That crisis which was born from the humanitarian catastrophe in East Pakistan and the massive refugee influx into India not only tested New Delhi’s diplomacy but also defence preparedness on an unmatched scale.

That crisis which was born from the humanitarian catastrophe in East Pakistan and the massive refugee influx into India not only tested New Delhi’s diplomacy but also defence preparedness on an unmatched scale.

India–Russia summit 2025: When Russia helped India in the war against Pakistan in 1971

Born in the boom of telegraphs and trunk calls in Germany's Bavaria region in May 1923, the immensely controversial and equally consequential US foreign policy practitioner Henry Kissinger <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/henry-kissinger-the-most-controversial-and-influential-american-of-20th-century-dies-at-100-664470">died in the hyperconnected times of internet</a> on November 30, 2023. The scholar-turned-diplomat was serving as the US National Security Advisor to President Richard Nixon in the December of 1971 when New Delhi&nbsp;intervened in the erstwhile East Pakistan after millions of refugees poured into India in the wake of atrocities committed by Punjabi-dominated West Pakistan military against their own Bengali brethren.&nbsp;

With an indecipherable ink of a Harvard scholar acting as the signature of his diplomacy, Kissinger also shaped the geopolitics of Indian subcontinent during that strife, which later came to be known as Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971.

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/web-stories/south-asia/bangladesh/meet-lieutenant-general-js-aurora-sam-bahadur-manekshaw-jfr-jacob-the-liberator-of-bangladesh-1700980577673">Meet Lieutenant General J.S. Aurora: The 'Liberator of Bangladesh'</a>

India's military intervention in Bangladesh began on December 3 that year. Ducca (now Dhaka) fell in 12 days. The then West Pakistan Army signed an Instrument of Surrender on December 16, 1971, leaving about 93,000 Pakistani soldiers effectively under New Delhi's control in the newly-created Bangladesh.&nbsp;

But one of the most curious things about this war was the 'Chinese intervention' that never happened.

According to the US state department Archives, the then US President Richard Nixon instructed Kissinger "to ask the Chinese to move some forces toward the frontier with India" in December 1971.&nbsp;

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Kissinger should have apologized to people of Bangladesh , Bangladesh Foreign Minister Momen recounts his support to West Pakistan that led to genocide in the then East Pakistan. Details: <a href="https://t.co/02DvWHl8C1">https://t.co/02DvWHl8C1</a>
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"Threaten to move forces or move them, Henry, that's what they (Chinese) must do now," Nixon told Kissinger inside Oval Office on December 10, 1971.

The US did not share formal ties with Communist Party-led mainland China between 1949 to 1972, with absolute resumption of diplomatic relations only coming in 1979 — one of the most significant geopolitical events of the second half of 20th century which effectively tilted the balance of Cold War in Washington's favour.

Also Read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/dubious-strategist-ruthless-diplomat-south-asian-loser-kissingers-bull-run-was-stopped-by-indian-defiance-664604">Dubious strategist, ruthless diplomat, South Asian loser: Kissinger's bull run was stopped by Indian defiance</a>

Kissinger's efforts to establish diplomatic ties between Washington and Beijing were being aided by Pakistan as a channel of communication at least since December 1970.

In April 1971, a month after Sheikh Mujibur Rehman proclaimed the birth of Bangladesh in the territory of erstwhile East Pakistan, and Pakistan reacted by launching 'Operation Searchlight', the Pakistani ambassador delivered Chinese leader Zhou Enlai's reply to Washington. This correspondence paved the way for Kissinger's secret trip to Beijing in July 1971 and beginning of events that fully restored US-China&nbsp;ties in 1979. The rest as they say, to use a cliche, is history.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/web-stories/features/sam-manekshaw-and-indira-gandhi-and-that-one-cabinet-meeting-1701332854821">Sam Manekshaw and Indira Gandhi, and That One Cabinet Meeting</a> 
 
In an odd turn of events, while the US cosied up with Communist China, the Soviet Union, another Communist nation that two decades later become Russia, cemented its ties with India after signing&nbsp;a comprehensive treaty of ‘Peace, Friendship and Cooperation’ on August 9, 1971.

In order to aid Islamabad that was facilitating the dialogue between Washington and Beijing — and thereby giving Washington an edge against Moscow in Cold War&nbsp;—&nbsp;the US deployed Task Force 74 of the US Navy’s Seventh Fleet in the Bay of Bengal to prevent India from overrunning Pakistan.

In response, the Soviets deployed two groups of cruisers and destroyers as well as a submarine armed with nuclear warheads in the region.&nbsp;

The geopolitical calculations in the Oval Office where Nixon and Kissinger met on December 10, 1971,&nbsp;did not want the dismembering of Pakistan despite its mass atrocities on Bangla-speaking people of erstwhile East Pakistan.

<h2>Henry Kissinger was meeting Chinese at CIA 'safe houses': Benazir Bhutto</h2>

According to former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, her father, erstwhile prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto,&nbsp;was worried that the Chinese would not&nbsp; intervene militarily on the side of Pakistan. But both Islamabad and Washington were working in tandem&nbsp;to ensure a Chinese military intervention.

"While Papa is planning to ask Yahya to fly to Peking (now Beijing) as a last resort, Henry Kissinger, I read later, is having meetings with the Chinese in CIA 'safe houses' all over New York," the late former prime minister wrote in her autobiography Daughter of the East.

Contrary to the expectations from some corners in US and Pakistan, China did not move its forces towards its unresolved frontier with India during crucial days of Indian operations in present-day Bangladesh.

Peking did not intend to militarily confront Moscow, a fellow Communist nation, even for an all-weather partner like Pakistan and despite the prospect of resumption of ties with Washington at the height Cold War.&nbsp;

Nixon concluded to Kissinger at the end of that discussion on December 10, 1971 that "Russia and China aren't going to go to war."

"India, however, had emerged from the crisis confirmed as the preeminent power on the subcontinent, and Soviet support for India during the crisis had enhanced Soviet influence in India," the US state department concluded in a document on the war. 
 
And Kissinger's secret diplomacy eventually led to American diplomatic recognition of and closer ties with China, only for him to see it all unravel in his own lifetime, in the past decade.

Born in the boom of telegraphs and trunk calls in Germany's Bavaria region in May 1923, the immensely controversial and equally consequential US foreign policy practitioner Henry Kissinger died in the hyperconnected times of internet on November 30, 2023.

Born in the boom of telegraphs and trunk calls in Germany's Bavaria region in May 1923, the immensely controversial and equally consequential US foreign policy practitioner Henry Kissinger died in the hyperconnected times of internet on November 30, 2023. The scholar-turned-diplomat was serving as the US National Security Advisor to President Richard Nixon in the December of 1971 when New Delhi intervened in the erstwhile East Pakistan after millions of refugees poured into India in the wake of atrocities committed by Punjabi-dominated West Pakistan military against their own Bengali brethren. With an indecipherable ink of a Harvard scholar acting as the signature of his diplomacy, Kissinger also shaped the geopolitics of Indian subcontinent during that strife, which later came to be known as Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971. Also Read | Meet Lieutenant General J.S. Aurora: The 'Liberator of Bangladesh' India's military intervention in Bangladesh began on December 3 that year. Ducca (now Dhaka) fell in 12 days. The then West Pakistan Army signed an Instrument of Surrender on December 16, 1971, leaving about 93,000 Pakistani soldiers effectively under New Delhi's control in the newly-created Bangladesh. But one of the most curious things about this war was the 'Chinese intervention' that never happened. According to the US state department Archives, the then US President Richard Nixon instructed Kissinger "to ask the Chinese to move some forces toward the frontier with India" in December 1971. Kissinger should have apologized to people of Bangladesh , Bangladesh Foreign Minister Momen recounts his support to West Pakistan that led to genocide in the then East Pakistan. Details: https://t.co/02DvWHl8C1 — Sidhant Sibal (@sidhant) November 30, 2023 × "Threaten to move forces or move them, Henry, that's what they (Chinese) must do now," Nixon told Kissinger inside Oval Office on December 10, 1971. The US did not share formal ties with Communist Party-led mainland China between 1949 to 1972, with absolute resumption of diplomatic relations only coming in 1979 — one of the most significant geopolitical events of the second half of 20th century which effectively tilted the balance of Cold War in Washington's favour. Also Read | Dubious strategist, ruthless diplomat, South Asian loser: Kissinger's bull run was stopped by Indian defiance Kissinger's efforts to establish diplomatic ties between Washington and Beijing were being aided by Pakistan as a channel of communication at least since December 1970. In April 1971, a month after Sheikh Mujibur Rehman proclaimed the birth of Bangladesh in the territory of erstwhile East Pakistan, and Pakistan reacted by launching 'Operation Searchlight', the Pakistani ambassador delivered Chinese leader Zhou Enlai's reply to Washington. This correspondence paved the way for Kissinger's secret trip to Beijing in July 1971 and beginning of events that fully restored US-China ties in 1979. The rest as they say, to use a cliche, is history. Also read | Sam Manekshaw and Indira Gandhi, and That One Cabinet Meeting In an odd turn of events, while the US cosied up with Communist China, the Soviet Union, another Communist nation that two decades later become Russia, cemented its ties with India after signing a comprehensive treaty of ‘Peace, Friendship and Cooperation’ on August 9, 1971. In order to aid Islamabad that was facilitating the dialogue between Washington and Beijing — and thereby giving Washington an edge against Moscow in Cold War — the US deployed Task Force 74 of the US Navy’s Seventh Fleet in the Bay of Bengal to prevent India from overrunning Pakistan. In response, the Soviets deployed two groups of cruisers and destroyers as well as a submarine armed with nuclear warheads in the region. The geopolitical calculations in the Oval Office where Nixon and Kissinger met on December 10, 1971, did not want the dismembering of Pakistan despite its mass atrocities on Bangla-speaking people of erstwhile East Pakistan. Henry Kissinger was meeting Chinese at CIA 'safe houses': Benazir Bhutto According to former Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, her father, erstwhile prime minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was worried that the Chinese would not intervene militarily on the side of Pakistan. But both Islamabad and Washington were working in tandem to ensure a Chinese military intervention. "While Papa is planning to ask Yahya to fly to Peking (now Beijing) as a last resort, Henry Kissinger, I read later, is having meetings with the Chinese in CIA 'safe houses' all over New York," the late former prime minister wrote in her autobiography Daughter of the East. Contrary to the expectations from some corners in US and Pakistan, China did not move its forces towards its unresolved frontier with India during crucial days of Indian operations in present-day Bangladesh. Peking did not intend to militarily confront Moscow, a fellow Communist nation, even for an all-weather partner like Pakistan and despite the prospect of resumption of ties with Washington at the height Cold War. Nixon concluded to Kissinger at the end of that discussion on December 10, 1971 that "Russia and China aren't going to go to war." "India, however, had emerged from the crisis confirmed as the preeminent power on the subcontinent, and Soviet support for India during the crisis had enhanced Soviet influence in India," the US state department concluded in a document on the war. And Kissinger's secret diplomacy eventually led to American diplomatic recognition of and closer ties with China, only for him to see it all unravel in his own lifetime, in the past decade.

Cast From The Past: When Kissinger failed to make China attack India during 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War

December 4, 2023, is designated as Indian Navy Day in observance of the triumph of Operation Trident during the 1971 Indo-Pakistan War, also referred to as the Bangladesh Liberation War.

Indian Navy Day 2023: Indian naval forces celebrate 350th anniversary of Shivaji’s coronation

Two American congressmen have introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives urging the Biden administration to recognise the Pakistan Army’s atrocities against ethnic minorities during the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh.

The legislation was brought by Congressmen Ro Khanna and Steve Chabot on October 14, calling on the Pakistan government, among other things, to apologise to the people of Bangladesh for its role in the genocide of ethnic Bengalis and Hindus during the war.

The resolution "condemns the atrocities committed by the Armed Forces of Pakistan against the people of Bangladesh from March 1971 to December 1971; recognises that such atrocities against ethnic Bengalis and Hindus constitute crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide; calls on the President of the United States to recognise the atrocities committed against ethnic Bengalis and Hindus by the Armed Forces of Pakistan during 1971 as crimes against humanity war crimes, and genocide."&nbsp;

In a tweet, Chabot, a Republican Party member, confirmed of bringing in such a resolution jointly with another Congressman Khanna, a Democrat and the US Representative from California's 17th congressional district, to commemorate the 1971 Bengali Genocide.

“We must not let the years erase the memory of the millions who were massacred. Recognising the genocide strengthens the historical record, educates our fellow Americans, and lets would-be perpetrators know such crimes will not be tolerated or forgotten,” he tweeted.

