowledge Joe Biden's&nbsp;historic win&nbsp;in the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election</a>, with several reports claiming the outgoing President will not be willing to give up his position of power.

Twitter spokesperson Nick Pacilio told a local media channel that&nbsp;the company is "actively preparing to support the transition of White House institutional Twitter accounts on January 20th, 2021."

The handover will take place immediately after the swearing-in ceremony in January, and the accounts '@POTUS', '@FLOTUS' and '@VP' — including several other official accounts — will be handed over to the Biden administration. All old, existing tweets will be archived, and the new administration will start a new chapter with a basic count of zero tweets.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-elections-results-2020-joe-biden-wins-georgia-after-recount-says-state-election-official-344393" hreflang="en">US elections results 2020: Joe Biden wins Georgia after recount, says state election official</a>

"As we did for the presidential transition in 2017, this process is being done in close consultation with the National Archives and Records Administration," Twitter&nbsp;said.

While the decision has been appreciated by many, some believe this action will not stop Trump from tweeting "FAKE NEWS" as the reality TV star mainly uses his personal Twitter account '@realDonaldTrump', whose 88 million followers dwarf @POTUS's 32 million. has more than 88.9 million followers, as compared to @POTUS's&nbsp;32.8 million followers.

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Social media users are hoping that the @POTUS account will now be used for more purposes rather than simply re-tweeting Donald Trump's personal account's tweets.

Twitter and Trump have not been on good terms for a while now, with Twitter slapping warning labels on almost all of trump's recent tweets, and Trump alleging the Jack Dorsey's company of bias against Republicans.

Presidency of Donald Trump, at least on Twitter, seems to be coming to an end as the social media giant has decided to hand over the POTUS (President Of The United States) Twitter account to Joe Biden, irrespective of how Donald Trump reacts to his loss.

Presidency of Donald Trump, at least on Twitter, seems to be coming to an end as the social media giant has decided to hand over the POTUS (President Of The United States) Twitter account to Joe Biden, irrespective of how Donald Trump reacts to his loss. As per the announcement, Twitter will be handing over the account to the President-elect immediately after he is sworn in as the 46th President of the United States in January. Also read| 'Don't be embarrassing': Czech President asks Donald Trump to step down The decision has been taken by Twitter after Donald Trump has consistently refused to acknowledge Joe Biden's historic win in the US election, with several reports claiming the outgoing President will not be willing to give up his position of power. Twitter spokesperson Nick Pacilio told a local media channel that the company is "actively preparing to support the transition of White House institutional Twitter accounts on January 20th, 2021." The handover will take place immediately after the swearing-in ceremony in January, and the accounts '@POTUS', '@FLOTUS' and '@VP' — including several other official accounts — will be handed over to the Biden administration. All old, existing tweets will be archived, and the new administration will start a new chapter with a basic count of zero tweets. Also read| US elections results 2020: Joe Biden wins Georgia after recount, says state election official "As we did for the presidential transition in 2017, this process is being done in close consultation with the National Archives and Records Administration," Twitter said. While the decision has been appreciated by many, some believe this action will not stop Trump from tweeting "FAKE NEWS" as the reality TV star mainly uses his personal Twitter account '@realDonaldTrump', whose 88 million followers dwarf @POTUS's 32 million. has more than 88.9 million followers, as compared to @POTUS's 32.8 million followers. × Social media users are hoping that the @POTUS account will now be used for more purposes rather than simply re-tweeting Donald Trump's personal account's tweets. Twitter and Trump have not been on good terms for a while now, with Twitter slapping warning labels on almost all of trump's recent tweets, and Trump alleging the Jack Dorsey's company of bias against Republicans.

You're fired: Twitter to hand over POTUS account to Biden, whether Trump concedes or not

It is often said that all good things come to an end, and that is proving out to be particularly true for the outgoing US President&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>&nbsp;who has to, soon, pass on the reigns of the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/the-white-house">White House </a>to the President-elect&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>&nbsp;after Biden-<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/kamala-harris">Harris</a>' historic win in the recently-conducted <a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US elections</a>.

Now, the Biden-Harris Transition Executive Director Yohannes Abraham has formally announced the start of the transition process. "The GSA Administrator has ascertained the President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris as the apparent winners of the election, providing the incoming Administration with the resources and support necessary to carry out a smooth and peaceful transfer of power," he said in an official statement.

<img alt="Transition of Presidency" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="15bf68aa-15e9-494d-a736-6b29c01f4afa" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Transition%20of%20Presidency.jpg" />

He also added that the decision is important to make sure the new administrator can start working on containing the wide spread of the novel coronavirus, which has taken millions of lives in the US, and continues to spread massively — which has been often blamed on the outgoing President's reluctance towards a lockdown.

Abraham announced this statement as the "final decision" to start acting on formally beginning "the transition process with federal judges".

He also informed that meetings with federal officials to discuss a quick and effective pandemic response, in addition to nation's security issues, will be held soon. The meetings will also focus on understanding the "Trump administration's efforts to hollow out government agencies".

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/do-what-needs-to-be-done-trump-clears-the-way-for-bidens-transition-344983">‘Do what needs to be done’: Trump clears the way for Biden's transition</a>

The statement came at the same time as Trump dropping a hint of him finally admitting his defeat as he tweeted, "...in the best interest of our Country, I am recommending that Emily and her team do what needs to be done with regard to initial protocols, and have told my team to do the same."

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...fight, and I believe we will prevail! Nevertheless, in the best interest of our Country, I am recommending that Emily and her team do what needs to be done with regard to initial protocols, and have told my team to do the same.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) <a href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1331013908971261953?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 23, 2020</a></blockquote>
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However, this tweet is not being acknowledged as his formal admittance and people are still waiting for his official concession speech — <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/donald-trumps-concession-speech-on-jimmy-fallons-show-goes-viral-344330">although Jimmy Fallon has already prepared one for the outgoing President.</a>

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-general-services-administration-allows-biden-transition-funds-to-begin-344996">Watch|</a>

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&nbsp;

It is often said that all good things come to an end, and that is proving out to be particularly true for the outgoing US President Donald Trump who has to, soon, pass on the reigns of the White House to the President-elect Joe Biden after Biden-Harris' historic win in the recently-conducted US elections.

It is often said that all good things come to an end, and that is proving out to be particularly true for the outgoing US President Donald Trump who has to, soon, pass on the reigns of the White House to the President-elect Joe Biden after Biden-Harris' historic win in the recently-conducted US elections. Now, the Biden-Harris Transition Executive Director Yohannes Abraham has formally announced the start of the transition process. "The GSA Administrator has ascertained the President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris as the apparent winners of the election, providing the incoming Administration with the resources and support necessary to carry out a smooth and peaceful transfer of power," he said in an official statement. He also added that the decision is important to make sure the new administrator can start working on containing the wide spread of the novel coronavirus, which has taken millions of lives in the US, and continues to spread massively — which has been often blamed on the outgoing President's reluctance towards a lockdown. Abraham announced this statement as the "final decision" to start acting on formally beginning "the transition process with federal judges". He also informed that meetings with federal officials to discuss a quick and effective pandemic response, in addition to nation's security issues, will be held soon. The meetings will also focus on understanding the "Trump administration's efforts to hollow out government agencies". Also read| ‘Do what needs to be done’: Trump clears the way for Biden's transition The statement came at the same time as Trump dropping a hint of him finally admitting his defeat as he tweeted, "...in the best interest of our Country, I am recommending that Emily and her team do what needs to be done with regard to initial protocols, and have told my team to do the same." ...fight, and I believe we will prevail! Nevertheless, in the best interest of our Country, I am recommending that Emily and her team do what needs to be done with regard to initial protocols, and have told my team to do the same. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 23, 2020 × However, this tweet is not being acknowledged as his formal admittance and people are still waiting for his official concession speech — although Jimmy Fallon has already prepared one for the outgoing President. Watch| ×

Transition Executive announces start of process for Joe Biden

Joe Biden's administration can formally begin its transition to power after President Trump, who has still hasn't conceded the White House race, tweeted he was "recommending" the GSA and others in his administration begin "initial protocols" to kick-start the formal transfer of presidential power. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/joe-biden-announces-cabinet-team-check-out-who-gets-what-here-344970">Also read | Joe Biden announces Cabinet team: Check out who gets what here</a> 
 
Trump said he directed Murphy and his administration to “follow the protocols,” which will open up federal funds for use by Biden’s transition team and allow him to receive daily intelligence briefings.

While Trump acknowledged an impending transition to Biden, he has yet to concede and is still pursuing legal action in multiple states.

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...fight, and I believe we will prevail! Nevertheless, in the best interest of our Country, I am recommending that Emily and her team do what needs to be done with regard to initial protocols, and have told my team to do the same.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) <a href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1331013908971261953?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 23, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Trump has spent the last three weeks since the November 3 election claiming without any evidence that Biden's convincing victory was the result of fraud.

Murphy, who denies acting under political pressure, has refused until now to release the standard package of aid that her agency manages to Biden's incoming team.

Biden's team welcomed the decision, saying in a statement it will provide the incoming administration "with the resources and support necessary to carry out a smooth and peaceful transfer of power."

"Today's decision is a needed step to begin tackling the challenges facing our nation, including getting the pandemic under control and our economy back on track. This final decision is a definitive administrative action to formally begin the transition process with federal agencies."

The decision frees up millions of dollars in financing to support the transition, as well as formally allows Biden to coordinate with current government officials.

Murphy, who had faced harsh criticism over her previous refusal to act, said in her letter to Biden obtained by various US news outlets that "contrary to media reports and insinuations, my decision was not made out of fear or favouritism."

The step by her GSA is usually a routine one following a US presidential election, but Trump's continuing efforts to overturn the results of the vote and refusal to concede have complicated the process.

(With inputs from agencies)

Joe Biden's administration can formally begin its transition to power after President Trump, who has still hasn't conceded the White House race, tweeted he was "recommending" the GSA and others in his administration begin "initial protocols" to kick-start the formal transfer of presidential power.

Joe Biden's administration can formally begin its transition to power after President Trump, who has still hasn't conceded the White House race, tweeted he was "recommending" the GSA and others in his administration begin "initial protocols" to kick-start the formal transfer of presidential power. Also read | Joe Biden announces Cabinet team: Check out who gets what here Trump said he directed Murphy and his administration to “follow the protocols,” which will open up federal funds for use by Biden’s transition team and allow him to receive daily intelligence briefings. While Trump acknowledged an impending transition to Biden, he has yet to concede and is still pursuing legal action in multiple states. ...fight, and I believe we will prevail! Nevertheless, in the best interest of our Country, I am recommending that Emily and her team do what needs to be done with regard to initial protocols, and have told my team to do the same. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) November 23, 2020 × Trump has spent the last three weeks since the November 3 election claiming without any evidence that Biden's convincing victory was the result of fraud. Murphy, who denies acting under political pressure, has refused until now to release the standard package of aid that her agency manages to Biden's incoming team. Biden's team welcomed the decision, saying in a statement it will provide the incoming administration "with the resources and support necessary to carry out a smooth and peaceful transfer of power." "Today's decision is a needed step to begin tackling the challenges facing our nation, including getting the pandemic under control and our economy back on track. This final decision is a definitive administrative action to formally begin the transition process with federal agencies." The decision frees up millions of dollars in financing to support the transition, as well as formally allows Biden to coordinate with current government officials. Murphy, who had faced harsh criticism over her previous refusal to act, said in her letter to Biden obtained by various US news outlets that "contrary to media reports and insinuations, my decision was not made out of fear or favouritism." The step by her GSA is usually a routine one following a US presidential election, but Trump's continuing efforts to overturn the results of the vote and refusal to concede have complicated the process. (With inputs from agencies)

‘Do what needs to be done’: Trump clears the way for Biden's transition

Twitter and Facebook have said that they will handover official social media accounts to U.S. President-elect Joe Biden on Jan 20. What does this mean for Trump

Gravitas: The battle for social media handles

In November 2018, after a vote that did not matter enough to him to push conspiracy theories about the outcome, President Donald Trump stood in the Rose Garden and delivered the hard truth.

“This was a fair election,” he said to a bird named Carrots, sidelined at the annual White House turkey pardon after being snubbed in an online contest over which privileged poultry (Peas or Carrots) would star in the ritual. “Unfortunately, Carrots refused to concede and demanded a recount, and we’re still fighting with Carrots.”

The crowd laughed, and Trump smirked a little. Such hammy pageantry in stately settings, aides say, has long been a part of the job he especially enjoys. He gripped his lectern for the punchline, thumbs behind the presidential seal.

“We’ve come to a conclusion,” Trump said grandly. “Carrots, I’m sorry to tell you, the result did not change. It’s too bad for Carrots.”

Two years later, after an election result that was too bad for Trump, he has been less willing to accept the cold math of whom the people want to see at the White House.

In the weeks since Election Day, the president and his allies have set off on a groundless and dangerous effort to overturn the will of an electorate that rejected him, moving to undercut basic tenets of American democracy to cling to an office he did not expect to win four years ago and has not particularly treasured since, by most accounts.

