&#39;Xi Jinping Thought&#39; will now be taught, researched and promoted in universities across China, ensuring that the leader&#39;s eponymous philosophy is implanted into students&#39; hearts and minds.

At least twenty universities have established research institutes for Xi&#39;s ideology, which was enshrined in the Communist Party&#39;s constitution during its 19th national congress this month.

The distinction places Xi on a par with Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. It means that his dogma&nbsp;&quot;Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era&quot; will become a mantra for a new generation.

According to media reports Sunday, the research institutes will not &quot;hide in the ivory tower&quot; but advocate the incorporation of Xi thought in all aspects of daily life.&nbsp;

&quot;We will gather many experts and professors to disseminate and preach Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in businesses, neighbourhoods and villages,&quot; Jiang Hongxin, head of Hunan Normal University&#39;s newly-founded Xi Thought research centre, told the People&#39;s Daily, the party mouthpiece.

Jiang&#39;s attitude mirrors that of many institute directors, who in interviews with Chinese media over the weekend espoused a deep devotion to spreading Xi-isms.

&quot;The (research) centre has a unique duty, which is to push forward Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in curriculums, in classrooms and in minds,&quot; Chen Xianda, a professor at Renmin University of China, told the Beijing-based Guangming Daily.

One institute director said the centre was the school&#39;s way of &quot;answering Xi&#39;s call&quot; to educate young people, while another said the Xi Thought organisation would &quot;guide the entire school, from top to bottom, in implementing the spirit of the 19th Congress&quot;.

&quot;We must always keep in mind the generosity of General Secretary Xi Jinping,&quot; Zhou Qihong, a party secretary at Wuhan Donghu University, told the People&#39;s Daily.

The lessons must &quot;enter brains and hearts&quot;, he said.

The education ministry also released guidelines Monday for mandatory elementary and high school extracurricular programmes that include activities to &quot;foster emotional attachment to the Chinese Communist Party&quot;. 
&nbsp;

Xi Jinping Thought will now be taught, researched and promoted in universities across China, ensuring that the leader's eponymous philosophy is implanted into students' hearts and minds.

'Xi Jinping Thought' will now be taught, researched and promoted in universities across China, ensuring that the leader's eponymous philosophy is implanted into students' hearts and minds. At least twenty universities have established research institutes for Xi's ideology, which was enshrined in the Communist Party's constitution during its 19th national congress this month. The distinction places Xi on a par with Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. It means that his dogma "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era" will become a mantra for a new generation. According to media reports Sunday, the research institutes will not "hide in the ivory tower" but advocate the incorporation of Xi thought in all aspects of daily life. "We will gather many experts and professors to disseminate and preach Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in businesses, neighbourhoods and villages," Jiang Hongxin, head of Hunan Normal University's newly-founded Xi Thought research centre, told the People's Daily, the party mouthpiece. Jiang's attitude mirrors that of many institute directors, who in interviews with Chinese media over the weekend espoused a deep devotion to spreading Xi-isms. "The (research) centre has a unique duty, which is to push forward Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in curriculums, in classrooms and in minds," Chen Xianda, a professor at Renmin University of China, told the Beijing-based Guangming Daily. One institute director said the centre was the school's way of "answering Xi's call" to educate young people, while another said the Xi Thought organisation would "guide the entire school, from top to bottom, in implementing the spirit of the 19th Congress". "We must always keep in mind the generosity of General Secretary Xi Jinping," Zhou Qihong, a party secretary at Wuhan Donghu University, told the People's Daily. The lessons must "enter brains and hearts", he said. The education ministry also released guidelines Monday for mandatory elementary and high school extracurricular programmes that include activities to "foster emotional attachment to the Chinese Communist Party".

Chinese universities start 'Xi Thought' institutes

President Xi Jinping has told herdsmen from a Tibetan settlement bordering Arunachal Pradesh to &quot;set down roots&quot; to safeguard &quot;Chinese territory&quot; and focus on developing their hometown.

&quot;Without peace in the territory, there will be no peaceful lives for the millions of families,&quot; Xi, who began his second term in office after the once-in-five-years Congress of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) this week endorsed his second tenure, wrote to a herding family in Lhunze County in Tibet, official media reported today.

Xi told the herding family from Lhunze County, near the Himalayas in southwest China&#39;s Tibet Autonomous Region, to set down roots in the border area, safeguard &quot;Chinese territory&quot; and develop their hometown.

India asserts that the Sino-Indian border dispute covers the 4,057-km Line of Actual Control, while China claims it is confined to about 2,000 kms to the area of Arunachal Pradesh, which it refers to as Southern Tibet.

The family is based in Yumai, China&#39;s smallest town in terms of population at the southern foot of the Himalayas, where steep slopes and rugged paths make it difficult to live, state-run Xinhua news agency reported.

Xi acknowledged the family&#39;s efforts to &quot;safeguard the territory, and thanked them for the loyalty and contributions they have made in the border area,&quot; the report said.

Xi, who also heads the Central Military Commission - the overall high command of the Chinese military, made the remarks in a reply delivered to the Tibetan herders yesterday after they wrote to him introducing their township, the Xinhua report said.

The Chinese president hoped that the family would motivate more herders to set down roots in the border area &quot;like galsang flowers,&quot; and become guardians of Chinese territory and builders of a happy hometown.

Fresh off the 19th CPC Congress, Xi told the family that the party would continue to lead people of all ethnic groups towards better lives, the report said.

Two girls - Zhoigar and Yangzom - from the Tibetan family wrote the letter to Xi while the Congress was in session in Beijing, telling him their experiences in safeguarding the border area and the development of their township over the years.

Xi told the herding family from Lhunze County, near the Himalayas in southwest China's Tibet Autonomous Region, to set down roots in the border area, safeguard 'Chinese territory' and develop their hometown

President Xi Jinping has told herdsmen from a Tibetan settlement bordering Arunachal Pradesh to "set down roots" to safeguard "Chinese territory" and focus on developing their hometown. "Without peace in the territory, there will be no peaceful lives for the millions of families," Xi, who began his second term in office after the once-in-five-years Congress of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) this week endorsed his second tenure, wrote to a herding family in Lhunze County in Tibet, official media reported today. Xi told the herding family from Lhunze County, near the Himalayas in southwest China's Tibet Autonomous Region, to set down roots in the border area, safeguard "Chinese territory" and develop their hometown. India asserts that the Sino-Indian border dispute covers the 4,057-km Line of Actual Control, while China claims it is confined to about 2,000 kms to the area of Arunachal Pradesh, which it refers to as Southern Tibet. The family is based in Yumai, China's smallest town in terms of population at the southern foot of the Himalayas, where steep slopes and rugged paths make it difficult to live, state-run Xinhua news agency reported. Xi acknowledged the family's efforts to "safeguard the territory, and thanked them for the loyalty and contributions they have made in the border area," the report said. Xi, who also heads the Central Military Commission - the overall high command of the Chinese military, made the remarks in a reply delivered to the Tibetan herders yesterday after they wrote to him introducing their township, the Xinhua report said. The Chinese president hoped that the family would motivate more herders to set down roots in the border area "like galsang flowers," and become guardians of Chinese territory and builders of a happy hometown. Fresh off the 19th CPC Congress, Xi told the family that the party would continue to lead people of all ethnic groups towards better lives, the report said. Two girls - Zhoigar and Yangzom - from the Tibetan family wrote the letter to Xi while the Congress was in session in Beijing, telling him their experiences in safeguarding the border area and the development of their township over the years.

Guard Chinese soil, Xi tells herdsmen from Arunachal border

The dynamics of bilateral relations between India, US and China are swiftly changing under a rapidly transforming global order. The last week saw two significant developments underlining this commotion and churning in the international order, and India might find itself at the helm of affairs here.

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<h5>The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan.</h5>
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The Asia visit of US Secretary of State came against the backdrop of the recently concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Strong signs of an emerging multipolarity made themselves highly evident during the last few days when both US and China pushed for a greater assertion over the international affairs.

Tillerson&#39;s visit to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India was an attempt by the US to mark its territory in terms of its strategic dominance and rope in India as an important ally to the US in the region. The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan.

The visit, which is said to have sent a strong message to Pakistan on the issue of terrorism, also seeks to prop up India as a useful balancer to the developing China-Pakistan axis in South Asia. The importance of the timing of this visit is also not lost on observers, as it comes barely days after Tillerson&rsquo;s speech on &ldquo;Defining our relationship with India for the next century&rdquo; at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). In his speech, Tillerson laid great emphasis on a &ldquo;free and open Indo-Pacific&rdquo; while being highly critical of China&#39;s &ldquo;less responsible&rdquo; rise.

Tillerson&#39;s attempts at strengthening America&#39;s position in the subcontinent were simultaneous to the 19th National Congress of the CPC which saw the emergence of President Xi Jinping as a very strong leader in the history of the country, with a stature next only to that of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.

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<h5>The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically.</h5>
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Conscious of the world that was carefully observing the proceedings of the 19th NC, Xi laid a great emphasis on China&#39;s role as a world leader, and its endeavour to achieve a great power status. The repeated insistence on the importance of a globalised world and the significance of China&#39;s leadership clearly highlighted China&#39;s intentions to outgrow Deng Xiaoping&#39;s &ldquo;biding our time&rdquo; strategy and aggressively pursue Xi&#39;s &ldquo;China dream&rdquo;.

The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically. China, under Xi, will be looking to create and strengthen alternative global institutions, transform existing norms and push for regional supremacy. All this will happen as the US grows more isolationist in its global outlook. The daunting realisation that a more assertive China will be detrimental to the US&#39; strategic interests in Asia, was probably one of the many reasons behind Tillerson&#39;s visit to the region.&nbsp;

In the face of the changing dynamics, however, India will find itself at the helm of affairs. The regional confrontation between India and China is set to increase as no formidable changes or major breaks could be detected in China&#39;s neighbourhood policy. In fact, the 19th NC saw the election of China&#39;s top diplomat and Special Representative for India-China border talks to the powerful 25 member politburo and is expected to rise further and become a vice premier in charge of foreign affairs.

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<h5>A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India&#39;s place in the global politics</h5>
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The elevation of top diplomats to the powerful Central Committee and the politburo signifies the renewed commitment of President Xi in strongly pursuing China&#39;s regional dominance and countering the US influence in Asia-Pacific. India will be faced with an ever-rising China and can, therefore, expect more frequent skirmishes at the border, and at multilateral institutions.

This changing scenario will require India to carefully re-calibrate its relations. A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India&#39;s place in the global politics. It will also provide a regional alternative to China for smaller countries in the Asia-Pacific. A robust India-US alliance will also work to offset China&#39;s dominance in the multilateral institutions. The US may be looking at a re-pivot to Asia and India might just be its best bet in the region.

A deepening engagement with the US along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India's place in the global politics

The dynamics of bilateral relations between India, US and China are swiftly changing under a rapidly transforming global order. The last week saw two significant developments underlining this commotion and churning in the international order, and India might find itself at the helm of affairs here. The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan. × The Asia visit of US Secretary of State came against the backdrop of the recently concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Strong signs of an emerging multipolarity made themselves highly evident during the last few days when both US and China pushed for a greater assertion over the international affairs. Tillerson's visit to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India was an attempt by the US to mark its territory in terms of its strategic dominance and rope in India as an important ally to the US in the region. The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan. The visit, which is said to have sent a strong message to Pakistan on the issue of terrorism, also seeks to prop up India as a useful balancer to the developing China-Pakistan axis in South Asia. The importance of the timing of this visit is also not lost on observers, as it comes barely days after Tillerson’s speech on “Defining our relationship with India for the next century” at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). In his speech, Tillerson laid great emphasis on a “free and open Indo-Pacific” while being highly critical of China's “less responsible” rise. Tillerson's attempts at strengthening America's position in the subcontinent were simultaneous to the 19th National Congress of the CPC which saw the emergence of President Xi Jinping as a very strong leader in the history of the country, with a stature next only to that of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically. × Conscious of the world that was carefully observing the proceedings of the 19th NC, Xi laid a great emphasis on China's role as a world leader, and its endeavour to achieve a great power status. The repeated insistence on the importance of a globalised world and the significance of China's leadership clearly highlighted China's intentions to outgrow Deng Xiaoping's “biding our time” strategy and aggressively pursue Xi's “China dream”. The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically. China, under Xi, will be looking to create and strengthen alternative global institutions, transform existing norms and push for regional supremacy. All this will happen as the US grows more isolationist in its global outlook. The daunting realisation that a more assertive China will be detrimental to the US' strategic interests in Asia, was probably one of the many reasons behind Tillerson's visit to the region. In the face of the changing dynamics, however, India will find itself at the helm of affairs. The regional confrontation between India and China is set to increase as no formidable changes or major breaks could be detected in China's neighbourhood policy. In fact, the 19th NC saw the election of China's top diplomat and Special Representative for India-China border talks to the powerful 25 member politburo and is expected to rise further and become a vice premier in charge of foreign affairs. A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India's place in the global politics × The elevation of top diplomats to the powerful Central Committee and the politburo signifies the renewed commitment of President Xi in strongly pursuing China's regional dominance and countering the US influence in Asia-Pacific. India will be faced with an ever-rising China and can, therefore, expect more frequent skirmishes at the border, and at multilateral institutions. This changing scenario will require India to carefully re-calibrate its relations. A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India's place in the global politics. It will also provide a regional alternative to China for smaller countries in the Asia-Pacific. A robust India-US alliance will also work to offset China's dominance in the multilateral institutions. The US may be looking at a re-pivot to Asia and India might just be its best bet in the region.

How India can counter China's growing influence in Asia

Momentous 1962

It was a year of many <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/how-energy-war-will-redefine-india-china-relations-post-doklam-20983">firsts &ndash; American John Glenn became the first American to orbit the Earth </a>in February, 1962, Beatles recorded their single &ldquo;Love me Do&rdquo;, America&rsquo;s sweetheart Marilyn Monroe sang Happy Birthday to President Kennedy which was also her last public appearance before her death a few months later.

Spider-man of Marvel made his maiden appearance in a comic.

Brazil beat Czechoslovakia 3-1 to win the 1962 World Cup and Pele became a household name the world over.

The United States created the Navy Seals and the first Walmart store opened in the same year. Oscar-winning movie Lawrence of Arabia opened for public in December.

And amid all this between October 20th to November 20th, when the Indian subcontinent trembled as India and China went to war, the Cuban missile crisis was at its height with America &amp; Russia close to World War III.

Why are countries attacked on weekends?

That date - October 20th, and as it happens had to be a Friday &ndash; ever wondered why an invasion is always executed on a Friday through to Sunday?

History has been witness to many wars breaking out on a weekend &ndash; the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japanese bombers on December, 7th 1941, also known as the &lsquo;day of infamy&rsquo; on a Sunday.

Operation Barbarossa: Hitler&#39;s Germany attacked Russia on Friday, 20th June 1941.

Nearly 150 years earlier&nbsp;Napolean&rsquo;s Grand Army began its assault on &lsquo;Fortress Russia&rsquo; on a Saturday, 24th June&nbsp;1815.

The logic is simple: An attack on a weekend is the ultimate &#39;surprise&nbsp;element&#39; as most offices are closed, bureaucrats are busy planning their holidays and the general public has its guard down, it is the best time as any to strike!

India &amp; China: Locked eye-to-eye

This time, India&#39;s&nbsp;Ministry of Defense officials and PM Jawaharlal Nehru knew beforehand war clouds had gathered over the Indo-Sino border&nbsp;because Indian and Chinese soldiers were locked in an eye-to-eye conformation at the LAC, reminiscent of the recent Doklam crisis.&nbsp;

Also, to make matters worse a few years earlier the Dalai Lama had escaped to India, walking all the way from his homeland in Tibet to take refuge in Nehru&rsquo;s India.

It had of course been less than 15 years since both China and India had gained their independence &ndash; India became free of British Raj on 15th August 1947 and China under Mao founded the People&rsquo;s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, naturally the two big powers were keen to assert themselves on the world stage.

As things stand, 55 years later both countries now see each other as &ldquo;frenemies&rdquo;, not in the Hindi-Chini bhai, bhai sense, but more or less as &ldquo;equal partners&rdquo; on the world stage in a post-cold war as the centre of the universe shifts towards BRICS and ASEAN.

After another 50 years, when India and China recall&nbsp;that dull, dreary day at the border on October 20, 1962, experts won&rsquo;t be thinking about what happened that day but perhaps how two men perhaps unwittingly may have brought the Tiger and Dragon together &ndash; Deng Xiaoping, who literally &#39;opened up&#39;&nbsp;China to the world in 1978 and India&#39;s then finance minister Manmohan Singh who spearheaded&nbsp;economic reforms in 1991.

The Net effect of Deng and Manmohan Singh would be seen as a turning point when historians get down to write about India-China and the relevance of October, 20th, 1962 in the lives of the two countries.

Economies win-or-lose wars

It is often said Armies do not win wars, economies make-or-break wars. Wars are won by nations who can constantly keep the tap open for the supply of food, raw material and other resources.&nbsp;

A closer look at the GDP of the two Asian giants reveals the real story.

China&#39;s GDP in 1962 was at $47.21 billion, slightly ahead of India&#39;s GDP at $41.6 billion. China had only one bank - &nbsp;People&rsquo;s Bank of China(PBC) &nbsp;- &nbsp;till 1978. However, after Deng&#39;s groundbreaking market reforms PBC turned into a monetary authority.

In the 80s, China began to be recognised as the &quot;Dragon in the making&quot; as Deng&#39;s reforms began to show results. India, however, was still a sleeping giant at that time, Indians had to wait for more than a decade until finance minister Manmohan Singh unveiled his&nbsp;reform agenda.

China, Japan and India currently dominate Asia&#39;s GDP rate.

In the post-1962 world, India and China find themselves on opposite poles - India as a rising power is now aligned with the US and China the dominant Asian giant, poised to overtake the US economy in the next decade is still trying to define its philosophy through a raft of policies, declarations and deals across the world.&nbsp;

China&rsquo;s supreme leader Xi Jinping, 64, would have very scant memories of that day as a nine-year-old. India has changed too, PM Modi, 67, who recently met Xi at the BRICS summit would also have to strain himself to remember the India-China conflict. As the clock turns and a new generation takes control on either side of LAC, an opportunity knocks.

The big question is: Is there a dreamer in our midst in India who can bring back the True spirit of Hindi, Chini bhai bhai and make the subcontinent the Centre of World Existence?

The search is on as the world awaits with baited breath&hellip;

We need a dreamer in our midst who can bring back the True spirit of Hindi, Chini bhai bhai and make the subcontinent the Centre of World Existence

Momentous 1962 It was a year of many firsts – American John Glenn became the first American to orbit the Earth in February, 1962, Beatles recorded their single “Love me Do”, America’s sweetheart Marilyn Monroe sang Happy Birthday to President Kennedy which was also her last public appearance before her death a few months later. Spider-man of Marvel made his maiden appearance in a comic. Brazil beat Czechoslovakia 3-1 to win the 1962 World Cup and Pele became a household name the world over. The United States created the Navy Seals and the first Walmart store opened in the same year. Oscar-winning movie Lawrence of Arabia opened for public in December. And amid all this between October 20th to November 20th, when the Indian subcontinent trembled as India and China went to war, the Cuban missile crisis was at its height with America & Russia close to World War III. Why are countries attacked on weekends? That date - October 20th, and as it happens had to be a Friday – ever wondered why an invasion is always executed on a Friday through to Sunday? History has been witness to many wars breaking out on a weekend – the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japanese bombers on December, 7th 1941, also known as the ‘day of infamy’ on a Sunday. Operation Barbarossa: Hitler's Germany attacked Russia on Friday, 20th June 1941. Nearly 150 years earlier Napolean’s Grand Army began its assault on ‘Fortress Russia’ on a Saturday, 24th June 1815. The logic is simple: An attack on a weekend is the ultimate 'surprise element' as most offices are closed, bureaucrats are busy planning their holidays and the general public has its guard down, it is the best time as any to strike! India & China: Locked eye-to-eye This time, India's Ministry of Defense officials and PM Jawaharlal Nehru knew beforehand war clouds had gathered over the Indo-Sino border because Indian and Chinese soldiers were locked in an eye-to-eye conformation at the LAC, reminiscent of the recent Doklam crisis. Also, to make matters worse a few years earlier the Dalai Lama had escaped to India, walking all the way from his homeland in Tibet to take refuge in Nehru’s India. It had of course been less than 15 years since both China and India had gained their independence – India became free of British Raj on 15th August 1947 and China under Mao founded the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, naturally the two big powers were keen to assert themselves on the world stage. As things stand, 55 years later both countries now see each other as “frenemies”, not in the Hindi-Chini bhai, bhai sense, but more or less as “equal partners” on the world stage in a post-cold war as the centre of the universe shifts towards BRICS and ASEAN. After another 50 years, when India and China recall that dull, dreary day at the border on October 20, 1962, experts won’t be thinking about what happened that day but perhaps how two men perhaps unwittingly may have brought the Tiger and Dragon together – Deng Xiaoping, who literally 'opened up' China to the world in 1978 and India's then finance minister Manmohan Singh who spearheaded economic reforms in 1991. The Net effect of Deng and Manmohan Singh would be seen as a turning point when historians get down to write about India-China and the relevance of October, 20th, 1962 in the lives of the two countries. Economies win-or-lose wars It is often said Armies do not win wars, economies make-or-break wars. Wars are won by nations who can constantly keep the tap open for the supply of food, raw material and other resources. A closer look at the GDP of the two Asian giants reveals the real story. China's GDP in 1962 was at $47.21 billion, slightly ahead of India's GDP at $41.6 billion. China had only one bank - People’s Bank of China(PBC) - till 1978. However, after Deng's groundbreaking market reforms PBC turned into a monetary authority. In the 80s, China began to be recognised as the "Dragon in the making" as Deng's reforms began to show results. India, however, was still a sleeping giant at that time, Indians had to wait for more than a decade until finance minister Manmohan Singh unveiled his reform agenda. China, Japan and India currently dominate Asia's GDP rate. In the post-1962 world, India and China find themselves on opposite poles - India as a rising power is now aligned with the US and China the dominant Asian giant, poised to overtake the US economy in the next decade is still trying to define its philosophy through a raft of policies, declarations and deals across the world. China’s supreme leader Xi Jinping, 64, would have very scant memories of that day as a nine-year-old. India has changed too, PM Modi, 67, who recently met Xi at the BRICS summit would also have to strain himself to remember the India-China conflict. As the clock turns and a new generation takes control on either side of LAC, an opportunity knocks. The big question is: Is there a dreamer in our midst in India who can bring back the True spirit of Hindi, Chini bhai bhai and make the subcontinent the Centre of World Existence? The search is on as the world awaits with baited breath…

Forgetting 1962, can India and China be friends?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday congratulated Chinese President Xi Jinping for securing a second term as the head of the ruling Communist Party, saying he looks forward to further promote India-China ties together.