“The Bangladesh Genocide of 1971 must not be forgotten. With help from my Hindu constituents in Ohio’s First District, Ro Khanna and I introduced legislation to recognise that the mass atrocities committed against Bengalis and Hindus, in particular, were indeed a genocide,” he said.

The Bangladeshi community welcomed the congressmen’s move, expressing satisfaction at the resolution getting bipartisan support from the Republicans and the Democrats.

Saleem Reza Noor, whose family members were brutally murdered by armed Islamists in 1971, told PTI, “Our genocide is finally getting recognition in the US Congress”.

Priya Saha, executive director of the Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM), said: "On this 51st anniversary of Bangladesh’s independence, we hope that millions of people in Bangladesh who were systematically exterminated by the Pakistan army and their collaborators in 1971 will be formally memorialised."

(With inputs from agencies)

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Two American congressmen have introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives urging the Biden administration to recognise the Pakistan Army’s atrocities against ethnic minorities during the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh.

Two American congressmen have introduced a resolution in the House of Representatives urging the Biden administration to recognise the Pakistan Army’s atrocities against ethnic minorities during the 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh. The legislation was brought by Congressmen Ro Khanna and Steve Chabot on October 14, calling on the Pakistan government, among other things, to apologise to the people of Bangladesh for its role in the genocide of ethnic Bengalis and Hindus during the war. The resolution "condemns the atrocities committed by the Armed Forces of Pakistan against the people of Bangladesh from March 1971 to December 1971; recognises that such atrocities against ethnic Bengalis and Hindus constitute crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide; calls on the President of the United States to recognise the atrocities committed against ethnic Bengalis and Hindus by the Armed Forces of Pakistan during 1971 as crimes against humanity war crimes, and genocide." In a tweet, Chabot, a Republican Party member, confirmed of bringing in such a resolution jointly with another Congressman Khanna, a Democrat and the US Representative from California's 17th congressional district, to commemorate the 1971 Bengali Genocide. “We must not let the years erase the memory of the millions who were massacred. Recognising the genocide strengthens the historical record, educates our fellow Americans, and lets would-be perpetrators know such crimes will not be tolerated or forgotten,” he tweeted. “The Bangladesh Genocide of 1971 must not be forgotten. With help from my Hindu constituents in Ohio’s First District, Ro Khanna and I introduced legislation to recognise that the mass atrocities committed against Bengalis and Hindus, in particular, were indeed a genocide,” he said. The Bangladeshi community welcomed the congressmen’s move, expressing satisfaction at the resolution getting bipartisan support from the Republicans and the Democrats. Saleem Reza Noor, whose family members were brutally murdered by armed Islamists in 1971, told PTI, “Our genocide is finally getting recognition in the US Congress”. Priya Saha, executive director of the Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM), said: "On this 51st anniversary of Bangladesh’s independence, we hope that millions of people in Bangladesh who were systematically exterminated by the Pakistan army and their collaborators in 1971 will be formally memorialised." (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE:

US Congressmen introduce resolution urging Biden to recognise Pak 'genocide' in 1971 war

Indian President Ram Nath Kovind will be visiting the historic Ramna Kali temple in Dhaka during his visit to Bangladesh for the 50th Victory Day celebrations.

The&nbsp;historic Kali temple dates back to the Mughal era. It&nbsp;was destroyed by the Pakistani Army in March&nbsp;1971 in an attempt to curb the Bangladesh liberation war. During the destruction, the Pakistan forces massacred hundreds of Hindus at the temple.&nbsp;The temple was destroyed by the Pakistani army under "operation searchlight" which saw lakhs of locals in the then East Pakistan being killed, including many members of the minority Hindu community.

In 2017, during the then external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj's Bangladesh visit, it was announced that India will help reconstruct the temple. The temple&nbsp;before its destruction was Dhaka's key religious and cultural heritage and the tallest landmark.

In fact, during Bangladesh's founding father Sheikh&nbsp;Mujibur Rahman's&nbsp;famous address on March 7, 1971, the temple can be seen in the background in many of the photos. The landmark speech essentially was a clarion call for independence of the country from West Pakistan and was delivered at the Ramna race course maidan in the city.

President Kovind&nbsp;will be in Dhaka from December 15&nbsp;to 17 and will be the chief guest at the Victory Day celebrations on December 16.&nbsp;The parade would include&nbsp;a 122-member tri-service contingent from the Indian armed forces. On the first day of the visit on Wednesday, the Indian president&nbsp;will pay tributes at the National Martyrs' Memorial in Savar. His programme includes meeting with the muktijoddhas or Bangladeshis who took up arms to free the country.

It&nbsp;is the Indian president's first-ever&nbsp;visit abroad amid the COVID-19&nbsp;pandemic. 2021 marks the Golden Jubilee of Bangladesh's independence and&nbsp;50 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and Bangladesh and the birth centenary of Bangabandhu - Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had earlier visited the country in March, his first foreign travel since 2019 amid the COVID-19&nbsp;crisis.

Indian President Ram Nath Kovind will be visiting the historic Ramna Kali temple in Dhaka during his visit to Bangladesh for the 50th Victory Day celebrations. The historic Kali temple dates back to the Mughal era.

Indian President Ram Nath Kovind will be visiting the historic Ramna Kali temple in Dhaka during his visit to Bangladesh for the 50th Victory Day celebrations. The historic Kali temple dates back to the Mughal era. It was destroyed by the Pakistani Army in March 1971 in an attempt to curb the Bangladesh liberation war. During the destruction, the Pakistan forces massacred hundreds of Hindus at the temple. The temple was destroyed by the Pakistani army under "operation searchlight" which saw lakhs of locals in the then East Pakistan being killed, including many members of the minority Hindu community. In 2017, during the then external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj's Bangladesh visit, it was announced that India will help reconstruct the temple. The temple before its destruction was Dhaka's key religious and cultural heritage and the tallest landmark. In fact, during Bangladesh's founding father Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's famous address on March 7, 1971, the temple can be seen in the background in many of the photos. The landmark speech essentially was a clarion call for independence of the country from West Pakistan and was delivered at the Ramna race course maidan in the city. President Kovind will be in Dhaka from December 15 to 17 and will be the chief guest at the Victory Day celebrations on December 16. The parade would include a 122-member tri-service contingent from the Indian armed forces. On the first day of the visit on Wednesday, the Indian president will pay tributes at the National Martyrs' Memorial in Savar. His programme includes meeting with the muktijoddhas or Bangladeshis who took up arms to free the country. It is the Indian president's first-ever visit abroad amid the COVID-19 pandemic. 2021 marks the Golden Jubilee of Bangladesh's independence and 50 years of the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and Bangladesh and the birth centenary of Bangabandhu - Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had earlier visited the country in March, his first foreign travel since 2019 amid the COVID-19 crisis.

Indian President to visit Ramna Kali temple in Dhaka, destroyed by Pakistan army in 1971

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In a significant break from protocol, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Monday visited the Bangladesh high commission in Delhi on the occasion of the Armed Forces Day of Bangladesh.

He was accompanied by Chief of Defence Staff Bipin Rawat, Indian Army chief General MM Naravane, Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari and &nbsp;Navy Chief Admiral Karambir Singh.

Bangladesh’s Armed Forces Day is observed every November 21. It was on this day in 1971 that the Battle of Garibpur began, in which Indian and Bangladeshi liberation forces came together against the Pakistani forces.

This year marks 50th anniversary of Bangladesh’s war of liberation that resulted in the emergence of the modern state of Bangladesh. The year is being celebrated both in India and Bangladesh.

Paying tributes to the “sacrifices made by the brave soldiers of the Indian Armed Forces, who stood steadfast with their Bangladeshi brothers and sisters”, the defence minister said, "The extraordinary leadership in India rose to the occasion against all odds and limitations in 1971, in support of a struggling nation fighting against the injustice and unspeakable atrocities perpetrated by the Pakistani Army."

The defence minister highlighted that “Indian Armed Forces and paramilitary forces worked together with the courageous Muktijoddhas (the fighters of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War) in their valiant struggle. In the course of the conflict, more than 1,650 brave Indian soldiers made the supreme sacrifice".

“I am glad that the cooperation between the Armed Forces of both countries is steadily progressing, by way of several activities - defence dialogue, staff talks, joint training, exercise and high-level exchanges. Defence cooperation between India and Bangladesh has increased with New Delhi extending USD 500 million Defence Line of Credit to further consolidate ties,” Singh said. &nbsp;

A tri-service contingent from Bangladesh Armed Forces participated at the Republic Day Parade in New Delhi this year. Similarly, a marching tri-service contingent of 122 members from India is expected to participate at the Victory Day Parade in Dhaka on 16 December 2021.

Earlier in March this year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Dhaka to mark the 50 years of Bangladesh’s Independence.

In a significant break from protocol, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Monday visited the Bangladesh high commission in Delhi on the occasion of the Armed Forces Day of Bangladesh.

In a significant break from protocol, Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Monday visited the Bangladesh high commission in Delhi on the occasion of the Armed Forces Day of Bangladesh. He was accompanied by Chief of Defence Staff Bipin Rawat, Indian Army chief General MM Naravane, Air Chief Marshal Vivek Ram Chaudhari and Navy Chief Admiral Karambir Singh. Bangladesh’s Armed Forces Day is observed every November 21. It was on this day in 1971 that the Battle of Garibpur began, in which Indian and Bangladeshi liberation forces came together against the Pakistani forces. This year marks 50th anniversary of Bangladesh’s war of liberation that resulted in the emergence of the modern state of Bangladesh. The year is being celebrated both in India and Bangladesh. Paying tributes to the “sacrifices made by the brave soldiers of the Indian Armed Forces, who stood steadfast with their Bangladeshi brothers and sisters”, the defence minister said, "The extraordinary leadership in India rose to the occasion against all odds and limitations in 1971, in support of a struggling nation fighting against the injustice and unspeakable atrocities perpetrated by the Pakistani Army." The defence minister highlighted that “Indian Armed Forces and paramilitary forces worked together with the courageous Muktijoddhas (the fighters of the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War) in their valiant struggle. In the course of the conflict, more than 1,650 brave Indian soldiers made the supreme sacrifice". “I am glad that the cooperation between the Armed Forces of both countries is steadily progressing, by way of several activities - defence dialogue, staff talks, joint training, exercise and high-level exchanges. Defence cooperation between India and Bangladesh has increased with New Delhi extending USD 500 million Defence Line of Credit to further consolidate ties,” Singh said. A tri-service contingent from Bangladesh Armed Forces participated at the Republic Day Parade in New Delhi this year. Similarly, a marching tri-service contingent of 122 members from India is expected to participate at the Victory Day Parade in Dhaka on 16 December 2021. Earlier in March this year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Dhaka to mark the 50 years of Bangladesh’s Independence.

In a break from protocol, India’s defence minister visits Bangladesh High Commission

Indian Army Chief General MM Naravane on Thursday paid tribute to the fallen soldiers of the Liberation War of 1971.&nbsp;

"General MM Naravane #COAS paid tributes to the valiant soldiers, who laid down their lives during the Liberation War of 1971, by laying Wreath at #ShikhaAnirban. He also received a Guard of Honour at #Senakunj #Bangladesh. #IndiaBangladeshFriendship," tweeted Additional Directorate General of Public Information, IHQ of MoD (Army).

Shikha Anirban (eternal flame) in Dhaka Cantonment pays tribute to the Liberation War martyrs. Senakunja is the official auditorium/convention centre of the Bangladesh Armed Forces.

Naravane is on a five-day visit to Bangladesh. The visit aims to enhance defence cooperation and build strong bilateral ties between New Delhi and Dhaka.

The visit will further deepen the bilateral relationships between the two Armies and act as a catalyst for closer coordination and cooperation between the two countries on a host of strategic issues. Naravane will also meet with the three service chiefs of the Bangladesh Armed Forces during his visit.

The visit comes days after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh during which New Delhi and Dakha signed MoUs in key sectors including trade and technology to foster bilateral ties and affirmed commitment to eliminating terrorism in all its forms.

Indian Army Chief General MM Naravane on Thursday paid tribute to the fallen soldiers of the Liberation War of 1971. "General MM Naravane #COAS paid tributes to the valiant soldiers, who laid down their lives during the Liberation War of 1971, by laying Wreath at #ShikhaAnirban.