On Monday, after the administrator of the General Services Administration formally designated President-elect Joe Biden as the apparent winner of the election, Trump blessed the move on Twitter while still vowing to move ahead with legal challenges.

Yet the president’s desperate gambit until this point has been so all-consuming, his aversion to losing so well known, that little attention has been paid to a knotty question underpinning it all: What, exactly, was he holding onto? Why fight so hard, and put the country through so much, to keep a position he has often not appeared to want?

In some ways, Trump had seemed to imagine his Washington life more closely resembling a rolling turkey pardon — the pomp and splendor, yes, but also a world largely amenable to his boss-man bearing and binary whims: This bird is spared. Those birds are not. He’d have his people call the turkey people and hammer out the fine print later. But through it all, his word would be final.

This instinct has likewise fueled Trump’s affection for people-pardoning: He has used his pardon and clemency powers with abandon to reward allies and others whose causes are backed by celebrities. He is still considering a wave of such pardons for the final weeks of his tenure.

But for Trump, the more consistent reality of the presidency, laced with briefings and congressional obstacles and impeachment and criticism, has never quite measured up.

He has generally relished the aspects of the job that allow him to preside over something, fowl-based or otherwise — forums well-suited to a leader for whom attention can seem less a wish than a psychic need.

The trappings and the title have plainly pleased him the most, placing him at the center of major celebrations for the mere fact of being president. He has marveled at the Bastille Day parade in Paris, taken to the “beautiful phones” at the White House and delighted in serving fast food to college football champions. In July, Trump, who has for years pressed the federal government to stage an elaborate fireworks display at Mount Rushmore, finally got his way.

He has also amused himself showing off Air Force One and the Lincoln Bedroom. Then there is the study off the Oval Office, which he converted into a small dining room — the space, he has informed guests with a twinkle, where Monica Lewinsky would visit President Bill Clinton.

Jeff Flake, a Republican former senator from Arizona who spoke forcefully against Trump before leaving office, recalled Trump’s manifest glee at posing for pictures in his workspace.

“He loves having people go into the Oval Office — him sitting with a thumbs-up and for them to stand,” he said. “He seemed to never tire of that, of showing people the Oval Office and getting that picture.”

The president’s furious bid to keep power, Flake suggested, reflected Trump’s realization that his future celebrity might never match the present. “No matter how much fame he had before, it didn’t compare,” he said. “Once he had it, it’s tough to give up.”

Certainly Trump’s predecessors have appreciated many perks of the post, holding court with favored entertainers or athletes at the White House and growing fond of their privileged temporary address. But this president has taken a more conspicuous shine to such advantages than most.

It is little secret that the mechanics of government never much animated Trump. He has been on most sides of most major political issues throughout his adult life, depending on the day. His reelection campaign barely bothered with a detailed vision for a prospective second term, focusing far more often on cultural grievance and race-baiting rally fare.

While he has effectively abdicated any leadership role in steering the nation’s coronavirus response — generally processing its devastation this year through the lens of how the pandemic would affect him politically — the president plans to see to it that the turkey pardon proceeds as scheduled Tuesday.

It stands to be one of his few public appearances in recent weeks amid runaway virus case numbers and his continued assault on the integrity of the election. Trump has maintained a light public schedule since Nov. 3 and has often seemed downcast at his handful of engagements, including an announcement about the push to develop coronavirus vaccines, which he had promoted aggressively during the campaign.

Besides his regular golf outings on the weekends, the man who has historically seemed to need human interaction for sustenance — the audience for his perpetual show — is demonstrating little interest in being around others when he cannot point to something he can credibly call a win.

But then, the image of Trump merrily addressing turkeys in this context might register as a fitting turn for an executive end-stage that has constantly commingled calamity and absurdity.

It is also something of a culmination after three years of turkey pardons that have at times doubled as surprisingly telling snapshots of Trump’s frame of mind at various points in his presidency, with cutting asides and easy smiles in equal measure.

“From what I’ve seen,” said Beth Breeding, a spokesperson for the National Turkey Federation, “the president seems to have really enjoyed them.”

At the event in 2017, as Trump was working to reverse as much of the Obama legacy as he could, he joked that the White House Counsel’s Office had reminded him that the former president’s turkey pardons could not be revoked.

In 2018, with congressional investigations looming as Democrats prepared to take control of the House, the president said he had warned Peas and Carrots that “House Democrats are likely to issue them both subpoenas” despite his clemency.

And in 2019, as an impeachment inquiry and the upcoming election weighed on him, Trump opened with a bit of self-congratulation (“it’s always nice to begin by saying the stock market is up again”), allowed his mind to wander to the emotional comforts of his victory in 2016 (“very great day”) and complained bitterly about Rep. Adam B. Schiff, chair of the House Intelligence Committee.

By the end, though, the president was fulfilling the part of the job that always made the most sense to him: master of ceremonies. He placed his hand over a turkey named Butter, used the word “hereby” to infuse the proceedings with requisite gravitas (“I hereby grant you a full and complete pardon”) and started clapping on his way back inside.

“That was great,” Trump said, watching the crowd watch him. “Lot of fun.”

In November 2018, after a vote that did not matter enough to him to push conspiracy theories about the outcome, President Donald Trump stood in the Rose Garden and delivered the hard truth.

In November 2018, after a vote that did not matter enough to him to push conspiracy theories about the outcome, President Donald Trump stood in the Rose Garden and delivered the hard truth. “This was a fair election,” he said to a bird named Carrots, sidelined at the annual White House turkey pardon after being snubbed in an online contest over which privileged poultry (Peas or Carrots) would star in the ritual. “Unfortunately, Carrots refused to concede and demanded a recount, and we’re still fighting with Carrots.” The crowd laughed, and Trump smirked a little. Such hammy pageantry in stately settings, aides say, has long been a part of the job he especially enjoys. He gripped his lectern for the punchline, thumbs behind the presidential seal. “We’ve come to a conclusion,” Trump said grandly. “Carrots, I’m sorry to tell you, the result did not change. It’s too bad for Carrots.” Two years later, after an election result that was too bad for Trump, he has been less willing to accept the cold math of whom the people want to see at the White House. In the weeks since Election Day, the president and his allies have set off on a groundless and dangerous effort to overturn the will of an electorate that rejected him, moving to undercut basic tenets of American democracy to cling to an office he did not expect to win four years ago and has not particularly treasured since, by most accounts. On Monday, after the administrator of the General Services Administration formally designated President-elect Joe Biden as the apparent winner of the election, Trump blessed the move on Twitter while still vowing to move ahead with legal challenges. Yet the president’s desperate gambit until this point has been so all-consuming, his aversion to losing so well known, that little attention has been paid to a knotty question underpinning it all: What, exactly, was he holding onto? Why fight so hard, and put the country through so much, to keep a position he has often not appeared to want? In some ways, Trump had seemed to imagine his Washington life more closely resembling a rolling turkey pardon — the pomp and splendor, yes, but also a world largely amenable to his boss-man bearing and binary whims: This bird is spared. Those birds are not. He’d have his people call the turkey people and hammer out the fine print later. But through it all, his word would be final. This instinct has likewise fueled Trump’s affection for people-pardoning: He has used his pardon and clemency powers with abandon to reward allies and others whose causes are backed by celebrities. He is still considering a wave of such pardons for the final weeks of his tenure. But for Trump, the more consistent reality of the presidency, laced with briefings and congressional obstacles and impeachment and criticism, has never quite measured up. He has generally relished the aspects of the job that allow him to preside over something, fowl-based or otherwise — forums well-suited to a leader for whom attention can seem less a wish than a psychic need. The trappings and the title have plainly pleased him the most, placing him at the center of major celebrations for the mere fact of being president. He has marveled at the Bastille Day parade in Paris, taken to the “beautiful phones” at the White House and delighted in serving fast food to college football champions. In July, Trump, who has for years pressed the federal government to stage an elaborate fireworks display at Mount Rushmore, finally got his way. He has also amused himself showing off Air Force One and the Lincoln Bedroom. Then there is the study off the Oval Office, which he converted into a small dining room — the space, he has informed guests with a twinkle, where Monica Lewinsky would visit President Bill Clinton. Jeff Flake, a Republican former senator from Arizona who spoke forcefully against Trump before leaving office, recalled Trump’s manifest glee at posing for pictures in his workspace. “He loves having people go into the Oval Office — him sitting with a thumbs-up and for them to stand,” he said. “He seemed to never tire of that, of showing people the Oval Office and getting that picture.” The president’s furious bid to keep power, Flake suggested, reflected Trump’s realization that his future celebrity might never match the present. “No matter how much fame he had before, it didn’t compare,” he said. “Once he had it, it’s tough to give up.” Certainly Trump’s predecessors have appreciated many perks of the post, holding court with favored entertainers or athletes at the White House and growing fond of their privileged temporary address. But this president has taken a more conspicuous shine to such advantages than most. It is little secret that the mechanics of government never much animated Trump. He has been on most sides of most major political issues throughout his adult life, depending on the day. His reelection campaign barely bothered with a detailed vision for a prospective second term, focusing far more often on cultural grievance and race-baiting rally fare. While he has effectively abdicated any leadership role in steering the nation’s coronavirus response — generally processing its devastation this year through the lens of how the pandemic would affect him politically — the president plans to see to it that the turkey pardon proceeds as scheduled Tuesday. It stands to be one of his few public appearances in recent weeks amid runaway virus case numbers and his continued assault on the integrity of the election. Trump has maintained a light public schedule since Nov. 3 and has often seemed downcast at his handful of engagements, including an announcement about the push to develop coronavirus vaccines, which he had promoted aggressively during the campaign. Besides his regular golf outings on the weekends, the man who has historically seemed to need human interaction for sustenance — the audience for his perpetual show — is demonstrating little interest in being around others when he cannot point to something he can credibly call a win. But then, the image of Trump merrily addressing turkeys in this context might register as a fitting turn for an executive end-stage that has constantly commingled calamity and absurdity. It is also something of a culmination after three years of turkey pardons that have at times doubled as surprisingly telling snapshots of Trump’s frame of mind at various points in his presidency, with cutting asides and easy smiles in equal measure. “From what I’ve seen,” said Beth Breeding, a spokesperson for the National Turkey Federation, “the president seems to have really enjoyed them.” At the event in 2017, as Trump was working to reverse as much of the Obama legacy as he could, he joked that the White House Counsel’s Office had reminded him that the former president’s turkey pardons could not be revoked. In 2018, with congressional investigations looming as Democrats prepared to take control of the House, the president said he had warned Peas and Carrots that “House Democrats are likely to issue them both subpoenas” despite his clemency. And in 2019, as an impeachment inquiry and the upcoming election weighed on him, Trump opened with a bit of self-congratulation (“it’s always nice to begin by saying the stock market is up again”), allowed his mind to wander to the emotional comforts of his victory in 2016 (“very great day”) and complained bitterly about Rep. Adam B. Schiff, chair of the House Intelligence Committee. By the end, though, the president was fulfilling the part of the job that always made the most sense to him: master of ceremonies. He placed his hand over a turkey named Butter, used the word “hereby” to infuse the proceedings with requisite gravitas (“I hereby grant you a full and complete pardon”) and started clapping on his way back inside. “That was great,” Trump said, watching the crowd watch him. “Lot of fun.”

What Donald Trump liked about being president

US President-elect <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>&nbsp;is all set to announce his&nbsp;cabinet picks shortly, and one of the main positions of Secretary of State might be filled by the&nbsp;veteran diplomat Antony Blinken, sources have revealed.

Blinken has earlier served as one of the top officials at the State Department and as deputy&nbsp;national security adviser in the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/barack-obama">Obama</a> administration — with Joe Biden as the Vice President.

A close Biden ally has now revealed to local media houses that the 58-year-old is most likely to be Joe Biden's most likely pick to replace Mike Pompeo from&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a>'s cabinet, after Biden's historic win in the recently-held <a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US elections.</a>

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/joe-biden-to-name-his-cabinet-ministers-on-tuesday-344730">Joe Biden to name his cabinet ministers on Tuesday</a>

Married to Evan Ryan — who has served as&nbsp;Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs — Blinken and his family has been a longtime confidante of Biden.

Often referred to as "diplomat's diplomat," Blinken is known to be deliberative and relatively soft-spoken, with expertise in nuances of foreign policy. The Harvard-educated scholar started his political career in&nbsp;late 1980s when he helped Michael Dukakis' presidential campaign raise money, and later joined&nbsp;President Bill Clinton's White House as a speechwriter and became one of his national security aides.

Blinken was also a strong support for the Biden-<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/kamala-harris">Harris</a>&nbsp;campaign, lending them a helping hand his expert thoughts in matters beyond foreign policy too.

US President-elect Joe Biden is all set to announce his cabinet picks shortly, and one of the main positions of Secretary of State might be filled by the veteran diplomat Antony Blinken, sources have revealed.