&quot;Congratulations to President Xi on getting re-elected as CPC General Secretary. Look forward to further promote India- China ties together,&quot; Modi said in his message on popular Chinese microblog Weibo which is akin to Twitter.

Modi&#39;s message was posted both in English and Mandarin.

&nbsp;

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PM Modi congratulated Xi Jinping on CHina&#39;s popular mice-blogging website Weibo (WION)
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&nbsp;

Xi was formally handed a second term in power and his doctrine was written into the party constitution, elevating him on par with modern China&#39;s founder Chairman Mao Zedong and his successor Deng Xiaoping.

Modi&#39;s message comes amid diplomatic efforts by the two sides to overcome the bitterness caused by the 73-day face-off between their troops in the Dokalam area of the Sikkim sector.

The Chinese and the Indian troops were engaged in a standoff since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the construction of a road by the Chinese Army.

Last month, Modi and Xi met on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit in Chinese port city Xiamen and held their first substantive bilateral meeting after the Dokalam standoff and agreed to move forward in their ties.

Xi was formally handed a second term in power and his doctrine was written into the party constitution, elevating him on par with modern China's founder Chairman Mao Zedong and his successor Deng Xiaoping.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday congratulated Chinese President Xi Jinping for securing a second term as the head of the ruling Communist Party, saying he looks forward to further promote India-China ties together. "Congratulations to President Xi on getting re-elected as CPC General Secretary. Look forward to further promote India- China ties together," Modi said in his message on popular Chinese microblog Weibo which is akin to Twitter. Modi's message was posted both in English and Mandarin. PM Modi congratulated Xi Jinping on CHina's popular mice-blogging website Weibo (WION) × Xi was formally handed a second term in power and his doctrine was written into the party constitution, elevating him on par with modern China's founder Chairman Mao Zedong and his successor Deng Xiaoping. Modi's message comes amid diplomatic efforts by the two sides to overcome the bitterness caused by the 73-day face-off between their troops in the Dokalam area of the Sikkim sector. The Chinese and the Indian troops were engaged in a standoff since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the construction of a road by the Chinese Army. Last month, Modi and Xi met on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit in Chinese port city Xiamen and held their first substantive bilateral meeting after the Dokalam standoff and agreed to move forward in their ties.

PM Modi congratulates Xi Jinping, hopes to promote India-China ties

It is time to read the Chinese politics. If every Congress in the Chinese political chronicle has been &ldquo;special&rdquo; in offering something new to the country&rsquo;s political trajectory, the just concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held from 18-24 October 2017 offers equally a number of entries that makes it one of the most &ldquo;special&rdquo; events in post-Mao China.

The Congress seems to have not only solidified Xi Jinping&rsquo;s authority in the Chinese political system as &ldquo;paramount&rdquo; leader but also offers a blueprint for the CPC which will guide China through 2022 and beyond.

Known as the real &ldquo;political heart&rdquo; of China&rsquo;s statehood, the Congress is the national chorale through which the CPC sets the direction of China&rsquo;s rise (????), both domestically and internationally. Though many would still like to view the Congress essentially as a domestic political event of China, it is the party&rsquo;s National Congress that is the most important political event that determines the landscape of Chinese politics, which is the real basis of China&rsquo;s ascendancy to power today.

In fact, almost every domestic development in China has its correlation with China&rsquo;s external posture and the 19th Congress was no different in that regard. What however made this the &ldquo;most special&rdquo; event in China&rsquo;s post-Republic political history is the CPC parameters which have embraced Xi Jinping&rsquo;s &ldquo;core&rdquo; (??) thoughts and ideas to guide China over the next two or three decades to mark the authority of the Communist system in the country as a reference to the rest of the world politics.

The 19th National Congress was &lsquo;special&rsquo; for several reasons. First, it marked the formal endorsement of Xi Jinping&rsquo;s second term as President of China till 2022. Even though it was quite apparent before this event that Xi Jinping would continue as President for the second term, the 19th Congress clearly making Xi Jinping the &ldquo;custodian political figure&rdquo; of the CPC while inducting his political thoughts and key ideas into the Chinese Constitution that Xi will decide the nature and future of Chinese politics in the decade to come.

If the beginning of Xi&rsquo;s second term as President was quite apparent, the 19th Congress sheds light that Xi&rsquo;s control over the country&rsquo;s &ldquo;elite politics&rdquo; has been so strong that he would probably continue to remain in power beyond 2022. Will Xi aspire to become President for the third term?

Not really. Even though Xi would continue to retain good control over China&rsquo;s &ldquo;elite politics&rdquo;, he would not like to break the recently established usual convention to hold the Presidency beyond the second term since this will cast doubt over his motive and question his stature as China&rsquo;s true &ldquo;political reformer&rdquo;, which he has gained through the anti-corruption drive and many other domestic reforms.

Xi&rsquo;s continuation in power beyond 2022 is subject to debate, but it is becoming clear that he would probably like to retain the position of General Secretary of the CPC and perhaps the Chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) after 2022 to control the Chinese &ldquo;elite politics&rdquo; in the near to middle terms.

Second, the 19th National Congress formally endorsing Xi&rsquo;s political thought and ideas as the fundamental basis of China&rsquo;s political graph in times to come by amending the Chinese constitution. While the catchphrase is on how to promote a culture of &lsquo;Socialism with Chinese characteristics&rsquo;, Xi&rsquo;s emphasis involves new ideas and strategies to carry forward reform while offering greater role to market forces in allocating resources, advancing the Chinese soft power network globally and to carry out structural reform in China that will enhance party&rsquo;s stature.

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<h5>The CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi&rsquo;s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China&rsquo;s ever-evolving political process.</h5>
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In fact, the CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi&rsquo;s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China&rsquo;s ever-evolving political process. Inducting Xi&rsquo;s thoughts into the Chinese constitution while making an amendment makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Amending the constitution, however, is not a big call; rather inducing a political leader&rsquo;s core thoughts and ideas by specially naming a particular leader in the constitution is a special call.

Even though every National Congress and eventually the Chinese constitution have mentioned the political thoughts and key ideas of previous Presidents of China, the Constitution so far has only mentioned the name of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping exclusively along with the great names of Marx and Lenin. Acknowledging Xi Jinping&rsquo;s political thoughts and ideas by naming him is a special recognition since both the previous Presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao have failed to earn.

Jiang Zemin&rsquo;s core idea of &ldquo;three representatives&rdquo; was based on empowering the CPC through economic production, thrusting on Chinese culture and building political consensus. Hu Jintao&rsquo;s &ldquo;Scientific Outlook on Development&rdquo; was equally a powerful economic mantra aimed to change the Chinese discourse of development under the CPC from an &ldquo;over-reliant&rdquo; society to a progressive society that would thrust on a &ldquo;high-quality&rdquo; workforce through improved science and technology.

Neither Jiang&rsquo;s nor Hu&rsquo;s name directly figured against their thoughts or core ideas even though their political thoughts and ideas have been widely acknowledged in the constitution. The 19th Congress becomes &ldquo;distinct&rdquo; in this regard since Xi Jinping seems to have managed to develop a consensus among the political elites of China to induct his name as a reformer and path-maker for China. Legitimising the process to acknowledge Xi&rsquo;s political thoughts and ideas in the constitution has not only marked a new beginning for the CPC but also made Xi a &ldquo;generational leader&rdquo; equivalent to the stature of Mao and Deng.

Third, Xi&rsquo;s political thoughts and ideas surrounding the concept of &ldquo;Four Comprehensiveness&rdquo; (?????), popularly known as four Cs, makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Xi publicly started talking about the four Cs concept during his visit to Jiangsu province in December 2014 where he appealed to the party workers and people of China to restore faith in the CPC.

The four Cs principles are &ndash; comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society, comprehensively deepen reform, comprehensively implement the rule of law, and comprehensively strengthen party discipline. These ideas may seem to be full of jargon, but they certainly hold utmost relevance in China&rsquo;s domestic political context since they are linked closely with the future of the CPC.

These principles are closely linked to reforms- political, economic and legal- that China is craving for long. How much these reforms will be achieved is still a matter of debate though: but politically, these are attached to Xi&rsquo;s core idea of executing the &ldquo;Chinese dream&rdquo; (???) and building a &ldquo;prosperous society&rdquo; which are essentially linked to address the poverty in the country, challenges emanating from environmental degradation, and the existing regional disparities primarily between urban and rural China.&nbsp;

Besides, Xi has advocated these ideas with the spirit of restoring China&rsquo;s historical glory as a powerful nation through the supremacy of the CPC in the 21st century where the goal is to rejuvenate the Chinese nation. Core to Xi&rsquo;s idea is &ldquo;two 100-years goals&rdquo;: (a) to build a moderately prosperous society in China by 2021, and (b) to establish a &ldquo;strong, affluent and modern country&rdquo; as a developed nation by 2049.

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<h5>Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party&rsquo;s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC.</h5>
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These ideas may look ambitious and superfluous, yet the aim is to mark the CPC&rsquo;s authority while building China&rsquo;s future through an impressive economic fortune. This was systematically planned by Xi in his first tenure as President since the acceptability of the CPC was waning rapidly in Chinese society over the last one decade.

Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party&rsquo;s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC. Xi&rsquo;s four Cs concept therefore comes not only to rescue the declining stature of the CPC but also to raise the party&rsquo;s legitimacy in Chinese society to bring necessary economic and political reforms.&nbsp;

Fourth, the 19th National Congress displays shades of the return of the CPC&rsquo;s &ldquo;command culture&rdquo;, which would be recurring under Xi&rsquo;s authority in 21st-century China. The return of the &ldquo;command culture&rdquo; is a subject that is less about the style of party functioning but more about the style of the functioning of the leaders.

While the 19th National Congress making Xi one of the most powerful leaders in Chinese history after Mao, the Congress also witnessed how the &ldquo;command culture&rdquo; of the CPC can be restored with the &ldquo;general secretary&rdquo; of the CPC, which is the earlier version of &ldquo;Chairman of the Central Committee&rdquo; of the CPC. Mao always has been referred to as &ldquo;Chairman Mao&rdquo; while Deng Xiaoping managed to enjoy the tag of &ldquo;Chairmanship&rdquo; for a few initial years before the position of &ldquo;Chairman&rdquo; was eventually removed in 1982.

Since then, &ldquo;general secretary&rdquo; has been the main political label in China, which Xi currently holds after Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Though the 19th Congress still continues to persist with the position of &ldquo;general secretary&rdquo;, still the term &ldquo;Chairman&rdquo; has been used against Xi&rsquo;s name symbolically in the recent past to augment his stature in the Chinese political spectrum. For instance, the People&rsquo;s Liberation Army (PLA) was noticed addressing Xi as &ldquo;Chairman&rdquo; and &ldquo;Comrade&rdquo; during the recent 20th commemoration ceremony of Hong Kong&rsquo;s handover to China. The phrasings of &ldquo;Chairmanship&rdquo; and &ldquo;Comradeship&rdquo; were most frequently used during Mao&rsquo;s period.

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<h5>China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment.</h5>
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In brief, the 19th Congress was not just a National Congress that it appears to be. This Congress would be remembered for two precise reasons: first, for strengthening Xi Jinping&rsquo;s stature in China&rsquo;s evolving political process; and second, to prepare a ground for the CPC to guide China to the third decade of the 21st century. Besides, the 19th National Congress occurred when China has emerged as the second-largest economy in the world.

China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment. Therefore, the 19th National Congress has prepared the path of political fortune of a stronger &lsquo;economic power&rsquo; that will deeply influence the global politics in times to come.&nbsp;

Amidst all these, one needs to ask: what impact the 19th National Congress really leaves for China&rsquo;s broader decision-making process? Politics, political rulers, and their complex background decide what China is today. Understanding the complex functioning of an administration is always a difficult task, particularly in a country like China, where the leadership intentions and the decision-making course remain highly secret.

Xi Jinping&rsquo;s growing personality as a tall leader with the conclusion of the 19th National Congress makes China&rsquo;s political process much more opaque&nbsp;and leadership-centric. There is no denying that the political process in China would continue to remain complex where Xi Jinping will decide the fortune of major decisions for the moment, be it domestic or international.&nbsp;

Debates regarding the success and significance of the 19th National Congress will continue in the ensuing days and months. The importance of this Congress will also be seen in the context of leadership changes that have already been made in the Central Committee of the 19th CPC and eventually in the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) and the Central Military Commission (CMC). New leaders and their rank profile will make the headlines.

Amidst this, it is difficult to ignore that the CPC&rsquo;s stature is apparently growing. The world might continue to question the CPC&rsquo;s realness: but China&rsquo;s fate unquestionably depends upon the CPC&rsquo;s governance structure and the authority of its leadership, which the 19th Congress aptly explains. Though the CPC has gone through many changes since its first Congress in 1921, the core element of the Party and the Chinese state still remain intact: that is to build a stronger &ldquo;socialist structure&rdquo;. Xi Jinping seems to be reinstating the same through the 19th National Congress. Above all, the Congress signified China&rsquo;s rising character as a successful Communist system even though the democratic world would like to question the transparency and sheerness of this system.

With a powerful political approach, Xi Jinping has strengthened his stature in China?s evolving political process

It is time to read the Chinese politics. If every Congress in the Chinese political chronicle has been “special” in offering something new to the country’s political trajectory, the just concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held from 18-24 October 2017 offers equally a number of entries that makes it one of the most “special” events in post-Mao China. The Congress seems to have not only solidified Xi Jinping’s authority in the Chinese political system as “paramount” leader but also offers a blueprint for the CPC which will guide China through 2022 and beyond. Known as the real “political heart” of China’s statehood, the Congress is the national chorale through which the CPC sets the direction of China’s rise (????), both domestically and internationally. Though many would still like to view the Congress essentially as a domestic political event of China, it is the party’s National Congress that is the most important political event that determines the landscape of Chinese politics, which is the real basis of China’s ascendancy to power today. In fact, almost every domestic development in China has its correlation with China’s external posture and the 19th Congress was no different in that regard. What however made this the “most special” event in China’s post-Republic political history is the CPC parameters which have embraced Xi Jinping’s “core” (??) thoughts and ideas to guide China over the next two or three decades to mark the authority of the Communist system in the country as a reference to the rest of the world politics. The 19th National Congress was ‘special’ for several reasons. First, it marked the formal endorsement of Xi Jinping’s second term as President of China till 2022. Even though it was quite apparent before this event that Xi Jinping would continue as President for the second term, the 19th Congress clearly making Xi Jinping the “custodian political figure” of the CPC while inducting his political thoughts and key ideas into the Chinese Constitution that Xi will decide the nature and future of Chinese politics in the decade to come. If the beginning of Xi’s second term as President was quite apparent, the 19th Congress sheds light that Xi’s control over the country’s “elite politics” has been so strong that he would probably continue to remain in power beyond 2022. Will Xi aspire to become President for the third term? Not really. Even though Xi would continue to retain good control over China’s “elite politics”, he would not like to break the recently established usual convention to hold the Presidency beyond the second term since this will cast doubt over his motive and question his stature as China’s true “political reformer”, which he has gained through the anti-corruption drive and many other domestic reforms. Xi’s continuation in power beyond 2022 is subject to debate, but it is becoming clear that he would probably like to retain the position of General Secretary of the CPC and perhaps the Chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) after 2022 to control the Chinese “elite politics” in the near to middle terms. Second, the 19th National Congress formally endorsing Xi’s political thought and ideas as the fundamental basis of China’s political graph in times to come by amending the Chinese constitution. While the catchphrase is on how to promote a culture of ‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics’, Xi’s emphasis involves new ideas and strategies to carry forward reform while offering greater role to market forces in allocating resources, advancing the Chinese soft power network globally and to carry out structural reform in China that will enhance party’s stature. The CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi’s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China’s ever-evolving political process. × In fact, the CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi’s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China’s ever-evolving political process. Inducting Xi’s thoughts into the Chinese constitution while making an amendment makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Amending the constitution, however, is not a big call; rather inducing a political leader’s core thoughts and ideas by specially naming a particular leader in the constitution is a special call. Even though every National Congress and eventually the Chinese constitution have mentioned the political thoughts and key ideas of previous Presidents of China, the Constitution so far has only mentioned the name of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping exclusively along with the great names of Marx and Lenin. Acknowledging Xi Jinping’s political thoughts and ideas by naming him is a special recognition since both the previous Presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao have failed to earn. Jiang Zemin’s core idea of “three representatives” was based on empowering the CPC through economic production, thrusting on Chinese culture and building political consensus. Hu Jintao’s “Scientific Outlook on Development” was equally a powerful economic mantra aimed to change the Chinese discourse of development under the CPC from an “over-reliant” society to a progressive society that would thrust on a “high-quality” workforce through improved science and technology. Neither Jiang’s nor Hu’s name directly figured against their thoughts or core ideas even though their political thoughts and ideas have been widely acknowledged in the constitution. The 19th Congress becomes “distinct” in this regard since Xi Jinping seems to have managed to develop a consensus among the political elites of China to induct his name as a reformer and path-maker for China. Legitimising the process to acknowledge Xi’s political thoughts and ideas in the constitution has not only marked a new beginning for the CPC but also made Xi a “generational leader” equivalent to the stature of Mao and Deng. Third, Xi’s political thoughts and ideas surrounding the concept of “Four Comprehensiveness” (?????), popularly known as four Cs, makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Xi publicly started talking about the four Cs concept during his visit to Jiangsu province in December 2014 where he appealed to the party workers and people of China to restore faith in the CPC. The four Cs principles are – comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society, comprehensively deepen reform, comprehensively implement the rule of law, and comprehensively strengthen party discipline. These ideas may seem to be full of jargon, but they certainly hold utmost relevance in China’s domestic political context since they are linked closely with the future of the CPC. These principles are closely linked to reforms- political, economic and legal- that China is craving for long. How much these reforms will be achieved is still a matter of debate though: but politically, these are attached to Xi’s core idea of executing the “Chinese dream” (???) and building a “prosperous society” which are essentially linked to address the poverty in the country, challenges emanating from environmental degradation, and the existing regional disparities primarily between urban and rural China. Besides, Xi has advocated these ideas with the spirit of restoring China’s historical glory as a powerful nation through the supremacy of the CPC in the 21st century where the goal is to rejuvenate the Chinese nation. Core to Xi’s idea is “two 100-years goals”: (a) to build a moderately prosperous society in China by 2021, and (b) to establish a “strong, affluent and modern country” as a developed nation by 2049. Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party’s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC. × These ideas may look ambitious and superfluous, yet the aim is to mark the CPC’s authority while building China’s future through an impressive economic fortune. This was systematically planned by Xi in his first tenure as President since the acceptability of the CPC was waning rapidly in Chinese society over the last one decade. Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party’s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC. Xi’s four Cs concept therefore comes not only to rescue the declining stature of the CPC but also to raise the party’s legitimacy in Chinese society to bring necessary economic and political reforms. Fourth, the 19th National Congress displays shades of the return of the CPC’s “command culture”, which would be recurring under Xi’s authority in 21st-century China. The return of the “command culture” is a subject that is less about the style of party functioning but more about the style of the functioning of the leaders. While the 19th National Congress making Xi one of the most powerful leaders in Chinese history after Mao, the Congress also witnessed how the “command culture” of the CPC can be restored with the “general secretary” of the CPC, which is the earlier version of “Chairman of the Central Committee” of the CPC. Mao always has been referred to as “Chairman Mao” while Deng Xiaoping managed to enjoy the tag of “Chairmanship” for a few initial years before the position of “Chairman” was eventually removed in 1982. Since then, “general secretary” has been the main political label in China, which Xi currently holds after Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Though the 19th Congress still continues to persist with the position of “general secretary”, still the term “Chairman” has been used against Xi’s name symbolically in the recent past to augment his stature in the Chinese political spectrum. For instance, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was noticed addressing Xi as “Chairman” and “Comrade” during the recent 20th commemoration ceremony of Hong Kong’s handover to China. The phrasings of “Chairmanship” and “Comradeship” were most frequently used during Mao’s period. China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment. × In brief, the 19th Congress was not just a National Congress that it appears to be. This Congress would be remembered for two precise reasons: first, for strengthening Xi Jinping’s stature in China’s evolving political process; and second, to prepare a ground for the CPC to guide China to the third decade of the 21st century. Besides, the 19th National Congress occurred when China has emerged as the second-largest economy in the world. China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment. Therefore, the 19th National Congress has prepared the path of political fortune of a stronger ‘economic power’ that will deeply influence the global politics in times to come. Amidst all these, one needs to ask: what impact the 19th National Congress really leaves for China’s broader decision-making process? Politics, political rulers, and their complex background decide what China is today. Understanding the complex functioning of an administration is always a difficult task, particularly in a country like China, where the leadership intentions and the decision-making course remain highly secret. Xi Jinping’s growing personality as a tall leader with the conclusion of the 19th National Congress makes China’s political process much more opaque and leadership-centric. There is no denying that the political process in China would continue to remain complex where Xi Jinping will decide the fortune of major decisions for the moment, be it domestic or international. Debates regarding the success and significance of the 19th National Congress will continue in the ensuing days and months. The importance of this Congress will also be seen in the context of leadership changes that have already been made in the Central Committee of the 19th CPC and eventually in the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) and the Central Military Commission (CMC). New leaders and their rank profile will make the headlines. Amidst this, it is difficult to ignore that the CPC’s stature is apparently growing. The world might continue to question the CPC’s realness: but China’s fate unquestionably depends upon the CPC’s governance structure and the authority of its leadership, which the 19th Congress aptly explains. Though the CPC has gone through many changes since its first Congress in 1921, the core element of the Party and the Chinese state still remain intact: that is to build a stronger “socialist structure”. Xi Jinping seems to be reinstating the same through the 19th National Congress. Above all, the Congress signified China’s rising character as a successful Communist system even though the democratic world would like to question the transparency and sheerness of this system.