Indian Army Chief General MM Naravane on Thursday paid tribute to the fallen soldiers of the Liberation War of 1971. "General MM Naravane #COAS paid tributes to the valiant soldiers, who laid down their lives during the Liberation War of 1971, by laying Wreath at #ShikhaAnirban. He also received a Guard of Honour at #Senakunj #Bangladesh. #IndiaBangladeshFriendship," tweeted Additional Directorate General of Public Information, IHQ of MoD (Army). Shikha Anirban (eternal flame) in Dhaka Cantonment pays tribute to the Liberation War martyrs. Senakunja is the official auditorium/convention centre of the Bangladesh Armed Forces. Naravane is on a five-day visit to Bangladesh. The visit aims to enhance defence cooperation and build strong bilateral ties between New Delhi and Dhaka. The visit will further deepen the bilateral relationships between the two Armies and act as a catalyst for closer coordination and cooperation between the two countries on a host of strategic issues. Naravane will also meet with the three service chiefs of the Bangladesh Armed Forces during his visit. The visit comes days after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Bangladesh during which New Delhi and Dakha signed MoUs in key sectors including trade and technology to foster bilateral ties and affirmed commitment to eliminating terrorism in all its forms.

Indian Army chief Naravane pays tribute to fallen soldiers of Bangladesh Liberation War

Bangladeshi's high commissioner to India&nbsp;Muhammad Imran has highlighted his country's economic progress and how the country is developing fast.

Speaking at the Independence Day celebration of his country at the high commission, he said, "Bangladesh has become a role model for fighting poverty, empowering women, disaster management. We have made commendable progress in achieving food security despite frequent natural disasters...The economy of Bangladesh is developing rapidly"

The economic size of Bangladesh is $330 billion,&nbsp;with GDP growth during COVID times standing at 5.2%. Now 99% of the country has access to electricity, 150 million people have a mobile phone and 100 mn are connected to the internet. It has its own satellite in space since 2018, and second one will be launched soon.

Bangladesh's textile industry is second largest in the world, fourth largest rice producer and is self-sufficient in food. Foodgrain production increased more than four times, from 1971 to 2020. This year, it fulfilled all the criteria to get the status of a developing country, from the Least Developed Country&nbsp;status.

Imran also paid tributes to Indian soldiers who laid down their lives for the liberation of his country in 1971. This year, the country is celebrating its 50th year of Independence from the then West Pakistan. March saw an almost a month-long celebration, including visits of leaders of India, Maldives, Nepali, Bhutan and Sri Lanka.

Imran said, "We recall with deep gratitude, the contribution of people and government of India for their moral and material support during our difficult days".

"Bangladesh acknowledges the support received from our neighbours and remember our friends around the world who stood beside us for our just cause."

Bangladesh will be building a memorial for Indian soldiers in Ashuganj near Dhaka, the foundation stone for which was laid during PM Modi's Bangladesh visit in March.

He pointed out&nbsp;that the "emotional bonds between India and Bangladesh stem from the invaluable contribution from the people and government of India in the war of liberation in 1971. In the last decade, relations have reached a golden chapter, achieving a comprehensive partnership covering all possible area of cooperation"

Both countries have seen high-level visits, including the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and External Affairs Minister Jaishankar to Bangladesh in March. That was Modi's first foreign visit during Covid pandemic. Dhaka and Delhi are working to revive old connectivity routes and establish new ones.

"India will be able to use both land and water routes in Bangladesh, to go to northeastern states from the mainland", Imran said.

Earlier this year, a bridge over the Feni river was inaugurated, connecting India's North East with Bangladesh. The countries share 54 rives, maximum for any two countries globally.

Imran also spoke about the issue of Rohingyas, the displaced minority community from Myanmar that has taken refugee in the country. Bangladesh is hosting 1.2 million Rohingya refugees and is keen for "safe and early" repatriation of the community.

He said, "to keep on supporting them for an indefinite period would be asking too much for a country like us which has its own domestic development targets to achieve with limited resources...we all want to avoid the rise of any radicalism, which can seriously impact peace, stability, economic growth in the region and beyond".

The Independence Day celebration at the high commission saw large presence of Delhi's diplomatic community. India's Trade Minister Piyush Goyal was the chief guest.

Bangladeshi's high commissioner to India Muhammad Imran has highlighted his country's economic progress and how the country is developing fast. Speaking at the Independence Day celebration of his country at the high commission, he said, "Bangladesh has become a role model for fighting poverty, empowering women, disaster management.

Bangladeshi's high commissioner to India Muhammad Imran has highlighted his country's economic progress and how the country is developing fast. Speaking at the Independence Day celebration of his country at the high commission, he said, "Bangladesh has become a role model for fighting poverty, empowering women, disaster management. We have made commendable progress in achieving food security despite frequent natural disasters...The economy of Bangladesh is developing rapidly" The economic size of Bangladesh is $330 billion, with GDP growth during COVID times standing at 5.2%. Now 99% of the country has access to electricity, 150 million people have a mobile phone and 100 mn are connected to the internet. It has its own satellite in space since 2018, and second one will be launched soon. Bangladesh's textile industry is second largest in the world, fourth largest rice producer and is self-sufficient in food. Foodgrain production increased more than four times, from 1971 to 2020. This year, it fulfilled all the criteria to get the status of a developing country, from the Least Developed Country status. Imran also paid tributes to Indian soldiers who laid down their lives for the liberation of his country in 1971. This year, the country is celebrating its 50th year of Independence from the then West Pakistan. March saw an almost a month-long celebration, including visits of leaders of India, Maldives, Nepali, Bhutan and Sri Lanka. Imran said, "We recall with deep gratitude, the contribution of people and government of India for their moral and material support during our difficult days". "Bangladesh acknowledges the support received from our neighbours and remember our friends around the world who stood beside us for our just cause." Bangladesh will be building a memorial for Indian soldiers in Ashuganj near Dhaka, the foundation stone for which was laid during PM Modi's Bangladesh visit in March. He pointed out that the "emotional bonds between India and Bangladesh stem from the invaluable contribution from the people and government of India in the war of liberation in 1971. In the last decade, relations have reached a golden chapter, achieving a comprehensive partnership covering all possible area of cooperation" Both countries have seen high-level visits, including the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and External Affairs Minister Jaishankar to Bangladesh in March. That was Modi's first foreign visit during Covid pandemic. Dhaka and Delhi are working to revive old connectivity routes and establish new ones. "India will be able to use both land and water routes in Bangladesh, to go to northeastern states from the mainland", Imran said. Earlier this year, a bridge over the Feni river was inaugurated, connecting India's North East with Bangladesh. The countries share 54 rives, maximum for any two countries globally. Imran also spoke about the issue of Rohingyas, the displaced minority community from Myanmar that has taken refugee in the country. Bangladesh is hosting 1.2 million Rohingya refugees and is keen for "safe and early" repatriation of the community. He said, "to keep on supporting them for an indefinite period would be asking too much for a country like us which has its own domestic development targets to achieve with limited resources...we all want to avoid the rise of any radicalism, which can seriously impact peace, stability, economic growth in the region and beyond". The Independence Day celebration at the high commission saw large presence of Delhi's diplomatic community. India's Trade Minister Piyush Goyal was the chief guest.

Bangladesh envoy highlights country's economic progress, pays tributes to Indian soldiers for Liberation War

Lieutenant Colonel (Retd) Quazi Sazzad Ali Zahir is a Mujti jodhas, or Mukti Bahini war veteran, in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Bangladesh government awarded him the title of Bir Protik for his bravery in the war and India honoured him its fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri, in 2021.&nbsp;

Speaking to WION Principal Diplomatic Correspondent Sidhant Sibal, he remembered how Pakistan establishment mistreated people of then East Pakistan, and thought that Bangalis cannot fight.

Zahir, who played a key role in the posthumous honouring of Indian soldiers who fought in Bangladesh Liberation War against Pakistan, also described how he carried dead bodies of Indian soldiers during the war.

He said he collected every information he could on Pakistani forces, “put all information in my boot, with a lot of efforts... I walked to India and handed over (information) to Indian authorities. They spoke to me and got all information. When they won, they told me it was a great victory.”

“I honour Indian soldiers and hold them in high esteem,” he said.

“I have felt the urge to write about battlefield stories based on Indian Army. I have carried Indian soldiers' dead bodies in my hands. Blood of Indian soldiers is and will continue flowing in our rivers. Our history is tied to bloodshed We must honour the bloodshed.”

He noted&nbsp;that Indian army is the only one that went to a different country&nbsp;"and helped us, but not one case of rape, murder or loot.”

“Look at Pakistan, our women were murdered, raped by them.”

Remembering the days under Pakistani rule, Zahar said, “Our language was taken away and Urdu became the language. They took away our budget and democratic rights. We were under the martial law. They started the genocide. Why did Pakistan conduct a genocide? They thought Bengalis cannot fight.”

“You will be surprised, Pakistanis addressed us as "Naukar" (servant). But we were not servants. That is when we fought, India helped us in that,” he said.

Reminiscing about how he spent his time after independence, he said, “After the killing of Mujibur Rahman, pro-Pakistan elements came back to power, freedom fighters were killed and put in jail. I was in a bad shape and I devoted myself to writing and teaching.”

When Sheikh Hasina was elected to power, he said, “I got hope from this government. Five years back, Hasina invited a few of us authors and writers for a lunch in her house.”

It was at this time that Zahir mooted the idea of honouring Indian soldiers. “She asked for some opinions on developing Bangladesh. I told her a little injustice has been made. I told her you have honoured the Mukti Bahini but you have not honoured an important part of Mukti Bahini- the Indian soldiers.”

"She asked me to write it down on paper", Zahir remembered, adding that the prime minister gave approval in three days and put in charge of the project.

Hasinia, he noted, had personally delivered the first awards to families of Indian martyrs of the Bangladesh war, at a ceremony in New Delhi.

“She was very pleased. It was an emotional programme. I visited so many martyr families in order to write about them. No country has honoured the soldiers of another nation. Americans or British were not honoured by French or Germans. Every nation should follow this trend,” he said.

Lieutenant Colonel (Retd) Quazi Sazzad Ali Zahir is a Mujti jodhas, or Mukti Bahini war veteran, in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Bangladesh government awarded him the title of Bir Protik for his bravery in the war and India honoured him its fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri, in 2021.

Lieutenant Colonel (Retd) Quazi Sazzad Ali Zahir is a Mujti jodhas, or Mukti Bahini war veteran, in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Bangladesh government awarded him the title of Bir Protik for his bravery in the war and India honoured him its fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri, in 2021. Speaking to WION Principal Diplomatic Correspondent Sidhant Sibal, he remembered how Pakistan establishment mistreated people of then East Pakistan, and thought that Bangalis cannot fight. Zahir, who played a key role in the posthumous honouring of Indian soldiers who fought in Bangladesh Liberation War against Pakistan, also described how he carried dead bodies of Indian soldiers during the war. He said he collected every information he could on Pakistani forces, “put all information in my boot, with a lot of efforts... I walked to India and handed over (information) to Indian authorities. They spoke to me and got all information. When they won, they told me it was a great victory.” “I honour Indian soldiers and hold them in high esteem,” he said. “I have felt the urge to write about battlefield stories based on Indian Army. I have carried Indian soldiers' dead bodies in my hands. Blood of Indian soldiers is and will continue flowing in our rivers. Our history is tied to bloodshed We must honour the bloodshed.” He noted that Indian army is the only one that went to a different country "and helped us, but not one case of rape, murder or loot.” “Look at Pakistan, our women were murdered, raped by them.” Remembering the days under Pakistani rule, Zahar said, “Our language was taken away and Urdu became the language. They took away our budget and democratic rights. We were under the martial law. They started the genocide. Why did Pakistan conduct a genocide? They thought Bengalis cannot fight.” “You will be surprised, Pakistanis addressed us as "Naukar" (servant). But we were not servants. That is when we fought, India helped us in that,” he said. Reminiscing about how he spent his time after independence, he said, “After the killing of Mujibur Rahman, pro-Pakistan elements came back to power, freedom fighters were killed and put in jail. I was in a bad shape and I devoted myself to writing and teaching.” When Sheikh Hasina was elected to power, he said, “I got hope from this government. Five years back, Hasina invited a few of us authors and writers for a lunch in her house.” It was at this time that Zahir mooted the idea of honouring Indian soldiers. “She asked for some opinions on developing Bangladesh. I told her a little injustice has been made. I told her you have honoured the Mukti Bahini but you have not honoured an important part of Mukti Bahini- the Indian soldiers.” "She asked me to write it down on paper", Zahir remembered, adding that the prime minister gave approval in three days and put in charge of the project. Hasinia, he noted, had personally delivered the first awards to families of Indian martyrs of the Bangladesh war, at a ceremony in New Delhi. “She was very pleased. It was an emotional programme. I visited so many martyr families in order to write about them. No country has honoured the soldiers of another nation. Americans or British were not honoured by French or Germans. Every nation should follow this trend,” he said.