US President-elect Joe Biden is all set to announce his cabinet picks shortly, and one of the main positions of Secretary of State might be filled by the veteran diplomat Antony Blinken, sources have revealed. Blinken has earlier served as one of the top officials at the State Department and as deputy national security adviser in the Obama administration — with Joe Biden as the Vice President. A close Biden ally has now revealed to local media houses that the 58-year-old is most likely to be Joe Biden's most likely pick to replace Mike Pompeo from Donald Trump's cabinet, after Biden's historic win in the recently-held US elections. Also read| Joe Biden to name his cabinet ministers on Tuesday Married to Evan Ryan — who has served as Assistant Secretary of State for Educational and Cultural Affairs — Blinken and his family has been a longtime confidante of Biden. Often referred to as "diplomat's diplomat," Blinken is known to be deliberative and relatively soft-spoken, with expertise in nuances of foreign policy. The Harvard-educated scholar started his political career in late 1980s when he helped Michael Dukakis' presidential campaign raise money, and later joined President Bill Clinton's White House as a speechwriter and became one of his national security aides. Blinken was also a strong support for the Biden-Harris campaign, lending them a helping hand his expert thoughts in matters beyond foreign policy too.

Joe Biden to name Antony Blinken as Secretary of State: Reports

For the next three weeks, the integrity of American democracy is in the hands of people like Norman Shinkle, a proud Michigander who has, until recently, served in relative obscurity on the state board that certifies vote results.

But now Shinkle faces a choice born from the national election turmoil created by President Donald Trump, his preferred candidate, for whom he sang the national anthem at a campaign rally in Lansing, Michigan, last month.

Shinkle’s duty, as one of two Republicans on the four-member board, is to validate the will of Michigan voters and certify President-elect Joe Biden’s victory before the Electoral College vote Dec. 14. Yet Shinkle is weighing whether to block certification at a board meeting scheduled for Monday, because of minor glitches that Trump and his allies have baselessly cast as evidence of widespread, election-invalidating fraud.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-judge-dismisses-trump-election-lawsuit-in-pennsylvania-344586" hreflang="en">US judge dismisses Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania</a>

He said he had received hundreds of phone calls, emails and text messages from people for or against certifying. “You can’t make up your mind before you get all the facts,” he said.

That Shinkle is equivocating over a once-routine step in the process — despite all 83 state counties submitting certified results and Biden leading by 154,000 votes — shows the damage inflicted by Trump on the American voting process and the faith that people in both parties have historically shared in the outcome of elections.

But this is also a moment of truth for the Republican Party: The country is on a knife’s edge, with GOP officials from state capitols to Congress choosing between the will of voters and the will of one man. In pushing his false claims to the limits, cowing Republicans into acquiescence or silence, and driving officials like Shinkle to nervous indecision, Trump has revealed the fragility of the electoral system — and shaken it.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-elections-results-2020-joe-biden-wins-georgia-after-recount-says-state-election-official-344393" hreflang="en">US elections: Joe Biden wins Georgia after recount, says election official</a>

At this point, the president’s impact is not so much about overturning the election — both parties agree he has no real chance of doing that — but infusing the democratic process with so much mistrust and confusion that it ceases to function as it should.

Under an unending barrage of fraud charges, voters might begin to question the legitimacy of elected officials from the rival party as a matter of course. And the GOP risks being seen as standing for disenfranchisement and the undemocratic position that a high level of voting is somehow detrimental.

“What Trump is doing is creating a road map to destabilization and chaos in future years,” said Trevor Potter, a Republican who served as chair of the Federal Election Commission in the 1990s. “What he’s saying, explicitly, is if a party doesn’t like the election result they have the right to change it by gaming the system.”

Indeed, on Saturday night, Trump made his most explicit call yet for state legislatures to intervene with the aim of reversing the result, once again relying on false claims of fraud. “Hopefully the Courts and/or Legislatures will have the COURAGE to do what has to be done to maintain the integrity of our Elections, and the United States of America itself,” he wrote on Twitter.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/multiple-blows-narrow-donald-trumps-options-to-retain-presidency-344474" hreflang="en">Multiple blows narrow Donald Trump's options to retain presidency</a>

Trump’s gambit, never realistic to begin with, appears to be growing more futile by the day: Georgia became the first contested state Friday to certify its vote for Biden, and the president continues to draw losing rulings from judges who bluntly note his failure to present any evidence of significant fraud or irregularities. On Saturday, in perhaps the most stinging blow, a federal judge in Pennsylvania dismissed a lawsuit by the Trump campaign seeking to invalidate ballots, ending Trump’s last major effort to delay certification of the state’s results.

Some fellow Republicans have started breaking with him, including Sen. Mitt Romney, a Trump critic, who said the president was seeking to “subvert the will of the people,” and Sen. Marco Rubio, who has acknowledged Biden is the president-elect.

On Friday, Republican lawmakers in Michigan also made clear, after meeting with Trump at the White House, that they would allow the normal certification process to play out without interfering, a potentially important signal ahead of the certification decision by the state elections board Monday.

But Saturday, the national and Michigan state party chairs issued a statement calling on the canvassing board to delay certification beyond its Monday deadline, to conduct an audit.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/dont-be-embarrassing-czech-president-asks-donald-trump-to-step-down-344233" hreflang="en">'Don't be embarrassing': Czech President asks Donald Trump to step down</a>

If Shinkle and his fellow Republican on the state board, Aaron Van Langevelde, were to oppose certifying the results, the board would deadlock.

Democrats and election lawyers say the courts would almost certainly force the board to complete the certification process, well in time for the Electoral College deadline next month. And Gov. Gretchen Whitmer could replace the board members if they defy a court order. But they also agree a deadlocked vote would give Trump a new opportunity to cast doubt upon the legitimacy of the election system and Biden’s win, while also prolonging his own legally dubious and, so far, failing attempt to persuade Republicans who control the Statehouse to send pro-Trump delegates to the Electoral College.

Biden’s advisers say they are confident he will be awarded Michigan’s 16 Electoral College votes. But they acknowledge that the resulting national spectacle of court fights and new charges of fraud could prove “very harmful to the democratic process,” as Biden’s senior adviser, Bob Bauer, put it Friday.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/youre-fired-twitter-to-hand-over-potus-account-to-biden-whether-trump-concedes-or-not-344466" hreflang="en">Twitter to hand over POTUS account to Biden, whether Trump concedes or not</a>

For the next three weeks, the integrity of American democracy is in the hands of people like Norman Shinkle, a proud Michigander who has, until recently, served in relative obscurity on the state board that certifies vote results.

But now Shinkle faces a choice born from the national election turmoil created by President Donald Trump, his preferred candidate, for whom he sang the national anthem at a campaign rally in Lansing, Michigan, last month.

Shinkle’s duty, as one of two Republicans on the four-member board, is to validate the will of Michigan voters and certify President-elect Joe Biden’s victory before the Electoral College vote Dec. 14. Yet Shinkle is weighing whether to block certification at a board meeting scheduled for Monday, because of minor glitches that Trump and his allies have baselessly cast as evidence of widespread, election-invalidating fraud.

He said he had received hundreds of phone calls, emails and text messages from people for or against certifying. “You can’t make up your mind before you get all the facts,” he said.

That Shinkle is equivocating over a once-routine step in the process — despite all 83 state counties submitting certified results and Biden leading by 154,000 votes — shows the damage inflicted by Trump on the American voting process and the faith that people in both parties have historically shared in the outcome of elections.

But this is also a moment of truth for the Republican Party: The country is on a knife’s edge, with GOP officials from state capitols to Congress choosing between the will of voters and the will of one man. In pushing his false claims to the limits, cowing Republicans into acquiescence or silence, and driving officials like Shinkle to nervous indecision, Trump has revealed the fragility of the electoral system — and shaken it.

At this point, the president’s impact is not so much about overturning the election — both parties agree he has no real chance of doing that — but infusing the democratic process with so much mistrust and confusion that it ceases to function as it should.

Under an unending barrage of fraud charges, voters might begin to question the legitimacy of elected officials from the rival party as a matter of course. And the GOP risks being seen as standing for disenfranchisement and the undemocratic position that a high level of voting is somehow detrimental.

“What Trump is doing is creating a road map to destabilization and chaos in future years,” said Trevor Potter, a Republican who served as chair of the Federal Election Commission in the 1990s. “What he’s saying, explicitly, is if a party doesn’t like the election result they have the right to change it by gaming the system.”

Indeed, on Saturday night, Trump made his most explicit call yet for state legislatures to intervene with the aim of reversing the result, once again relying on false claims of fraud. “Hopefully the Courts and/or Legislatures will have the COURAGE to do what has to be done to maintain the integrity of our Elections, and the United States of America itself,” he wrote on Twitter.

Trump’s gambit, never realistic to begin with, appears to be growing more futile by the day: Georgia became the first contested state Friday to certify its vote for Biden, and the president continues to draw losing rulings from judges who bluntly note his failure to present any evidence of significant fraud or irregularities. On Saturday, in perhaps the most stinging blow, a federal judge in Pennsylvania dismissed a lawsuit by the Trump campaign seeking to invalidate ballots, ending Trump’s last major effort to delay certification of the state’s results.

Some fellow Republicans have started breaking with him, including Sen. Mitt Romney, a Trump critic, who said the president was seeking to “subvert the will of the people,” and Sen. Marco Rubio, who has acknowledged Biden is the president-elect.

On Friday, Republican lawmakers in Michigan also made clear, after meeting with Trump at the White House, that they would allow the normal certification process to play out without interfering, a potentially important signal ahead of the certification decision by the state elections board Monday.

But Saturday, the national and Michigan state party chairs issued a statement calling on the canvassing board to delay certification beyond its Monday deadline, to conduct an audit.

If Shinkle and his fellow Republican on the state board, Aaron Van Langevelde, were to oppose certifying the results, the board would deadlock.

Democrats and election lawyers say the courts would almost certainly force the board to complete the certification process, well in time for the Electoral College deadline next month. And Gov. Gretchen Whitmer could replace the board members if they defy a court order. But they also agree a deadlocked vote would give Trump a new opportunity to cast doubt upon the legitimacy of the election system and Biden’s win, while also prolonging his own legally dubious and, so far, failing attempt to persuade Republicans who control the Statehouse to send pro-Trump delegates to the Electoral College.

Biden’s advisers say they are confident he will be awarded Michigan’s 16 Electoral College votes. But they acknowledge that the resulting national spectacle of court fights and new charges of fraud could prove “very harmful to the democratic process,” as Biden’s senior adviser, Bob Bauer, put it Friday.

Civil rights leaders are especially alarmed at Trump’s efforts, given that most of them have falsely portrayed cities with large Black populations, like Detroit and Philadelphia, as so corrupt that their votes shouldn’t count. The argument that Trump’s attempt is all for show and will not succeed has done little to allay their concern.

“How is it ‘show’ when you’re basically systematically delegitimizing Black voters by your rhetoric,” said Sherrilyn Ifill, president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, which filed suit against Trump in Michigan on Friday for trying to disenfranchise Black voters (it did so on behalf of the Michigan Welfare Rights Organization and three residents). “How can that be anything but incredibly dangerous,” she added.

Ifill marveled at the position of the Republican Party, which was the nation’s first true civil rights party from the time of slavery through the late 1950s, but now, under Trump’s unchallenged leadership, is effectively taking a stance against voting in entire cities and states.

“Civil rights haven’t moved — one party has moved, and that move has not been toward an embrace of democracy, it’s been away from it," she said.

If Trump has shown nothing else, it is that he has made the Republican Party — which initially sought to resist him — his own. Although a handful of prominent Republicans have rebuked his refusal to cede power, far more, across all levels of government, have either tacitly or explicitly embraced a new standard in presidential elections: No winner can be declared until the full Electoral College certification process is complete, no matter how clear the results after Election Day.

Sen. John Cornyn of Texas has acknowledged that he hadn’t “seen anything that would change the outcome” but told reporters Thursday that Biden “is not president-elect until the votes are certified.” Cornyn congratulated Trump as president-elect on the day the major news organizations projected him as the winner in 2016.

The president’s clout with his party is reinforced by the widespread support he has from millions of Americans; almost 74 million voted for him this year.

Former Sen. Jeff Flake, a staunch opponent of Trump, has urged Republicans to recognize Biden as president-elect. But he noted that Republicans worry about alienating Trump when they need his help for the upcoming Georgia runoffs, which will decide control of the Senate.

“If the Republicans abandon him, he may just abandon them," he said.

Trump’s baseless argument that this is still an election up for grabs was prevalent in interviews with Republicans across the country Friday.

Ginger Howard, a Republican national committeewoman from Georgia, said she still believed there were other avenues for Trump to pursue, despite the state’s certification of Biden as the winner there.

“There’s still recourse for sure, we’ve got some other options,” she said Friday without elaborating.

Jason Thompson, who represents Georgia to the Republican National Committee, also echoed Trump’s unfounded skepticism.

“It’s not like I’m saying there’s no way he won,” he said. “All I’m saying is we’ll never know for sure.”