With Xi at helm again, China may become strong but less transparent

China&#39;s ruling Communist Party reveals its new leadership line-up on Wednesday when President Xi Jinping introduces his Politburo Standing Committee, culminating a week-long party congress.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/xi-joins-mao-in-communist-constitution-tightening-grip-on-china-22842">A key measure of Xi&#39;s rising influence leading the world&#39;s second-largest economy</a> will be how many of his allies are installed on the Standing Committee, the apex of power, which is currently made up of seven people, all men, and headed by Xi, who is also party and military chief.

Five members are expected to retire due to an unwritten rule limiting new five-year terms to those under 68.&nbsp;

One of the five, a close Xi ally, the anti-corruption chief Wang Qishan, 69, was left off the new Central Committee, which elects the Standing Committee, but he could get another job a few months down the line, sources have said.

The new line-up will be announced around midday at the first plenum of the congress. The congress itself formally ended on Tuesday, with Xi having his political theory written into the party`s constitution, putting him in the same company as the founder of modern China, Mao Zedong.

Who gets on the new Standing Committee remains a closely guarded secret until Xi leads them out before the media in a room inside central Beijing`s Great Hall of the People, where all top party events take place.

Names in contention include vice-premier Wang Yang, Xi advisers Li Zhanshu and Wang Huning, Shanghai party chief Han Zheng, Guangdong province party boss Hu Chunhua and Zhao Leji, who runs the powerful organisation department that oversees personnel decisions such as promotions and demotions.

Other contenders include Chen Miner, who heads the party in the southwestern city of Chongqing; Beijing party boss Cai Qi; and Jiangsu province party boss Li Qiang, all of whom are close to Xi. Chen and Cai have enjoyed meteoric rises up the party ranks.

Premier Li Keqiang is the only other member of the current Standing Committee apart from Xi who will remain, unless he is unexpectedly left off, which seems unlikely.

Previous party congresses have anointed successors for the roles of party head and premier, with Xi and Li both vaulting on to the Standing Committee in 2007 before they were then further promoted to their current roles in 2012.

Speculation has swirled in Beijing this week that Xi may break with precedent and not appoint an obvious successor, who would have to be young enough to serve three consecutive terms in the Standing Committee.

President Xi Jinping will introduce his Politburo Standing Committee today, culminating a week-long party congress

China's ruling Communist Party reveals its new leadership line-up on Wednesday when President Xi Jinping introduces his Politburo Standing Committee, culminating a week-long party congress. A key measure of Xi's rising influence leading the world's second-largest economy will be how many of his allies are installed on the Standing Committee, the apex of power, which is currently made up of seven people, all men, and headed by Xi, who is also party and military chief. Five members are expected to retire due to an unwritten rule limiting new five-year terms to those under 68. One of the five, a close Xi ally, the anti-corruption chief Wang Qishan, 69, was left off the new Central Committee, which elects the Standing Committee, but he could get another job a few months down the line, sources have said. The new line-up will be announced around midday at the first plenum of the congress. The congress itself formally ended on Tuesday, with Xi having his political theory written into the party`s constitution, putting him in the same company as the founder of modern China, Mao Zedong. Who gets on the new Standing Committee remains a closely guarded secret until Xi leads them out before the media in a room inside central Beijing`s Great Hall of the People, where all top party events take place. Names in contention include vice-premier Wang Yang, Xi advisers Li Zhanshu and Wang Huning, Shanghai party chief Han Zheng, Guangdong province party boss Hu Chunhua and Zhao Leji, who runs the powerful organisation department that oversees personnel decisions such as promotions and demotions. Other contenders include Chen Miner, who heads the party in the southwestern city of Chongqing; Beijing party boss Cai Qi; and Jiangsu province party boss Li Qiang, all of whom are close to Xi. Chen and Cai have enjoyed meteoric rises up the party ranks. Premier Li Keqiang is the only other member of the current Standing Committee apart from Xi who will remain, unless he is unexpectedly left off, which seems unlikely. Previous party congresses have anointed successors for the roles of party head and premier, with Xi and Li both vaulting on to the Standing Committee in 2007 before they were then further promoted to their current roles in 2012. Speculation has swirled in Beijing this week that Xi may break with precedent and not appoint an obvious successor, who would have to be young enough to serve three consecutive terms in the Standing Committee.

China to unveil new leadership line-up as Xi cements power

Xi Jinping was elevated to the pantheon of China`s most powerful leaders Tuesday as his name was enshrined in the Communist Party constitution alongside Chairman Mao.

The inclusion of Xi`s eponymous guiding philosophy at the end of a week-long congress could set him on course for an indefinite term as China`s paramount leader.

He will now have an even stronger hand to lead the nation into a &quot;new era&quot; in which he envisions it becoming a global superpower with a world-class military by mid-century.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/chinas-communist-party-endorses-president-xi-for-second-five-year-term-22790" target="_blank">Watch: China&#39;s Communist Party endorses President Xi for second five-year term</a>

Communist China`s founder Mao Zedong, and the architect of its market reforms, Deng Xiaoping, are the only other Chinese leaders to have their names in the constitution -- and only Mao was alive when his was included.

Xi, 64, presided over the congress`s closing session where some 2,300 delegates approved the constitutional amendment to include &quot;Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era&quot;.

The concept places a heavy emphasis on the party`s role in governing every aspect of the country, from the economy to what people are writing on social media.

&quot;We must work tirelessly and forge ahead on the journey of realising the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,&quot; Xi, who is due to be reappointed as party chief on Wednesday, told the congress in concluding remarks.

The honour may allow Xi to stay on as China`s top leader even if he gives up the title of party general secretary when his second term ends in 2022 as tradition demands, analysts said.

Or he could carry on as party leader. Xi`s time as national president must end in 2023 but there is no official restriction on how long a party chief can serve -- although Xi`s two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, stepped down after two five-year terms.

Jiang and Hu had their concepts included in the constitution, but without their names and only when they retired.

&quot;China has a tradition of combining emperor and teacher, which means that the emperor is also the thought leader. Xi achieved it at the end of his first term. That`s rare in our history,&quot; Chinese political scholar Hu Xingdou told AFP.

Xi also managed to get at least two of his cherished programmes written into the constitution: an anti-corruption campaign that has brought down 1.5 million crooked officials since 2012 and the Belt and Road initiative, the massive global trade infrastructure project intended to increase China`s influence abroad.

The congress declared the Communist Party China`s &quot;absolute leader&quot;, a clear sign that it intends to further tighten its grip on the country.

&quot;Those who approve, raise your hands,&quot; Xi said during the vote as a flurry of arms shot up in unison. When he asked if anyone was not in favour, shouts of &quot;None!&quot; echoed in the imposing Great Hall of the People.

&quot;Now our country is unified, cohesive, and moving up in the world,&quot; northeast Jilin province delegate Li Hualiang told AFP.The congress also elected a new 204-member Central Committee, which included just 10 women. It will elect the party`s new ruling council, the Politburo Standing Committee, on Wednesday.

Xi is certain to secure a second five-year term as general secretary and could also consolidate his power by filling the standing committee with allies, possibly without even presenting an obvious heir apparent.

A vast security apparatus was thrown around the congress, with businesses ranging from nightclubs to gyms closing to avoid any incidents and factories shuttered in what turned out to be a failed attempt to clear the city`s notorious smog.

When he opened the gathering last week, Xi declared that China had entered a &quot;new era&quot; with the ambitious goal of becoming a &quot;global leader&quot; by mid-century.

Xi has sought to portray himself as a responsible global leader while US President Donald Trump trumpets a nationalist &quot;America First&quot; policy and the European Union grapples with Britain`s exit.

His blueprint foresees no change in the single-party political system, and gives no sign that crackdowns on human rights activists will ease.

Some of his goals, such as building a modern military by 2035, go beyond the end of his second term, a hint that he sees himself at the centre of China`s political life for years to come.

At the closing session, Xi said the congress established &quot;the goal of securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and then embarking on a journey to fully build a modern socialist China&quot;.Despite Xi`s rising power, the composition of the Politburo Standing Committee, the body that controls power, will still be crucial to his efforts, said Willy Lam, politics professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to remain on the committee while the five other current members are supposed to step down under an informal retirement age set at 68.

There is no agreement among China-watchers about who will end up on the committee, or if anybody will emerge as a potential successor.

If the right allies are named, Lam said, it would show that &quot;he has full control over the Politburo Standing Committee&quot;.

Xi Jinping's name was on Tuesday enshrined in the Communist Party constitution alongside Chairman Mao's

Xi Jinping was elevated to the pantheon of China`s most powerful leaders Tuesday as his name was enshrined in the Communist Party constitution alongside Chairman Mao. The inclusion of Xi`s eponymous guiding philosophy at the end of a week-long congress could set him on course for an indefinite term as China`s paramount leader. He will now have an even stronger hand to lead the nation into a "new era" in which he envisions it becoming a global superpower with a world-class military by mid-century. Watch: China's Communist Party endorses President Xi for second five-year term Communist China`s founder Mao Zedong, and the architect of its market reforms, Deng Xiaoping, are the only other Chinese leaders to have their names in the constitution -- and only Mao was alive when his was included. Xi, 64, presided over the congress`s closing session where some 2,300 delegates approved the constitutional amendment to include "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era". The concept places a heavy emphasis on the party`s role in governing every aspect of the country, from the economy to what people are writing on social media. "We must work tirelessly and forge ahead on the journey of realising the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation," Xi, who is due to be reappointed as party chief on Wednesday, told the congress in concluding remarks. The honour may allow Xi to stay on as China`s top leader even if he gives up the title of party general secretary when his second term ends in 2022 as tradition demands, analysts said. Or he could carry on as party leader. Xi`s time as national president must end in 2023 but there is no official restriction on how long a party chief can serve -- although Xi`s two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, stepped down after two five-year terms. Jiang and Hu had their concepts included in the constitution, but without their names and only when they retired. "China has a tradition of combining emperor and teacher, which means that the emperor is also the thought leader. Xi achieved it at the end of his first term. That`s rare in our history," Chinese political scholar Hu Xingdou told AFP. Xi also managed to get at least two of his cherished programmes written into the constitution: an anti-corruption campaign that has brought down 1.5 million crooked officials since 2012 and the Belt and Road initiative, the massive global trade infrastructure project intended to increase China`s influence abroad. The congress declared the Communist Party China`s "absolute leader", a clear sign that it intends to further tighten its grip on the country. "Those who approve, raise your hands," Xi said during the vote as a flurry of arms shot up in unison. When he asked if anyone was not in favour, shouts of "None!" echoed in the imposing Great Hall of the People. "Now our country is unified, cohesive, and moving up in the world," northeast Jilin province delegate Li Hualiang told AFP.The congress also elected a new 204-member Central Committee, which included just 10 women. It will elect the party`s new ruling council, the Politburo Standing Committee, on Wednesday. Xi is certain to secure a second five-year term as general secretary and could also consolidate his power by filling the standing committee with allies, possibly without even presenting an obvious heir apparent. A vast security apparatus was thrown around the congress, with businesses ranging from nightclubs to gyms closing to avoid any incidents and factories shuttered in what turned out to be a failed attempt to clear the city`s notorious smog. When he opened the gathering last week, Xi declared that China had entered a "new era" with the ambitious goal of becoming a "global leader" by mid-century. Xi has sought to portray himself as a responsible global leader while US President Donald Trump trumpets a nationalist "America First" policy and the European Union grapples with Britain`s exit. His blueprint foresees no change in the single-party political system, and gives no sign that crackdowns on human rights activists will ease. Some of his goals, such as building a modern military by 2035, go beyond the end of his second term, a hint that he sees himself at the centre of China`s political life for years to come. At the closing session, Xi said the congress established "the goal of securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and then embarking on a journey to fully build a modern socialist China".Despite Xi`s rising power, the composition of the Politburo Standing Committee, the body that controls power, will still be crucial to his efforts, said Willy Lam, politics professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to remain on the committee while the five other current members are supposed to step down under an informal retirement age set at 68. There is no agreement among China-watchers about who will end up on the committee, or if anybody will emerge as a potential successor. If the right allies are named, Lam said, it would show that "he has full control over the Politburo Standing Committee".

Xi now second-most powerful Chinese leader after Mao

In 1793, in his letter to Britain&rsquo;s King George III, China&rsquo;s Qianlong emperor rejected all the British requests to improve the state of trade between England and China. After all, the Middle Kingdom &ldquo;possesses all things in prolific abundance &hellip; there is no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians&rdquo;. Half a century later, China was defeated by Britain in the Opium Wars and started to rethink its place in the world. Ever since Chinese elites have been searching for answers to the same question: how to make China great again?

The Communist party in China has always claimed that the answer is communism &ndash; in more recent years, &ldquo;socialism with Chinese characteristics&rdquo; &ndash; and that the party is the only force capable of building and maintaining that order. This claim has been driven home as strongly as ever at this year&rsquo;s 19th party congress, an important meeting of the party that only happens once every five years.

The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, inaugurated the Congress with a three-hour-and-20-minute opening speech. His message was clear: a confident China is coming back to claim its rightful place in the world and find back the past glory of Chinese civilisation.

The speech was striking for its sheer ideological confidence. The party has always set great store by ideological and theoretical innovation, and Xi is clearly intent on continuing the tradition. His preferred framing, &ldquo;socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era&rdquo;, is supposedly the new great ideological direction, a successor to the party&rsquo;s past guiding philosophies: Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, Three Represents, and Scientific Outlook on Development.

So far, so traditional: another (somewhat dull) ideological brand for the party&rsquo;s plans. But Xi&rsquo;s speech also issued a politically urgent appeal to the general public: to be more confident about the current one-party system.

Harmonious and beautiful

According to Xi, China will push for political system reform and develop China&rsquo;s socialist democracy, but it will never &ldquo;copy the foreign political model&rdquo; of Western liberal democracy. Almost every party congress emphasises this point, but this year, the party is driving it home as confidently and assertively as ever.

Chinese state propaganda consistently warns that were Western liberal democracy imported to China, it would only drag the country into chaos and instability. As far as the Chinese authorities are concerned, Donald Trump&rsquo;s rise to the presidency in the US and the chaos of Brexit in the UK are glaring examples of democratic failure, and they make excellent grist for the propaganda mill.

Xi and the party are confident that the shifting international landscape is also in China&rsquo;s favour, perhaps more than ever in modern history. In a US-dominated unipolar world, China never had the space nor the capacity to realise its potential as a global power. But even before the rise of Trump, China had by some measures become the largest economy in the world, and it&rsquo;s long been perceived as the next superpower. Now, the power gap left by America&rsquo;s global retreat under Trump will only elevate China&rsquo;s role in the world order.

Now, this opportunity has presented itself, Xi is not shying away from spelling out his ambitions. From 2020-2035, he aims to achieve the &ldquo;basic modernisation of socialism&rdquo;, with clear economic, political and environmental goals; from 2035 to the mid-21st century, those goals will be further pursed to make China a &ldquo;world-leading&rdquo; socialist power &ndash; &ldquo;prosperous, democratic, civilised, harmonious and beautiful&rdquo;.

In his speech to the Congress, he also announced a more specific goal: China will continue to develop a strong army. The word &ldquo;military&rdquo; (jun) appeared in Xi&rsquo;s speech 86 times, more than ever before. According to Xi&rsquo;s speech, China will complete the basic modernisation of its army in 2035, and by the mid-21st century, it will boast a world-class military under party command.

On this front, China doesn&rsquo;t have far to go. Its military budget, after all, is already the second largest in the world. But Xi&rsquo;s plan is much more ambitious: he wants an army that can deliver military victories, and that cannot be achieved by economic resources alone.

To some extent, the party has already achieved its goals by inspiring domestic nationalists who consider a strong military force crucial to prevent a return to China&rsquo;s centuries of humiliation. Over one-and-a-half centuries after the defeat of the Opium Wars, China are still looking for the way to make it great again. The party is asking for another three decades&rsquo; monopoly on power in exchange for reviving the Middle Kingdom by the mid-21st century - about two centuries after the Opium Wars. And it might just have convinced the Chinese people that it is the only force that can conceivably make that happen.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/xi-jinping-sets-out-plans-to-make-china-great-again-86022" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

China is all set to reform its political system to find back the past glory of Chinese civilisation

In 1793, in his letter to Britain’s King George III, China’s Qianlong emperor rejected all the British requests to improve the state of trade between England and China. After all, the Middle Kingdom “possesses all things in prolific abundance … there is no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians”. Half a century later, China was defeated by Britain in the Opium Wars and started to rethink its place in the world. Ever since Chinese elites have been searching for answers to the same question: how to make China great again? The Communist party in China has always claimed that the answer is communism – in more recent years, “socialism with Chinese characteristics” – and that the party is the only force capable of building and maintaining that order. This claim has been driven home as strongly as ever at this year’s 19th party congress, an important meeting of the party that only happens once every five years. The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, inaugurated the Congress with a three-hour-and-20-minute opening speech. His message was clear: a confident China is coming back to claim its rightful place in the world and find back the past glory of Chinese civilisation. The speech was striking for its sheer ideological confidence. The party has always set great store by ideological and theoretical innovation, and Xi is clearly intent on continuing the tradition. His preferred framing, “socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era”, is supposedly the new great ideological direction, a successor to the party’s past guiding philosophies: Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, Three Represents, and Scientific Outlook on Development. So far, so traditional: another (somewhat dull) ideological brand for the party’s plans. But Xi’s speech also issued a politically urgent appeal to the general public: to be more confident about the current one-party system. Harmonious and beautiful According to Xi, China will push for political system reform and develop China’s socialist democracy, but it will never “copy the foreign political model” of Western liberal democracy. Almost every party congress emphasises this point, but this year, the party is driving it home as confidently and assertively as ever. Chinese state propaganda consistently warns that were Western liberal democracy imported to China, it would only drag the country into chaos and instability. As far as the Chinese authorities are concerned, Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency in the US and the chaos of Brexit in the UK are glaring examples of democratic failure, and they make excellent grist for the propaganda mill. Xi and the party are confident that the shifting international landscape is also in China’s favour, perhaps more than ever in modern history. In a US-dominated unipolar world, China never had the space nor the capacity to realise its potential as a global power. But even before the rise of Trump, China had by some measures become the largest economy in the world, and it’s long been perceived as the next superpower. Now, the power gap left by America’s global retreat under Trump will only elevate China’s role in the world order. Now, this opportunity has presented itself, Xi is not shying away from spelling out his ambitions. From 2020-2035, he aims to achieve the “basic modernisation of socialism”, with clear economic, political and environmental goals; from 2035 to the mid-21st century, those goals will be further pursed to make China a “world-leading” socialist power – “prosperous, democratic, civilised, harmonious and beautiful”. In his speech to the Congress, he also announced a more specific goal: China will continue to develop a strong army. The word “military” (jun) appeared in Xi’s speech 86 times, more than ever before. According to Xi’s speech, China will complete the basic modernisation of its army in 2035, and by the mid-21st century, it will boast a world-class military under party command. On this front, China doesn’t have far to go. Its military budget, after all, is already the second largest in the world. But Xi’s plan is much more ambitious: he wants an army that can deliver military victories, and that cannot be achieved by economic resources alone. To some extent, the party has already achieved its goals by inspiring domestic nationalists who consider a strong military force crucial to prevent a return to China’s centuries of humiliation. Over one-and-a-half centuries after the defeat of the Opium Wars, China are still looking for the way to make it great again. The party is asking for another three decades’ monopoly on power in exchange for reviving the Middle Kingdom by the mid-21st century - about two centuries after the Opium Wars. And it might just have convinced the Chinese people that it is the only force that can conceivably make that happen. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Xi Jinping sets out plans to make China great again

The end of the Cold War saw an era of systemic redefinition, undermining the friend-enemy dichotomy that shaped the international system for half a century. The path of the American century has since been put in jeopardy by an initial &mdash; and troubled &mdash; period of US-led unipolarity and then by the growth of new powers in the East. Yet the expected emergence of an &ldquo;Asian century&rdquo; is more present than ever. As Michael Beckley, a research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School notes, &ldquo;The &lsquo;rise of China&rsquo; has been the most read-about story&rdquo; of the 21st century. This shows the magnitude of a debate that has rapidly become mainstream among academics and the general public. Are we facing a progressive West-to-East power shift within the international community?

The decline of the west

The assumption behind the emergence of an Asian century is the ongoing decline of the West. Unsurprisingly, research about the decay of the Western system is remarkably rich. The essay that is often dubbed the modern progenitor of this scholarship is British historian Paul Kennedy&rsquo;s The Rise and Fall of Great Power. Kennedy&rsquo;s work is a complex historical analysis that finds the balance between economic wealth and military power the equilibrium that ensures the resilience of great powers. As Professor Patrick Porter of the University of Exeter notes, Kennedy&rsquo;s book became popular because of one short section in which he was directly engaged with the American decline, simultaneously stating the rise of Japan as next leading world power.