Pakistanis addressed us as servants: A Bangladesh war veteran remembers

Sam Manekshaw & struggle for Bangladesh: How Indian army destroyed Pak in 1971

How Bangladesh's Mukti Bahini vanquished the Pak Army in 1971 India-Pakistan war

Indian Army's Col Ashok Tara was just 29 years old in 1971, when he went along with two soldiers&nbsp;to save the life of the family of Bangladesh's father of the nation&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. During a daring rescue from the clutches of the Pakistani Army, Tara saved the life of Sheikh Hasina and her newborn child.&nbsp;Hasina is the current PM of Bangladesh.&nbsp;

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Meet Indian Army's Col Ashok Tara, who saved Sheikh Hasina from Pakistan Army in 1971 
 
"My message to the people of Bangladesh is, that Indians and Bangladeshi are brothers....We must live together as a family," said Col Ashok Tara to WION's <a href="https://twitter.com/sidhant?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@sidhant</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/PriyankaSh25?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@PriyankaSh25</a> <a href="https://t.co/S81oNOyyd1">pic.twitter.com/S81oNOyyd1</a>
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50 years later, speaking to our&nbsp;Principal Diplomatic Correspondent Sidhant Sibal, he opened up on the events of that day in December of 1971 in the midst of Bangladesh's liberation war. Recalling his meeting with Mujibur Rahman, the Vir Chakra awardee said, "Can see the pain and how to heal the wounds of the people and get their dignity, pride, culture, language and get back the economy of the country."

<img alt="WION" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="1b8638d6-18a0-4874-ad1d-d47361b0ec58" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/oof%20%281%29.jpg" />

He saved the family from a place called&nbsp;Dhanmondi in Dhaka. This is the place Indian PM Modi is expected to visit during his upcoming Bangladesh trip&nbsp;as the country celebrates 50 years of independence. Tara said, "&nbsp;My message to the people of Bangladesh is&nbsp;that Indians and Bangladeshi are brothers....We must live together as a family."

Sheikh Hasina had lauded his role, during the December 2020 virtual summit with Modi, saying, "Col Ashok Tara, who was a major at that time, on the morning of December 17, he freed us from the hands of the Pakistani forces....I express my gratitude to the colonel, to the people of India, to the Muktibahini".

WION: Could you&nbsp;give us the details of the incident when you saved the family of Bangladesh's father of the nation, including&nbsp;Sheikh Hasina, the present PM of Bangladesh?

Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: In the 1971 war, she was rescued in a very sensitive situation because the Pakistanis were guarding the house, and they were firing at anyone who was trying to reach the house. When I reached near the house, I was stopped&nbsp;and pointed at a dead body of a media person. I had only two&nbsp;men and no question of attacking the house because it had people inside and their lives could be in danger.

I decided to face the Pakistanis with my guts and wits. I left my weapon with my two&nbsp;jawans and told them to stay behind. I, alone without a weapon moved towards the house. I reached near the house and asked if there was anyone. They told me in Punjabi, and being a Punjabi I can understand the language. They told me to stop or otherwise, they will fire. I told them, in uniform an army officer has come to tell you that a Pakistani Army has surrounded. They did not believe it and in response, they abused me with nasty language, but I kept quiet as I knew what my task is, what is my aim.

I later again told them to understand the situation, by chance, by luck an Indian helicopter flew over the house. I immediately told them to look at the helicopter, have you ever seen an Indian helicopter over your head. They were impressed but said they will ask their senior officers about the surrender.

During that time, I was just at the gate, the bayonet of the rifle was touching the right side of my body. While I was talking, Mrs Sheikh Mujibur Rahman shouted, boldly said, that they are brutes, they can do anything. While we were talking, I had same apprehensions. I told them there was no communication, as the telephone line has been cut off. I told them if you delay, the&nbsp;Mukti Bahini&nbsp;will come, Indian Amry will come and kill you.

Your family, which is waiting in Pakistan, will not able to meet you and what will happen to your body, you can't imagine. Somehow, these kinds of talks continued for 25 minutes, during which the commander of the Pakistani force ordered to load the guns. He even fired on the people of other houses.

I stood, I told them that this fear will not impact me, because it will damage you more than me. You are 12 people, you all will be killed and never reach your home. If you surrender, I as an Indian Army officer, promise you, that I will take you to your headquarter so that you could reach to your home in Pakistan. Somehow, they agreed and surrendered.

I then opened the door of the house, and the first lady who came out was Mrs Shiek Mujibur Rehman. She embraced me and said you are my son and God has sent you to save us. During that time, Mr Kokha, the cousin of&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman&nbsp;and freedom&nbsp;fighter, handed over me the Bangladeshi flag, the national flag of Bangladesh, and [asked me] to go up and host this flag and throw the Pakistani flag on the ground.

I went up, hoisted the flag and threw the Pakistani flag on the ground. Mrs&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, like a tigress, she roared and put her foot on the Pakistan flag and said, "Joy Bangla". Other people also joined. Those who surrendered, I sent them. The Pakistani commander told media personnel&nbsp;that his person is&nbsp;Bekhauf&nbsp;or fearless person. After that, I was told to look after the security of the family. Somehow,&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman&nbsp;got to know his family has been rescued by me, he wanted to see me.&nbsp;After few days my battalion moved towards Mizoram while I was told to stay behind.

After a few days,&nbsp;Mrs&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave me a gift for saving them. On 10th January 1972,&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came to Dhaka, and on 12th he invited me to his house. We had breakfast, and during the talks, I could&nbsp;see the pain... [wondering]&nbsp;how to heal the wounds of the people and get their dignity, pride, culture, language and get back the economy of the country. He was thankful to India. On 23rd January, I was again invited by Mujibur Rahman and his family because they wanted to see me off.

At that time, the present PM of Bangladesh gave a photo of her&nbsp;three-month-old son and wrote on the back, "Joy Bangla". I came to Delhi, and I got two&nbsp;letters from the younger sister of&nbsp;Sheikh Hasina.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In 2012, I was invited to Bangladesh to be bestowed with an award by Present PM&nbsp;Sheikh Hasina. The award was a friend of Liberation war Honour. It was given on 20 October&nbsp;2012. There has been some correspondence, the High Commission in Delhi always invites me for ceremonies.&nbsp;

WION: How do you see the ties between the two countries?

Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: The relationship immediately after the war was very close to each other. But after three&nbsp;&nbsp;years, when&nbsp;Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated, after the military rule, the relationship was in a bad shape. However, when present PM&nbsp;Sheikh Hasina came back to power, the relationship became very good. The present government also wants a very good relationship with them. There is a brotherhood between the two nations. PM Modi has told this number of times. At present, the relationship is very good and I wish that such relationship carries on.&nbsp;

WION: What is your message to the people of Bangladesh as they celebrate the 50th anniversary of independence?

Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: My message to the people of Bangladesh is, that Indians and Bangladeshi are brothers. They have the same culture, same dignity. We must respect each other and help each other, economically, socially and [in] whatever [way] possible. We must live together as a family.&nbsp;

WION: Are there plans of a monument for Indian soldiers in Bangladesh?

Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: We must display Bangladeshi soldiers also. We must have Indian and Bangladeshi soldiers with their national flags. We fought together for the liberation of Bangladesh.&nbsp;

Indian Army's Col Ashok Tara was just 29 years old in 1971, when he went along with two soldiers to save the life of the family of Bangladesh's father of the nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Indian Army's Col Ashok Tara was just 29 years old in 1971, when he went along with two soldiers to save the life of the family of Bangladesh's father of the nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. During a daring rescue from the clutches of the Pakistani Army, Tara saved the life of Sheikh Hasina and her newborn child. Hasina is the current PM of Bangladesh. Meet Indian Army's Col Ashok Tara, who saved Sheikh Hasina from Pakistan Army in 1971 "My message to the people of Bangladesh is, that Indians and Bangladeshi are brothers....We must live together as a family," said Col Ashok Tara to WION's @sidhant @PriyankaSh25 pic.twitter.com/S81oNOyyd1 — WION (@WIONews) March 16, 2021 × 50 years later, speaking to our Principal Diplomatic Correspondent Sidhant Sibal, he opened up on the events of that day in December of 1971 in the midst of Bangladesh's liberation war. Recalling his meeting with Mujibur Rahman, the Vir Chakra awardee said, "Can see the pain and how to heal the wounds of the people and get their dignity, pride, culture, language and get back the economy of the country." He saved the family from a place called Dhanmondi in Dhaka. This is the place Indian PM Modi is expected to visit during his upcoming Bangladesh trip as the country celebrates 50 years of independence. Tara said, " My message to the people of Bangladesh is that Indians and Bangladeshi are brothers....We must live together as a family." Sheikh Hasina had lauded his role, during the December 2020 virtual summit with Modi, saying, "Col Ashok Tara, who was a major at that time, on the morning of December 17, he freed us from the hands of the Pakistani forces....I express my gratitude to the colonel, to the people of India, to the Muktibahini". WION: Could you give us the details of the incident when you saved the family of Bangladesh's father of the nation, including Sheikh Hasina, the present PM of Bangladesh? Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: In the 1971 war, she was rescued in a very sensitive situation because the Pakistanis were guarding the house, and they were firing at anyone who was trying to reach the house. When I reached near the house, I was stopped and pointed at a dead body of a media person. I had only two men and no question of attacking the house because it had people inside and their lives could be in danger. I decided to face the Pakistanis with my guts and wits. I left my weapon with my two jawans and told them to stay behind. I, alone without a weapon moved towards the house. I reached near the house and asked if there was anyone. They told me in Punjabi, and being a Punjabi I can understand the language. They told me to stop or otherwise, they will fire. I told them, in uniform an army officer has come to tell you that a Pakistani Army has surrounded. They did not believe it and in response, they abused me with nasty language, but I kept quiet as I knew what my task is, what is my aim. I later again told them to understand the situation, by chance, by luck an Indian helicopter flew over the house. I immediately told them to look at the helicopter, have you ever seen an Indian helicopter over your head. They were impressed but said they will ask their senior officers about the surrender. During that time, I was just at the gate, the bayonet of the rifle was touching the right side of my body. While I was talking, Mrs Sheikh Mujibur Rahman shouted, boldly said, that they are brutes, they can do anything. While we were talking, I had same apprehensions. I told them there was no communication, as the telephone line has been cut off. I told them if you delay, the Mukti Bahini will come, Indian Amry will come and kill you. Your family, which is waiting in Pakistan, will not able to meet you and what will happen to your body, you can't imagine. Somehow, these kinds of talks continued for 25 minutes, during which the commander of the Pakistani force ordered to load the guns. He even fired on the people of other houses. I stood, I told them that this fear will not impact me, because it will damage you more than me. You are 12 people, you all will be killed and never reach your home. If you surrender, I as an Indian Army officer, promise you, that I will take you to your headquarter so that you could reach to your home in Pakistan. Somehow, they agreed and surrendered. I then opened the door of the house, and the first lady who came out was Mrs Shiek Mujibur Rehman. She embraced me and said you are my son and God has sent you to save us. During that time, Mr Kokha, the cousin of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and freedom fighter, handed over me the Bangladeshi flag, the national flag of Bangladesh, and [asked me] to go up and host this flag and throw the Pakistani flag on the ground. I went up, hoisted the flag and threw the Pakistani flag on the ground. Mrs Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, like a tigress, she roared and put her foot on the Pakistan flag and said, "Joy Bangla". Other people also joined. Those who surrendered, I sent them. The Pakistani commander told media personnel that his person is Bekhauf or fearless person. After that, I was told to look after the security of the family. Somehow, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman got to know his family has been rescued by me, he wanted to see me. After few days my battalion moved towards Mizoram while I was told to stay behind. After a few days, Mrs Sheikh Mujibur Rahman gave me a gift for saving them. On 10th January 1972, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman came to Dhaka, and on 12th he invited me to his house. We had breakfast, and during the talks, I could see the pain... [wondering] how to heal the wounds of the people and get their dignity, pride, culture, language and get back the economy of the country. He was thankful to India. On 23rd January, I was again invited by Mujibur Rahman and his family because they wanted to see me off. At that time, the present PM of Bangladesh gave a photo of her three-month-old son and wrote on the back, "Joy Bangla". I came to Delhi, and I got two letters from the younger sister of Sheikh Hasina. In 2012, I was invited to Bangladesh to be bestowed with an award by Present PM Sheikh Hasina. The award was a friend of Liberation war Honour. It was given on 20 October 2012. There has been some correspondence, the High Commission in Delhi always invites me for ceremonies. WION: How do you see the ties between the two countries? Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: The relationship immediately after the war was very close to each other. But after three years, when Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated, after the military rule, the relationship was in a bad shape. However, when present PM Sheikh Hasina came back to power, the relationship became very good. The present government also wants a very good relationship with them. There is a brotherhood between the two nations. PM Modi has told this number of times. At present, the relationship is very good and I wish that such relationship carries on. WION: What is your message to the people of Bangladesh as they celebrate the 50th anniversary of independence? Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: My message to the people of Bangladesh is, that Indians and Bangladeshi are brothers. They have the same culture, same dignity. We must respect each other and help each other, economically, socially and [in] whatever [way] possible. We must live together as a family. WION: Are there plans of a monument for Indian soldiers in Bangladesh? Col. (Retd) Ashok Tara: We must display Bangladeshi soldiers also. We must have Indian and Bangladeshi soldiers with their national flags. We fought together for the liberation of Bangladesh.