In Pennsylvania, Trump has less opportunity to try to block certification than he does in Michigan and Wisconsin, where he has requested recounts in two counties. After the state’s 67 counties certify their votes — the deadline is Monday — they go to Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar, a Democrat, who has sole power to certify state results.

In Michigan, the president’s opportunity is limited if not nonexistent. On Friday, the state Bureau of Elections submitted its formal report recommending that the canvassing board affirm Biden’s win. Errors in some vote tabulations, which Trump has seized upon, were “attributable to human error,’' and “did not affect the actual tabulation of votes,” the elections bureau said.

That, said Christopher Thomas, an election adviser to the city of Detroit, means the canvassing board is obligated to affirm the vote. “The law doesn’t say you can decide or not — the law says if you get certified returns you go ahead and do what you’re supposed to do,” he said.

For the next three weeks, the integrity of American democracy is in the hands of people like Norman Shinkle, a proud Michigander who has, until recently, served in relative obscurity on the state board that certifies vote results.

For the next three weeks, the integrity of American democracy is in the hands of people like Norman Shinkle, a proud Michigander who has, until recently, served in relative obscurity on the state board that certifies vote results. But now Shinkle faces a choice born from the national election turmoil created by President Donald Trump, his preferred candidate, for whom he sang the national anthem at a campaign rally in Lansing, Michigan, last month. Shinkle’s duty, as one of two Republicans on the four-member board, is to validate the will of Michigan voters and certify President-elect Joe Biden’s victory before the Electoral College vote Dec. 14. Yet Shinkle is weighing whether to block certification at a board meeting scheduled for Monday, because of minor glitches that Trump and his allies have baselessly cast as evidence of widespread, election-invalidating fraud. Also read| US judge dismisses Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania He said he had received hundreds of phone calls, emails and text messages from people for or against certifying. “You can’t make up your mind before you get all the facts,” he said. That Shinkle is equivocating over a once-routine step in the process — despite all 83 state counties submitting certified results and Biden leading by 154,000 votes — shows the damage inflicted by Trump on the American voting process and the faith that people in both parties have historically shared in the outcome of elections. But this is also a moment of truth for the Republican Party: The country is on a knife’s edge, with GOP officials from state capitols to Congress choosing between the will of voters and the will of one man. In pushing his false claims to the limits, cowing Republicans into acquiescence or silence, and driving officials like Shinkle to nervous indecision, Trump has revealed the fragility of the electoral system — and shaken it. Also read| US elections: Joe Biden wins Georgia after recount, says election official At this point, the president’s impact is not so much about overturning the election — both parties agree he has no real chance of doing that — but infusing the democratic process with so much mistrust and confusion that it ceases to function as it should. Under an unending barrage of fraud charges, voters might begin to question the legitimacy of elected officials from the rival party as a matter of course. And the GOP risks being seen as standing for disenfranchisement and the undemocratic position that a high level of voting is somehow detrimental. “What Trump is doing is creating a road map to destabilization and chaos in future years,” said Trevor Potter, a Republican who served as chair of the Federal Election Commission in the 1990s. “What he’s saying, explicitly, is if a party doesn’t like the election result they have the right to change it by gaming the system.” Indeed, on Saturday night, Trump made his most explicit call yet for state legislatures to intervene with the aim of reversing the result, once again relying on false claims of fraud. “Hopefully the Courts and/or Legislatures will have the COURAGE to do what has to be done to maintain the integrity of our Elections, and the United States of America itself,” he wrote on Twitter. Also read| Multiple blows narrow Donald Trump's options to retain presidency Trump’s gambit, never realistic to begin with, appears to be growing more futile by the day: Georgia became the first contested state Friday to certify its vote for Biden, and the president continues to draw losing rulings from judges who bluntly note his failure to present any evidence of significant fraud or irregularities. On Saturday, in perhaps the most stinging blow, a federal judge in Pennsylvania dismissed a lawsuit by the Trump campaign seeking to invalidate ballots, ending Trump’s last major effort to delay certification of the state’s results. Some fellow Republicans have started breaking with him, including Sen. Mitt Romney, a Trump critic, who said the president was seeking to “subvert the will of the people,” and Sen. Marco Rubio, who has acknowledged Biden is the president-elect. On Friday, Republican lawmakers in Michigan also made clear, after meeting with Trump at the White House, that they would allow the normal certification process to play out without interfering, a potentially important signal ahead of the certification decision by the state elections board Monday. But Saturday, the national and Michigan state party chairs issued a statement calling on the canvassing board to delay certification beyond its Monday deadline, to conduct an audit. Also read| 'Don't be embarrassing': Czech President asks Donald Trump to step down If Shinkle and his fellow Republican on the state board, Aaron Van Langevelde, were to oppose certifying the results, the board would deadlock. Democrats and election lawyers say the courts would almost certainly force the board to complete the certification process, well in time for the Electoral College deadline next month. And Gov. Gretchen Whitmer could replace the board members if they defy a court order. But they also agree a deadlocked vote would give Trump a new opportunity to cast doubt upon the legitimacy of the election system and Biden’s win, while also prolonging his own legally dubious and, so far, failing attempt to persuade Republicans who control the Statehouse to send pro-Trump delegates to the Electoral College. Biden’s advisers say they are confident he will be awarded Michigan’s 16 Electoral College votes. But they acknowledge that the resulting national spectacle of court fights and new charges of fraud could prove “very harmful to the democratic process,” as Biden’s senior adviser, Bob Bauer, put it Friday. Also read| Twitter to hand over POTUS account to Biden, whether Trump concedes or not For the next three weeks, the integrity of American democracy is in the hands of people like Norman Shinkle, a proud Michigander who has, until recently, served in relative obscurity on the state board that certifies vote results. But now Shinkle faces a choice born from the national election turmoil created by President Donald Trump, his preferred candidate, for whom he sang the national anthem at a campaign rally in Lansing, Michigan, last month. Shinkle’s duty, as one of two Republicans on the four-member board, is to validate the will of Michigan voters and certify President-elect Joe Biden’s victory before the Electoral College vote Dec. 14. Yet Shinkle is weighing whether to block certification at a board meeting scheduled for Monday, because of minor glitches that Trump and his allies have baselessly cast as evidence of widespread, election-invalidating fraud. He said he had received hundreds of phone calls, emails and text messages from people for or against certifying. “You can’t make up your mind before you get all the facts,” he said. That Shinkle is equivocating over a once-routine step in the process — despite all 83 state counties submitting certified results and Biden leading by 154,000 votes — shows the damage inflicted by Trump on the American voting process and the faith that people in both parties have historically shared in the outcome of elections. But this is also a moment of truth for the Republican Party: The country is on a knife’s edge, with GOP officials from state capitols to Congress choosing between the will of voters and the will of one man. In pushing his false claims to the limits, cowing Republicans into acquiescence or silence, and driving officials like Shinkle to nervous indecision, Trump has revealed the fragility of the electoral system — and shaken it. At this point, the president’s impact is not so much about overturning the election — both parties agree he has no real chance of doing that — but infusing the democratic process with so much mistrust and confusion that it ceases to function as it should. Under an unending barrage of fraud charges, voters might begin to question the legitimacy of elected officials from the rival party as a matter of course. And the GOP risks being seen as standing for disenfranchisement and the undemocratic position that a high level of voting is somehow detrimental. “What Trump is doing is creating a road map to destabilization and chaos in future years,” said Trevor Potter, a Republican who served as chair of the Federal Election Commission in the 1990s. “What he’s saying, explicitly, is if a party doesn’t like the election result they have the right to change it by gaming the system.” Indeed, on Saturday night, Trump made his most explicit call yet for state legislatures to intervene with the aim of reversing the result, once again relying on false claims of fraud. “Hopefully the Courts and/or Legislatures will have the COURAGE to do what has to be done to maintain the integrity of our Elections, and the United States of America itself,” he wrote on Twitter. Trump’s gambit, never realistic to begin with, appears to be growing more futile by the day: Georgia became the first contested state Friday to certify its vote for Biden, and the president continues to draw losing rulings from judges who bluntly note his failure to present any evidence of significant fraud or irregularities. On Saturday, in perhaps the most stinging blow, a federal judge in Pennsylvania dismissed a lawsuit by the Trump campaign seeking to invalidate ballots, ending Trump’s last major effort to delay certification of the state’s results. Some fellow Republicans have started breaking with him, including Sen. Mitt Romney, a Trump critic, who said the president was seeking to “subvert the will of the people,” and Sen. Marco Rubio, who has acknowledged Biden is the president-elect. On Friday, Republican lawmakers in Michigan also made clear, after meeting with Trump at the White House, that they would allow the normal certification process to play out without interfering, a potentially important signal ahead of the certification decision by the state elections board Monday. But Saturday, the national and Michigan state party chairs issued a statement calling on the canvassing board to delay certification beyond its Monday deadline, to conduct an audit. If Shinkle and his fellow Republican on the state board, Aaron Van Langevelde, were to oppose certifying the results, the board would deadlock. Democrats and election lawyers say the courts would almost certainly force the board to complete the certification process, well in time for the Electoral College deadline next month. And Gov. Gretchen Whitmer could replace the board members if they defy a court order. But they also agree a deadlocked vote would give Trump a new opportunity to cast doubt upon the legitimacy of the election system and Biden’s win, while also prolonging his own legally dubious and, so far, failing attempt to persuade Republicans who control the Statehouse to send pro-Trump delegates to the Electoral College. Biden’s advisers say they are confident he will be awarded Michigan’s 16 Electoral College votes. But they acknowledge that the resulting national spectacle of court fights and new charges of fraud could prove “very harmful to the democratic process,” as Biden’s senior adviser, Bob Bauer, put it Friday. Civil rights leaders are especially alarmed at Trump’s efforts, given that most of them have falsely portrayed cities with large Black populations, like Detroit and Philadelphia, as so corrupt that their votes shouldn’t count. The argument that Trump’s attempt is all for show and will not succeed has done little to allay their concern. “How is it ‘show’ when you’re basically systematically delegitimizing Black voters by your rhetoric,” said Sherrilyn Ifill, president of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, which filed suit against Trump in Michigan on Friday for trying to disenfranchise Black voters (it did so on behalf of the Michigan Welfare Rights Organization and three residents). “How can that be anything but incredibly dangerous,” she added. Ifill marveled at the position of the Republican Party, which was the nation’s first true civil rights party from the time of slavery through the late 1950s, but now, under Trump’s unchallenged leadership, is effectively taking a stance against voting in entire cities and states. “Civil rights haven’t moved — one party has moved, and that move has not been toward an embrace of democracy, it’s been away from it," she said. If Trump has shown nothing else, it is that he has made the Republican Party — which initially sought to resist him — his own. Although a handful of prominent Republicans have rebuked his refusal to cede power, far more, across all levels of government, have either tacitly or explicitly embraced a new standard in presidential elections: No winner can be declared until the full Electoral College certification process is complete, no matter how clear the results after Election Day. Sen. John Cornyn of Texas has acknowledged that he hadn’t “seen anything that would change the outcome” but told reporters Thursday that Biden “is not president-elect until the votes are certified.” Cornyn congratulated Trump as president-elect on the day the major news organizations projected him as the winner in 2016. The president’s clout with his party is reinforced by the widespread support he has from millions of Americans; almost 74 million voted for him this year. Former Sen. Jeff Flake, a staunch opponent of Trump, has urged Republicans to recognize Biden as president-elect. But he noted that Republicans worry about alienating Trump when they need his help for the upcoming Georgia runoffs, which will decide control of the Senate. “If the Republicans abandon him, he may just abandon them," he said. Trump’s baseless argument that this is still an election up for grabs was prevalent in interviews with Republicans across the country Friday. Ginger Howard, a Republican national committeewoman from Georgia, said she still believed there were other avenues for Trump to pursue, despite the state’s certification of Biden as the winner there. “There’s still recourse for sure, we’ve got some other options,” she said Friday without elaborating. Jason Thompson, who represents Georgia to the Republican National Committee, also echoed Trump’s unfounded skepticism. “It’s not like I’m saying there’s no way he won,” he said. “All I’m saying is we’ll never know for sure.” In Pennsylvania, Trump has less opportunity to try to block certification than he does in Michigan and Wisconsin, where he has requested recounts in two counties. After the state’s 67 counties certify their votes — the deadline is Monday — they go to Secretary of the Commonwealth Kathy Boockvar, a Democrat, who has sole power to certify state results. In Michigan, the president’s opportunity is limited if not nonexistent. On Friday, the state Bureau of Elections submitted its formal report recommending that the canvassing board affirm Biden’s win. Errors in some vote tabulations, which Trump has seized upon, were “attributable to human error,’' and “did not affect the actual tabulation of votes,” the elections bureau said. That, said Christopher Thomas, an election adviser to the city of Detroit, means the canvassing board is obligated to affirm the vote. “The law doesn’t say you can decide or not — the law says if you get certified returns you go ahead and do what you’re supposed to do,” he said.