Many scholars have stressed the economic dimension of the decline. In 2011, Professor Danny Quah of the National University of Singapore proposed a quantitative model showing the shift of the global economic center of gravity toward the East. The Asian economic momentum has been highlighted by many researchers, while the French economist Guy Sorman notes that &ldquo;China has replaced Germany as the world&rsquo;s leading exporter.&rdquo; Furthermore, declinists produced their own vocabulary, introducing concepts such as the &ldquo;post-American world&rdquo; and &ldquo;Easternisation.&rdquo;

Despite its momentum of popularity, research on the decline of the West faces a constant and articulated critique. James Luko and Professor Michael Cox of the London School of Economics are among the many voices who argue for a nuanced interpretation of the Eastern ascent. Even the concept of the West-to-East power shift seems problematic. Asian countries, in fact, are not following a common path of economic development, nor do they constitute a cohesive political body. China is the rising power in the international community, albeit stretching and consolidating its regional leadership is still a crucial step for Beijing.

The constructed resilience of the western system

Most theories and critiques focus on the relative distribution of power and economic wealth as the essential indicators of a power shift. Although significant, these arguments fail to consider the relationship between the system and its components. This relationship is neither static nor purely geographic.

The international system is shaped by the dialogue and interaction of supra-national, national and sub-national subjects, and the values and norms they represent. This dialogue takes place in an environment in which a structure is already established: the West. In international relations, constructivist theories make a qualitative leap in considering material power and structural advantages as meaningful only through &ldquo;the structure of shared knowledge in which they are embedded,&rdquo; as per Professor Alexander Wendt of The Ohio State University. Consequently, the essence of this system is socially constructed, which is understood as mutual construction and interaction.

The West is more than a geographical or economic sum of state and material forces. It is a structure of shared norms and practices. The West is a socially constructed system that embraces every subject that accepts its structure. Here is the reason of its resilience: systemic subjects interact among themselves and with the framework in which they are embedded, and in this way, they constantly produce reinterpretations of what constitutes as &ldquo;Western.&rdquo;

As American historian Thomas Kuhn brilliantly states in his work, systems are organised in the form of paradigms. Once a paradigm is no longer efficient, a revolution occurs. A revolution completely redefines the existing language and premises and, in this way, it generates a new paradigm. At the present time, the West resembles a paradigm that is still developing.

The western paradigm still matters

The 2008 financial crisis, which was generated by the high default rate of the US mortgage sector and then resulted in the Great Recession, seemed to be a potential game changer. As the traumatic pivot from a long-lasting system of speculation and financial deregulation, the Great Recession showed a huge vacuum in the structure of Western political and economic governance. The financial crisis amounted to a domino effect that questioned the efficiency of democracy and capitalism. Nevertheless, the structure of the West could respond to the post-crisis recession by simply operating minimum changes within its paradigm. In a nutshell, even after the most tragic non-military crisis of its history, the West remains a valuable framework for Western actors.

A paradigm shift of the West did not occur and is unlikely to occur in the short or medium term. Non-Western actors are still attracted by the Western system. Unsurprisingly, figures show that US universities consistently see an increase in the number of Chinese students enrolled in their courses, which suggests the appreciation of the Western educational model among Chinese elites.

Moreover, Beijing is occupying the geopolitical space left free by the Trump administration. In his address to the 2017 Davos World Economic Forum, President Xi Jinping pictured China as &ldquo;the linchpin of global economic stability.&rdquo; While he was not promoting an alternative Chinese language, his speech was deeply embedded into the discursive framework established in the West. At Davos, Xi appeared more Western than any other leader.

Another indicator of resilience in the structure of the West can be seen in a speech delivered by Iranian President Hassan Rouhani after US President Donald Trump visited Saudi Arabia in May. &ldquo;Mr Trump visited the region at the time millions of our people went to the polls,&rdquo; Rouhani said. &ldquo;He went to a country whose people haven&rsquo;t even seen ballot boxes and elections don&rsquo;t have any meaning for them. I hope one day Saudi Arabia also drives its national strength through elections. Power should not pass on through inheritance but through elections.&rdquo;

Since 1979, Iranian confrontation with the US has always been reciprocally fierce and harsh, with both actors keeping their distance and underlying the idea of their belonging to two different and competitive systems. In his speech, Rouhani directly accused the United States, which is still the major promoter of liberal democracy and holds its importance in Western identity, of being a strong ally of a non-democratic regime, Saudi Arabia. Rouhani implicitly pitched Iran as the new standard bearer of democracy in the Middle East. Again, however, the Iranian president&rsquo;s speech did not set an alternative paradigm, yet it re-elaborated the Iranian space of agency within the already established Western structure.

Eastern actors seek more agency to maneuverer

On the one hand, the West as a system of norms and discursive practices is still attractive and resilient, and it shows a general tendency to re-evaluate meaning and actions within that paradigm, rather than promoting an alternative one. However, it can be argued that China and other emerging Asian powers are efficient and capable of eventually filling the political spaces left by Western actors.

On the other hand, the relative power of China is undoubtedly growing, suggesting a partial erosion of US primacy. Nevertheless, the US and Europe still have some crucial structural advantages, as the Western system is based on norms and languages that are eminently American and European. If the power shift continues to happen within this environment, what can be expected in the short/medium term is an increase in the agency of Asian and Eastern countries, not a hegemonic substitution. This power shift is accelerated by the disengagement of the US from its global leadership role.

The construction of an alternative and attractive model is costly. Thus, rather than expecting the Easternisation of the Western system, the increased Westernisation of Eastern subjects is far more likely to happen.

This&nbsp;<a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/asia_pacific/western-world-news-china-america-latest-news-today-43045/" rel="nofollow" target="blank">article</a>&nbsp;has been originally published in Fair Observer.

Eastern actors are likely to become more Western rather than building an alternative system.

The end of the Cold War saw an era of systemic redefinition, undermining the friend-enemy dichotomy that shaped the international system for half a century. The path of the American century has since been put in jeopardy by an initial — and troubled — period of US-led unipolarity and then by the growth of new powers in the East. Yet the expected emergence of an “Asian century” is more present than ever. As Michael Beckley, a research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School notes, “The ‘rise of China’ has been the most read-about story” of the 21st century. This shows the magnitude of a debate that has rapidly become mainstream among academics and the general public. Are we facing a progressive West-to-East power shift within the international community? The decline of the west The assumption behind the emergence of an Asian century is the ongoing decline of the West. Unsurprisingly, research about the decay of the Western system is remarkably rich. The essay that is often dubbed the modern progenitor of this scholarship is British historian Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of Great Power. Kennedy’s work is a complex historical analysis that finds the balance between economic wealth and military power the equilibrium that ensures the resilience of great powers. As Professor Patrick Porter of the University of Exeter notes, Kennedy’s book became popular because of one short section in which he was directly engaged with the American decline, simultaneously stating the rise of Japan as next leading world power. Many scholars have stressed the economic dimension of the decline. In 2011, Professor Danny Quah of the National University of Singapore proposed a quantitative model showing the shift of the global economic center of gravity toward the East. The Asian economic momentum has been highlighted by many researchers, while the French economist Guy Sorman notes that “China has replaced Germany as the world’s leading exporter.” Furthermore, declinists produced their own vocabulary, introducing concepts such as the “post-American world” and “Easternisation.” Despite its momentum of popularity, research on the decline of the West faces a constant and articulated critique. James Luko and Professor Michael Cox of the London School of Economics are among the many voices who argue for a nuanced interpretation of the Eastern ascent. Even the concept of the West-to-East power shift seems problematic. Asian countries, in fact, are not following a common path of economic development, nor do they constitute a cohesive political body. China is the rising power in the international community, albeit stretching and consolidating its regional leadership is still a crucial step for Beijing. The constructed resilience of the western system Most theories and critiques focus on the relative distribution of power and economic wealth as the essential indicators of a power shift. Although significant, these arguments fail to consider the relationship between the system and its components. This relationship is neither static nor purely geographic. The international system is shaped by the dialogue and interaction of supra-national, national and sub-national subjects, and the values and norms they represent. This dialogue takes place in an environment in which a structure is already established: the West. In international relations, constructivist theories make a qualitative leap in considering material power and structural advantages as meaningful only through “the structure of shared knowledge in which they are embedded,” as per Professor Alexander Wendt of The Ohio State University. Consequently, the essence of this system is socially constructed, which is understood as mutual construction and interaction. The West is more than a geographical or economic sum of state and material forces. It is a structure of shared norms and practices. The West is a socially constructed system that embraces every subject that accepts its structure. Here is the reason of its resilience: systemic subjects interact among themselves and with the framework in which they are embedded, and in this way, they constantly produce reinterpretations of what constitutes as “Western.” As American historian Thomas Kuhn brilliantly states in his work, systems are organised in the form of paradigms. Once a paradigm is no longer efficient, a revolution occurs. A revolution completely redefines the existing language and premises and, in this way, it generates a new paradigm. At the present time, the West resembles a paradigm that is still developing. The western paradigm still matters The 2008 financial crisis, which was generated by the high default rate of the US mortgage sector and then resulted in the Great Recession, seemed to be a potential game changer. As the traumatic pivot from a long-lasting system of speculation and financial deregulation, the Great Recession showed a huge vacuum in the structure of Western political and economic governance. The financial crisis amounted to a domino effect that questioned the efficiency of democracy and capitalism. Nevertheless, the structure of the West could respond to the post-crisis recession by simply operating minimum changes within its paradigm. In a nutshell, even after the most tragic non-military crisis of its history, the West remains a valuable framework for Western actors. A paradigm shift of the West did not occur and is unlikely to occur in the short or medium term. Non-Western actors are still attracted by the Western system. Unsurprisingly, figures show that US universities consistently see an increase in the number of Chinese students enrolled in their courses, which suggests the appreciation of the Western educational model among Chinese elites. Moreover, Beijing is occupying the geopolitical space left free by the Trump administration. In his address to the 2017 Davos World Economic Forum, President Xi Jinping pictured China as “the linchpin of global economic stability.” While he was not promoting an alternative Chinese language, his speech was deeply embedded into the discursive framework established in the West. At Davos, Xi appeared more Western than any other leader. Another indicator of resilience in the structure of the West can be seen in a speech delivered by Iranian President Hassan Rouhani after US President Donald Trump visited Saudi Arabia in May. “Mr Trump visited the region at the time millions of our people went to the polls,” Rouhani said. “He went to a country whose people haven’t even seen ballot boxes and elections don’t have any meaning for them. I hope one day Saudi Arabia also drives its national strength through elections. Power should not pass on through inheritance but through elections.” Since 1979, Iranian confrontation with the US has always been reciprocally fierce and harsh, with both actors keeping their distance and underlying the idea of their belonging to two different and competitive systems. In his speech, Rouhani directly accused the United States, which is still the major promoter of liberal democracy and holds its importance in Western identity, of being a strong ally of a non-democratic regime, Saudi Arabia. Rouhani implicitly pitched Iran as the new standard bearer of democracy in the Middle East. Again, however, the Iranian president’s speech did not set an alternative paradigm, yet it re-elaborated the Iranian space of agency within the already established Western structure. Eastern actors seek more agency to maneuverer On the one hand, the West as a system of norms and discursive practices is still attractive and resilient, and it shows a general tendency to re-evaluate meaning and actions within that paradigm, rather than promoting an alternative one. However, it can be argued that China and other emerging Asian powers are efficient and capable of eventually filling the political spaces left by Western actors. On the other hand, the relative power of China is undoubtedly growing, suggesting a partial erosion of US primacy. Nevertheless, the US and Europe still have some crucial structural advantages, as the Western system is based on norms and languages that are eminently American and European. If the power shift continues to happen within this environment, what can be expected in the short/medium term is an increase in the agency of Asian and Eastern countries, not a hegemonic substitution. This power shift is accelerated by the disengagement of the US from its global leadership role. The construction of an alternative and attractive model is costly. Thus, rather than expecting the Easternisation of the Western system, the increased Westernisation of Eastern subjects is far more likely to happen. This article has been originally published in Fair Observer.

The West still matters

Universities will be closely scrutinised, professors will be evaluated and the Party will punish those lacking ideological firmness. Such is the program released by Xi&nbsp;Jinping&rsquo;s government to coincide with the Communist Party congress, where Xi is seeking to reinforce his authority as a world leader.

Efforts to control universities and disregard academic freedom are also taking place abroad. In early September, Reuters and The Guardian exposed efforts by Chinese authorities to partially restrict access to the American Political Science Review from within China. The Review, one of the most reputable journals in its field, is published by the prestigious Cambridge University Press (CUP). Ultimately the publishing house resisted the Chinese pressure, but the news has sparked upset, coming just a few weeks after another controversy that shook the foundations of academia.

The &ldquo;China Quarterly&rdquo; affair

In August, China scholars from around the world learnt that Beijing had demanded that Cambridge University Press withdraw 315&nbsp;articles and book reviews from China Quarterly, produced by University of London&rsquo;s respected School of Oriental and African Studies and published by CUP.

These articles dealt with topics considered sensitive by the Chinese government: the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests; Mao Zedong and China&rsquo;s Cultural Revolution; ethnic tensions in Tibet and Xinjiang; Taiwan; and anything relating to democratic reform.

CUP complied, pulling the offending articles from their Chinese site, explaining that it would rather withdraw a small number of articles of interest to a handful of academics, in order to ensure the continued availability in China of its numerous other academic and educational publications.

Led by China Quarterly editor Tim Pringle, academics and NGOs expressed outrage that CUP would favour its own commercial interests above academic freedom, and threatened to boycott the publishing house.

Faced with protests, the Chinese government defended its actions in an editorial published in the August 20&nbsp;edition of the Global Times, stating that, while it respects academic freedom in the UK, China has the right to decide what can be published within its borders.

Three days after the censorship came to light, CUP had a sudden change of heart and made the 315&nbsp;articles available again.

Around the same time, the US-based Association of Asian Studies (AAS) revealed it had received a similar demand but did not comply.

Ideological battle

The controversy highlights the oppressive nature of the government of the People&rsquo;s Republic. Despite the undeniable international character of Chinese universities, higher education and research must tow the party line.

Deng Xiaoping&rsquo;s late-1970s policies of economic reform and opening-up enabled the country to become a laboratory of ideas in the last quarter of the 20th century. But for the past decade or so, China appears to be engaged in an ideological battle against the West.

Following the 2008&nbsp;Beijing Olympic Games, China overtook Japan as the world&rsquo;s second-largest economy, behind the US, which was itself weakened by the 2007-2008&nbsp;financial crisis and the resulting severe recession.

Yet China quickly found itself facing dissatisfaction from those steamrollered by a policy of growth at all costs, in spite of the country&rsquo;s economic and diplomatic successes. Many Chinese intellectuals began to think the lot of their fellow citizens should be improved with a final &ndash; political &ndash; reform.

Led by writer and university professor Liu Xiaobo, one of the key activists of the 1989&nbsp;Tiananmen Square protests, hundreds of intellectuals signed the Charter 08, a manifesto in favour of democratising the regime. For this Liu was sentenced in 2009 to an 11-year prison term. He was released in July 2017 and died a few days later.

Document #9, the &ldquo;anti-subversion kit&rdquo;

Xi&nbsp;Jinping&rsquo;s rise to power in 2012-2013&nbsp;signalled a new era in the curtailing of freedom of thought. Fearing any threat to the purity of their ideology, Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders released a handbook listing the subversive ideas to be eradicated, the infamous Document #9.

The following topics are now banned from public discussion: western constitutional democracy, the universal nature of human rights, the empowerment of civil society, multiple interpretations of history, and anything questioning the validity of Chinese economic reforms and socialism.

While post-Mao China was not free of taboos, they were usually limited to the &ldquo;three&nbsp;Ts&rdquo;: Taiwan, Tiananmen and Tibet. Several things have changed since 2012. Firstly, the publication of Document #9&nbsp;expanded the scope of unacceptable ideas: any subject, without exception, could now be censored.

Secondly, Chinese universities are now the reluctant front-line soldiers in this ideological battle: in 2015, the Minister for Education urged universities to ban the use of textbooks promoting Western values. Lastly, any contravening of the new norm is now subject to severe repression, and the CPC has no qualms about openly resorting to totalitarian tactics.

A violent crackdown

On top of routine intimidation, 248&nbsp;human rights advocates were rounded up in a brutal mass arrest in July 2015. In the resulting atmosphere of fear, liberal intellectuals no longer think it wise to answer questions from foreign journalists; they practice broad self-censorship and, when possible, wind up living in exile abroad. For those who remain, harassment is commonplace.

These attacks against fundamental rights and specifically academic freedom are now extending beyond mainland China, starting with the special administrative regions. In 2014, several Macau professors were abruptly dismissed; in Hong Kong, the 2015&nbsp;disappearances of five book-sellers and publishers are still unresolved. These cases reveal the widening cracks in the &ldquo;one country, two systems&rdquo; model. Yet Beijing&rsquo;s influence does not stop there.

In the summer of 2014, the European Association for Chinese Studies had several pages of its program ripped out by the Confucius Institute the day before its biannual conference in Portugal.

The institute apparently objected to advertising from Taiwanese sponsors. That same year, the American Association of University Professors initiated calls for the closure of Confucius Institutes, claiming they undermine freedom of speech on US university campuses.

Last month Australia acknowledged Chinese government interference in its universities. Beijing has been carrying out unprecedented influence and control operations targeting Chinese students as well as Chinese and non-Chinese professors. In response, the Group of Eight (Go8), a coalition of the top eight universities in Australia, has called for a coordinated and measured response.

In 2016, more than a quarter of the 550,000&nbsp;overseas students enrolled in Australian universities came from China. They represent a significant financial boon for Australian universities, who don&rsquo;t want to offend the Chinese government. The question is, can the core values of academic institutions be preserved without incurring the wrath of Party leaders?

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/china-zero-tolerance-for-academic-freedom-85200" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

Chinese universities, higher education and research must be preserved from the wrath of political parties

Universities will be closely scrutinised, professors will be evaluated and the Party will punish those lacking ideological firmness. Such is the program released by Xi Jinping’s government to coincide with the Communist Party congress, where Xi is seeking to reinforce his authority as a world leader. Efforts to control universities and disregard academic freedom are also taking place abroad. In early September, Reuters and The Guardian exposed efforts by Chinese authorities to partially restrict access to the American Political Science Review from within China. The Review, one of the most reputable journals in its field, is published by the prestigious Cambridge University Press (CUP). Ultimately the publishing house resisted the Chinese pressure, but the news has sparked upset, coming just a few weeks after another controversy that shook the foundations of academia. The “China Quarterly” affair In August, China scholars from around the world learnt that Beijing had demanded that Cambridge University Press withdraw 315 articles and book reviews from China Quarterly, produced by University of London’s respected School of Oriental and African Studies and published by CUP. These articles dealt with topics considered sensitive by the Chinese government: the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests; Mao Zedong and China’s Cultural Revolution; ethnic tensions in Tibet and Xinjiang; Taiwan; and anything relating to democratic reform. CUP complied, pulling the offending articles from their Chinese site, explaining that it would rather withdraw a small number of articles of interest to a handful of academics, in order to ensure the continued availability in China of its numerous other academic and educational publications. Led by China Quarterly editor Tim Pringle, academics and NGOs expressed outrage that CUP would favour its own commercial interests above academic freedom, and threatened to boycott the publishing house. Faced with protests, the Chinese government defended its actions in an editorial published in the August 20 edition of the Global Times, stating that, while it respects academic freedom in the UK, China has the right to decide what can be published within its borders. Three days after the censorship came to light, CUP had a sudden change of heart and made the 315 articles available again. Around the same time, the US-based Association of Asian Studies (AAS) revealed it had received a similar demand but did not comply. Ideological battle The controversy highlights the oppressive nature of the government of the People’s Republic. Despite the undeniable international character of Chinese universities, higher education and research must tow the party line. Deng Xiaoping’s late-1970s policies of economic reform and opening-up enabled the country to become a laboratory of ideas in the last quarter of the 20th century. But for the past decade or so, China appears to be engaged in an ideological battle against the West. Following the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, China overtook Japan as the world’s second-largest economy, behind the US, which was itself weakened by the 2007-2008 financial crisis and the resulting severe recession. Yet China quickly found itself facing dissatisfaction from those steamrollered by a policy of growth at all costs, in spite of the country’s economic and diplomatic successes. Many Chinese intellectuals began to think the lot of their fellow citizens should be improved with a final – political – reform. Led by writer and university professor Liu Xiaobo, one of the key activists of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, hundreds of intellectuals signed the Charter 08, a manifesto in favour of democratising the regime. For this Liu was sentenced in 2009 to an 11-year prison term. He was released in July 2017 and died a few days later. Document #9, the “anti-subversion kit” Xi Jinping’s rise to power in 2012-2013 signalled a new era in the curtailing of freedom of thought. Fearing any threat to the purity of their ideology, Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders released a handbook listing the subversive ideas to be eradicated, the infamous Document #9. The following topics are now banned from public discussion: western constitutional democracy, the universal nature of human rights, the empowerment of civil society, multiple interpretations of history, and anything questioning the validity of Chinese economic reforms and socialism. While post-Mao China was not free of taboos, they were usually limited to the “three Ts”: Taiwan, Tiananmen and Tibet. Several things have changed since 2012. Firstly, the publication of Document #9 expanded the scope of unacceptable ideas: any subject, without exception, could now be censored. Secondly, Chinese universities are now the reluctant front-line soldiers in this ideological battle: in 2015, the Minister for Education urged universities to ban the use of textbooks promoting Western values. Lastly, any contravening of the new norm is now subject to severe repression, and the CPC has no qualms about openly resorting to totalitarian tactics. A violent crackdown On top of routine intimidation, 248 human rights advocates were rounded up in a brutal mass arrest in July 2015. In the resulting atmosphere of fear, liberal intellectuals no longer think it wise to answer questions from foreign journalists; they practice broad self-censorship and, when possible, wind up living in exile abroad. For those who remain, harassment is commonplace. These attacks against fundamental rights and specifically academic freedom are now extending beyond mainland China, starting with the special administrative regions. In 2014, several Macau professors were abruptly dismissed; in Hong Kong, the 2015 disappearances of five book-sellers and publishers are still unresolved. These cases reveal the widening cracks in the “one country, two systems” model. Yet Beijing’s influence does not stop there. In the summer of 2014, the European Association for Chinese Studies had several pages of its program ripped out by the Confucius Institute the day before its biannual conference in Portugal. The institute apparently objected to advertising from Taiwanese sponsors. That same year, the American Association of University Professors initiated calls for the closure of Confucius Institutes, claiming they undermine freedom of speech on US university campuses. Last month Australia acknowledged Chinese government interference in its universities. Beijing has been carrying out unprecedented influence and control operations targeting Chinese students as well as Chinese and non-Chinese professors. In response, the Group of Eight (Go8), a coalition of the top eight universities in Australia, has called for a coordinated and measured response. In 2016, more than a quarter of the 550,000 overseas students enrolled in Australian universities came from China. They represent a significant financial boon for Australian universities, who don’t want to offend the Chinese government. The question is, can the core values of academic institutions be preserved without incurring the wrath of Party leaders? This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

China: zero tolerance for academic freedom

Chinese President Xi Jinping opened a critical Communist Party Congress on Wednesday with a pledge to build a &quot;modern socialist country&quot; for a &quot;new era&quot; that will be proudly Chinese, steadfastly ruled by the party but open to the world.