Meet Indian Army's Col Ashok Tara, who saved Sheikh Hasina from Pakistan Army in 1971

The 1971 <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/pakistan-army-is-obsessed-with-india-because-it-justifies-its-indispensability-209455">India-Pakistan</a> war was a military confrontation which led to the birth of a new country in South Asia, Bangladesh.&nbsp;

The guns fell silent more than 48 years ago — but the scars of Bangladesh's short, bloody struggle for independence still run deep.

On December 1971 — Indira Gandhi sent Indian troops to fight the Pakistan army in support for the Bangladesh war of independence.

The intervention brought a conclusion to the war in 13 short days and led to the birth of a new nation.&nbsp;

It is a war that will never be forgotten. The violence which eventually led to freedom.

It is what made east Pakistan gain independence and become Bangladesh.

This is how it all began. In the 1950s the centralised Pakistani state was run undemocratically by a military-bureaucratic oligarchy dominated by West Pakistan.

Under this system, Bengalis had no political say. But West Pakistan dominance was challenged in 1970 during general elections

East Pakistan' Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League had a clear overall majority, enough to become the prime minister.&nbsp;

But west Pakistan was not willing to let a leader from its eastern provincial wing rule the country.

After political negotiations failed, the Pakistani army under General Yahya Khan decided to the crackdown.

What followed was intense bloodshed as a way of repression.

West Pakistan kicked in operation searchlight across the whole of East Pakistan on March 26, 1971.

As many as 3 million were killed by Pakistani soldiers in a brutal campaign of rape, murder and pillage.

It was a genocide of immeasurable proportions.

As Pakistan's atrocities increased, the then Indian PM Indira Gandhi decided to step in.

India opened its borders. Some 10 million Bangladeshis refugees fled to safety in India.

When the Pakistan air force launched pre-emptive strikes on airfields in western India on December 3, 1971. India responded by formally declaring war on December 4.

Pakistan attacked at several places along India's western border with Pakistan, but the Indian army successfully held their positions.

The Indian army went on to capture around 15,010 kilometres of Pakistan territory.

On December 16, India registered a victory in its name. The Pakistani forces stationed in East Pakistan surrendered. And Mujibur became a leader of an independent Bangladesh.

Lasting just 13 days, the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971 is considered one of the shortest wars in history.

The 1971 India-Pakistan war was a military confrontation which led to the birth of a new country in South Asia, Bangladesh. The guns fell silent more than 48 years ago — but the scars of Bangladesh's short, bloody struggle for independence still run deep.

The 1971 India-Pakistan war was a military confrontation which led to the birth of a new country in South Asia, Bangladesh. The guns fell silent more than 48 years ago — but the scars of Bangladesh's short, bloody struggle for independence still run deep. On December 1971 — Indira Gandhi sent Indian troops to fight the Pakistan army in support for the Bangladesh war of independence. The intervention brought a conclusion to the war in 13 short days and led to the birth of a new nation. It is a war that will never be forgotten. The violence which eventually led to freedom. It is what made east Pakistan gain independence and become Bangladesh. This is how it all began. In the 1950s the centralised Pakistani state was run undemocratically by a military-bureaucratic oligarchy dominated by West Pakistan. Under this system, Bengalis had no political say. But West Pakistan dominance was challenged in 1970 during general elections East Pakistan' Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League had a clear overall majority, enough to become the prime minister. But west Pakistan was not willing to let a leader from its eastern provincial wing rule the country. After political negotiations failed, the Pakistani army under General Yahya Khan decided to the crackdown. What followed was intense bloodshed as a way of repression. West Pakistan kicked in operation searchlight across the whole of East Pakistan on March 26, 1971. As many as 3 million were killed by Pakistani soldiers in a brutal campaign of rape, murder and pillage. It was a genocide of immeasurable proportions. As Pakistan's atrocities increased, the then Indian PM Indira Gandhi decided to step in. India opened its borders. Some 10 million Bangladeshis refugees fled to safety in India. When the Pakistan air force launched pre-emptive strikes on airfields in western India on December 3, 1971. India responded by formally declaring war on December 4. Pakistan attacked at several places along India's western border with Pakistan, but the Indian army successfully held their positions. The Indian army went on to capture around 15,010 kilometres of Pakistan territory. On December 16, India registered a victory in its name. The Pakistani forces stationed in East Pakistan surrendered. And Mujibur became a leader of an independent Bangladesh. Lasting just 13 days, the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971 is considered one of the shortest wars in history.

Bangladesh liberation war: The story of India's victory, Pakistan's surrender and the birth of a new Nation

The Bangladesh government has decided to build a war memorial in Chittagong’s Bhramanbaria to pay homage to Indian soldiers who lost their lives in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War.&nbsp;

While a National Martyr’s Memorial exists in Dhaka to pay homage to soldiers who were killed in the war, a separate war memorial is being built that will be dedicated exclusively to Indian soldiers.&nbsp;

On the sidelines of the 47th Vijay Diwas celebrations at the Army Eastern Command Headquarters in Kolkata, Bangladesh Liberation War Affairs Minister AKM Muzzamel Huq said, “We are going to lay the foundation stone for Indian soldiers at Bhramanbaria in Chittagong by May-June next year. This memorial will be dedicated to Indian soldiers only. The area has been identified and over the next few months, we will be able to hold a stone laying ceremony.”

Huq added, “Our Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina will be present at the stone laying ceremony next year. While we are yet to prepare the guest list, we will be more than happy to host the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee for the ceremony.”

On the other hand, Quazi Rosy, Member of Parliament, Bangladesh was of the opinion that this war memorial for Indian soldiers will further strengthen ties.&nbsp;

“We peacefully resolved the Land Boundary Agreement, we have managed to establish rail and road links. We wanted to pay our respects to those fallen soldiers without whom we wouldn’t have been liberated and the best way is to honour them on our own soil through a war memorial. This is to further strengthen ties between the two nations,” said Rosy.&nbsp;

On Sunday, in a joint ceremony organised by the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission and Army Eastern Command, the Bangladesh government <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bangladesh-government-felicitates-indian-soldiers-martyred-in-1971-bangladesh-liberation-war-184539">felicitated family members of 12 Indian soldiers</a> -- seven martyrs from the Indian Army, one from the Navy, two from the Air Force and two from the BSF -- who were killed in the Bangladesh Liberation War. 
&nbsp;

The Bangladesh government has decided to build a war memorial in Chittagong’s Bhramanbaria to pay homage to Indian soldiers who lost their lives in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War.

The Bangladesh government has decided to build a war memorial in Chittagong’s Bhramanbaria to pay homage to Indian soldiers who lost their lives in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. While a National Martyr’s Memorial exists in Dhaka to pay homage to soldiers who were killed in the war, a separate war memorial is being built that will be dedicated exclusively to Indian soldiers. On the sidelines of the 47th Vijay Diwas celebrations at the Army Eastern Command Headquarters in Kolkata, Bangladesh Liberation War Affairs Minister AKM Muzzamel Huq said, “We are going to lay the foundation stone for Indian soldiers at Bhramanbaria in Chittagong by May-June next year. This memorial will be dedicated to Indian soldiers only. The area has been identified and over the next few months, we will be able to hold a stone laying ceremony.” Huq added, “Our Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina will be present at the stone laying ceremony next year. While we are yet to prepare the guest list, we will be more than happy to host the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee for the ceremony.” On the other hand, Quazi Rosy, Member of Parliament, Bangladesh was of the opinion that this war memorial for Indian soldiers will further strengthen ties. “We peacefully resolved the Land Boundary Agreement, we have managed to establish rail and road links. We wanted to pay our respects to those fallen soldiers without whom we wouldn’t have been liberated and the best way is to honour them on our own soil through a war memorial. This is to further strengthen ties between the two nations,” said Rosy. On Sunday, in a joint ceremony organised by the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission and Army Eastern Command, the Bangladesh government felicitated family members of 12 Indian soldiers -- seven martyrs from the Indian Army, one from the Navy, two from the Air Force and two from the BSF -- who were killed in the Bangladesh Liberation War.

Bangladesh to build war memorial dedicated to Indian soldiers killed in 1971 Liberation War

The Bangladesh government on Sunday felicitated Indian soldiers who were killed in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War.

The government felicitated the families of 12 Indian soldiers --&nbsp;seven martyrs from the Indian Army, one from the Navy, two from the Air Force and two from the BSF. This is the second time that the Bangladesh government is honouring Indian soldiers.

The Bangladesh government sent a delegation to the Vijay Diwas programme in Kolkata on Sunday. The delegation was led by Member of Parliament, Madam Quazi Rosy and Bangladesh Liberation War Affairs Minister, Mozzamal Haque.

“This is for the first time when a Prime Minister has taken such a step to honour soldiers in their very country. Only Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina can do this. We are indebted towards India for liberating us. We can never forget what they did for us. No other nation can lay down their lives on the line of duty for some other nation,” said Haque. &nbsp;

“This was the second time that the honours were being presented to the families of martyrs of Indian forces who fought the Liberation War. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina took the first initiative during her visit to Delhi in April 2017 when she met the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” added Haque.

The&nbsp;event took place in a joint ceremony at Fort William, Kolkata and was hosted by the Indian Army and the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission.

&nbsp;A 72-member delegation from Bangladesh, including 30 Mukti Joddhas and six serving officers of their armed forces, participated in the ceremony. Former Army commanders and the commanding officers of units that participated in the war also attended the programme in Kolkata.

A silver crest, a certificate, a personalized message by Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and two books by Bangabandhu Mujibar Rahman were presented to the families of each martyr.&nbsp;

“The Bangladeshi delegation felicitated our soldiers today. It is a great move as this will strengthen ties between India and Bangladesh. This is the second such initiative taken by the Bangladesh government. Our soldiers fought alongside to liberate Bangladesh and this day is observed as Victory Day in Bangladesh and we celebrate it as Vijay Diwas,” said Eastern Army Commander, Lt. Gen MM Naravane. &nbsp;

The Bangladesh government on Sunday felicitated Indian soldiers who were killed in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. The government felicitated the families of 12 Indian soldiers -- seven martyrs from the Indian Army, one from the Navy, two from the Air Force and two from the BSF.

The Bangladesh government on Sunday felicitated Indian soldiers who were killed in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War. The government felicitated the families of 12 Indian soldiers -- seven martyrs from the Indian Army, one from the Navy, two from the Air Force and two from the BSF. This is the second time that the Bangladesh government is honouring Indian soldiers. The Bangladesh government sent a delegation to the Vijay Diwas programme in Kolkata on Sunday. The delegation was led by Member of Parliament, Madam Quazi Rosy and Bangladesh Liberation War Affairs Minister, Mozzamal Haque. “This is for the first time when a Prime Minister has taken such a step to honour soldiers in their very country. Only Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina can do this. We are indebted towards India for liberating us. We can never forget what they did for us. No other nation can lay down their lives on the line of duty for some other nation,” said Haque. “This was the second time that the honours were being presented to the families of martyrs of Indian forces who fought the Liberation War. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina took the first initiative during her visit to Delhi in April 2017 when she met the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi,” added Haque. The event took place in a joint ceremony at Fort William, Kolkata and was hosted by the Indian Army and the Bangladesh Deputy High Commission. A 72-member delegation from Bangladesh, including 30 Mukti Joddhas and six serving officers of their armed forces, participated in the ceremony. Former Army commanders and the commanding officers of units that participated in the war also attended the programme in Kolkata. A silver crest, a certificate, a personalized message by Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and two books by Bangabandhu Mujibar Rahman were presented to the families of each martyr. “The Bangladeshi delegation felicitated our soldiers today. It is a great move as this will strengthen ties between India and Bangladesh. This is the second such initiative taken by the Bangladesh government. Our soldiers fought alongside to liberate Bangladesh and this day is observed as Victory Day in Bangladesh and we celebrate it as Vijay Diwas,” said Eastern Army Commander, Lt. Gen MM Naravane.