Duty or party? For Republicans, a choice on whether to enable Trump

US President-elect <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden </a>on Tuesday will name his cabinet picks, his chief of staff said on Sunday.&nbsp;

Biden is taking calls related to his job as president ahead of his take over in January 2020 despite Donald Trump refusing to accept the results of the presidential election.&nbsp;

Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/multiple-blows-narrow-donald-trumps-options-to-retain-presidency-344474">Multiple blows narrow Donald Trump's options to retain presidency</a>

"You are going to see the first of the president-elect's cabinet picks on Tuesday of this week," said Biden's chief of staff Ron Klain to ABC.&nbsp;

Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-judge-dismisses-trump-election-lawsuit-in-pennsylvania-344586">US judge dismisses Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania</a>

"You'll have to wait for the president-elect to say that himself on Tuesday,"&nbsp;

Klain also described Trump's denial of election verdict as "corrosive", "harmful".&nbsp;

"It's not going to change the outcome of what happens here at 12 noon on Jan. 20: Joe Biden will become the next president of the United States," he said.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, Trump's chances to retain presidency despite his false claims seem to end as a Pennsylvania judge on Saturday rejected claims that there has been widespread electoral fraud as propagated by Trump's tegal team.

Pennsylvania is part of key battleground states where Trump has lost to Biden, but so far he has not accepted the verdict of these states.&nbsp;

Earlier on Thursday, Georgia, another battleground state, declared Biden as the winner after a recount.&nbsp;

Several Republican senators, including Mitt Romney, Ben Sasse and Joni Ernst have slammed Trump's strategy to not concede defeat.&nbsp;

US President-elect Joe Biden on Tuesday will name his cabinet picks, his chief of staff said on Sunday. Biden is taking calls related to his job as president ahead of his take over in January 2020 despite Donald Trump refusing to accept the results of the presidential election.

US President-elect Joe Biden on Tuesday will name his cabinet picks, his chief of staff said on Sunday. Biden is taking calls related to his job as president ahead of his take over in January 2020 despite Donald Trump refusing to accept the results of the presidential election. Also read | Multiple blows narrow Donald Trump's options to retain presidency "You are going to see the first of the president-elect's cabinet picks on Tuesday of this week," said Biden's chief of staff Ron Klain to ABC. Also read | US judge dismisses Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania "You'll have to wait for the president-elect to say that himself on Tuesday," Klain also described Trump's denial of election verdict as "corrosive", "harmful". "It's not going to change the outcome of what happens here at 12 noon on Jan. 20: Joe Biden will become the next president of the United States," he said. Meanwhile, Trump's chances to retain presidency despite his false claims seem to end as a Pennsylvania judge on Saturday rejected claims that there has been widespread electoral fraud as propagated by Trump's tegal team. Pennsylvania is part of key battleground states where Trump has lost to Biden, but so far he has not accepted the verdict of these states. Earlier on Thursday, Georgia, another battleground state, declared Biden as the winner after a recount. Several Republican senators, including Mitt Romney, Ben Sasse and Joni Ernst have slammed Trump's strategy to not concede defeat.

Joe Biden to name his cabinet ministers on Tuesday

US President Donald Trump suffered another major setback on Saturday in his desperate crusade to overturn the recently conducted presidential election and win it -- as a federal judge dismissed a lawsuit filed by his campaign that sought to throw out millions of mail-in votes in Pennsylvania.

Trump and his allies have now won two election-related cases and lost 34, according to Democratic election lawyer Marc Elias.

District Court Judge Matthew Brann ruled that Trump's campaign had failed to demonstrate there had been widespread voting fraud in the November 3 vote.

Brann said that he "has no authority to take away the right to vote of even a single person, let alone millions of citizens."

The lawsuit, spearheaded by Trump's personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani, sought to stop officials from certifying Biden's victory in the state, arguing that some counties wrongly allowed voters to fix errors on their mail ballots.

Giuliani and other Trump lawyers floated a variety of conspiracy theories at a news conference on Thursday as they alleged that the election was marred by widespread voter fraud. But they have had little success in court.

Democrats said Saturday's scathing verdict was further proof that those charges are false.

Giuliani has signalled in legal filings that he will pursue an appeal, but he has little time to do so before the state formalizes Biden's victory on Monday.

Trump is seeking to invalidate or change the election results through recounts and direct pressure on lawmakers in several states. He would need to prevail in at least three states to prevent Biden from being sworn in as president on January 20 -- an unprecedented action.

In Michigan, Republicans wrote to state authorities on Saturday asking them to wait 14 days to certify Biden's victory to allow for an audit of ballots in Wayne County, which includes the majority-Black city of Detroit. The letter cited allegations of "irregularities" that have not been substantiated. Biden won 154,000 more votes than Trump in Michigan.

Meanwhile, a manual recount and audit in Georgia confirmed Biden on Friday as the winner in the southern state, the first Democratic presidential candidate to win Georgia in nearly three decades.

The Trump campaign has two business days to request a recount in Georgia. Trump's legal team has also said it plans a lawsuit in the state, but has not provided specifics.

Trump's accusations have continued to inflame his hard-core Republican base.

Hundreds of supporters gathered at the statehouse in Atlanta on Saturday, with video posted online showing speakers denouncing the media for calling Biden the election winner, as well as state Republican leaders for certifying the results.

Police in riot gear were deployed to separate them from counterprotesters who gathered nearby.

Critics say the delay and Trump's refusal to concede have serious implications for national security and the fight against the coronavirus, which has killed nearly 255,000 Americans.

Biden, who has denounced Trump's attempt to reverse the election results as "totally irresponsible", spent Saturday meeting with transition advisors and attending church.

Trump took part in a virtual summit of the 20 biggest world economies and then went to play golf at his club in Sterling, Virginia.

US President Donald Trump suffered another major setback on Saturday in his desperate crusade to overturn the recently conducted presidential election and win it -- as a federal judge dismissed a lawsuit filed by his campaign that sought to throw out millions of mail-in votes in Pennsylvania.

US President Donald Trump suffered another major setback on Saturday in his desperate crusade to overturn the recently conducted presidential election and win it -- as a federal judge dismissed a lawsuit filed by his campaign that sought to throw out millions of mail-in votes in Pennsylvania. Trump and his allies have now won two election-related cases and lost 34, according to Democratic election lawyer Marc Elias. District Court Judge Matthew Brann ruled that Trump's campaign had failed to demonstrate there had been widespread voting fraud in the November 3 vote. Brann said that he "has no authority to take away the right to vote of even a single person, let alone millions of citizens." The lawsuit, spearheaded by Trump's personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani, sought to stop officials from certifying Biden's victory in the state, arguing that some counties wrongly allowed voters to fix errors on their mail ballots. Giuliani and other Trump lawyers floated a variety of conspiracy theories at a news conference on Thursday as they alleged that the election was marred by widespread voter fraud. But they have had little success in court. Democrats said Saturday's scathing verdict was further proof that those charges are false. Giuliani has signalled in legal filings that he will pursue an appeal, but he has little time to do so before the state formalizes Biden's victory on Monday. Trump is seeking to invalidate or change the election results through recounts and direct pressure on lawmakers in several states. He would need to prevail in at least three states to prevent Biden from being sworn in as president on January 20 -- an unprecedented action. In Michigan, Republicans wrote to state authorities on Saturday asking them to wait 14 days to certify Biden's victory to allow for an audit of ballots in Wayne County, which includes the majority-Black city of Detroit. The letter cited allegations of "irregularities" that have not been substantiated. Biden won 154,000 more votes than Trump in Michigan. Meanwhile, a manual recount and audit in Georgia confirmed Biden on Friday as the winner in the southern state, the first Democratic presidential candidate to win Georgia in nearly three decades. The Trump campaign has two business days to request a recount in Georgia. Trump's legal team has also said it plans a lawsuit in the state, but has not provided specifics. Trump's accusations have continued to inflame his hard-core Republican base. Hundreds of supporters gathered at the statehouse in Atlanta on Saturday, with video posted online showing speakers denouncing the media for calling Biden the election winner, as well as state Republican leaders for certifying the results. Police in riot gear were deployed to separate them from counterprotesters who gathered nearby. Critics say the delay and Trump's refusal to concede have serious implications for national security and the fight against the coronavirus, which has killed nearly 255,000 Americans. Biden, who has denounced Trump's attempt to reverse the election results as "totally irresponsible", spent Saturday meeting with transition advisors and attending church. Trump took part in a virtual summit of the 20 biggest world economies and then went to play golf at his club in Sterling, Virginia.

US judge dismisses Trump election lawsuit in Pennsylvania

Voters have decided that President-elect Joe Biden should guide the country through the next four years. But on issues of war, the environment, criminal justice, trade, the economy and more, President Donald Trump and top administration officials are doing what they can to make changing direction more difficult.

Trump has spent the last two weeks hunkered down in the White House, raging about a “stolen” election and refusing to accept the reality of his loss. But in other ways he is acting as if he knows he will be departing soon and showing none of the deference that presidents traditionally give their successors in their final days in office.

During the past four years Trump has not spent much time thinking about policy, but he has shown a penchant for striking back at his adversaries. And with his encouragement, top officials are racing against the clock to withdraw troops from Afghanistan, secure oil drilling leases in Alaska, punish China, carry out executions and thwart any plans Biden might have to reestablish the Iran nuclear deal.

In some cases, like the executions and the oil leases, Trump’s government plans to act just days — or even hours — before Biden is inaugurated Jan. 20.

At a wide range of departments and agencies, Trump’s political appointees are going to extraordinary lengths to try to prevent Biden from rolling back the president’s legacy. They are filling vacancies on scientific panels, pushing to complete rules that weaken environmental standards, nominating judges and rushing their confirmations through the Senate, and trying to eliminate health care regulations that have been in place for years.

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In the latest instance, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin declined to extend key emergency lending programs that the Federal Reserve had been using to help keep credit flowing to businesses, state and local governments and other parts of the financial system. He also moved to claw back much of the money that supports them, hindering Biden’s ability to use the central bank’s vast powers to cushion the economic fallout from the virus.

Terry Sullivan, a professor of political science and the executive director of the White House Transition Project, a nonpartisan group which has studied presidential transitions for decades, said Trump was not behaving like past presidents who cared about how their final days in office shaped their legacy.

“They are upping tension in Iran, which could lead to a confrontation. The economy is tanking, and they are not doing anything about unemployment benefits,” he said.

It is one final norm shattered by Trump — and a stark contrast to the last Republican president who handed over power to a Democrat.

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Former President George W. Bush consciously left it to his successor, Barack Obama, to decide how to rescue the auto industry and whether to approve Afghan troop increases. And when Congress demanded negotiations over the bank bailouts, Bush stepped aside and let Obama cut a deal with lawmakers even before he was inaugurated.

Aides to Bush said the outgoing president wanted to leave Obama with a range of policy options as he began his presidency, a mindset clearly reflected in a 2008 email about negotiations over the status of U.S. forces in Iraq from Joshua Bolten, Bush’s chief of staff at the time, to John Podesta, who ran Obama’s transition, just a week after the election.

“We believe we have negotiated an agreement that provides President-Elect Obama the authorities and protections he needs to exercise the full prerogatives as commander in chief,” Bolten wrote to Podesta on November 11, 2008, in an email later made public by WikiLeaks. “We would like to offer, at your earliest convenience, a full briefing to you and your staff.”

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That has not been Trump’s approach.

The president has continued to deny Biden briefings and access to agency officials — delays that the president-elect has said threatened to undermine the country’s response to the pandemic. And far from seeking to help Biden’s team, Trump has spent more than two weeks actively seeking to undermine the legitimacy of his victory.

Biden and his top aides have not publicly criticized the president’s policy actions at home or abroad, abiding by the tradition that there is only one president at a time. But the president-elect has vowed to move quickly to undo many of Trump’s domestic and foreign policies.

That will most likely start with a blitz of executive actions in his first days in office as well as an aggressive legislative agenda during his first year.

Some of Trump’s advisers make no attempt to hide the fact that their actions are aimed at deliberately hamstringing Biden’s policy options even before he begins.

One administration official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of not being authorized to talk publicly, said that in the coming days there would be more announcements made related in particular to China, with whom Trump advisers believe that Biden would try to improve relations.

Judd Deere, a White House spokesperson, defended the administration’s actions, saying the president was elected because voters were “tired of the same old business-as-usual politicians who always pledged to change Washington but never did.” Trump, he said, had rolled back regulations and brought accountability to agencies and “remains focused on that important work.”

Some previous transitions have also been rancorous. Incoming Bush administration officials accused the exiting Clinton White House of minor mischief, last-minute pardons to friends and delays because of the disputed 2000 election.

Trump has long alleged that after his election, he faced a stealth effort to undermine his transition because of the investigations that were underway into his campaign’s possible connections to Russia. And there were documented instances of Obama officials making last-ditch efforts to put roadblocks in the way of what they expected would be Trump’s policy reversals on immigration and other issues.

Still, in his inauguration speech, Trump said Obama and his wife had been “magnificent” in carrying out an orderly transition and thanked them for their “gracious aid” throughout the period.