Xi&#39;s wide-ranging speech, which ran nearly three-and-a-half hours, laid out a confident vision for an increasingly prosperous China and its place in the world, stressing the importance of wiping out corruption and making clear there were no plans for political reform.

&quot;Through a long period of hard work, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era, this is a new historical direction in our country&#39;s development,&quot; Xi said, using the term &quot;new era&quot; 36 times.

(Also Read - <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/xi-china-will-continue-to-open-economy-deepen-financial-reforms-22573">Xi: China will continue to open economy, deepen financial reforms</a>)

The twice-a-decade congress, a week-long, mostly closed-door conclave, will culminate with the selection of a new Politburo Standing Committee that will rule China&#39;s 1.4 billion people for the next five years, with Xi expected to consolidate his grasp on power.

Xi addressed more than 2,000 delegates in Beijing&#39;s cavernous Great Hall of the People, including 91-year-old former president Jiang Zemin, under tight security on a rainy, smoggy morning.

On the economic front, Xi said China would relax market access for foreign investment, expand access to its services sector and deepen market-oriented reform of its exchange rate and financial system, while at the same time strengthening state firms, he said.

As expected, the speech was heavy on aspiration and short on specific measures, but during Xi&#39;s first term, China disappointed many expecting it to usher in more market-oriented reforms.

Xi promised, in what was likely an indirect reference to U.S. President Donald Trump&#39;s &quot;America first&quot; policy, that China would be fully engaged with the world, and reiterated pledges to tackle climate change.

&quot;No country can alone address the many challenges facing mankind; no country can afford to retreat into self-isolation,&quot; Xi told the delegates, among them Buddhist monks, Olympic medalists, farmers and at least one astronaut.

Xi envisioned China developing into a &quot;basically&quot; modernised socialist country by 2035, becoming one of the world&#39;s most innovative countries with the income gap between urban and rural residents significantly reduced, and its environmental woes fundamentally eliminated.&nbsp;

By 2050, Xi said, China would become a modern socialist &quot;strong power&quot; with leading influence on the world stage.

But he signalled there would be no political reforms.

China&#39;s political system was the broadest, most genuine, and most effective way to safeguard the fundamental interests of the people, said Xi, who has overseen a sweeping crackdown on civil society, locking up rights lawyers and dissidents.

&quot;We should not just mechanically copy the political systems of other countries,&quot; he said. &quot;We must unwaveringly uphold and improve party leadership and make the party still stronger.&quot;

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Xi promised, in what was likely an indirect reference to US President Donald Trump&#39;s &#39;America first&#39; policy, that China would be fully engaged with the world, and reiterated pledges to tackle climate change. (Reuters)
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By 2050, Xi said, China would become a modern socialist &#39;strong power&#39; with leading influence on the world stage. But he signalled there would be no political reforms. (Reuters)
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Firm on corruption, and Taiwan

Xi praised the party&#39;s successes, particularly his high-profile anti-graft campaign, which has seen more than a million officials punished and dozens of former senior officials jailed, and warned the campaign would never end as corruption was the &quot;gravest threat&quot; the party faces.

&quot;We must remain as firm as a rock in our resolve to build on the overwhelming momentum and secure a sweeping victory,&quot; Xi said.

On self-ruled Taiwan, claimed by Beijing as its own, Xi said China would never allow the island to separate from China, and said China would strive to fully transform its armed forces into a world-class military by the mid-21st century.

He made no mention of neighbouring North Korea, which has angered Beijing with repeated nuclear and ballistic missile tests in defiance of U.N. sanctions and which sent a congratulatory message ahead of the meeting.

Xi has consolidated power swiftly since assuming the party leadership in 2012, locking up political rivals for corruption, restructuring the military and asserting China&#39;s rising might on the world stage.

Focus at the congress will be on how Xi plans to put his expanded authority to use.

Key questions include whether Xi ally and top corruption-buster Wang Qishan will stay on past traditional retirement age and to what extent Xi will promote allies to senior positions.

Close attention will also be paid to any moves that would enable Xi to stay on in a leadership capacity after his second term ends in 2022. That could include resurrecting the position of party chairman, a title that would put him on par with the founding father of modern China, Mao Zedong.

Such decisions will be formally announced at the end of the congress next week.

&quot;In all aspects he is on the right track to be our next Chairman Mao,&quot; Su Shengcheng, a delegate from the northwestern province of Qinghai, told Reuters. &quot;He will lead the party and Central Committee to continue its way to success.&quot;

As with other major set-piece events held in the capital, Beijing has been blanketed with security, with long lines at some suburban subways stations as passengers waited to go through metal detectors and be patted down.

Coverage in state media and across the city has kicked into overdrive, with large red banners plastered around Beijing welcoming the congress, while censors have stepped up already tight monitoring of the internet.

Tencent Holdings Ltd&#39;s WeChat, China&#39;s top social media platform with more than 960 million users, released a short statement late on Tuesday saying that, due to &quot;system maintenance&quot;, users will be unable to modify profile pictures, nicknames and tag lines until the end of the month.

The disabled features are sporadically used to show solidarity for popular social and political causes.

Xi said the country would be proudly Chinese, steadfastly ruled by the party but open to the world

Chinese President Xi Jinping opened a critical Communist Party Congress on Wednesday with a pledge to build a "modern socialist country" for a "new era" that will be proudly Chinese, steadfastly ruled by the party but open to the world. Xi's wide-ranging speech, which ran nearly three-and-a-half hours, laid out a confident vision for an increasingly prosperous China and its place in the world, stressing the importance of wiping out corruption and making clear there were no plans for political reform. "Through a long period of hard work, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era, this is a new historical direction in our country's development," Xi said, using the term "new era" 36 times. (Also Read - Xi: China will continue to open economy, deepen financial reforms) The twice-a-decade congress, a week-long, mostly closed-door conclave, will culminate with the selection of a new Politburo Standing Committee that will rule China's 1.4 billion people for the next five years, with Xi expected to consolidate his grasp on power. Xi addressed more than 2,000 delegates in Beijing's cavernous Great Hall of the People, including 91-year-old former president Jiang Zemin, under tight security on a rainy, smoggy morning. On the economic front, Xi said China would relax market access for foreign investment, expand access to its services sector and deepen market-oriented reform of its exchange rate and financial system, while at the same time strengthening state firms, he said. As expected, the speech was heavy on aspiration and short on specific measures, but during Xi's first term, China disappointed many expecting it to usher in more market-oriented reforms. Xi promised, in what was likely an indirect reference to U.S. President Donald Trump's "America first" policy, that China would be fully engaged with the world, and reiterated pledges to tackle climate change. "No country can alone address the many challenges facing mankind; no country can afford to retreat into self-isolation," Xi told the delegates, among them Buddhist monks, Olympic medalists, farmers and at least one astronaut. Xi envisioned China developing into a "basically" modernised socialist country by 2035, becoming one of the world's most innovative countries with the income gap between urban and rural residents significantly reduced, and its environmental woes fundamentally eliminated. By 2050, Xi said, China would become a modern socialist "strong power" with leading influence on the world stage. But he signalled there would be no political reforms. China's political system was the broadest, most genuine, and most effective way to safeguard the fundamental interests of the people, said Xi, who has overseen a sweeping crackdown on civil society, locking up rights lawyers and dissidents. "We should not just mechanically copy the political systems of other countries," he said. "We must unwaveringly uphold and improve party leadership and make the party still stronger." Xi promised, in what was likely an indirect reference to US President Donald Trump's 'America first' policy, that China would be fully engaged with the world, and reiterated pledges to tackle climate change. (Reuters) × By 2050, Xi said, China would become a modern socialist 'strong power' with leading influence on the world stage. But he signalled there would be no political reforms. (Reuters) × Firm on corruption, and Taiwan Xi praised the party's successes, particularly his high-profile anti-graft campaign, which has seen more than a million officials punished and dozens of former senior officials jailed, and warned the campaign would never end as corruption was the "gravest threat" the party faces. "We must remain as firm as a rock in our resolve to build on the overwhelming momentum and secure a sweeping victory," Xi said. On self-ruled Taiwan, claimed by Beijing as its own, Xi said China would never allow the island to separate from China, and said China would strive to fully transform its armed forces into a world-class military by the mid-21st century. He made no mention of neighbouring North Korea, which has angered Beijing with repeated nuclear and ballistic missile tests in defiance of U.N. sanctions and which sent a congratulatory message ahead of the meeting. Xi has consolidated power swiftly since assuming the party leadership in 2012, locking up political rivals for corruption, restructuring the military and asserting China's rising might on the world stage. Focus at the congress will be on how Xi plans to put his expanded authority to use. Key questions include whether Xi ally and top corruption-buster Wang Qishan will stay on past traditional retirement age and to what extent Xi will promote allies to senior positions. Close attention will also be paid to any moves that would enable Xi to stay on in a leadership capacity after his second term ends in 2022. That could include resurrecting the position of party chairman, a title that would put him on par with the founding father of modern China, Mao Zedong. Such decisions will be formally announced at the end of the congress next week. "In all aspects he is on the right track to be our next Chairman Mao," Su Shengcheng, a delegate from the northwestern province of Qinghai, told Reuters. "He will lead the party and Central Committee to continue its way to success." As with other major set-piece events held in the capital, Beijing has been blanketed with security, with long lines at some suburban subways stations as passengers waited to go through metal detectors and be patted down. Coverage in state media and across the city has kicked into overdrive, with large red banners plastered around Beijing welcoming the congress, while censors have stepped up already tight monitoring of the internet. Tencent Holdings Ltd's WeChat, China's top social media platform with more than 960 million users, released a short statement late on Tuesday saying that, due to "system maintenance", users will be unable to modify profile pictures, nicknames and tag lines until the end of the month. The disabled features are sporadically used to show solidarity for popular social and political causes.

WATCH: China's Xi pledges to build 'modern socialist country' for 'new era'

China will deepen economic and financial reforms and further open its markets to foreign investors as it looks to move from high-speed to high-quality growth, President Xi Jinping said on Wednesday.

China will push ahead with market-oriented reforms of its foreign exchange rate as well as its financial system, and let the market play a decisive role in the allocation of resources, Xi said at the opening of a key, twice-a-decade Communist Party Congress.

&quot;China&#39;s open door will not be closed, it will be only be opened wider,&quot; Xi said.

The government will &quot;clean up rules and practices that hinder a unified market and fair competition, support development of private firms and stimulate vitality of all types of market entities,&quot; Xi said, while pledging to further open China&#39;s services sector to foreign investors.

However, while expressing support for market reform and private firms, Xi also called for stronger, bigger state firms.

The government will &quot;promote strengthening, improvement and expansion of state capital, (and) effectively prevent loss of state assets, deepen reform of state-owned enterprises, development a mixed-ownership economy and cultivate globally competitive world-class firms,&quot; Xi said.

Xi&#39;s comments reiterated a long-standing pledge by party leaders to give a greater role to free-market forces to improve efficiency and put the economy on a more sustainable growth path.

But as Xi gears up for his second five-year term, foreign business executives and analysts increasingly believe market liberalization is seen as secondary to his state-centred approach to economic policy and his focus on stability.

Other painful reforms that many economists say are needed have also moved slowly under Xi. They include overhauling China&#39;s bloated and debt-laden state sector, fixing the fiscal system to tackle local government debt and bringing in new property taxes to ward off housing bubbles.

Narrowing the income gap

China should also strengthen consumption as a foundation for economic development, Xi said, and will expand the middle class and narrow the gap in development between rural and urban areas.

Beijing&#39;s campaign to rein in high debt levels and industrial overcapacity will continue as part of supply-side structural reforms, Xi said.

Fiscal reform has also been a key objective of policymakers as Beijing tries to make local governments take more responsibility for their own budgets and debt.

China is expected to post its strongest economic growth in several years this year, riding on a government-led construction boom, but analysts said it is still relying to heavily on credit-fueled stimulus.

Standard &amp; Poor&#39;s ratings agency said on Tuesday that China has only taken &quot;baby steps&quot; to contain its rapid build-up in debt so far and needs to take stronger measures.

S&amp;P downgraded the country&#39;s sovereign credit rating last month, saying its credit growth is still too fast.

Xi said the government will &quot;speed up establishment of modern fiscal system, set up clear responsibility, financial coordination and regional balance for fiscal relationship between local and central government.&quot;

Xi was speaking at the five-yearly congress of the Chinese Communist Party

China will deepen economic and financial reforms and further open its markets to foreign investors as it looks to move from high-speed to high-quality growth, President Xi Jinping said on Wednesday. China will push ahead with market-oriented reforms of its foreign exchange rate as well as its financial system, and let the market play a decisive role in the allocation of resources, Xi said at the opening of a key, twice-a-decade Communist Party Congress. "China's open door will not be closed, it will be only be opened wider," Xi said. The government will "clean up rules and practices that hinder a unified market and fair competition, support development of private firms and stimulate vitality of all types of market entities," Xi said, while pledging to further open China's services sector to foreign investors. However, while expressing support for market reform and private firms, Xi also called for stronger, bigger state firms. The government will "promote strengthening, improvement and expansion of state capital, (and) effectively prevent loss of state assets, deepen reform of state-owned enterprises, development a mixed-ownership economy and cultivate globally competitive world-class firms," Xi said. Xi's comments reiterated a long-standing pledge by party leaders to give a greater role to free-market forces to improve efficiency and put the economy on a more sustainable growth path. But as Xi gears up for his second five-year term, foreign business executives and analysts increasingly believe market liberalization is seen as secondary to his state-centred approach to economic policy and his focus on stability. Other painful reforms that many economists say are needed have also moved slowly under Xi. They include overhauling China's bloated and debt-laden state sector, fixing the fiscal system to tackle local government debt and bringing in new property taxes to ward off housing bubbles. Narrowing the income gap China should also strengthen consumption as a foundation for economic development, Xi said, and will expand the middle class and narrow the gap in development between rural and urban areas. Beijing's campaign to rein in high debt levels and industrial overcapacity will continue as part of supply-side structural reforms, Xi said. Fiscal reform has also been a key objective of policymakers as Beijing tries to make local governments take more responsibility for their own budgets and debt. China is expected to post its strongest economic growth in several years this year, riding on a government-led construction boom, but analysts said it is still relying to heavily on credit-fueled stimulus. Standard & Poor's ratings agency said on Tuesday that China has only taken "baby steps" to contain its rapid build-up in debt so far and needs to take stronger measures. S&P downgraded the country's sovereign credit rating last month, saying its credit growth is still too fast. Xi said the government will "speed up establishment of modern fiscal system, set up clear responsibility, financial coordination and regional balance for fiscal relationship between local and central government."

Xi: China will continue to open economy, deepen financial reforms

Chinese President Xi Jinping told the Communist Party on Wednesday to &quot;resolutely oppose&quot; any actions that undermine its leadership, as he opened a twice-a-decade congress expected to enhance his already formidable powers.

Xi told some 2,300 delegates at the Great Hall of the People that the country was entering a &quot;new era&quot; as the party pursues &quot;socialism with Chinese characteristics&quot;.

He also said the Chinese economy &quot;will not close its doors to the world.&quot;

&quot;The prospects are bright, but the challenges are also severe,&quot; said Xi, who is expected to get a second five-year term as general secretary during the congress.

In his speech, Xi extolled China&#39;s rising clout abroad and its fight against poverty and inequality at home, as well as his campaign against corruption within the party.

&quot;Every one of us in the party must do more to uphold party leadership and the Chinese socialist system and resolutely oppose all statements and actions that undermine, distort or negate them,&quot; Xi said.

&quot;We must do more to protect our people&#39;s interest and firmly oppose all moves that damage their interest or put distance between the party and the people,&quot; Xi added.

Xi, who is considered the most powerful Chinese leader in a generation, has led a campaign against corruption that has taken down some 1.3 million officials in the past five years.&nbsp;

He said the anti-graft campaign has been &quot;unswervingly fighting against &#39;tigers&#39;, &#39;beating flies&#39;, &#39;hunting foxes&#39;&quot; -- terms used for lower and higher ranking officials. 
&nbsp;

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<h5>Xi, considered China&#39;s most powerful leader since Deng or even Mao, could use the congress to lay the foundation to stay atop the 89-million-strong party even longer than the normal 10 years, according to analysts</h5>
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The 64-year-old leader, who gave his speech in front of a huge hammer and sickle in the hall&#39;s chamber, is expected to use the congress to stack the Communist Party&#39;s leadership with loyalists.

The CCP will amend its constitution to add Xi&#39;s &quot;new vision and thinking&quot; on governance, congress spokesman Tuo Zhen said, without indicating whether Xi&#39;s name would also be added.

The addition would signal Xi&#39;s inclusion in the pantheon of Chinese leadership. Such an honour has only been bestowed upon modern China&#39;s founder, Mao Zedong, and the father of economic reforms, Deng Xiaoping.

Xi, considered China&#39;s most powerful leader since Deng or even Mao, could use the congress to lay the foundation to stay atop the 89-million-strong party even longer than the normal 10 years, according to analysts.

This would break the unwritten two-term limit accepted by his immediate predecessors Jiang and Hu, and end the era of &quot;collective leadership&quot; aimed at preventing the emergence of another Mao.

&quot;Xi has consolidated power, that&#39;s obvious,&quot; said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, China specialist at Hong Kong Baptist University.&nbsp;

Potential rivals have been swept aside under Xi&#39;s vast anti-corruption campaign, which punished 1.3 million Communist Party officials over five years, and Tuo warned that strengthening self-governance would be a &quot;never-ending journey&quot;.

Xi&#39;s rise has also been marked by a relentless crackdown on dissent, with authorities even refusing to free Nobel peace prize laureate Liu Xiaobo as he lay dying of cancer in July.

On the global stage, he has restructured the military, asserted China&#39;s claims to disputed seas and used the country&#39;s economic prowess to increase its influence in Asia and beyond.

He has taken up the mantle of globalisation in the face of US President Donald Trump&#39;s &quot;America First&quot; policy.

But foreign companies will look for signs at the congress that Xi will live up to his promises to further open up China&#39;s economy in the next five years.&nbsp;

&nbsp;Legitimacy at risk&nbsp; 
 
The conclave, which ends next Tuesday, will select new top party members, including in the Politburo Standing Committee, China&#39;s all-powerful ruling body.

Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to remain on the committee while the five other current members are supposed to step down under an informal retirement age set at 68.

But Xi may lobby to retain his 69-year-old right-hand man Wang Qishan, who heads the leader&#39;s signature anti-graft campaign. This would create a precedent for Xi himself to remain in charge beyond retirement age in 2022.

&quot;If Xi expresses intent to lead beyond his 10-year limit, this would be reminiscent of the Mao era, which would be damaging to Xi&#39;s legacy and call his legitimacy into question,&quot; said Simone van Nieuwenhuizen, a Sydney-based researcher and co-author of &quot;China and the New Maoists&quot;.

But a Xi heir apparent could emerge from the congress.

One former potential successor who was outside Xi&#39;s circle, Sun Zhengcai, was ousted from the party last month due to graft allegations.

Chen Miner, a former Xi aide who succeeded Sun as political chief in the city of Chongqing, is now well positioned for promotion.

&quot;The question is what is Xi going to do after he secures absolute power after the 19th party congress,&quot; said Hu Xingdou, a Chinese governance expert at the Beijing Institute of Technology.