Bangladesh felicitates Indian soldiers who died in 1971 Liberation War

What is the language of trauma? How do we express the horrors our psyches and bodies face? In most cases, the answer is mother tongue. But what happens when the very trauma is caused, in some measure, by the mother language or the denial of the same?&nbsp;

Remember the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war and the answer becomes a sordid tale of a naked power struggle. East Pakistan fought for its right to use Bengali as the official language, amongst other things. From the Bengali Language Movement in 1952 to the liberation in 1971, mother language received libations of blood. A new nation was eventually birthed and with it another painful linguistic conundrum.

On this International Mother Language Day, I remember my conversation with Sadaf Saaz, a poet, writer, and women&rsquo;s rights&rsquo; activist from Bangladesh. Saaz describes her activism as an &ldquo;idea of unpacking what is happening around us.&rdquo; She says, &ldquo;It&rsquo;s an overused word but the idea of &lsquo;awareness&rsquo; doesn&rsquo;t have an expiry date. Because things aren&rsquo;t always what they appear to be. We may think or be progressive in so many ways, and we indeed are, but there are certain structural things that still need to be changed. I think as a nation we&rsquo;ve made huge strides but attitudes that need to be changed. And that&rsquo;s why I produced the play Birangona.&rdquo;

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Women of War

&lsquo;Birangona: Women of War&rsquo; talks about the victims of mass rapes in Bangladesh during the liberation war. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman referred to these women as &lsquo;birangonas,&rsquo; Bengali for women warriors.

Saaz begins to talk about these non-warring women warriors who bore the brunt of the Bangladesh war. &ldquo;I think these women have lived their lives with dignity and fortitude. Many in society shunned them but many others took them in. They are now able to voice what happened to them after all these years.&rdquo;

Yet, as Salil Tripathi observed in his &lsquo;The Colonel Who Would Not Repent&rsquo;, the birangonas rarely use language as a tool to say what actually happened to them in 1971. It&rsquo;s always unsaid, alluded to or met with downcast eyes.

The Language of Honour and Justice

Saaz shares an interesting perspective on retribution. &ldquo;Very few women out of so many I&rsquo;ve spoken to want justice in the way we understand it. Many of them just want the crimes to be acknowledged, that this actually happened to them. This is what they believe justice to be. They want their pain to be acknowledged.&rdquo;

Can a mere acknowledgment of one&rsquo;s ordeals be justice enough?

Saaz continues, &ldquo;They want respect in the society. Now, respect in society is something that people take for granted. But just imagine this: first going through such an ordeal and then to have society shun you for something that is not your fault!&rdquo;&nbsp;

She adds, &ldquo;For many years in the Bangladeshi society loss of honour was associated with women. How our mothers, sisters and daughters lost their honour during the war. But actually, the honour was lost by those who raped.&rdquo;

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Naming Conundrum

Does the very term &lsquo;birangona&rsquo; not reinforce the patriarchal idea of honour in some ways? On one hand, there is a condemnation of the rape victims as damaged goods and, on the other, their valorisation as the brave ones: binaries are inescapable. &nbsp;

Saaz gives a measured response. &ldquo;You have to realise the context. Sheikh Mujib used the word for the first time. Six days after the war, there were a billion of things to do in this country that lost everything. An attempt was made to give some kind of recognition to the horror that had happened to these women and to give assurance that the government supported them.&rdquo;

She continues, &ldquo;I think it was a commendable attempt. I agree, since then it has become a pejorative term associated with the stigma of rape. Today there&rsquo;s a debate in Bangladesh about dropping this epithet and call them freedom fighters instead. But then, they did not take up arms. Theirs was another type of battle. For survival.&rdquo;

&ldquo;In the women&rsquo;s movement in Bangladesh, talking to women survivors, this is one name we are still working with. We have to be careful about recognising what they went through but their identity shouldn&rsquo;t be just that. You don&rsquo;t like to be called the raped one.&rdquo; She takes a deep breath.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;

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Gaping Holes in the Narrative

At this juncture, I ask her about her personal moments of realisation. Has her knowledge of history prepared her enough or does she still get shocked?

Saaz says, &ldquo;Although I had heard stories that rape was used as a strategy of war, for a long time I didn&rsquo;t know of concentration camps. And the fact that despite being a woman in Bangladesh, an insider to the women&rsquo;s movement, I didn&rsquo;t know of this exemplified that the information wasn&rsquo;t getting out. While the &ldquo;they came, they raped, they left&rdquo; narrative was horrific enough I didn&rsquo;t realise the extent of the cold-bloodedness with which women were kept as sex slaves to be repeatedly raped.&rdquo;

Does she think, then, that poets, artists, journalists did not do their job well in filling the gaps in history?

She responds with a slight shake of the head. &ldquo;We were described as the &lsquo;basket case&rsquo; by Kissinger. We&rsquo;ve come a long way since then. When I see what has been written about the war, I feel it does take time for a country to come to terms with its past and start speaking about it in a layered way. Nuanced narratives are coming out now. That&rsquo;s a reason why we put together a literature festival too to nurture and have spaces where people would start writing more about the things that really matter.&rdquo;

Saaz is the co-director and producer of the literature festival Hay Festival Dhaka.

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Language and Form

How does she want the unspeakable to be spoken about? Does she want more of documentary writing or fiction and drama?

&ldquo;Of course you need the hard research, the numbers and figures. Not enough has been done on the subject of the Bangladesh genocide. No consensus on the number of people killed or women raped. It is probably the largest forgotten war. People forget that in Bangladesh there were mass rapes. On the international stage, you hear about countries like Bosnia but not Bangladesh.

But I do think, using other forms of creative expression where you can engender empathy, where you can make people see the things real human beings went through and they identify like &lsquo;this could have happened to me had I been there&rsquo; can be extremely powerful. Cultural and literary representations are extremely important.&rdquo;

About representations, Saaz has a bone to pick with the western media. &ldquo;We have 4.5 million women who are first generation workers outside the home in the garments industry. Contrary to what the western media tries to portray, it has given them access to resources and empowered them in real terms.&rdquo;

Bangladesh continues to grapple with challenges of identity: linguistic, religious, gender, and political. What began with the language movement in 1952, reached its peak in 1971 and remains a living and breathing presence in the country. Language and the right to use it may be worth dying for. But sometimes the very language becomes frustratingly inadequate in its basic function: expressing love and pain in their extremity.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

'Very few women...want justice in the way we understand it. Many of them just want the crimes to be acknowledged'

What is the language of trauma? How do we express the horrors our psyches and bodies face? In most cases, the answer is mother tongue. But what happens when the very trauma is caused, in some measure, by the mother language or the denial of the same? Remember the 1971 Indo-Pakistan war and the answer becomes a sordid tale of a naked power struggle. East Pakistan fought for its right to use Bengali as the official language, amongst other things. From the Bengali Language Movement in 1952 to the liberation in 1971, mother language received libations of blood. A new nation was eventually birthed and with it another painful linguistic conundrum. On this International Mother Language Day, I remember my conversation with Sadaf Saaz, a poet, writer, and women’s rights’ activist from Bangladesh. Saaz describes her activism as an “idea of unpacking what is happening around us.” She says, “It’s an overused word but the idea of ‘awareness’ doesn’t have an expiry date. Because things aren’t always what they appear to be. We may think or be progressive in so many ways, and we indeed are, but there are certain structural things that still need to be changed. I think as a nation we’ve made huge strides but attitudes that need to be changed. And that’s why I produced the play Birangona.” The idea of ‘awareness’ doesn’t have an expiry date × Women of War ‘Birangona: Women of War’ talks about the victims of mass rapes in Bangladesh during the liberation war. Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman referred to these women as ‘birangonas,’ Bengali for women warriors. Saaz begins to talk about these non-warring women warriors who bore the brunt of the Bangladesh war. “I think these women have lived their lives with dignity and fortitude. Many in society shunned them but many others took them in. They are now able to voice what happened to them after all these years.” Yet, as Salil Tripathi observed in his ‘The Colonel Who Would Not Repent’, the birangonas rarely use language as a tool to say what actually happened to them in 1971. It’s always unsaid, alluded to or met with downcast eyes. The Language of Honour and Justice Saaz shares an interesting perspective on retribution. “Very few women out of so many I’ve spoken to want justice in the way we understand it. Many of them just want the crimes to be acknowledged, that this actually happened to them. This is what they believe justice to be. They want their pain to be acknowledged.” Can a mere acknowledgment of one’s ordeals be justice enough? Saaz continues, “They want respect in the society. Now, respect in society is something that people take for granted. But just imagine this: first going through such an ordeal and then to have society shun you for something that is not your fault!” She adds, “For many years in the Bangladeshi society loss of honour was associated with women. How our mothers, sisters and daughters lost their honour during the war. But actually, the honour was lost by those who raped.” "Theirs was another type of battle. For survival.” × Naming Conundrum Does the very term ‘birangona’ not reinforce the patriarchal idea of honour in some ways? On one hand, there is a condemnation of the rape victims as damaged goods and, on the other, their valorisation as the brave ones: binaries are inescapable. Saaz gives a measured response. “You have to realise the context. Sheikh Mujib used the word for the first time. Six days after the war, there were a billion of things to do in this country that lost everything. An attempt was made to give some kind of recognition to the horror that had happened to these women and to give assurance that the government supported them.” She continues, “I think it was a commendable attempt. I agree, since then it has become a pejorative term associated with the stigma of rape. Today there’s a debate in Bangladesh about dropping this epithet and call them freedom fighters instead. But then, they did not take up arms. Theirs was another type of battle. For survival.” “In the women’s movement in Bangladesh, talking to women survivors, this is one name we are still working with. We have to be careful about recognising what they went through but their identity shouldn’t be just that. You don’t like to be called the raped one.” She takes a deep breath. 'I feel it does take time for a country to come to terms with its past and start speaking about it in a layered way' × Gaping Holes in the Narrative At this juncture, I ask her about her personal moments of realisation. Has her knowledge of history prepared her enough or does she still get shocked? Saaz says, “Although I had heard stories that rape was used as a strategy of war, for a long time I didn’t know of concentration camps. And the fact that despite being a woman in Bangladesh, an insider to the women’s movement, I didn’t know of this exemplified that the information wasn’t getting out. While the “they came, they raped, they left” narrative was horrific enough I didn’t realise the extent of the cold-bloodedness with which women were kept as sex slaves to be repeatedly raped.” Does she think, then, that poets, artists, journalists did not do their job well in filling the gaps in history? She responds with a slight shake of the head. “We were described as the ‘basket case’ by Kissinger. We’ve come a long way since then. When I see what has been written about the war, I feel it does take time for a country to come to terms with its past and start speaking about it in a layered way. Nuanced narratives are coming out now. That’s a reason why we put together a literature festival too to nurture and have spaces where people would start writing more about the things that really matter.” Saaz is the co-director and producer of the literature festival Hay Festival Dhaka. Sometimes the very language becomes frustratingly inadequate in its basic function: expressing love and pain in their extremity × Language and Form How does she want the unspeakable to be spoken about? Does she want more of documentary writing or fiction and drama? “Of course you need the hard research, the numbers and figures. Not enough has been done on the subject of the Bangladesh genocide. No consensus on the number of people killed or women raped. It is probably the largest forgotten war. People forget that in Bangladesh there were mass rapes. On the international stage, you hear about countries like Bosnia but not Bangladesh. But I do think, using other forms of creative expression where you can engender empathy, where you can make people see the things real human beings went through and they identify like ‘this could have happened to me had I been there’ can be extremely powerful. Cultural and literary representations are extremely important.” About representations, Saaz has a bone to pick with the western media. “We have 4.5 million women who are first generation workers outside the home in the garments industry. Contrary to what the western media tries to portray, it has given them access to resources and empowered them in real terms.” Bangladesh continues to grapple with challenges of identity: linguistic, religious, gender, and political. What began with the language movement in 1952, reached its peak in 1971 and remains a living and breathing presence in the country. Language and the right to use it may be worth dying for. But sometimes the very language becomes frustratingly inadequate in its basic function: expressing love and pain in their extremity. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Bangladesh's 'women of war' remember Bengali Language Movement

Few events in history have had such a telling effect on the history and trajectory of South Asian politics the way Bangladesh Liberation War has. Strategically and ideologically, it fundamentally redefined the calculations of the regional political players.