And rarely in modern times have a president and his allies been as deliberate in their desire to hobble the incoming administration as Trump has been toward Biden.

“It’s not consistent with anything we experienced,” said Denis McDonough, who served as Obama’s chief of staff and was part of Obama’s team during the transition from Bush’s administration. He said Trump’s actions in the final days of his administration were foreshadowed by his determination to sever agreements Obama had reached on climate change and Iran’s nuclear program — something presidents rarely do.

“It’s a breach of that norm,” McDonough said.

Some of Trump’s actions are all but permanent, like the nomination of judges with lifetime appointments or the naming of his supporters to government panels with terms that stretch beyond Biden’s likely time in office. Once done, there is little that the new president can do to reverse them.

But they are not the only nominees administration officials are trying to rush through.

Among the others are two nominees to the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, who would serve until 2024 and 2030 respectively; a trio of possible members to the Federal Election Commission to serve six-year terms; and nominees to the Federal Communications Commission and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, who, if confirmed, would prevent Biden from installing majorities on those bodies until well into 2021.

Other actions may be possible to reverse but are designed to exact a political price for doing so.

Since the election, Trump has ordered the withdrawal of thousands of troops from Afghanistan, where Trump aims to halve an already pared-down force of 4,500 by the time he leaves office, defying the advice of some top generals.

Biden’s vision for U.S. troop deployments is not radically different. He has said that he supports only small numbers of combat forces, mainly tasked with fighting terrorist groups like al-Qaida and the Islamic State group. But Trump’s last-minute withdrawals could force Biden into an unwanted confrontation with Democrats in Congress if he decides he needs to return to the modest preelection status quo.

Analysts say that Trump’s withdrawal of troops also deprives the United States of any leverage in the ongoing peace process in Afghanistan between the Taliban and the Afghan government, potentially allowing the Taliban to make important military gains.

Trump officials are also working to impose new sanctions on Iran that may be difficult for Biden to reverse, out of a fear of opening himself up to charges that he is soft on one of the country’s most dangerous adversaries.

The sanctions could also undermine any move by Biden to return to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, a step that would require providing Iran with economic breathing room after years of Trump’s constrictions.

“I think you’re going to see a pretty rapid clip of new actions before Jan. 20,” said Mark Dubowitz, chief executive of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, who often consults with the Trump administration on Iran.

In an Oval Office meeting last week, Trump also asked his senior advisers what military options were available to him in response to Iran’s stockpiling of nuclear material, although he was dissuaded from pursuing the idea. Any military action would undermine attempts by Biden to reset U.S. policy.

Similarly, Trump officials continue to take punitive actions against China that are likely to further strain the tense relationship with Beijing that Biden will inherit. Last week, Trump issued an executive order barring Americans from investing in Chinese companies with ties to China’s military. Administration officials say more steps are in the works.

Mnuchin’s shutdown of emergency lending programs this past week could also have long-lasting implications for Biden as the new president struggles to contain the economic fallout from the pandemic. The pandemic-era programs are run by the Fed but use Treasury money to insure against losses.

Mnuchin defended his decision Friday, insisting that he was following the intent of Congress in calling for the Fed to return unused money to the Treasury. But it will be Biden who will be left to deal with the consequences. And restoring the programs would require new negotiations with a Congress that is already deadlocked over COVID relief.

In the summer of 2008, officials in Bush’s White House sent a memo to agency officials warning them to wrap up new regulations — and not to try to rush new ones in right before the next president. Trump is doing the opposite.

The Environmental Protection Agency is rushing to try to complete work on a new rule that will change the way the federal government counts costs and benefits, an adjustment that could make it harder for Biden to expand certain air or water pollution regulations.

At Health and Human Services, the agency moved just after Election Day to adopt a rule that would automatically suspend thousands of agency regulations if they are not individually confirmed to be “still needed” and “having appropriate impacts.” The agency itself called the plan radical — realizing it would tie the hands of the next administration.

Brian Harrison, the agency’s chief of staff, called it “the boldest and most significant regulatory reform effort ever undertaken by HHS.”

Voters have decided that President-elect Joe Biden should guide the country through the next four years. But on issues of war, the environment, criminal justice, trade, the economy and more, President Donald Trump and top administration officials are doing what they can to make changing direction more difficult.

Voters have decided that President-elect Joe Biden should guide the country through the next four years. But on issues of war, the environment, criminal justice, trade, the economy and more, President Donald Trump and top administration officials are doing what they can to make changing direction more difficult. Trump has spent the last two weeks hunkered down in the White House, raging about a “stolen” election and refusing to accept the reality of his loss. But in other ways he is acting as if he knows he will be departing soon and showing none of the deference that presidents traditionally give their successors in their final days in office. During the past four years Trump has not spent much time thinking about policy, but he has shown a penchant for striking back at his adversaries. And with his encouragement, top officials are racing against the clock to withdraw troops from Afghanistan, secure oil drilling leases in Alaska, punish China, carry out executions and thwart any plans Biden might have to reestablish the Iran nuclear deal. In some cases, like the executions and the oil leases, Trump’s government plans to act just days — or even hours — before Biden is inaugurated Jan. 20. At a wide range of departments and agencies, Trump’s political appointees are going to extraordinary lengths to try to prevent Biden from rolling back the president’s legacy. They are filling vacancies on scientific panels, pushing to complete rules that weaken environmental standards, nominating judges and rushing their confirmations through the Senate, and trying to eliminate health care regulations that have been in place for years. Also Read | Saudi confident of 'friendly' ties with Biden: official In the latest instance, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin declined to extend key emergency lending programs that the Federal Reserve had been using to help keep credit flowing to businesses, state and local governments and other parts of the financial system. He also moved to claw back much of the money that supports them, hindering Biden’s ability to use the central bank’s vast powers to cushion the economic fallout from the virus. Terry Sullivan, a professor of political science and the executive director of the White House Transition Project, a nonpartisan group which has studied presidential transitions for decades, said Trump was not behaving like past presidents who cared about how their final days in office shaped their legacy. “They are upping tension in Iran, which could lead to a confrontation. The economy is tanking, and they are not doing anything about unemployment benefits,” he said. It is one final norm shattered by Trump — and a stark contrast to the last Republican president who handed over power to a Democrat. Also Read | China is mulling joining trade pact dumped by Trump Former President George W. Bush consciously left it to his successor, Barack Obama, to decide how to rescue the auto industry and whether to approve Afghan troop increases. And when Congress demanded negotiations over the bank bailouts, Bush stepped aside and let Obama cut a deal with lawmakers even before he was inaugurated. Aides to Bush said the outgoing president wanted to leave Obama with a range of policy options as he began his presidency, a mindset clearly reflected in a 2008 email about negotiations over the status of U.S. forces in Iraq from Joshua Bolten, Bush’s chief of staff at the time, to John Podesta, who ran Obama’s transition, just a week after the election. “We believe we have negotiated an agreement that provides President-Elect Obama the authorities and protections he needs to exercise the full prerogatives as commander in chief,” Bolten wrote to Podesta on November 11, 2008, in an email later made public by WikiLeaks. “We would like to offer, at your earliest convenience, a full briefing to you and your staff.” × That has not been Trump’s approach. The president has continued to deny Biden briefings and access to agency officials — delays that the president-elect has said threatened to undermine the country’s response to the pandemic. And far from seeking to help Biden’s team, Trump has spent more than two weeks actively seeking to undermine the legitimacy of his victory. Biden and his top aides have not publicly criticized the president’s policy actions at home or abroad, abiding by the tradition that there is only one president at a time. But the president-elect has vowed to move quickly to undo many of Trump’s domestic and foreign policies. That will most likely start with a blitz of executive actions in his first days in office as well as an aggressive legislative agenda during his first year. Some of Trump’s advisers make no attempt to hide the fact that their actions are aimed at deliberately hamstringing Biden’s policy options even before he begins. One administration official, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of not being authorized to talk publicly, said that in the coming days there would be more announcements made related in particular to China, with whom Trump advisers believe that Biden would try to improve relations. Judd Deere, a White House spokesperson, defended the administration’s actions, saying the president was elected because voters were “tired of the same old business-as-usual politicians who always pledged to change Washington but never did.” Trump, he said, had rolled back regulations and brought accountability to agencies and “remains focused on that important work.” Some previous transitions have also been rancorous. Incoming Bush administration officials accused the exiting Clinton White House of minor mischief, last-minute pardons to friends and delays because of the disputed 2000 election. Trump has long alleged that after his election, he faced a stealth effort to undermine his transition because of the investigations that were underway into his campaign’s possible connections to Russia. And there were documented instances of Obama officials making last-ditch efforts to put roadblocks in the way of what they expected would be Trump’s policy reversals on immigration and other issues. Still, in his inauguration speech, Trump said Obama and his wife had been “magnificent” in carrying out an orderly transition and thanked them for their “gracious aid” throughout the period. And rarely in modern times have a president and his allies been as deliberate in their desire to hobble the incoming administration as Trump has been toward Biden. “It’s not consistent with anything we experienced,” said Denis McDonough, who served as Obama’s chief of staff and was part of Obama’s team during the transition from Bush’s administration. He said Trump’s actions in the final days of his administration were foreshadowed by his determination to sever agreements Obama had reached on climate change and Iran’s nuclear program — something presidents rarely do. “It’s a breach of that norm,” McDonough said. Some of Trump’s actions are all but permanent, like the nomination of judges with lifetime appointments or the naming of his supporters to government panels with terms that stretch beyond Biden’s likely time in office. Once done, there is little that the new president can do to reverse them. But they are not the only nominees administration officials are trying to rush through. Among the others are two nominees to the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, who would serve until 2024 and 2030 respectively; a trio of possible members to the Federal Election Commission to serve six-year terms; and nominees to the Federal Communications Commission and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, who, if confirmed, would prevent Biden from installing majorities on those bodies until well into 2021. Other actions may be possible to reverse but are designed to exact a political price for doing so. Since the election, Trump has ordered the withdrawal of thousands of troops from Afghanistan, where Trump aims to halve an already pared-down force of 4,500 by the time he leaves office, defying the advice of some top generals. Biden’s vision for U.S. troop deployments is not radically different. He has said that he supports only small numbers of combat forces, mainly tasked with fighting terrorist groups like al-Qaida and the Islamic State group. But Trump’s last-minute withdrawals could force Biden into an unwanted confrontation with Democrats in Congress if he decides he needs to return to the modest preelection status quo. Analysts say that Trump’s withdrawal of troops also deprives the United States of any leverage in the ongoing peace process in Afghanistan between the Taliban and the Afghan government, potentially allowing the Taliban to make important military gains. Trump officials are also working to impose new sanctions on Iran that may be difficult for Biden to reverse, out of a fear of opening himself up to charges that he is soft on one of the country’s most dangerous adversaries. The sanctions could also undermine any move by Biden to return to the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, a step that would require providing Iran with economic breathing room after years of Trump’s constrictions. “I think you’re going to see a pretty rapid clip of new actions before Jan. 20,” said Mark Dubowitz, chief executive of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, who often consults with the Trump administration on Iran. In an Oval Office meeting last week, Trump also asked his senior advisers what military options were available to him in response to Iran’s stockpiling of nuclear material, although he was dissuaded from pursuing the idea. Any military action would undermine attempts by Biden to reset U.S. policy. Similarly, Trump officials continue to take punitive actions against China that are likely to further strain the tense relationship with Beijing that Biden will inherit. Last week, Trump issued an executive order barring Americans from investing in Chinese companies with ties to China’s military. Administration officials say more steps are in the works. Mnuchin’s shutdown of emergency lending programs this past week could also have long-lasting implications for Biden as the new president struggles to contain the economic fallout from the pandemic. The pandemic-era programs are run by the Fed but use Treasury money to insure against losses. Mnuchin defended his decision Friday, insisting that he was following the intent of Congress in calling for the Fed to return unused money to the Treasury. But it will be Biden who will be left to deal with the consequences. And restoring the programs would require new negotiations with a Congress that is already deadlocked over COVID relief. In the summer of 2008, officials in Bush’s White House sent a memo to agency officials warning them to wrap up new regulations — and not to try to rush new ones in right before the next president. Trump is doing the opposite. The Environmental Protection Agency is rushing to try to complete work on a new rule that will change the way the federal government counts costs and benefits, an adjustment that could make it harder for Biden to expand certain air or water pollution regulations. At Health and Human Services, the agency moved just after Election Day to adopt a rule that would automatically suspend thousands of agency regulations if they are not individually confirmed to be “still needed” and “having appropriate impacts.” The agency itself called the plan radical — realizing it would tie the hands of the next administration. Brian Harrison, the agency’s chief of staff, called it “the boldest and most significant regulatory reform effort ever undertaken by HHS.”

Trump using last days to lock in policies and make Biden’s task more difficult

Twitter Inc will transfer control of the @POTUS account to the Joe Biden administration on Jan. 20, the company said.

Twitter to hand over @POTUS account to President-elect Joe Biden on Jan. 20

WASHINGTON — I’ve been riveted all week by the spectacle of the most famous blond phenom on the planet, a child isolated and miserable living inside a national landmark, lashing out and spiraling into self-destructive acts.