&quot;If he can lead China&#39;s modernisation, establish a modern state system, avoid the cycle of peace and upheaval of China&#39;s 2,000-year history, then we can say his influence may be bigger than Mao&#39;s.&quot; 
&nbsp;

The congress is expected to enhance President Xi Jinping's already formidable powers over the world's second-largest economy

Chinese President Xi Jinping told the Communist Party on Wednesday to "resolutely oppose" any actions that undermine its leadership, as he opened a twice-a-decade congress expected to enhance his already formidable powers. Xi told some 2,300 delegates at the Great Hall of the People that the country was entering a "new era" as the party pursues "socialism with Chinese characteristics". He also said the Chinese economy "will not close its doors to the world." "The prospects are bright, but the challenges are also severe," said Xi, who is expected to get a second five-year term as general secretary during the congress. In his speech, Xi extolled China's rising clout abroad and its fight against poverty and inequality at home, as well as his campaign against corruption within the party. "Every one of us in the party must do more to uphold party leadership and the Chinese socialist system and resolutely oppose all statements and actions that undermine, distort or negate them," Xi said. "We must do more to protect our people's interest and firmly oppose all moves that damage their interest or put distance between the party and the people," Xi added. Xi, who is considered the most powerful Chinese leader in a generation, has led a campaign against corruption that has taken down some 1.3 million officials in the past five years. He said the anti-graft campaign has been "unswervingly fighting against 'tigers', 'beating flies', 'hunting foxes'" -- terms used for lower and higher ranking officials. Xi, considered China's most powerful leader since Deng or even Mao, could use the congress to lay the foundation to stay atop the 89-million-strong party even longer than the normal 10 years, according to analysts × The 64-year-old leader, who gave his speech in front of a huge hammer and sickle in the hall's chamber, is expected to use the congress to stack the Communist Party's leadership with loyalists. The CCP will amend its constitution to add Xi's "new vision and thinking" on governance, congress spokesman Tuo Zhen said, without indicating whether Xi's name would also be added. The addition would signal Xi's inclusion in the pantheon of Chinese leadership. Such an honour has only been bestowed upon modern China's founder, Mao Zedong, and the father of economic reforms, Deng Xiaoping. Xi, considered China's most powerful leader since Deng or even Mao, could use the congress to lay the foundation to stay atop the 89-million-strong party even longer than the normal 10 years, according to analysts. This would break the unwritten two-term limit accepted by his immediate predecessors Jiang and Hu, and end the era of "collective leadership" aimed at preventing the emergence of another Mao. "Xi has consolidated power, that's obvious," said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, China specialist at Hong Kong Baptist University. Potential rivals have been swept aside under Xi's vast anti-corruption campaign, which punished 1.3 million Communist Party officials over five years, and Tuo warned that strengthening self-governance would be a "never-ending journey". Xi's rise has also been marked by a relentless crackdown on dissent, with authorities even refusing to free Nobel peace prize laureate Liu Xiaobo as he lay dying of cancer in July. On the global stage, he has restructured the military, asserted China's claims to disputed seas and used the country's economic prowess to increase its influence in Asia and beyond. He has taken up the mantle of globalisation in the face of US President Donald Trump's "America First" policy. But foreign companies will look for signs at the congress that Xi will live up to his promises to further open up China's economy in the next five years. Legitimacy at risk The conclave, which ends next Tuesday, will select new top party members, including in the Politburo Standing Committee, China's all-powerful ruling body. Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to remain on the committee while the five other current members are supposed to step down under an informal retirement age set at 68. But Xi may lobby to retain his 69-year-old right-hand man Wang Qishan, who heads the leader's signature anti-graft campaign. This would create a precedent for Xi himself to remain in charge beyond retirement age in 2022. "If Xi expresses intent to lead beyond his 10-year limit, this would be reminiscent of the Mao era, which would be damaging to Xi's legacy and call his legitimacy into question," said Simone van Nieuwenhuizen, a Sydney-based researcher and co-author of "China and the New Maoists". But a Xi heir apparent could emerge from the congress. One former potential successor who was outside Xi's circle, Sun Zhengcai, was ousted from the party last month due to graft allegations. Chen Miner, a former Xi aide who succeeded Sun as political chief in the city of Chongqing, is now well positioned for promotion. "The question is what is Xi going to do after he secures absolute power after the 19th party congress," said Hu Xingdou, a Chinese governance expert at the Beijing Institute of Technology. "If he can lead China's modernisation, establish a modern state system, avoid the cycle of peace and upheaval of China's 2,000-year history, then we can say his influence may be bigger than Mao's."

China Communist Party congress: Xi warns against actions that undermine Communist leadership

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/some-communist-party-of-china-cpc-officials-funding-dalai-lama-official-15147" target="_blank">China&#39;s ruling Communist Party</a> will&nbsp;draft&nbsp;a&nbsp;new&nbsp;strategy&nbsp;for&nbsp;development during the next five years, party spokesman Tuo Zhen said on Tuesday.

Tuo was speaking at a briefing a day ahead of the opening of the key, twice-a-decade party congress where President Xi Jinping will map out his ambitions for the country and further tighten his grip on power. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;

The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) will open Wednesday and last seven days, the spokesperson said.&nbsp;

&quot;The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China will open at 09:00 tomorrow at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. The duration of the Congress is from Oct 18 to Oct 24,&quot; said spokesman Tuo Zhen at a press conference.

The Congress is a very important meeting held when China is striving for its final victory for achieving a moderately prosperous society in an all-around way and at a critical time for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, said Tuo.

A preparatory meeting of the congress held on Tuesday afternoon has set the agenda for the Congress, the spokesman said.

&quot;The main agenda of the Congress are: to hear and examine the report submitted by the 18th CPC Central Committee; to examine the report on the work of the 18th CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection; to deliberate and adopt the amendment to the Constitution of the Communist Party of China; to elect the Party&#39;s 19th Central Committee and 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection,&quot; said Tuo.

The preparatory meeting approved a proposed list of members for a presidium. The congress will proceed under the leadership of the presidium. A secretariat has been set up to handle affairs of the Congress, with Liu Yunshan serving as its secretary-general, Tuo said.

Following the preparatory meeting, the credentials committee held a meeting, and the Presidium met for the first time where it adopted the detailed agenda for the Congress and elected its standing committee, the spokesman said.

The qualifications of all the 2,280 delegates to the Congress, elected from 40 electoral units across the country, have been confirmed valid after the examination of the credentials committee. They will attend the Congress on behalf of more than 4.5 million primary Party organizations and over 89 million Party members.

&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/watch-china-blocks-whatsapp-ahead-of-communist-party-meeting-20683" target="_blank">Also Watch: China blocks WhatsApp ahead of Communist Party meeting</a>

Party spokesman Tuo Zhen said China's ruling Communist Party will draft a new strategy for development during the next five years

China's ruling Communist Party will draft a new strategy for development during the next five years, party spokesman Tuo Zhen said on Tuesday. Tuo was speaking at a briefing a day ahead of the opening of the key, twice-a-decade party congress where President Xi Jinping will map out his ambitions for the country and further tighten his grip on power. The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) will open Wednesday and last seven days, the spokesperson said. "The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China will open at 09:00 tomorrow at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. The duration of the Congress is from Oct 18 to Oct 24," said spokesman Tuo Zhen at a press conference. The Congress is a very important meeting held when China is striving for its final victory for achieving a moderately prosperous society in an all-around way and at a critical time for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics, said Tuo. A preparatory meeting of the congress held on Tuesday afternoon has set the agenda for the Congress, the spokesman said. "The main agenda of the Congress are: to hear and examine the report submitted by the 18th CPC Central Committee; to examine the report on the work of the 18th CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection; to deliberate and adopt the amendment to the Constitution of the Communist Party of China; to elect the Party's 19th Central Committee and 19th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection," said Tuo. The preparatory meeting approved a proposed list of members for a presidium. The congress will proceed under the leadership of the presidium. A secretariat has been set up to handle affairs of the Congress, with Liu Yunshan serving as its secretary-general, Tuo said. Following the preparatory meeting, the credentials committee held a meeting, and the Presidium met for the first time where it adopted the detailed agenda for the Congress and elected its standing committee, the spokesman said. The qualifications of all the 2,280 delegates to the Congress, elected from 40 electoral units across the country, have been confirmed valid after the examination of the credentials committee. They will attend the Congress on behalf of more than 4.5 million primary Party organizations and over 89 million Party members. Also Watch: China blocks WhatsApp ahead of Communist Party meeting

China will draft new strategy for development: Communist Party

Nearly three years ago,&nbsp;China banned puns on radio, television and other media on the grounds that it defiled language traditions and confused impressionable youth.&nbsp;That may have been&nbsp;a&nbsp;reason but the more&nbsp;accurate&nbsp;one may have been to stifle criticism.&nbsp;

An ode doing the rounds on Teacher&#39;s Day in 2014 paid tribute to President Xi Jinping and his singer wife Peng Liyuan&nbsp;roughly translated into English it said &#39;Daddy Xi loves Mama Peng&#39;, but when Da from Daddy is joined with Ma from Mama, you get the Chinese word for the narcotic marijuana.&nbsp;

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<h5>The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to&nbsp;sensitise&nbsp;the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion.&nbsp;</h5>
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That was deemed&nbsp;subversive&nbsp;and, therefore, unacceptable, and so the crackdown on puns.&nbsp;But wordplay is common to&nbsp;the Chinese&nbsp;language. China&#39;s ambassador to&nbsp;India Luo&nbsp;Zhaohui indulged in some last&nbsp;Friday&nbsp;to mark the founding anniversary of&nbsp;the People&#39;s Republic.&nbsp;

He said: &quot;We should turn the old page and start a new chapter with the same pace and direction. We&nbsp;should&nbsp;dance&nbsp;together.&nbsp;We should make one plus one 11. China is the largest trading partner of India.&quot;&nbsp;

One wonders where that concern was during the&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;standoff when the foreign ministry in Beijing used threatening and&nbsp;intimidatory&nbsp;language against India. State-run media&nbsp;described Sushma Saraj as a liar and referred to&nbsp;National Security Adviser&nbsp;Ajit&nbsp;Doval&nbsp;as the &quot;main&nbsp;schemer&quot; behind&nbsp;the standoff.&nbsp;

Some&nbsp;China watchers in Delhi&nbsp;believe&nbsp;that Beijing has done lasting damage to the bilateral relationship.&nbsp;It also reduced the room for negotiation by insisting, falsely, that&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;is Chinese territory, accusing India of invading,&nbsp;even&nbsp;claiming a &quot;surgical&nbsp;strike&quot; by&nbsp;India. Chinese diplomats in Delhi went so far as to repeat the official warning to India going back to 2008, that China would reverse its recognition of Sikkim as part of India.&nbsp;

An analysis of&nbsp;media coverage of the standoff by the&nbsp;Delhi-based&nbsp;Centre for China Analysis &amp;&nbsp;Strategy&nbsp;is&nbsp;illustrative. The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to&nbsp;sensitise&nbsp;the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion.&nbsp;

The&nbsp;People&#39;s Liberation Army Daily, which caters for the armed forces, published six articles in English.&nbsp; The China Daily, another English-language paper, published 33 articles, while the Communist Party&nbsp;mouthpiece&nbsp;People&#39;s Daily, came out with 21 articles in&nbsp;English. Not&nbsp;to be left behind, Xinhua the official news agency carried six&nbsp;despatches.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Over a&nbsp;36-day&nbsp;period beginning&nbsp;June 26, there were 36 articles on&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;in the state-owned English language Global Times.&nbsp;This is a subsidiary of the People&#39;s Daily and articles published here are vetted by the Propaganda&nbsp;Department of the Communist Party.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

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<h5>Editor-in-chief&nbsp;Hi&nbsp;Xijin&nbsp;said his paper reflected what&nbsp;government&nbsp;officials thought but could not say&nbsp;in public.</h5>
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In an interview to the online journal Quartz last year, editor-in-chief&nbsp;Hi&nbsp;Xijin&nbsp;said his paper reflected what&nbsp;government&nbsp;officials thought but could not say&nbsp;in public.&nbsp;It&#39;s hawkish belligerent tone and often insulting editorials&nbsp;get it noticed as the &#39;voice of Beijing&#39; even while official statements remain circumspect.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

Curiously enough, Hu was among the ranks of protestors in Tiananmen Square in 1989 but by his own admission, left before the crackdown began. Somewhere&nbsp;down the&nbsp;line, he changed course. His critics refer to him as a &quot;frisbee grabber&quot;, an insult meaning he&#39;s a trainable dog that&nbsp;always&nbsp;fetches&nbsp;the frisbee thrown by its master.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

Back to the present. That Ambassador Luo Zhaohui&nbsp;wants to turn the page&nbsp;on&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;and move on is good news.&nbsp;One waits to see how this pans out on the&nbsp;ground.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

Last&nbsp;word: In&nbsp;July 2010 during the&nbsp;ASEAN summit in&nbsp;Hanoi, Yang&nbsp;Jiechi&nbsp;then foreign&nbsp;minister&nbsp;(he currently states counsellor or national security&nbsp;adviser), mocked&nbsp;the group&#39;s move to have the US&nbsp;mediate China&#39;s claims to the South China Sea&nbsp;and warned them:&nbsp;&quot;There is one basic difference among us. China is a big state and you are smaller countries.&quot;&nbsp;

India can draw its lessons from that.

Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to?sensitise?the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion.

Nearly three years ago, China banned puns on radio, television and other media on the grounds that it defiled language traditions and confused impressionable youth. That may have been a reason but the more accurate one may have been to stifle criticism. An ode doing the rounds on Teacher's Day in 2014 paid tribute to President Xi Jinping and his singer wife Peng Liyuan roughly translated into English it said 'Daddy Xi loves Mama Peng', but when Da from Daddy is joined with Ma from Mama, you get the Chinese word for the narcotic marijuana. The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to sensitise the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion. × That was deemed subversive and, therefore, unacceptable, and so the crackdown on puns. But wordplay is common to the Chinese language. China's ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui indulged in some last Friday to mark the founding anniversary of the People's Republic. He said: "We should turn the old page and start a new chapter with the same pace and direction. We should dance together. We should make one plus one 11. China is the largest trading partner of India." One wonders where that concern was during the Doklam standoff when the foreign ministry in Beijing used threatening and intimidatory language against India. State-run media described Sushma Saraj as a liar and referred to National Security Adviser Ajit Doval as the "main schemer" behind the standoff. Some China watchers in Delhi believe that Beijing has done lasting damage to the bilateral relationship. It also reduced the room for negotiation by insisting, falsely, that Doklam is Chinese territory, accusing India of invading, even claiming a "surgical strike" by India. Chinese diplomats in Delhi went so far as to repeat the official warning to India going back to 2008, that China would reverse its recognition of Sikkim as part of India. An analysis of media coverage of the standoff by the Delhi-based Centre for China Analysis & Strategy is illustrative. The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to sensitise the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion. The People's Liberation Army Daily, which caters for the armed forces, published six articles in English. The China Daily, another English-language paper, published 33 articles, while the Communist Party mouthpiece People's Daily, came out with 21 articles in English. Not to be left behind, Xinhua the official news agency carried six despatches. Over a 36-day period beginning June 26, there were 36 articles on Doklam in the state-owned English language Global Times. This is a subsidiary of the People's Daily and articles published here are vetted by the Propaganda Department of the Communist Party. Editor-in-chief Hi Xijin said his paper reflected what government officials thought but could not say in public. × In an interview to the online journal Quartz last year, editor-in-chief Hi Xijin said his paper reflected what government officials thought but could not say in public. It's hawkish belligerent tone and often insulting editorials get it noticed as the 'voice of Beijing' even while official statements remain circumspect. Curiously enough, Hu was among the ranks of protestors in Tiananmen Square in 1989 but by his own admission, left before the crackdown began. Somewhere down the line, he changed course. His critics refer to him as a "frisbee grabber", an insult meaning he's a trainable dog that always fetches the frisbee thrown by its master. Back to the present. That Ambassador Luo Zhaohui wants to turn the page on Doklam and move on is good news. One waits to see how this pans out on the ground. Last word: In July 2010 during the ASEAN summit in Hanoi, Yang Jiechi then foreign minister (he currently states counsellor or national security adviser), mocked the group's move to have the US mediate China's claims to the South China Sea and warned them: "There is one basic difference among us. China is a big state and you are smaller countries." India can draw its lessons from that.

Chinese media shaped false opinions on Doklam Issue

The&nbsp;North&nbsp;Korean&nbsp;issue&nbsp;should&nbsp;be resolved&nbsp;peacefully&nbsp;through talks, Chinese President&nbsp;Xi&nbsp;Jinping told British Prime Minister&nbsp;Theresa&nbsp;May&nbsp;in a telephone call, state radio said on Monday.

Chinese President?Xi?Jinping told British Prime Minister?Theresa?May

The North Korean issue should be resolved peacefully through talks, Chinese President Xi Jinping told British Prime Minister Theresa May in a telephone call, state radio said on Monday.

North Korea issue should be peacefully resolved: Xi to Theresa May

Each time India&#39;s Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits a foreign country, he makes it a point to meet and address the Indian diaspora living in that place. Clearly,&nbsp; the Indian government has come to recognise that diaspora is a valuable strategic asset. They are the new elite of this world. But having said that, unlike China, India does not seem to fully reap the economic and political potential of the nation&#39;s diaspora successfully enough. Indian government&rsquo;s engagement with its diaspora hasn&#39;t evolved beyond recognising its importance to a more active state yet.&nbsp;

China&rsquo;s diaspora policies in action: &ldquo;going out and inviting in&rdquo;

The overseas Chinese enjoy an extremely strong sense of shared identity as well as a powerful attachment to China. They have played a crucial role in China&#39;s economic growth, providing the lion&#39;s share of inward investment. But this is not solely due to the patriotic feeling one has towards his motherland but due to China&#39;s extensive diaspora engagement policy and institutional apparatus.

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The government has made a concerted attempt to embrace all ethnic Chinese, regardless of nationality or date of migration, as part of the Chinese family and, hence, tied to the Chinese nation. At the Third Plenum of the Fourteenth Party Congress in 1993, the Chinese government launched the &lsquo;twelve words&rsquo; policy of supporting overseas studies and encouraging the return of Chinese students.&nbsp;

Xi Jinping in 2013 expanded the &lsquo;twelve words&rsquo; policy by adding four additional words &lsquo;fahuizuoyong&rsquo; (playing a role), pledging that the CCP and the government would ensure that the Chinese diaspora could play a significant role when returning to China, and that it could contribute to China&rsquo;s development when remaining overseas.

There are several programmes, such as the &lsquo;Changjiang Scholars Programme&rsquo; or the &lsquo;Hundred Talents Programme&rsquo; which offer high salaries and research funds for overseas Chinese. Similarly, &ldquo;1000 Talents&rdquo; programme offers high-level academic positions to senior Chinese scholars with PhDs up to 20 times higher than what a local faculty makes. It also seeks to draw innovators in specialist engineering and high technology sectors that will create companies or jobs in China. Moreover, China&rsquo;s &ldquo;Roots Seeking&rdquo; programmes for overseas youth promotes Chinese language and culture abroad. It has over the last two decades aggressively courted the return of its highly-skilled diaspora through a variety of employment and scholarship programmes.

CCTV, China&rsquo;s state broadcaster, is also aiming to grow an international network to carry its soap operas and news worldwide. CICC streams Chinese content from CCTV and provincial broadcasters to overseas Chinese audiences and is now setting its sights at non-Chinese audiences too. The CCTV-4 channel has three different time-shifted feeds&mdash;Beijing Time, Greenwich Mean Time, and Eastern Standard Time.

Therefore, the vision of Xi Jinping to revitalise the nation and to realise the Chinese Dream, since 2012, has provided a foundation for the current efforts in China&rsquo;s diaspora engagement. Increasing attention has been paid to attracting Chinese talents overseas because of their technical know-how and their exposure to international practices.

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<h5>At a recent celebration of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in January 2017, Prime Minister Modi said: &ldquo;We are converting the brain drain to brain gain&rdquo;.</h5>
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India&rsquo;s diaspora engagements: &lsquo;going out and trying to invite in&rsquo;

India has always tried to harness the potential of its diaspora community but its importance has been emphasised like never before lately. At a recent celebration of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in January 2017, Prime Minister Modi said: &ldquo;We are converting the brain drain to brain gain&rdquo;.

The government has eased travel and residency policies for diaspora members, which helps in fostering more back-and-forth exchange. It has merged the erstwhile OCI and PIO cards so that the diaspora members can now enjoy lifetime visa access to India and certain educational and financial benefits comparable to those of citizens. It has also simplified rules and procedures and has set up &ldquo;single window&rdquo; clearances to members of the diaspora community who are desirous of implementing socially relevant projects in India. The government has also launched a new training plan for low-skilled Indian youth who are seeking blue collar jobs abroad so that they are better prepared and less likely to be exploited or abused.

This new outreach towards the diaspora can be seen from the long list of countries the Indian Prime Minister has visited to interact extensively with different classes and categories of Indian diaspora. India hopes to cultivate soft power among those of Indian heritage out of such engagements. As India gets remittances worth 3.4 per cent of its GDP, making India the largest remittance receiving country, the prime minister has also asked diaspora members to invest in various social projects, such as in improving rural sanitation.

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<h5>India is already struggling with unemployment so it is also not able to offer lucrative employment opportunities to the overseas Indians like China is.</h5>
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India needs to walk the walk

While India is surely talking the talk but India needs to walk the walk too like China. A lot more has to be done to reap benefits from the Indian diaspora. To start with, challenges, such as poor infrastructure, red tape, labour market regulations, etc. needs to be taken care of which refrains a PIO or NRI to invest in India.&nbsp;

While India also has programmes like &lsquo;know India&rsquo;, but there are not extensive like China, considering the number of intakes that India has is around 35 and China 30000. India is already struggling with unemployment so it is also not able to offer lucrative employment opportunities to the overseas Indians like China is. In the number of scholarships given to diaspora children, India lag far behind as it only supports 100 children in comparison to China&rsquo;s 3000 annually.

Although India&rsquo;s official radio broadcaster, All India Radio, covers over 108 countries in 27 languages, India&rsquo;s official television broadcaster, Doordarshan, lags behind. In comparison, China&rsquo;s national radio and television have emerged as the binding force of the whole Chinese diaspora community.

India needs to expand its globally oriented programmes and schemes in number and reach. They have to become visible worldwide for promoting India&rsquo;s interests and to attract a much wider diaspora. Hence, with some policy initiatives, India can multiply the economic value of diaspora contributions, use their talent and industriousness and make it more attractive for them to step up participation in India&rsquo;s development.