There are many tales that can be told about this dramatic historic event. For instance, the events running up to the war, the way the actual war was fought, its consequence for Indo-Pak relations or the trajectory of Indo-Bangladesh relations. However, the basic fulcrum for all these aspects remains the Bangladesh Liberation war which can only be understood properly in the larger context of South Asian history and politics. Even after decades, the War continues to shape South Asian diplomacy.

Pakistan viewed the event (and still does) as a betrayal of the idea of two-nation theory&nbsp;which, historically, acted as the foundation of the nation-state. Pakistan continues to see Bangladesh as a product of Indian intrigue and conspiracy against Pakistan.

Bangladesh, on the other hand, sees this event as a story of liberation from Pakistani atrocities with the central rallying point being an ethnic Bengali identity.

For India, it was a significant chapter in its relations with Pakistan and how it was heavily and decisively able to prevail upon it.

With the creation of Bangladesh, the balance of power&nbsp;in the subcontinent,&nbsp;compared to Pakistan, was tilted heavily in India&rsquo;s favour.

In India, this war was also seen as a clear mandate in favour of India&rsquo;s secular ideals in South Asia as opposed to Pakistan&rsquo;s idea of being a state based on Islamic ideals. For India, the Bangladeshi liberation movement showed that religion was not an adequate criterion for forging a national identity. Since independence, this was an ideological score that India subconsciously had been looking to settle.

Even though these regional reasons formed an important aspect of the Bangladesh Liberation War,&nbsp;there was a strong current of international politics too that heavily shaped the events of the subcontinent. Srinath Raghavan shows in his book, &#39;1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh&#39; that the birth of a new South Asian country in 1971 was part choice and part chance. He attributed such international influence to the process of decolonisation, Cold War politics and the beginnings of globalisation as a phenomenon. As is the case, generally, with all important historical events, the Bangladesh Liberation War had its roots in a multitude of causes.

The Liberation War left a profound impact on Kashmir.

The Simla Agreement, signed after the war, was crucial in defining the politics of the region for a long time, primarily in terms of the Line of Control in Kashmir and the conflict in the Siachen Glacier.

Pakistan which felt humiliated at such a crushing defeat significantly changed its strategy with respect to India. It now abandoned the strategy of direct warfare and, instead, started instigating and supporting the insurgency in India, most notably in Punjab and Kashmir.

Even though the issue in Punjab had been resolved, the issue of Kashmir still festers. Indian relation with Bangladesh has also been marred by political complications. After the initial euphoria had died down the complicated reality started to rear its head.

It was evident that even though Bengali ethnic identity had been the rallying point of the nationalist movement in Bangladesh, the complications of religious identity as a binding force had not left either the public discourse or the Bangladeshi political scene. Strategically speaking, an unstable and indifferent Bangladesh could be a fertile ground for other external powers to influence Bangladesh, a situation which is not palatable to New Delhi.

The collective memory of a nation effects politics in very subtle ways that are not always tangible enough for a rigorous academic study, however, its importance cannot be completely undermined either. 1971 holds that power on the collective conscious of South Asia. Whether directly or indirectly, the Bangladesh Liberation War set into motion a chain of events which have had massive implications for South Asian politics, the natural centre for which is India.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

Having met defeat in 1971, Pakistan abandoned the strategy of direct warfare and, instead, started instigating and supporting the insurgency in India, most notably in Punjab and Kashmir.

Few events in history have had such a telling effect on the history and trajectory of South Asian politics the way Bangladesh Liberation War has. Strategically and ideologically, it fundamentally redefined the calculations of the regional political players. There are many tales that can be told about this dramatic historic event. For instance, the events running up to the war, the way the actual war was fought, its consequence for Indo-Pak relations or the trajectory of Indo-Bangladesh relations. However, the basic fulcrum for all these aspects remains the Bangladesh Liberation war which can only be understood properly in the larger context of South Asian history and politics. Even after decades, the War continues to shape South Asian diplomacy. Pakistan viewed the event (and still does) as a betrayal of the idea of two-nation theory which, historically, acted as the foundation of the nation-state. Pakistan continues to see Bangladesh as a product of Indian intrigue and conspiracy against Pakistan. Bangladesh, on the other hand, sees this event as a story of liberation from Pakistani atrocities with the central rallying point being an ethnic Bengali identity. For India, it was a significant chapter in its relations with Pakistan and how it was heavily and decisively able to prevail upon it. With the creation of Bangladesh, the balance of power in the subcontinent, compared to Pakistan, was tilted heavily in India’s favour. In India, this war was also seen as a clear mandate in favour of India’s secular ideals in South Asia as opposed to Pakistan’s idea of being a state based on Islamic ideals. For India, the Bangladeshi liberation movement showed that religion was not an adequate criterion for forging a national identity. Since independence, this was an ideological score that India subconsciously had been looking to settle. Even though these regional reasons formed an important aspect of the Bangladesh Liberation War, there was a strong current of international politics too that heavily shaped the events of the subcontinent. Srinath Raghavan shows in his book, '1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh' that the birth of a new South Asian country in 1971 was part choice and part chance. He attributed such international influence to the process of decolonisation, Cold War politics and the beginnings of globalisation as a phenomenon. As is the case, generally, with all important historical events, the Bangladesh Liberation War had its roots in a multitude of causes. The Liberation War left a profound impact on Kashmir. The Simla Agreement, signed after the war, was crucial in defining the politics of the region for a long time, primarily in terms of the Line of Control in Kashmir and the conflict in the Siachen Glacier. Pakistan which felt humiliated at such a crushing defeat significantly changed its strategy with respect to India. It now abandoned the strategy of direct warfare and, instead, started instigating and supporting the insurgency in India, most notably in Punjab and Kashmir. Even though the issue in Punjab had been resolved, the issue of Kashmir still festers. Indian relation with Bangladesh has also been marred by political complications. After the initial euphoria had died down the complicated reality started to rear its head. It was evident that even though Bengali ethnic identity had been the rallying point of the nationalist movement in Bangladesh, the complications of religious identity as a binding force had not left either the public discourse or the Bangladeshi political scene. Strategically speaking, an unstable and indifferent Bangladesh could be a fertile ground for other external powers to influence Bangladesh, a situation which is not palatable to New Delhi. The collective memory of a nation effects politics in very subtle ways that are not always tangible enough for a rigorous academic study, however, its importance cannot be completely undermined either. 1971 holds that power on the collective conscious of South Asia. Whether directly or indirectly, the Bangladesh Liberation War set into motion a chain of events which have had massive implications for South Asian politics, the natural centre for which is India. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

Opinion: Pakistan can't let go Kashmir as it can't forget 1971

A battle-hardened veteran, who was in the midst of heavy action in Dacca (now, Dhaka) during the 1971 Indo-Pak war, Colonel (retired) Ashok Kumar Tara, is no stranger to limelight.

During the war, Colonel Tara was told to rescue Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman&#39;s wife and family, which included his 24-year-old daughter Sheikh Hasina (current prime minister of Bangladesh) and her child.

The family was held hostage by a dozen trigger-happy, heavily armed Pakistani troops at a fortified house in the Dhanmondi area in East Pakistan (now, Bangladesh).

Tara, then a 29-year-old Major, managed to rescue the Bangabandhu family, in a do-or-die situation as he himself puts.

&quot;During this operation I had to face trigger-happy, heavily-armed Pakistani forces, who just killed a media person who had tried to reach to them. I was alone. And unarmed. I took this bold decision to win over them psychologically because asking an extra force would have taken a lot of time. I knew chances were very bleak, but I went ahead, in what can be known as &#39;The Battle of Guts and Wits&#39;,&quot; says Colonel Tara.

He added, &quot;Reaching the house where Sheikh Mujibur Rehman&#39;s family was under house arrest, they threatened to kill me. Their commander even ordered his men to load the weapon and was ready to shoot, but I stood my ground and repeatedly told them to surrender. However, I gave them an assurance of safe passage, so that they could go to their HQ. And from there to Pakistan to meet their families waiting for them. I finally got them surrendered and rescued the family. This was a do-or-die situation.&quot;

Colonel Tara, who retired in 1994, had already been awarded the Vir Chakra in the Battle of Gangasagar a few days ago.

Elaborating on the above-mentioned battle, he said, &quot;It was a railway station in East Pakistan (now, Bangladesh) opposite Agartala (in Tripura). It was an attack in file formation along the railway lines and was &#39;Hand To Hand&#39;, &#39;Bunker to Bunker&#39;. The battle went for about two hours. During the attack, I had to use maltove cocktail (patrol bomb), threw a hand grenade and pulled enemy medium machine gun from a bunker to destroy the enemy. For this, I was awarded the Vir Chakra.&quot;

Colonel Tara got recognition for his valour in 2012, when Dhaka announced it was conferring the &#39;Friend of Bangladesh&#39; Award to him.

Indira Gandhi, India&#39;s Prime Minister in 1971, was conferred the award in her time.

Earlier this year, Colonel Tara featured with Hasina and Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the &quot;Sommanona Ceremony&quot; in New Delhi to honour the 1971 war martyrs.

The family was held hostage by a dozen trigger-happy, heavily armed Pakistani troops at a fortified house in the Dhanmondi area in East Pakistan (now, Bangladesh)

A battle-hardened veteran, who was in the midst of heavy action in Dacca (now, Dhaka) during the 1971 Indo-Pak war, Colonel (retired) Ashok Kumar Tara, is no stranger to limelight. During the war, Colonel Tara was told to rescue Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's wife and family, which included his 24-year-old daughter Sheikh Hasina (current prime minister of Bangladesh) and her child. The family was held hostage by a dozen trigger-happy, heavily armed Pakistani troops at a fortified house in the Dhanmondi area in East Pakistan (now, Bangladesh). Tara, then a 29-year-old Major, managed to rescue the Bangabandhu family, in a do-or-die situation as he himself puts. "During this operation I had to face trigger-happy, heavily-armed Pakistani forces, who just killed a media person who had tried to reach to them. I was alone. And unarmed. I took this bold decision to win over them psychologically because asking an extra force would have taken a lot of time. I knew chances were very bleak, but I went ahead, in what can be known as 'The Battle of Guts and Wits'," says Colonel Tara. He added, "Reaching the house where Sheikh Mujibur Rehman's family was under house arrest, they threatened to kill me. Their commander even ordered his men to load the weapon and was ready to shoot, but I stood my ground and repeatedly told them to surrender. However, I gave them an assurance of safe passage, so that they could go to their HQ. And from there to Pakistan to meet their families waiting for them. I finally got them surrendered and rescued the family. This was a do-or-die situation." Colonel Tara, who retired in 1994, had already been awarded the Vir Chakra in the Battle of Gangasagar a few days ago. Elaborating on the above-mentioned battle, he said, "It was a railway station in East Pakistan (now, Bangladesh) opposite Agartala (in Tripura). It was an attack in file formation along the railway lines and was 'Hand To Hand', 'Bunker to Bunker'. The battle went for about two hours. During the attack, I had to use maltove cocktail (patrol bomb), threw a hand grenade and pulled enemy medium machine gun from a bunker to destroy the enemy. For this, I was awarded the Vir Chakra." Colonel Tara got recognition for his valour in 2012, when Dhaka announced it was conferring the 'Friend of Bangladesh' Award to him. Indira Gandhi, India's Prime Minister in 1971, was conferred the award in her time. Earlier this year, Colonel Tara featured with Hasina and Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the "Sommanona Ceremony" in New Delhi to honour the 1971 war martyrs.

Indian soldier, who saved a future PM, recounts Bangladesh liberation war

&nbsp;

East Pakistan, aided by India, declared war against Pakistan in 1971. The war culminated into the transformation of East Pakistan into a separate nation - Bangladesh. The liberation war in Bangladesh has left a lasting imprint on the subcontinental history and geopolitics. It has also fashioned national consciousness in the region to a great extent. The narratives of this war have been carefully preserved in war diaries, official histories- which are yet to be declassified- and visual records. Some of the latter have assumed iconic status, like &quot;the surrender&quot; photograph, in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.

&nbsp;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://wion.azureedge.net/photos/stamp-20161216071648.jpg" />
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Pakistan issued stamps showing Prisoners of War in India to influence world opinion (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&nbsp;

Another iconic pictorial representation of the war comes from Pakistan in the form of a postal stamp. After the cease-fire declaration and liberation of Bangladesh on 16 Dec 1971, 90,000 Pakistani soldiers were captured. Pakistan had issued stamps showing Prisoners of War (PoW) in India to influence world opinion.