But eventually I had to turn off the new season of “The Crown,” focusing on Princess Diana, and drag my attention back to Donald Trump, who is trashing this place before checking out like he’s Axl Rose at a Four Seasons.

Diana and Donald shared a few things in common: their toxic tango with the press, their psychic connection with their fan base, their willingness to blow up norms. They were both “unpredictable meteors,” as Tony Blair once described Di. They both savored sitting in their rooms glued to their own coverage on TV, dialing up their chosen reporters to control the narrative. They were both unhappy at the top, fretting about being undercut. Diana almost upended the monarchy, and Trump is doing his worst to upend democracy.

That’s where the similarities end. In terms of empathy, hugging the afflicted, the radiant Diana and the radioactive Trump are opposites. And while watching her fractured fairy tale breaks your heart, watching his fractious exit makes your head hurt. The young princess feared she was going mad amid barking corgis; the 74-year-old president wallows in his barking madness.

On Friday afternoon, Trump continued embarrassing himself and the nation when he finally emerged, after sulking in his tent for days, and asserted that he had won the election. He blamed Big Pharma, Big Tech and the media for his woes.

He sent out a fundraising message praising the news conference with his lawyers, a dripping Rudy Giuliani and a rabid Sidney Powell laying out the absurd phantom global conspiracy that is thwarting Trump’s reelection.

Then Trump met with Michigan GOP officials, brazenly trying to subvert democracy and claw back a swing state, or even just feed his ego by delegitimizing the election in the eyes of his base. But the Michigan lawmakers came out of the White House and said they would “follow the normal process” that has Joe Biden ahead even as the governor of Georgia certified the results there for Biden.

It would be merely pathetic to watch Trump toss nails on the road behind him if it weren’t so dangerous.

Biden needs all the air in his tires and a full tank of gas when he pulls that Corvette into the White House driveway in two months, because this country is shot to hell and running on empty.

Trump is sabotaging the transition as the pandemic rages, engaging in midnight maneuvers like ending several emergency lending programs that could buoy the economy and attempting to ravage Alaska’s wildlife refuge.

Republicans remain as mute and frightened of Trump as ever. Mitch McConnell could stop this nonsense with one sentence: “We’re moving on and recognizing Joe Biden as president-elect.” But he refuses to, letting the damage to the country unspool to protect his own standing with the base and to hold onto those two Senate seats in Georgia that make him majority leader.

It’s outrageous that Congress left town for the holidays this weekend without passing COVID relief. But Republicans, who are already all about setting themselves up for the next election, prefer to put Biden in a bind and later trash him for big spending. Never mind that they’re leaving millions of Americans in the lurch.

After watching unfeeling Republicans, it’s not really an escape to turn on “The Crown” and watch that unfeeling bunch — Margaret Thatcher and the royals.

Peter Morgan, the writer of “The Queen” and creator of “The Crown,” spent a large chunk of his career refurbishing the queen’s reputation after the disastrous period following Diana’s death, when Blair had to beg Queen Elizabeth to show more emotion.

But in this fourth season of “The Crown,” Morgan presents a more brittle queen as the bulimic Diana is crying out for help and the Boss blows her off, feeling Charles and Diana are spoiled, immature and letting the side down.

Diana, perfectly played by Emma Corrin, describes the palace as “a cold, frozen tundra; an icy, dark, loveless cave with no light, no hope anywhere — not even the faintest crack.”

Morgan’s portrayal of Charles is rough as well. The Prince of Wales is too in love with Camilla, too jealous of Diana and too wounded from his upbringing to give his marriage a real chance.

When I covered the visit of Charles and Diana to Washington in 1985, the couple seemed happy. But problems were brewing. An insecure future king was sure to be jealous of a wife who sluiced all the attention away simply by tucking down her chin and flashing a look from under her eyelashes. And it was clear that Diana, who was called “Duch” as a girl because she always acted like a duchess, was learning how to channel her electric star power.

The gala at the Reagan White House — Duch meets Dutch — was a showcase for Diana, shimmering in blue velvet and a pearl choker, not Charles. Nancy Reagan had gathered a pantheon of leading men for the princess: Mikhail Baryshnikov, Clint Eastwood, Tom Selleck and, as a dancing partner when the Marine Band played “Night Fever,” John Travolta.

In “The Art of the Comeback” in 1997, Trump said that his only regret “in the women department” was that he didn’t date Diana after her divorce. He said “she lit up the room with her charm, her presence,” and was “a dream lady.”

Dream on, Donald. Of his wooing, Diana told a friend, “He gives me the creeps.”

Di, we know how you feel.

WASHINGTON — I’ve been riveted all week by the spectacle of the most famous blond phenom on the planet, a child isolated and miserable living inside a national landmark, lashing out and spiraling into self-destructive acts.

WASHINGTON — I’ve been riveted all week by the spectacle of the most famous blond phenom on the planet, a child isolated and miserable living inside a national landmark, lashing out and spiraling into self-destructive acts. But eventually I had to turn off the new season of “The Crown,” focusing on Princess Diana, and drag my attention back to Donald Trump, who is trashing this place before checking out like he’s Axl Rose at a Four Seasons. Diana and Donald shared a few things in common: their toxic tango with the press, their psychic connection with their fan base, their willingness to blow up norms. They were both “unpredictable meteors,” as Tony Blair once described Di. They both savored sitting in their rooms glued to their own coverage on TV, dialing up their chosen reporters to control the narrative. They were both unhappy at the top, fretting about being undercut. Diana almost upended the monarchy, and Trump is doing his worst to upend democracy. That’s where the similarities end. In terms of empathy, hugging the afflicted, the radiant Diana and the radioactive Trump are opposites. And while watching her fractured fairy tale breaks your heart, watching his fractious exit makes your head hurt. The young princess feared she was going mad amid barking corgis; the 74-year-old president wallows in his barking madness. On Friday afternoon, Trump continued embarrassing himself and the nation when he finally emerged, after sulking in his tent for days, and asserted that he had won the election. He blamed Big Pharma, Big Tech and the media for his woes. He sent out a fundraising message praising the news conference with his lawyers, a dripping Rudy Giuliani and a rabid Sidney Powell laying out the absurd phantom global conspiracy that is thwarting Trump’s reelection. Then Trump met with Michigan GOP officials, brazenly trying to subvert democracy and claw back a swing state, or even just feed his ego by delegitimizing the election in the eyes of his base. But the Michigan lawmakers came out of the White House and said they would “follow the normal process” that has Joe Biden ahead even as the governor of Georgia certified the results there for Biden. It would be merely pathetic to watch Trump toss nails on the road behind him if it weren’t so dangerous. Biden needs all the air in his tires and a full tank of gas when he pulls that Corvette into the White House driveway in two months, because this country is shot to hell and running on empty. Trump is sabotaging the transition as the pandemic rages, engaging in midnight maneuvers like ending several emergency lending programs that could buoy the economy and attempting to ravage Alaska’s wildlife refuge. Republicans remain as mute and frightened of Trump as ever. Mitch McConnell could stop this nonsense with one sentence: “We’re moving on and recognizing Joe Biden as president-elect.” But he refuses to, letting the damage to the country unspool to protect his own standing with the base and to hold onto those two Senate seats in Georgia that make him majority leader. It’s outrageous that Congress left town for the holidays this weekend without passing COVID relief. But Republicans, who are already all about setting themselves up for the next election, prefer to put Biden in a bind and later trash him for big spending. Never mind that they’re leaving millions of Americans in the lurch. After watching unfeeling Republicans, it’s not really an escape to turn on “The Crown” and watch that unfeeling bunch — Margaret Thatcher and the royals. Peter Morgan, the writer of “The Queen” and creator of “The Crown,” spent a large chunk of his career refurbishing the queen’s reputation after the disastrous period following Diana’s death, when Blair had to beg Queen Elizabeth to show more emotion. But in this fourth season of “The Crown,” Morgan presents a more brittle queen as the bulimic Diana is crying out for help and the Boss blows her off, feeling Charles and Diana are spoiled, immature and letting the side down. Diana, perfectly played by Emma Corrin, describes the palace as “a cold, frozen tundra; an icy, dark, loveless cave with no light, no hope anywhere — not even the faintest crack.” Morgan’s portrayal of Charles is rough as well. The Prince of Wales is too in love with Camilla, too jealous of Diana and too wounded from his upbringing to give his marriage a real chance. When I covered the visit of Charles and Diana to Washington in 1985, the couple seemed happy. But problems were brewing. An insecure future king was sure to be jealous of a wife who sluiced all the attention away simply by tucking down her chin and flashing a look from under her eyelashes. And it was clear that Diana, who was called “Duch” as a girl because she always acted like a duchess, was learning how to channel her electric star power. The gala at the Reagan White House — Duch meets Dutch — was a showcase for Diana, shimmering in blue velvet and a pearl choker, not Charles. Nancy Reagan had gathered a pantheon of leading men for the princess: Mikhail Baryshnikov, Clint Eastwood, Tom Selleck and, as a dancing partner when the Marine Band played “Night Fever,” John Travolta. In “The Art of the Comeback” in 1997, Trump said that his only regret “in the women department” was that he didn’t date Diana after her divorce. He said “she lit up the room with her charm, her presence,” and was “a dream lady.” Dream on, Donald. Of his wooing, Diana told a friend, “He gives me the creeps.” Di, we know how you feel.

The lady and the Trump

China will consider joining a free trade pact once championed by the US but abandoned by Donald Trump, President Xi Jinping has declared.

Xi made the announcement on Friday while addressing the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, as Beijing increasingly seeks to influence the global rules of commerce.

The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is an updated version of a giant deal originally backed by former US president Barack Obama as an effort to counter China's rising might in Asia.&nbsp;

Trump pulled out of it after winning the presidency in 2016 as he turned away from what he viewed as unfavourable multilateral deals, but 11 countries eventually agreed to sign the new version.&nbsp;

To this end, Xi said the grouping&nbsp;"must continue to promote regional economic integration and establish an Asia-Pacific free trade zone at an early date".

China "will actively consider joining" the CPTPP, he said.

Trump attended this year's virtual summit, the first time he has participated since 2017, as he continues to challenge his election defeat to Joe Biden.

Xi's comments came just days after Beijing and 14 other countries signed what will be the world's biggest trade deal, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. The deal, which comprises 30 per cent of the world's total economic output and excludes the United States, was viewed as a major coup for China at a time Washington is retreating.

China will consider joining a free trade pact once championed by the US but abandoned by Donald Trump, President Xi Jinping has declared. Xi made the announcement on Friday while addressing the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, as Beijing increasingly seeks to influence the global rules of commerce.

China will consider joining a free trade pact once championed by the US but abandoned by Donald Trump, President Xi Jinping has declared. Xi made the announcement on Friday while addressing the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit, as Beijing increasingly seeks to influence the global rules of commerce. The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is an updated version of a giant deal originally backed by former US president Barack Obama as an effort to counter China's rising might in Asia. Trump pulled out of it after winning the presidency in 2016 as he turned away from what he viewed as unfavourable multilateral deals, but 11 countries eventually agreed to sign the new version. To this end, Xi said the grouping "must continue to promote regional economic integration and establish an Asia-Pacific free trade zone at an early date". China "will actively consider joining" the CPTPP, he said. Trump attended this year's virtual summit, the first time he has participated since 2017, as he continues to challenge his election defeat to Joe Biden. Xi's comments came just days after Beijing and 14 other countries signed what will be the world's biggest trade deal, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. The deal, which comprises 30 per cent of the world's total economic output and excludes the United States, was viewed as a major coup for China at a time Washington is retreating.

China is mulling joining trade pact dumped by Trump

The U.S. decision to allow Jonathan J. Pollard, the American convicted of spying for Israel in the 1980s, to complete his parole on Friday freed him to move to Israel and ended one of the most rancorous and long-running disputes between the two allies.

It also capped what has been an extraordinary four-year stretch in the countries’ relationship, during which President Donald Trump’s treatment of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been nothing short of lavish.

Here are some of the most noteworthy gifts Netanyahu has received&nbsp;Israeli army strikes Hamas targets in Gaza after alleged rocket attack

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-secy-of-state-pompeo-meets-taliban-afghan-negotiators-in-qatar-344628" hreflang="en">US Secy of State Pompeo meets Taliban, Afghan negotiators in Qatar</a>

Jerusalem

After buoying Palestinian hopes with early talk of striking “the ultimate deal” to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Trump dashed them when he recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv. That fulfilled a campaign promise of great importance to evangelical Christians, and to many Jews.

Israel claims all of Jerusalem as its capital, but Palestinians consider East Jerusalem, which Israel seized in the 1967 war, the capital of their own future state.

U.S. policy before Trump had been that the status of Jerusalem should be resolved in peace talks. Congress had repeatedly urged the embassy move, but prior administrations kept it as a bargaining chip to induce Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians.