To conclude, although the focus of the Chinese and Indian governments differ in their engagements with its diaspora but both the countries recognise diaspora not just as economic remittances but also social remittances in the form of knowledge, expertise, ideas and practices. India, however, needs to ramp up its efforts if it wants to match the level of engagement maintained by China.

To equal China's diaspora engagement, India needs to take care of poor infrastructure, red tape, and labour market regulations which refrain a PIO or NRI to invest in India.

Each time India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi visits a foreign country, he makes it a point to meet and address the Indian diaspora living in that place. Clearly, the Indian government has come to recognise that diaspora is a valuable strategic asset. They are the new elite of this world. But having said that, unlike China, India does not seem to fully reap the economic and political potential of the nation's diaspora successfully enough. Indian government’s engagement with its diaspora hasn't evolved beyond recognising its importance to a more active state yet. China’s diaspora policies in action: “going out and inviting in” The overseas Chinese enjoy an extremely strong sense of shared identity as well as a powerful attachment to China. They have played a crucial role in China's economic growth, providing the lion's share of inward investment. But this is not solely due to the patriotic feeling one has towards his motherland but due to China's extensive diaspora engagement policy and institutional apparatus. There are several programmes, such as the ‘Changjiang Scholars Programme’ or the ‘Hundred Talents Programme’ which offer high salaries and research funds for overseas Chinese. × The government has made a concerted attempt to embrace all ethnic Chinese, regardless of nationality or date of migration, as part of the Chinese family and, hence, tied to the Chinese nation. At the Third Plenum of the Fourteenth Party Congress in 1993, the Chinese government launched the ‘twelve words’ policy of supporting overseas studies and encouraging the return of Chinese students. Xi Jinping in 2013 expanded the ‘twelve words’ policy by adding four additional words ‘fahuizuoyong’ (playing a role), pledging that the CCP and the government would ensure that the Chinese diaspora could play a significant role when returning to China, and that it could contribute to China’s development when remaining overseas. There are several programmes, such as the ‘Changjiang Scholars Programme’ or the ‘Hundred Talents Programme’ which offer high salaries and research funds for overseas Chinese. Similarly, “1000 Talents” programme offers high-level academic positions to senior Chinese scholars with PhDs up to 20 times higher than what a local faculty makes. It also seeks to draw innovators in specialist engineering and high technology sectors that will create companies or jobs in China. Moreover, China’s “Roots Seeking” programmes for overseas youth promotes Chinese language and culture abroad. It has over the last two decades aggressively courted the return of its highly-skilled diaspora through a variety of employment and scholarship programmes. CCTV, China’s state broadcaster, is also aiming to grow an international network to carry its soap operas and news worldwide. CICC streams Chinese content from CCTV and provincial broadcasters to overseas Chinese audiences and is now setting its sights at non-Chinese audiences too. The CCTV-4 channel has three different time-shifted feeds—Beijing Time, Greenwich Mean Time, and Eastern Standard Time. Therefore, the vision of Xi Jinping to revitalise the nation and to realise the Chinese Dream, since 2012, has provided a foundation for the current efforts in China’s diaspora engagement. Increasing attention has been paid to attracting Chinese talents overseas because of their technical know-how and their exposure to international practices. At a recent celebration of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in January 2017, Prime Minister Modi said: “We are converting the brain drain to brain gain”. × India’s diaspora engagements: ‘going out and trying to invite in’ India has always tried to harness the potential of its diaspora community but its importance has been emphasised like never before lately. At a recent celebration of Pravasi Bharatiya Divas in January 2017, Prime Minister Modi said: “We are converting the brain drain to brain gain”. The government has eased travel and residency policies for diaspora members, which helps in fostering more back-and-forth exchange. It has merged the erstwhile OCI and PIO cards so that the diaspora members can now enjoy lifetime visa access to India and certain educational and financial benefits comparable to those of citizens. It has also simplified rules and procedures and has set up “single window” clearances to members of the diaspora community who are desirous of implementing socially relevant projects in India. The government has also launched a new training plan for low-skilled Indian youth who are seeking blue collar jobs abroad so that they are better prepared and less likely to be exploited or abused. This new outreach towards the diaspora can be seen from the long list of countries the Indian Prime Minister has visited to interact extensively with different classes and categories of Indian diaspora. India hopes to cultivate soft power among those of Indian heritage out of such engagements. As India gets remittances worth 3.4 per cent of its GDP, making India the largest remittance receiving country, the prime minister has also asked diaspora members to invest in various social projects, such as in improving rural sanitation. India is already struggling with unemployment so it is also not able to offer lucrative employment opportunities to the overseas Indians like China is. × India needs to walk the walk While India is surely talking the talk but India needs to walk the walk too like China. A lot more has to be done to reap benefits from the Indian diaspora. To start with, challenges, such as poor infrastructure, red tape, labour market regulations, etc. needs to be taken care of which refrains a PIO or NRI to invest in India. While India also has programmes like ‘know India’, but there are not extensive like China, considering the number of intakes that India has is around 35 and China 30000. India is already struggling with unemployment so it is also not able to offer lucrative employment opportunities to the overseas Indians like China is. In the number of scholarships given to diaspora children, India lag far behind as it only supports 100 children in comparison to China’s 3000 annually. Although India’s official radio broadcaster, All India Radio, covers over 108 countries in 27 languages, India’s official television broadcaster, Doordarshan, lags behind. In comparison, China’s national radio and television have emerged as the binding force of the whole Chinese diaspora community. India needs to expand its globally oriented programmes and schemes in number and reach. They have to become visible worldwide for promoting India’s interests and to attract a much wider diaspora. Hence, with some policy initiatives, India can multiply the economic value of diaspora contributions, use their talent and industriousness and make it more attractive for them to step up participation in India’s development. To conclude, although the focus of the Chinese and Indian governments differ in their engagements with its diaspora but both the countries recognise diaspora not just as economic remittances but also social remittances in the form of knowledge, expertise, ideas and practices. India, however, needs to ramp up its efforts if it wants to match the level of engagement maintained by China.

Like China, can Modi harness the potential of the Indian diaspora?

At the BRICS summit in Russia two years ago, Chinese Premier Xi Jinping <a href="https://brics2017.org/English/Headlines/201701/t20170125_1402.html">invoked</a> physics when asking fellow leaders &ldquo;to boost the centripetal (unifying) force of BRICS nations through cooperation in innovation and production capacity to boost competitiveness.&rdquo;

That was the theory, but the economic reality of the once-feted Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa alliance is contradictory.

Instead of, centripetal strengthening, the world is witnessing much more powerful centrifugal dividing forces, including overproduction, over-indebtedness and deglobalisation of capital. These elements have been spinning out of control even before the <a href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2017/01/06/will-washingtons-new-pro-moscow-anti-beijing-gang-drive-a-wedge-through-the-brics-in-2017/">chaotic era</a> of US President Donald Trump began.

Over production is mostly found in the coal, steel, non-ferrous metals, cement and chemicals industries. It&rsquo;s largely driven by China where over-capacity is more than 30 per cent, according to a new International Monetary Fund <a href="http://www.imf.org/en/News/Articles/2017/08/15/pr17326-china-imf-executive-board-concludes-2017-article-iv-consultation">report</a> that also raised worries about the country&rsquo;s vast debt.

Over borrowing by companies, states and households represents a global crisis in the making. The Institute of International Finance has just reported that <a href="http://www.zerohedge.com/news/2017-06-29/global-debt-hits-new-record-high-217-trillion-327-gdp">world debt</a> is now USD$217 trillion (327 per cent of world GDP), up from USD$149 billion (276 per cent) in 2007.

Deglobalisation is simply the reversal - mostly since 2008 - of prior rapid growth in cross-border trade, investment and finance. Should that be viewed as a bad thing? Rather than fear globalisation&rsquo;s unravelling, leading scholar-activists including <a href="http://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/distributed/D/bo20861161.html">Samir Amin</a> in Africa, the late <a href="https://archive.monthlyreview.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-023-09-1972-02_2/0">Ruy Mauro Marini</a> in Latin America, <a href="http://fpif.org/the_virtues_of_deglobalization/">Walden Bello</a> in Asia and the 20th century&rsquo;s most important economist, <a href="https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/interwar/keynes.htm">John Maynard Keynes</a>, have all advocated national economic sovereignty. If pursued cleverly, deglobalisation could be the basis for restoring links between once vibrant sectors subsequently destroyed by imports.

&nbsp;

<figure class="align-right "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/183648/width237/file-20170828-1572-16a5ulb.jpg" />
<figcaption>
BRICS 2017 China logo
</figcaption>
</figure>

Could BRICS leaders evolve in this direction? Their <a href="https://www.brics2017.org/English/">summit</a> next week will be distracted by geopolitical tensions. Although a welcome <a href="http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/there-wont-be-a-war-at-doklam-as-india-and-china-agree-to-disengage/articleshow/60255485.cms">deal</a> on Monday prevents the feared Sino-Indian border war, a much more durable geo-economic battle is unfolding in the <a href="https://borderless-hk.com/2017/08/16/an-introduction-to-the-china-pakistan-economic-corridor/">China-Pakistan Economic Corridor</a>, which in May left Prime Minister Narendra Modi <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/why-did-india-boycott-chinas-road-summit/article18516163.ece">boycotting</a> China&rsquo;s Belt and Road mega-conference three months ago.

Beijing&rsquo;s BRICS <a href="https://brics2017.org/English/China2017/Logo/">logo</a> designers, perhaps being unconsciously subversive, have illustrated how the once overlapping, interlocking BRICS are now being wedged apart as paper thin subjects of centrifugal forces. For Africa, fewer illusions in these economies would be welcome, given how <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01436597.2013.775783">exploitative</a> the BRICS and their firms have become against societies, democratic movements and environments.

A counter-summit challenge the BRICS

This argument is made by the <a href="http://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/2107923/hong-kong-activist-joshua-wong-cant-help-laugh-after">Hong Kong People&rsquo;s Forum</a>, initiated by the city&rsquo;s progressive labour, intellectual and faith leaders to question the BRICS. Their meeting this weekend follows in the counter summit traditions of the 2013 <a href="http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/default.asp?2,68,3,2853">BRICS-from-below</a> in Durban, the 2014 <a href="http://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/default.asp?2,68,3,3253">Dialogue on Development</a> in Fortaleza, and the 2016 Goa <a href="https://peoplesbrics.org/2016/10/24/goa-declaration-of-the-peoples-forum-on-brics/">People&rsquo;s Forum on BRICS</a>.

According to the Hong Kong People&rsquo;s Forum:

Instead of offering an alternative, the BRICS actually offer a continuation of neo-liberalism. On top of BRICS, there is also China&rsquo;s new mega project, the Belt and Road initiative whose main purpose is to export China&rsquo;s surplus capital.

These surpluses are vast, as witnessed in China&rsquo;s foreign reserves which recently topped USD$4 trillion, though then fell 20 per cent due to bouts of capital flight and two stock market crashes in 2015-16.

Deglobalisation

Global trade, finance and investment were meant to be the motors for the advancement of BRICS. But according to the <a href="http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NE.TRD.GNFS.ZS?end=2016&amp;locations=CN-BR-ZA-IN-RU-1W&amp;start=1999&amp;view=chart">World Bank</a>, global trade peaked at 61 per cent of world gross domestic product (GDP) in 2008 but retreated to 58 per cent in 2015.

During the 1990s each BRICS country raised its trade to GDP ratio by at least 10 points. But trade has receded in importance in <a href="https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NE.TRD.GNFS.ZS?contextual=default&amp;locations=CN+WORLD-BR-RU-IN-CN-ZA">each of the BRICS</a>. Russia peaked first at a 69 per cent trade/GDP ratio in 1999 and then fell steadily to 45 per cent&nbsp;today. Brazil rose to 30 per cent in 2004 and fell to 25 per cent. China soared to 66 per cent in 2006 and has since plummeted to 36 per cent. South Africa&rsquo;s 2008 ratio was 73 per cent but is now back to 60 per cent and India peaked last, in 2012 with 56 per cent, and is now at 40 per cent.

On top of this, the ratio of world financial assets that are held overseas compared to GDP <a href="https://ahtribune.com/world/africa/1706-patrick-bond.html">fell</a> from 58 per cent in 2008 to 38 per cent in 2016, even as overall financial assets increased in line with soaring debt.

Finally, another deglobalisation symptom is the <a href="https://ahtribune.com/world/africa/1706-patrick-bond.html">halving</a> of relative global foreign direct investment: from 3.7 per cent of world GDP in 2008 to 1.7 per cent in 2016.

Leading financiers now talk of an imminent world <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2017-08-22/wall-street-banks-warn-winter-is-coming-as-business-cycle-peaks">recession</a>, given over priced stock markets and corporate debt. This is not just due to wild New York share speculation, as also occurred in the crashes of 1987, 2000 and 2008. Three BRICS stock markets are also <a href="http://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WEO/Issues/2017/07/07/world-economic-outlook-update-july-2017?cid=em-COM-123-35653">bubbling</a>: South Africa&rsquo;s stock market is 90 per cent higher than in 2010, India&rsquo;s market is up 70 per cent and Russia has risen by 50 per cent.

Centrifugal realities crowd out centripetal fantasies

These dangerous centrifugal forces cannot be easily regulated or reversed. The only recent relief came from the Chinese state&rsquo;s massive urban construction investments (albeit leaving scores of <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2015/10/china-is-still-building-ghost-cities/">near-empty cities</a>) and the Indian <a href="https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/in/Documents/industries/in-india-services-sector-ges-2017-noexp.pdf">service sector boom</a>. But since 2015 the other three BRICS have suffered recessions as the crash in commodity prices hit home.

As the Hong Kong People&rsquo;s Forum statement explained:

China has now evolved into a global engine promoting a neoliberal agenda from free trade agreements to corporate led integration across borders.

The BRICS had promised to challenge an unfair global economic system. But in December 2015 their main multilateral reform strategies failed:

<ul>
	<li>
	the <a href="https://www.counterpunch.org/2015/12/25/climate-terror-from-paris-could-endure-for-generations/">Paris Climate Accord</a> was nonbinding, unambitious and outlaws climate-debt lawsuits by victims of Western and BRICS emissions;
	</li>
	<li>
	the <a href="https://archive.monthlyreview.org/index.php/mr/article/view/MR-023-09-1972-02_2/0">World Trade Organisation</a> phased out any semblance of food sovereignty; and
	</li>
	<li>
	<a href="https://mg.co.za/article/2017-03-31-00-brics-joins-the-reigning-world-order">IMF voting shares</a> were shifted to favour BRICS at the expense of poorer countries.
	</li>
</ul>

Adds the Hong Kong People&rsquo;s Forum: &ldquo;The 2017 World Economic Forum in Davos was one site where Xi clearly took the lead in promoting world corporate power, as Trump leads the US-UK retreat into crony-capitalist protectionism.&rdquo;

South African President Jacob Zuma <a href="https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/politics/2017-06-30-jacob-zumas-speech-to-the-anc--now-with-little-yellow-post-its/">pronounced</a> last month at his party&rsquo;s policy Congress, &ldquo;The ANC is part of the global anti-imperialist movement. We are historically connected with the countries of the South and therefore South-South cooperation such as BRICS is primary for our movement.&rdquo;

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/83115/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />If centrifugal economic forces now pressuring the bloc to overwhelm Xi&rsquo;s desired centripetal capitalism, then we can expect yet more talk-left walk-right politics, as the BRICS <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01436597.2013.775783">sub-imperialists</a> desperately try to pretend they&rsquo;re anti-imperialists.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" nofollow="" rel="">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/brics-is-being-battered-by-global-crises-why-this-might-not-be-a-bad-thing-83115">original article</a>.

Global trade and financial investment were meant to be the motors for the advancement of BRICS but deglobalisation and geo-political tension are seriously challenging BRICS' goals.

At the BRICS summit in Russia two years ago, Chinese Premier Xi Jinping invoked physics when asking fellow leaders “to boost the centripetal (unifying) force of BRICS nations through cooperation in innovation and production capacity to boost competitiveness.” That was the theory, but the economic reality of the once-feted Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa alliance is contradictory. Instead of, centripetal strengthening, the world is witnessing much more powerful centrifugal dividing forces, including overproduction, over-indebtedness and deglobalisation of capital. These elements have been spinning out of control even before the chaotic era of US President Donald Trump began. Over production is mostly found in the coal, steel, non-ferrous metals, cement and chemicals industries. It’s largely driven by China where over-capacity is more than 30 per cent, according to a new International Monetary Fund report that also raised worries about the country’s vast debt. Over borrowing by companies, states and households represents a global crisis in the making. The Institute of International Finance has just reported that world debt is now USD$217 trillion (327 per cent of world GDP), up from USD$149 billion (276 per cent) in 2007. Deglobalisation is simply the reversal - mostly since 2008 - of prior rapid growth in cross-border trade, investment and finance. Should that be viewed as a bad thing? Rather than fear globalisation’s unravelling, leading scholar-activists including Samir Amin in Africa, the late Ruy Mauro Marini in Latin America, Walden Bello in Asia and the 20th century’s most important economist, John Maynard Keynes, have all advocated national economic sovereignty. If pursued cleverly, deglobalisation could be the basis for restoring links between once vibrant sectors subsequently destroyed by imports. BRICS 2017 China logo Could BRICS leaders evolve in this direction? Their summit next week will be distracted by geopolitical tensions. Although a welcome deal on Monday prevents the feared Sino-Indian border war, a much more durable geo-economic battle is unfolding in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, which in May left Prime Minister Narendra Modi boycotting China’s Belt and Road mega-conference three months ago. Beijing’s BRICS logo designers, perhaps being unconsciously subversive, have illustrated how the once overlapping, interlocking BRICS are now being wedged apart as paper thin subjects of centrifugal forces. For Africa, fewer illusions in these economies would be welcome, given how exploitative the BRICS and their firms have become against societies, democratic movements and environments. A counter-summit challenge the BRICS This argument is made by the Hong Kong People’s Forum, initiated by the city’s progressive labour, intellectual and faith leaders to question the BRICS. Their meeting this weekend follows in the counter summit traditions of the 2013 BRICS-from-below in Durban, the 2014 Dialogue on Development in Fortaleza, and the 2016 Goa People’s Forum on BRICS. According to the Hong Kong People’s Forum: Instead of offering an alternative, the BRICS actually offer a continuation of neo-liberalism. On top of BRICS, there is also China’s new mega project, the Belt and Road initiative whose main purpose is to export China’s surplus capital. These surpluses are vast, as witnessed in China’s foreign reserves which recently topped USD$4 trillion, though then fell 20 per cent due to bouts of capital flight and two stock market crashes in 2015-16. Deglobalisation Global trade, finance and investment were meant to be the motors for the advancement of BRICS. But according to the World Bank, global trade peaked at 61 per cent of world gross domestic product (GDP) in 2008 but retreated to 58 per cent in 2015. During the 1990s each BRICS country raised its trade to GDP ratio by at least 10 points. But trade has receded in importance in each of the BRICS. Russia peaked first at a 69 per cent trade/GDP ratio in 1999 and then fell steadily to 45 per cent today. Brazil rose to 30 per cent in 2004 and fell to 25 per cent. China soared to 66 per cent in 2006 and has since plummeted to 36 per cent. South Africa’s 2008 ratio was 73 per cent but is now back to 60 per cent and India peaked last, in 2012 with 56 per cent, and is now at 40 per cent. On top of this, the ratio of world financial assets that are held overseas compared to GDP fell from 58 per cent in 2008 to 38 per cent in 2016, even as overall financial assets increased in line with soaring debt. Finally, another deglobalisation symptom is the halving of relative global foreign direct investment: from 3.7 per cent of world GDP in 2008 to 1.7 per cent in 2016. Leading financiers now talk of an imminent world recession, given over priced stock markets and corporate debt. This is not just due to wild New York share speculation, as also occurred in the crashes of 1987, 2000 and 2008. Three BRICS stock markets are also bubbling: South Africa’s stock market is 90 per cent higher than in 2010, India’s market is up 70 per cent and Russia has risen by 50 per cent. Centrifugal realities crowd out centripetal fantasies These dangerous centrifugal forces cannot be easily regulated or reversed. The only recent relief came from the Chinese state’s massive urban construction investments (albeit leaving scores of near-empty cities) and the Indian service sector boom. But since 2015 the other three BRICS have suffered recessions as the crash in commodity prices hit home. As the Hong Kong People’s Forum statement explained: China has now evolved into a global engine promoting a neoliberal agenda from free trade agreements to corporate led integration across borders. The BRICS had promised to challenge an unfair global economic system. But in December 2015 their main multilateral reform strategies failed: the Paris Climate Accord was nonbinding, unambitious and outlaws climate-debt lawsuits by victims of Western and BRICS emissions; the World Trade Organisation phased out any semblance of food sovereignty; and IMF voting shares were shifted to favour BRICS at the expense of poorer countries. Adds the Hong Kong People’s Forum: “The 2017 World Economic Forum in Davos was one site where Xi clearly took the lead in promoting world corporate power, as Trump leads the US-UK retreat into crony-capitalist protectionism.” South African President Jacob Zuma pronounced last month at his party’s policy Congress, “The ANC is part of the global anti-imperialist movement. We are historically connected with the countries of the South and therefore South-South cooperation such as BRICS is primary for our movement.” If centrifugal economic forces now pressuring the bloc to overwhelm Xi’s desired centripetal capitalism, then we can expect yet more talk-left walk-right politics, as the BRICS sub-imperialists desperately try to pretend they’re anti-imperialists. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Battered by global crises, will BRICS be a success?

Chinese President is a diplomatic pioneer whose ideology has transcended centuries of Western international relations theory, Foreign Minister Wang Yi said on Friday, lauding Xi ahead of a congress of the Communist Party.