&nbsp;

In the past few years there has been a renewed interest in the 1971 Indo&ndash;Pak war, owing to the domestic and international events in the subcontinent. The war crime trials in Bangladesh, growing hostilities between India and Pakistan, rise of identity-based violence in these three countries makes the war relevant even after forty-five years. The war needs to be revisited beyond the annual performative tributes to the martyrs and jingoism.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

In India, the war is rightly remembered for the ethos of the Indian Army that took one of the biggest surrenders of the modern history of mankind and yet stuck to an honourable code of conduct. An army is known for its treatment meted out to the vanquished.

&nbsp;

A quaint little town located astride the Tropic of Cancer in the Malwa region of the Deccan Plateau bears testimony to how the Pakistani prisoners of war (PoWs) were treated by their Indian counterparts. Saugor, one of the oldest cantonments in the country housed almost one-fifth of the total PoWs. Soon after the surrender document was signed by Gen AAK Niazi and Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora, Saugor Station was tasked to set up Prisoner of War Camp for around 14,000 Pakistanis.

&nbsp;

Col R D Salwan of the Mahar Regiment, which has its regimental centre in Saugor, was the camp commander of one of the seven PoW camps set up in this area. Unlike the other six, his camp had housed the surrendered officers and CUPCs (Civilians Under Protective Custody). He recalls how the camps were managed with strict Geneva Conventions. The camps remained in place till 1974 when the last batch of PoWs, which included Gen Niazi, was repatriated. Gen Niazi stayed in a similar camp in Jabalpur for four years.

&nbsp;

Azaadi and Jamhooriyat was the name of Urdu periodicals which was circulated amongst the camp inmates. The English version of the same went around with the name of Democracy and Freedom. Col Salwan says that other reading materials were also made available to the inmates on demand, although after being carefully vetted by an Education corps officer.

&nbsp;

When asked whether the inmates were remorseful of their deeds in Bangladesh, the old camp commander quickly replies, &ldquo;Oh, not at all!&rdquo; He adds, however, that the senior lot of the officers was more dignified than the juniors. &ldquo;Most of the junior officers were fanatics,&rdquo; says Col Salwan. He had spotted some senior officers who were his elder brother&rsquo;s course-mates in the undivided Indian Army.

&nbsp;

During this period, the CUPC inmates were even paid salaries by the Indian government as per the Geneva Conventions. Col Salwan recalls that there were some very high ranking civilian officers in his camp including the president of a bank. &ldquo;These people were supposed to refund that money to our government after the repatriation but I&rsquo;m not sure if it happened. Most likely it didn&rsquo;t,&rdquo; adds Col Salwan.

&nbsp;

Col Salwan shares an interesting demonetisation story from that era. In the aftermath of the loot and plunder in Bangladesh during 1971, the government of Pakistan announced that the Pakistan currency notes of 500 rupees and 100 rupees denominations would cease to be legal tender. During repatriation, a young officer stubbornly demanded to be given back the money seized from him in the same currency. Col Salwan ensured that he got the same, though in the highest denomination possible!

&nbsp;

Unlike the camps in other locations, there were no reports of tunneling by the inmates in Saugor. How far could they have possibly gone had they even tried? Surrounded by thick forests and with just one little railway station that could be easily blocked, Saugor was not an easy site.

&nbsp;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://wion.azureedge.net/photos/letters-20161216073259.jpg" />
<div class="media-description">
Letters sent by Pakistan prisoners of war to their family from the camp (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

It is rather unfortunate that Saugor rarely gets a mention in the 1971 discourse. A glance through the cantonment&rsquo;s eventful history tells us how little we care for our past beyond the headlines. Saugor district was ceded by the ruling Peshwas to the British on 10 March 1818 after the third Anglo-Maratha War. Gen Watson took over the command of a division at Saugor and soon the British developed it as one of the most important military establishments in the Central Provinces. During the revolt of 1857, the British were holed up in the Saugor fort for eight months surrounded by the revolutionaries seeking India&rsquo;s independence. After defeating Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi, Sir Hugh Rose brought relief to his compatriots in distress.

&nbsp;

Saugor also has an interesting WWII connection. The famous Chindits, which created havoc in Burma, were trained in Dhana. Brig Orde Charles Wingate, DSO, a genius of unconventional warfare, was chosen in May 1942 to form a specialised Jungle Warfare force called &lsquo;The Chindits&rsquo; (77 Indian Long Range Penetration Brigade) consisting of 13th Liverpool Regt, 3/2 Gorkha Regt and 2nd Burma Rifles (Burmese Volunteers). Between June-Dec 1942, he trained this force in the forests of Dhana, Patharia, Rehli and Malthone, with his base at Dhana. The airstrip which was used for their Airborne training is now home to the fliers of Chimes aviation Academy. The residence used by Gen Wingate now serves as office building of one of the units in Dhana Military station.

&nbsp;

A stone in the old yet grand St Peters Church in Saugor marks the centre of undivided India. This is also a benchmark for the Geographical Survey of India&rsquo;s annual survey. Yet, we know so little of this town steeped in history. Is it because democracies tend to be uncomfortable about military history?&nbsp;

&nbsp;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://wion.azureedge.net/photos/christmas-20161216082853.jpg" />
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Christmas card from British officers back home (Others)
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<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Countries like the USA and Israel have been successful in bringing their respective militaries to the mainstream discourse of nation-building. However, militarisation of culture comes with its own dangers and an incessant peddling of military values often breeds anti-militaristic discourse as observed by scholars like Gal Levy and Orna Sasson-Levy of Israel. They note that &quot;the fusion between the state&#39;s political ideology and formal education begins in pre-school settings, where Israeli children are exposed to themes of persecution, heroism, and war&quot;. As a result, &quot;An anti-militaristic attitude has arisen, not only in academia but throughout society&quot;.

&nbsp;

In a functional democracy like India, the society&#39;s consent and dissent regarding militarism and peace do not emerge evenly. Some sections of the society see the military as a glorious institution, which not only protects the nation-state in the face of external threats but also lays down rubrics of model conduct worthy of emulation by the civilian counterparts. On the other end of the spectrum are those who see military as the face of draconian &quot;establishment&quot; that crushes ruthlessly any dissent by its own people in the name of national security. Between these two standpoints rest a variety of attitudes towards military ranging from treating it as a necessary evil to ignoring it completely.

Thus, Saugor and many such towns languish in anonymity.

Saugor, a tiny town in central India, bears testimony to how the Pakistani prisoners of war were treated by the Indian Army

East Pakistan, aided by India, declared war against Pakistan in 1971. The war culminated into the transformation of East Pakistan into a separate nation - Bangladesh. The liberation war in Bangladesh has left a lasting imprint on the subcontinental history and geopolitics. It has also fashioned national consciousness in the region to a great extent. The narratives of this war have been carefully preserved in war diaries, official histories- which are yet to be declassified- and visual records. Some of the latter have assumed iconic status, like "the surrender" photograph, in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Pakistan issued stamps showing Prisoners of War in India to influence world opinion (Others) × Another iconic pictorial representation of the war comes from Pakistan in the form of a postal stamp. After the cease-fire declaration and liberation of Bangladesh on 16 Dec 1971, 90,000 Pakistani soldiers were captured. Pakistan had issued stamps showing Prisoners of War (PoW) in India to influence world opinion. In the past few years there has been a renewed interest in the 1971 Indo–Pak war, owing to the domestic and international events in the subcontinent. The war crime trials in Bangladesh, growing hostilities between India and Pakistan, rise of identity-based violence in these three countries makes the war relevant even after forty-five years. The war needs to be revisited beyond the annual performative tributes to the martyrs and jingoism. In India, the war is rightly remembered for the ethos of the Indian Army that took one of the biggest surrenders of the modern history of mankind and yet stuck to an honourable code of conduct. An army is known for its treatment meted out to the vanquished. A quaint little town located astride the Tropic of Cancer in the Malwa region of the Deccan Plateau bears testimony to how the Pakistani prisoners of war (PoWs) were treated by their Indian counterparts. Saugor, one of the oldest cantonments in the country housed almost one-fifth of the total PoWs. Soon after the surrender document was signed by Gen AAK Niazi and Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora, Saugor Station was tasked to set up Prisoner of War Camp for around 14,000 Pakistanis. Col R D Salwan of the Mahar Regiment, which has its regimental centre in Saugor, was the camp commander of one of the seven PoW camps set up in this area. Unlike the other six, his camp had housed the surrendered officers and CUPCs (Civilians Under Protective Custody). He recalls how the camps were managed with strict Geneva Conventions. The camps remained in place till 1974 when the last batch of PoWs, which included Gen Niazi, was repatriated. Gen Niazi stayed in a similar camp in Jabalpur for four years. Azaadi and Jamhooriyat was the name of Urdu periodicals which was circulated amongst the camp inmates. The English version of the same went around with the name of Democracy and Freedom. Col Salwan says that other reading materials were also made available to the inmates on demand, although after being carefully vetted by an Education corps officer. When asked whether the inmates were remorseful of their deeds in Bangladesh, the old camp commander quickly replies, “Oh, not at all!” He adds, however, that the senior lot of the officers was more dignified than the juniors. “Most of the junior officers were fanatics,” says Col Salwan. He had spotted some senior officers who were his elder brother’s course-mates in the undivided Indian Army. During this period, the CUPC inmates were even paid salaries by the Indian government as per the Geneva Conventions. Col Salwan recalls that there were some very high ranking civilian officers in his camp including the president of a bank. “These people were supposed to refund that money to our government after the repatriation but I’m not sure if it happened. Most likely it didn’t,” adds Col Salwan. Col Salwan shares an interesting demonetisation story from that era. In the aftermath of the loot and plunder in Bangladesh during 1971, the government of Pakistan announced that the Pakistan currency notes of 500 rupees and 100 rupees denominations would cease to be legal tender. During repatriation, a young officer stubbornly demanded to be given back the money seized from him in the same currency. Col Salwan ensured that he got the same, though in the highest denomination possible! Unlike the camps in other locations, there were no reports of tunneling by the inmates in Saugor. How far could they have possibly gone had they even tried? Surrounded by thick forests and with just one little railway station that could be easily blocked, Saugor was not an easy site. Letters sent by Pakistan prisoners of war to their family from the camp (Others) × It is rather unfortunate that Saugor rarely gets a mention in the 1971 discourse. A glance through the cantonment’s eventful history tells us how little we care for our past beyond the headlines. Saugor district was ceded by the ruling Peshwas to the British on 10 March 1818 after the third Anglo-Maratha War. Gen Watson took over the command of a division at Saugor and soon the British developed it as one of the most important military establishments in the Central Provinces. During the revolt of 1857, the British were holed up in the Saugor fort for eight months surrounded by the revolutionaries seeking India’s independence. After defeating Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi, Sir Hugh Rose brought relief to his compatriots in distress. Saugor also has an interesting WWII connection. The famous Chindits, which created havoc in Burma, were trained in Dhana. Brig Orde Charles Wingate, DSO, a genius of unconventional warfare, was chosen in May 1942 to form a specialised Jungle Warfare force called ‘The Chindits’ (77 Indian Long Range Penetration Brigade) consisting of 13th Liverpool Regt, 3/2 Gorkha Regt and 2nd Burma Rifles (Burmese Volunteers). Between June-Dec 1942, he trained this force in the forests of Dhana, Patharia, Rehli and Malthone, with his base at Dhana. The airstrip which was used for their Airborne training is now home to the fliers of Chimes aviation Academy. The residence used by Gen Wingate now serves as office building of one of the units in Dhana Military station. A stone in the old yet grand St Peters Church in Saugor marks the centre of undivided India. This is also a benchmark for the Geographical Survey of India’s annual survey. Yet, we know so little of this town steeped in history. Is it because democracies tend to be uncomfortable about military history? Christmas card from British officers back home (Others) × Countries like the USA and Israel have been successful in bringing their respective militaries to the mainstream discourse of nation-building. However, militarisation of culture comes with its own dangers and an incessant peddling of military values often breeds anti-militaristic discourse as observed by scholars like Gal Levy and Orna Sasson-Levy of Israel. They note that "the fusion between the state's political ideology and formal education begins in pre-school settings, where Israeli children are exposed to themes of persecution, heroism, and war". As a result, "An anti-militaristic attitude has arisen, not only in academia but throughout society". In a functional democracy like India, the society's consent and dissent regarding militarism and peace do not emerge evenly. Some sections of the society see the military as a glorious institution, which not only protects the nation-state in the face of external threats but also lays down rubrics of model conduct worthy of emulation by the civilian counterparts. On the other end of the spectrum are those who see military as the face of draconian "establishment" that crushes ruthlessly any dissent by its own people in the name of national security. Between these two standpoints rest a variety of attitudes towards military ranging from treating it as a necessary evil to ignoring it completely. Thus, Saugor and many such towns languish in anonymity.

1971: Of remembrance and forgetting

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