Also read|<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/israeli-army-strikes-hamas-targets-in-gaza-after-alleged-rocket-attack-344608">&nbsp;Israeli army strikes Hamas targets in Gaza after alleged rocket attack</a>

There was more to come in Jerusalem, much of it provocative, as when the U.S. ambassador to Israel, David Friedman, swung a sledgehammer to open an archaeological tunnel under a Palestinian neighbourhood of East Jerusalem that was dug by a group leading efforts to bolster Israeli claims of sovereignty there.

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo added a stroke of his own last month, changing passport rules to allow Americans born in Jerusalem to list “Israel,” rather than “Jerusalem,” as their place of birth. The long-standing policy had avoided identifying the city as part of Israel.

Pressuring the Palestinians

The Palestinian response to the embassy move was to boycott the White House. The White House answered with a series of punitive measures.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/dead-end-israel-says-lebanon-is-changing-stance-on-maritime-border-344376">'Dead end': Israel says Lebanon is changing stance on maritime border</a>

Seeking to compel the Palestinians to drop their demand for millions of their refugees to be able to return to what is now Israel — a demand Israel has always rejected — the Trump administration cut all funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which provides aid to Palestinian refugees across the Middle East.

It steadily cut off all other aid: $200 million in support for the Palestinian Authority through the U.S. Agency for International Development, about $60 million in aid for Palestinian security forces, $25 million for hospitals in East Jerusalem and $10 million for Israeli-Palestinian coexistence efforts.

Next, the State Department ordered the closing of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s diplomatic mission in Washington. A month later, it abolished the U.S. consulate in Jerusalem, which oversaw relations with the Palestinians, and folded those operations into the new embassy.

Aiding Israel’s West Bank Ambitions

Led by Friedman, a longtime supporter of the settlements, the administration has repeatedly cheered those who envision the entire West Bank permanently in Israel’s hands.

The ambassador publicly endorsed the idea of Israeli annexation of West Bank territory, which Netanyahu made the centerpiece of his reelection campaigns, and the Trump peace plan contemplated Israeli annexation of as much as 30% of the West Bank.

Annexation was eventually suspended in exchange for normalization of ties with the United Arab Emirates — with the Trump administration offering to sell the Emiratis coveted F-35 fighters as a deal sweetener. Similarly, the administration wooed Sudan by removing it from a list of states that sponsor terrorism.

But many other administration steps helped normalize Israel’s designs on land that the Palestinians want for a future state.

In late October, Friedman and Netanyahu signed agreements allowing U.S. government grants to go to Israeli research institutions in occupied territory. The only such institution is Ariel University, funded by Sheldon Adelson, the casino billionaire who is a backer of both Trump and Netanyahu.

On Thursday, Pompeo visited a Jewish settlement near Ramallah, becoming the first secretary of state to do so. He also issued new guidelines for imports from the West Bank, requiring that products made in areas under Israel’s full control be labeled products of Israel. The move could require dates or olives grown by Palestinian farmers to be labeled “Made in Israel” to reach American consumers.

Isolating Iran

After clashing with President Barack Obama over the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, Netanyahu found Trump an approving audience for his denunciations of the agreement as too lenient: Trump pulled out of the deal in March 2018.

Pompeo articulated a strategy of “maximum pressure” against Tehran through severe economic sanctions, and laid down a 12-point set of demands of its leaders that could have been drafted by Netanyahu.

Seeking to repulse Iran’s expansionist moves in the Middle East, Israel mounted a campaign of airstrikes against Iranian forces and their proxies in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq while, with the Trump administration’s encouragement, making common cause with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and other Gulf states against Iran.

Trump’s ordering of the killing in January of Gen. Qasem Soleimani eliminated one of Israel’s most feared adversaries. And an explosion in July that destroyed Iran’s center for advanced nuclear centrifuges, in Natanz, was described by some officials as a sign that a joint American-Israeli strategy was evolving into a campaign of short-of-war secret strikes against Iran.

International Backup

The Trump administration has repeatedly stood by Israel in its diplomatic fights, as when the United States withdrew from the U.N. Human Rights Council in protest of its frequent criticism of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians.

The two countries also have assailed the International Criminal Court, of which neither is a member, for looking into potential crimes by U.S. forces in Afghanistan and by Israel in its treatment of the Palestinians. In September, Pompeo called the ICC a “thoroughly broken and corrupted institution” and announced sanctions on two of its officials.

And the Trump administration has increasingly equated anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, both domestically and internationally. Building on that, Pompeo this week announced that the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement against Israel would be deemed anti-Semitic, and that its adherents would no longer be eligible for federal government support.

The U.S. decision to allow Jonathan J. Pollard, the American convicted of spying for Israel in the 1980s, to complete his parole on Friday freed him to move to Israel and ended one of the most rancorous and long-running disputes between the two allies.

The U.S. decision to allow Jonathan J. Pollard, the American convicted of spying for Israel in the 1980s, to complete his parole on Friday freed him to move to Israel and ended one of the most rancorous and long-running disputes between the two allies. It also capped what has been an extraordinary four-year stretch in the countries’ relationship, during which President Donald Trump’s treatment of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been nothing short of lavish. Here are some of the most noteworthy gifts Netanyahu has received Israeli army strikes Hamas targets in Gaza after alleged rocket attack Also read| US Secy of State Pompeo meets Taliban, Afghan negotiators in Qatar Jerusalem After buoying Palestinian hopes with early talk of striking “the ultimate deal” to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Trump dashed them when he recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem from Tel Aviv. That fulfilled a campaign promise of great importance to evangelical Christians, and to many Jews. Israel claims all of Jerusalem as its capital, but Palestinians consider East Jerusalem, which Israel seized in the 1967 war, the capital of their own future state. U.S. policy before Trump had been that the status of Jerusalem should be resolved in peace talks. Congress had repeatedly urged the embassy move, but prior administrations kept it as a bargaining chip to induce Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians. Also read| Israeli army strikes Hamas targets in Gaza after alleged rocket attack There was more to come in Jerusalem, much of it provocative, as when the U.S. ambassador to Israel, David Friedman, swung a sledgehammer to open an archaeological tunnel under a Palestinian neighbourhood of East Jerusalem that was dug by a group leading efforts to bolster Israeli claims of sovereignty there. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo added a stroke of his own last month, changing passport rules to allow Americans born in Jerusalem to list “Israel,” rather than “Jerusalem,” as their place of birth. The long-standing policy had avoided identifying the city as part of Israel. Pressuring the Palestinians The Palestinian response to the embassy move was to boycott the White House. The White House answered with a series of punitive measures. Also read| 'Dead end': Israel says Lebanon is changing stance on maritime border Seeking to compel the Palestinians to drop their demand for millions of their refugees to be able to return to what is now Israel — a demand Israel has always rejected — the Trump administration cut all funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, which provides aid to Palestinian refugees across the Middle East. It steadily cut off all other aid: $200 million in support for the Palestinian Authority through the U.S. Agency for International Development, about $60 million in aid for Palestinian security forces, $25 million for hospitals in East Jerusalem and $10 million for Israeli-Palestinian coexistence efforts. Next, the State Department ordered the closing of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s diplomatic mission in Washington. A month later, it abolished the U.S. consulate in Jerusalem, which oversaw relations with the Palestinians, and folded those operations into the new embassy. Aiding Israel’s West Bank Ambitions Led by Friedman, a longtime supporter of the settlements, the administration has repeatedly cheered those who envision the entire West Bank permanently in Israel’s hands. The ambassador publicly endorsed the idea of Israeli annexation of West Bank territory, which Netanyahu made the centerpiece of his reelection campaigns, and the Trump peace plan contemplated Israeli annexation of as much as 30% of the West Bank. Annexation was eventually suspended in exchange for normalization of ties with the United Arab Emirates — with the Trump administration offering to sell the Emiratis coveted F-35 fighters as a deal sweetener. Similarly, the administration wooed Sudan by removing it from a list of states that sponsor terrorism. But many other administration steps helped normalize Israel’s designs on land that the Palestinians want for a future state. In late October, Friedman and Netanyahu signed agreements allowing U.S. government grants to go to Israeli research institutions in occupied territory. The only such institution is Ariel University, funded by Sheldon Adelson, the casino billionaire who is a backer of both Trump and Netanyahu. On Thursday, Pompeo visited a Jewish settlement near Ramallah, becoming the first secretary of state to do so. He also issued new guidelines for imports from the West Bank, requiring that products made in areas under Israel’s full control be labeled products of Israel. The move could require dates or olives grown by Palestinian farmers to be labeled “Made in Israel” to reach American consumers. Isolating Iran After clashing with President Barack Obama over the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, Netanyahu found Trump an approving audience for his denunciations of the agreement as too lenient: Trump pulled out of the deal in March 2018. Pompeo articulated a strategy of “maximum pressure” against Tehran through severe economic sanctions, and laid down a 12-point set of demands of its leaders that could have been drafted by Netanyahu. Seeking to repulse Iran’s expansionist moves in the Middle East, Israel mounted a campaign of airstrikes against Iranian forces and their proxies in Syria, Lebanon and Iraq while, with the Trump administration’s encouragement, making common cause with Saudi Arabia, the UAE and other Gulf states against Iran. Trump’s ordering of the killing in January of Gen. Qasem Soleimani eliminated one of Israel’s most feared adversaries. And an explosion in July that destroyed Iran’s center for advanced nuclear centrifuges, in Natanz, was described by some officials as a sign that a joint American-Israeli strategy was evolving into a campaign of short-of-war secret strikes against Iran. International Backup The Trump administration has repeatedly stood by Israel in its diplomatic fights, as when the United States withdrew from the U.N. Human Rights Council in protest of its frequent criticism of Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. The two countries also have assailed the International Criminal Court, of which neither is a member, for looking into potential crimes by U.S. forces in Afghanistan and by Israel in its treatment of the Palestinians. In September, Pompeo called the ICC a “thoroughly broken and corrupted institution” and announced sanctions on two of its officials. And the Trump administration has increasingly equated anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism, both domestically and internationally. Building on that, Pompeo this week announced that the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement against Israel would be deemed anti-Semitic, and that its adherents would no longer be eligible for federal government support.

For Netanyahu and Israel, Trump’s gifts kept on coming

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump's</a>&nbsp;options to claim presidency despite losing the election to President-elect <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a>&nbsp;seems to end as in the latest Republican lawmakers from Republicans have ruled out any attempt to change the verdict of the state.&nbsp;

The Trump's campaign is trying to change the results of key battleground states and in one such move, Trump met Republican lawmakers from Michigan on Friday.

Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/youre-fired-twitter-to-hand-over-potus-account-to-biden-whether-trump-concedes-or-not-344466">You're fired: Twitter to hand over POTUS account to Biden, whether Trump concedes or not</a>

Trump met Senate majority leader Mike Shirkey and the house speaker Lee Chatfield at the White House, who said that they don't have any "information" that would change "change the outcome of the election in Michigan".

"We have not yet been made aware of any information that would change the outcome of the election in Michigan and as legislative leaders, we will follow the law and follow the normal process regarding Michigan’s electors," the joint statement of the Republicans said. &nbsp;

"Michigan's certification process should be a deliberate process free from threats and intimidation."

Trump received another blow on Friday after Georgia became the first of those states to formally certify its results, claiming that Biden won it by 12,670 votes.&nbsp;

Trump's claims on the verdict of Michigan also invited criticism from several Republicans, including Senator Mitt Romney who said: "It is difficult to imagine a worse, more undemocratic action by a sitting American president".

Other Senate Republicans Ben Sasse and Joni Ernst also slammed Trump's strategy to overturn the outcome.&nbsp;

Donald Trump's options to claim presidency despite losing the election to President-elect Joe Biden seems to end as in the latest Republican lawmakers from Republicans have ruled out any attempt to change the verdict of the state.

Donald Trump's options to claim presidency despite losing the election to President-elect Joe Biden seems to end as in the latest Republican lawmakers from Republicans have ruled out any attempt to change the verdict of the state. The Trump's campaign is trying to change the results of key battleground states and in one such move, Trump met Republican lawmakers from Michigan on Friday. Also read | You're fired: Twitter to hand over POTUS account to Biden, whether Trump concedes or not Trump met Senate majority leader Mike Shirkey and the house speaker Lee Chatfield at the White House, who said that they don't have any "information" that would change "change the outcome of the election in Michigan". "We have not yet been made aware of any information that would change the outcome of the election in Michigan and as legislative leaders, we will follow the law and follow the normal process regarding Michigan’s electors," the joint statement of the Republicans said. "Michigan's certification process should be a deliberate process free from threats and intimidation." Trump received another blow on Friday after Georgia became the first of those states to formally certify its results, claiming that Biden won it by 12,670 votes. Trump's claims on the verdict of Michigan also invited criticism from several Republicans, including Senator Mitt Romney who said: "It is difficult to imagine a worse, more undemocratic action by a sitting American president". Other Senate Republicans Ben Sasse and Joni Ernst also slammed Trump's strategy to overturn the outcome.

Multiple blows narrow Donald Trump's options to retain presidency

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