China has become more assertive in its foreign policy under Xi, who has touted his global Belt and Road infrastructure plan and sought to position China as a pillar of globalisation.

China has also extended its global military reach, opening its first overseas base in Djibouti and using its expanding navy to take a more assertive stance in maritime disputes with neighbours.

Xi&#39;s &quot;diplomatic thought&quot; was a compass for foreign relations under new conditions and had become a marker of China&#39;s soft power, Wang said in an article in the Study Times, the official paper of the Central Party School that trains officials.

&quot;It also innovates upon and transcends the past 300 years of traditional Western international relations theory,&quot; said Wang, who has been taking an increasingly high profile as China expands its presence on the global stage.

Wang credited Xi with seeking friends and partners, not allies, putting aside differences to seek common ground, and doing away with the &quot;Cold War thinking&quot; of &quot;he who is not my friend is my enemy&quot;.

With the resolution of a &quot;reformer and a pioneer&quot;, Xi had answered the call of the times to &quot;put forward many new ideas that his predecessors had not&quot;, Wang said.

Wang credited China with successes under Xi, including promoting talks and denuclearisation on the Korean peninsula, as well as helping to counter global threats posed by international terrorism, climate change, and cyber security issues.

Since assuming office almost five years ago, Xi has consolidated power, including heading a group leading economic reform and appointing himself commander-in-chief of the military, though as head of the Central Military Commission he already controls the armed forces.

The party will open a once-every-five-years congress on Oct. 18, at which a new Standing Committee, the pinnacle of power in China, will be constituted.

Diplomatic sources believe Wang could take over later this year as China&#39;s top diplomat from State Councillor Yang Jiechi, 67, Wang&#39;s predecessor. Yang outranks Wang.

Chinese President is a diplomatic pioneer whose ideology has transcended centuries of Western international relations theory, Foreign Minister Wang Yi said on Friday

Chinese President is a diplomatic pioneer whose ideology has transcended centuries of Western international relations theory, Foreign Minister Wang Yi said on Friday, lauding Xi ahead of a congress of the Communist Party. China has become more assertive in its foreign policy under Xi, who has touted his global Belt and Road infrastructure plan and sought to position China as a pillar of globalisation. China has also extended its global military reach, opening its first overseas base in Djibouti and using its expanding navy to take a more assertive stance in maritime disputes with neighbours. Xi's "diplomatic thought" was a compass for foreign relations under new conditions and had become a marker of China's soft power, Wang said in an article in the Study Times, the official paper of the Central Party School that trains officials. "It also innovates upon and transcends the past 300 years of traditional Western international relations theory," said Wang, who has been taking an increasingly high profile as China expands its presence on the global stage. Wang credited Xi with seeking friends and partners, not allies, putting aside differences to seek common ground, and doing away with the "Cold War thinking" of "he who is not my friend is my enemy". With the resolution of a "reformer and a pioneer", Xi had answered the call of the times to "put forward many new ideas that his predecessors had not", Wang said. Wang credited China with successes under Xi, including promoting talks and denuclearisation on the Korean peninsula, as well as helping to counter global threats posed by international terrorism, climate change, and cyber security issues. Since assuming office almost five years ago, Xi has consolidated power, including heading a group leading economic reform and appointing himself commander-in-chief of the military, though as head of the Central Military Commission he already controls the armed forces. The party will open a once-every-five-years congress on Oct. 18, at which a new Standing Committee, the pinnacle of power in China, will be constituted. Diplomatic sources believe Wang could take over later this year as China's top diplomat from State Councillor Yang Jiechi, 67, Wang's predecessor. Yang outranks Wang.

China says Xi transcends West as a diplomatic "pioneer"

When Hollywood is not being <a href="http://www.latimes.com/entertainment/la-et-hollywood-values-updates-20170105-htmlstory.html" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">criticised for being a liberal mouthpiece</a>, it is often viewed as a <a href="http://www.e-ir.info/2013/10/20/international-relations-on-screen-hollywoods-history-of-american-foreign-policy/" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">front for American foreign policy</a>. The time-honoured example of this is the <a href="http://onviolence.com/?e=303" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Rambo series</a> wherein Sylvester Stallone&rsquo;s invincible super soldier battles America&rsquo;s communist enemies.

The Rambo films were shot against the reheating of the Cold War in the light of the &ldquo;Star Wars&rdquo; Strategic Defense Initiative and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. They were also a reflection of growing American confidence during the Reagan presidency after the pessimism of the post-Vietnam era. But Hollywood is not the only industry guilty of this cinematic jingoism today.

China has found its own Rambo in Leng Feng, the hero of China&rsquo;s latest box office smash, Wolf Warriors 2 (??2). The film has become <a href="http://www.latimes.com/business/hollywood/la-fi-ct-china-box-office-20170823-story.html">the most successful</a> in the Chinese box office, making more than five billion Yuan (&pound;585m) since its release in late July, in contrast to a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/film/2017/aug/11/hollywood-summer-blockbuster-films-dark-tower-valerian-get-out">rather tepid year</a> for its American counterpart.

Just as Rambo took on the might of the Soviet empire in the 1980s, Leng &ndash; played by Chinese action superstar, Wu Jing (??), who also directed the film &ndash; battles China&rsquo;s foreign enemies. While strongly Chinese in national sentiment, it follows the path set by its Hollywood predecessors in terms of action and storyline. Also like many Hollywood movies, the film is indicative of the changes in Chinese foreign policy and attitudes today &ndash; just as Rambo had been for the Reaganite policies of the Cold War.

Echoes of Libya

The plot is standard action fare with Leng, a maverick Chinese soldier, going to a fictional African state in the middle of a civil war to rescue Chinese workers and their African comrades &ndash; while also tracking down those who were responsible for his fianc&eacute;e&rsquo;s death. While this appears to be in keeping with the gung-ho US blockbusters of the 1980s, it is called to mind recent events in Africa.

<figure><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/fkqGiPB2D8M?wmode=transparent&amp;start=0" width="440"></iframe></figure>

Near the beginning of the film, Chinese nationals are whisked aboard a People&rsquo;s Liberation Army Navy ship in a scene reminiscent of the <a href="http://thediplomat.com/2011/03/chinas-nimble-libya-pullout/">evacuation of Chinese citizens from Libya</a> during the country&rsquo;s 2011 civil war. Such a move has been cited as a watershed for China&rsquo;s approach to Africa due to the sheer scale of the operation as well as being a break from the more cautious approach of the past.

This change in stance is further augmented when Leng argues with the admiral in charge of the evacuation, who claims that the lack of Chinese intervention is due to the United Nations rather than China&rsquo;s reluctance.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/183312/width754/file-20170824-18706-244c0q.jpg" />
<figcaption>
The anti-Rambo: Frank Grillo as the bad guy. Lionsgate
</figcaption>
</figure>

There is also a parallel with Libya in the fact that the baddies in the film are portrayed as little more than puppets for their nefarious Western advisors, a group of mercenaries led by Big Daddy (Frank Grillo). This has shades of the assistance provided to anti-Gaddafi forces by NATO &ndash; and the claims that the rebels would not have been successful without Western support.

Ties that bind

So Wolf Warriors is both a critique of Western foreign policy and an expression of Sino-African solidarity, ties which stretch back to the period of post-war decolonisation &ndash; when the nascent People&rsquo;s Republic of China provided assistance to numerous independence movements in the continent fighting against exploitation and harsh colonial policies.

Leng&rsquo;s love interest, Rachel Prescott Smith (Celina Jade), alludes to this in a brief respite from the action in a graveyard for Chinese migrants to Africa. While detailing suffering in Africa&rsquo;s past, she refers to the slaves brought to the continent by outsiders. They are not directly named &ndash; but it&rsquo;s obvious that she is talking about the European empires that once ran much of the African continent. This is presented as a counterpoint to the idea that anti-colonialism was a key factor in the development of <a href="https://www.academia.edu/8080014/China_in_Africa_-_Third_World_Solidarity_in_the_21st_Century?auto=download">significant Sino-African ties in the 20th century</a>.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/183311/width754/file-20170824-18693-1tgn1cp.jpg" />
<figcaption>
The ties that bind: China lends a helping hand to Africa. Lionsgate
</figcaption>
</figure>

This solidarity as expressed in Wolf Warriors II echoes Chinese foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, China&rsquo;s priority shifted towards economic development &ndash; and Africa, with its abundant resources, has become particularly crucial to achieving this, especially in the wake of the continent&rsquo;s apparent abandonment by the US and Russia after the Cold War.

Rising dragon

At the same time, Wolf Warriors II also serves as an expression of China&rsquo;s growing military might &ndash; just as Rambo had been for US power in the 1980s. This comes in the light of China&rsquo;s military modernisation <a href="http://www.newsweek.com/china-military-power-army-expand-asia-africa-568308">announced by Xi Jinping</a> in March 2017 on the 90th anniversary of the founding of the People&rsquo;s Liberation Army. China&rsquo;s power is demonstrated in the film&rsquo;s ending where the Chinese fleet moves in to wipe out the remaining Western antagonists and their African puppets while Leng battles his American foe.

China&#39;s increasing military power has been accompanied by a greater willingness to use it &ndash; and the country&rsquo;s military presence in Africa has been augmented by the establishment of a naval base in Djibouti which is expected to enhance China&rsquo;s ability to project power in Africa. This comes with the involvement of other Asian powers, most notably Japan and India, on the continent, leading to fears of a new &ldquo;<a href="https://www.igd.org.za/11775-the-21st-century-scramble-for-africa-implications-and-the-way-forward">scramble for Africa</a>&rdquo;.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/82659/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />If film historians of the future examine Wolf Warriors II, they are likely to view it as a reflection of China&rsquo;s growing confidence and assertiveness in the Xi Jinping era &ndash; just as Rambo demonstrated American self-belief in the Reagan era. This sentiment, alongside the utilisation of China&rsquo;s soft power initiatives, in turn also illustrates a new shift in Chinese foreign policy in line with China&rsquo;s growing power &ndash; something that is one of the major issues of the present international system.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-chollywood-blockbuster-wolf-warriors-2-echoes-changes-in-chinas-foreign-policy-82659">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Just as Rambo for the US, Wolf Warriors II serves as an expression of China?s growing military might, particularly in Africa.

When Hollywood is not being criticised for being a liberal mouthpiece, it is often viewed as a front for American foreign policy. The time-honoured example of this is the Rambo series wherein Sylvester Stallone’s invincible super soldier battles America’s communist enemies. The Rambo films were shot against the reheating of the Cold War in the light of the “Star Wars” Strategic Defense Initiative and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. They were also a reflection of growing American confidence during the Reagan presidency after the pessimism of the post-Vietnam era. But Hollywood is not the only industry guilty of this cinematic jingoism today. China has found its own Rambo in Leng Feng, the hero of China’s latest box office smash, Wolf Warriors 2 (??2). The film has become the most successful in the Chinese box office, making more than five billion Yuan (£585m) since its release in late July, in contrast to a rather tepid year for its American counterpart. Just as Rambo took on the might of the Soviet empire in the 1980s, Leng – played by Chinese action superstar, Wu Jing (??), who also directed the film – battles China’s foreign enemies. While strongly Chinese in national sentiment, it follows the path set by its Hollywood predecessors in terms of action and storyline. Also like many Hollywood movies, the film is indicative of the changes in Chinese foreign policy and attitudes today – just as Rambo had been for the Reaganite policies of the Cold War. Echoes of Libya The plot is standard action fare with Leng, a maverick Chinese soldier, going to a fictional African state in the middle of a civil war to rescue Chinese workers and their African comrades – while also tracking down those who were responsible for his fiancée’s death. While this appears to be in keeping with the gung-ho US blockbusters of the 1980s, it is called to mind recent events in Africa. Near the beginning of the film, Chinese nationals are whisked aboard a People’s Liberation Army Navy ship in a scene reminiscent of the evacuation of Chinese citizens from Libya during the country’s 2011 civil war. Such a move has been cited as a watershed for China’s approach to Africa due to the sheer scale of the operation as well as being a break from the more cautious approach of the past. This change in stance is further augmented when Leng argues with the admiral in charge of the evacuation, who claims that the lack of Chinese intervention is due to the United Nations rather than China’s reluctance. The anti-Rambo: Frank Grillo as the bad guy. Lionsgate There is also a parallel with Libya in the fact that the baddies in the film are portrayed as little more than puppets for their nefarious Western advisors, a group of mercenaries led by Big Daddy (Frank Grillo). This has shades of the assistance provided to anti-Gaddafi forces by NATO – and the claims that the rebels would not have been successful without Western support. Ties that bind So Wolf Warriors is both a critique of Western foreign policy and an expression of Sino-African solidarity, ties which stretch back to the period of post-war decolonisation – when the nascent People’s Republic of China provided assistance to numerous independence movements in the continent fighting against exploitation and harsh colonial policies. Leng’s love interest, Rachel Prescott Smith (Celina Jade), alludes to this in a brief respite from the action in a graveyard for Chinese migrants to Africa. While detailing suffering in Africa’s past, she refers to the slaves brought to the continent by outsiders. They are not directly named – but it’s obvious that she is talking about the European empires that once ran much of the African continent. This is presented as a counterpoint to the idea that anti-colonialism was a key factor in the development of significant Sino-African ties in the 20th century. The ties that bind: China lends a helping hand to Africa. Lionsgate This solidarity as expressed in Wolf Warriors II echoes Chinese foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, China’s priority shifted towards economic development – and Africa, with its abundant resources, has become particularly crucial to achieving this, especially in the wake of the continent’s apparent abandonment by the US and Russia after the Cold War. Rising dragon At the same time, Wolf Warriors II also serves as an expression of China’s growing military might – just as Rambo had been for US power in the 1980s. This comes in the light of China’s military modernisation announced by Xi Jinping in March 2017 on the 90th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Army. China’s power is demonstrated in the film’s ending where the Chinese fleet moves in to wipe out the remaining Western antagonists and their African puppets while Leng battles his American foe. China's increasing military power has been accompanied by a greater willingness to use it – and the country’s military presence in Africa has been augmented by the establishment of a naval base in Djibouti which is expected to enhance China’s ability to project power in Africa. This comes with the involvement of other Asian powers, most notably Japan and India, on the continent, leading to fears of a new “scramble for Africa”. If film historians of the future examine Wolf Warriors II, they are likely to view it as a reflection of China’s growing confidence and assertiveness in the Xi Jinping era – just as Rambo demonstrated American self-belief in the Reagan era. This sentiment, alongside the utilisation of China’s soft power initiatives, in turn also illustrates a new shift in Chinese foreign policy in line with China’s growing power – something that is one of the major issues of the present international system. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

China?s growing power is reflected in Chollywood's blockbuster Wolf Warriors 2

Chinese leader Xi Jinping urged US President Donald Trump on Saturday to avoid rhetoric that could inflame tensions with North Korea as an escalating war of words raised global alarm.

Xi made the plea in a phone call hours after Trump ramped up his warnings to Pyongyang, saying the Stalinist regime would &quot;truly regret&quot; taking hostile action against the United States.

The White House said in a statement that the two leaders &quot;agreed North Korea must stop provocative and escalatory behaviour&quot; and that they are both committed to the denuclearisation of the peninsula.

But the Chinese foreign ministry said Xi urged Trump to avoid &quot;words and deeds&quot; that would &quot;exacerbate&quot; the already-tense situation, exercise restraint and seek a political settlement.

Trump has been engaged all week in verbal sparring with the North over its weapons and missile programmes, as US media reported Pyongyang has successfully miniaturised a nuclear warhead.

The Republican billionaire has progressively ramped up the tone throughout the week and on Friday declared that the US military is &quot;locked and loaded.&quot;&nbsp;

In a call with Guam Governor Eddie Calvo on Friday, Trump said the US military is prepared to &quot;ensure the safety and security of the people of Guam&quot; in response to Pyongyang&#39;s plans to launch missiles towards the Pacific territory.

Japanese media said Tokyo was deploying its Patriot missile defence system following Pyongyang&#39;s threat to fire ballistic missiles over the country towards Guam.

&#39;Fire and fury&#39;&nbsp;

In another move that could further fan the flames, satellite photos posted by defence expert Joseph Bermudez suggested that North Korea could be preparing for fresh submarine-based ballistic missile tests.

Trump had earlier brandished a threat of unleashing &quot;fire and fury&quot; on Pyongyang, then noted Thursday maybe that statement &quot;wasn&#39;t tough enough.&quot;

China, North Korea&#39;s biggest ally and trade partner, has been voicing concern at the mounting exchanges and a state-run newspaper suggested that Beijing should stay neutral if Pyongyang struck the US first.

Previously accused by Trump of not doing enough to rein in the authoritarian regime, China voted in favour of a series of wide-sweeping UN Security Council sanctions against North Korea last weekend.

According to the Chinese foreign ministry, Trump told Xi over the phone that he &quot;fully understands China&#39;s role in the nuclear issue in the Korean Peninsula.&quot; Trump is expected to visit China later this year.

The North&#39;s official KCNA news service in an editorial blamed Trump for &quot;driving the situation on the Korean peninsula to the brink of a nuclear war,&quot; calling the US &quot;the heinous nuclear war fanatic.&quot;

The sabre-rattling has sparked worldwide concerns that a miscalculation by either side could trigger a catastrophic conflict on the Korean Peninsula.

Russia and Germany have also urged both sides to tone down the rhetoric.

&quot;Military solutions are now fully in place, locked and loaded, should North Korea act unwisely. Hopefully Kim Jong Un will find another path!&quot; Trump wrote Friday from his golf club retreat in New Jersey, where he is on a working vacation.

Moscow &#39;alarmed&#39;

Russia&#39;s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Moscow was &quot;very alarmed&quot; at Trump&#39;s tough talk, and said Washington should take the first step toward cooling tensions.

&quot;When a fight has nearly broken out, the first step away from the dangerous threshold should be taken by the side that is stronger and smarter,&quot; Lavrov said.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel said diplomacy was the answer.

&quot;Germany will very intensively take part in the options for resolution that are not military but I consider a verbal escalation to be the wrong response,&quot; she said.

Nearly a week ago, the UN Security Council unanimously passed fresh sanctions against Pyongyang over its weapons programme, including export bans, a new punishment that could cost North Korea $1 billion a year.

&quot;This is clearly a time for all the parties to focus on how to de-escalate and lower the tensions,&quot; said the spokesman for UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres.

Tensions on the peninsula tend to increase when Seoul and Washington launch major military joint exercises, and the next, Ulchi Freedom Guardian, is set to kick off around August 21.

&#39;Tragedy of war&#39;

US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis appeared intent Thursday on easing the tension, describing the prospect of war as &quot;catastrophic&quot; and saying diplomacy remained the priority.

Asked Friday if Mattis was aware of Trump&#39;s latest tweet, spokesman Colonel Rob Manning simply said the Pentagon chief was &quot;in close and constant contact with the president.&quot;

A White House official noted: &quot;There are military plans for just about any crisis we may face in the world. (...) This isn&#39;t anything new.&quot;

Relations between Washington and Pyongyang have been tense for months, in the wake of the North&#39;s repeated missile tests, including two successful intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) test launches in July that are believed to have brought much of the US mainland within range.

North Korea raised hackles in the United States when it announced a detailed plan to send four missiles over Japan and towards Guam, an island territory of some 165,000 people, where some 6,000 US soldiers are based.

Trump has been engaged all week in verbal sparring with the North over its weapons and missile programmes, as US media reported Pyongyang has successfully miniaturised a nuclear warhead

Chinese leader Xi Jinping urged US President Donald Trump on Saturday to avoid rhetoric that could inflame tensions with North Korea as an escalating war of words raised global alarm. Xi made the plea in a phone call hours after Trump ramped up his warnings to Pyongyang, saying the Stalinist regime would "truly regret" taking hostile action against the United States. The White House said in a statement that the two leaders "agreed North Korea must stop provocative and escalatory behaviour" and that they are both committed to the denuclearisation of the peninsula. But the Chinese foreign ministry said Xi urged Trump to avoid "words and deeds" that would "exacerbate" the already-tense situation, exercise restraint and seek a political settlement. Trump has been engaged all week in verbal sparring with the North over its weapons and missile programmes, as US media reported Pyongyang has successfully miniaturised a nuclear warhead. The Republican billionaire has progressively ramped up the tone throughout the week and on Friday declared that the US military is "locked and loaded." In a call with Guam Governor Eddie Calvo on Friday, Trump said the US military is prepared to "ensure the safety and security of the people of Guam" in response to Pyongyang's plans to launch missiles towards the Pacific territory. Japanese media said Tokyo was deploying its Patriot missile defence system following Pyongyang's threat to fire ballistic missiles over the country towards Guam. 'Fire and fury' In another move that could further fan the flames, satellite photos posted by defence expert Joseph Bermudez suggested that North Korea could be preparing for fresh submarine-based ballistic missile tests. Trump had earlier brandished a threat of unleashing "fire and fury" on Pyongyang, then noted Thursday maybe that statement "wasn't tough enough." China, North Korea's biggest ally and trade partner, has been voicing concern at the mounting exchanges and a state-run newspaper suggested that Beijing should stay neutral if Pyongyang struck the US first. Previously accused by Trump of not doing enough to rein in the authoritarian regime, China voted in favour of a series of wide-sweeping UN Security Council sanctions against North Korea last weekend. According to the Chinese foreign ministry, Trump told Xi over the phone that he "fully understands China's role in the nuclear issue in the Korean Peninsula." Trump is expected to visit China later this year. The North's official KCNA news service in an editorial blamed Trump for "driving the situation on the Korean peninsula to the brink of a nuclear war," calling the US "the heinous nuclear war fanatic." The sabre-rattling has sparked worldwide concerns that a miscalculation by either side could trigger a catastrophic conflict on the Korean Peninsula. Russia and Germany have also urged both sides to tone down the rhetoric. "Military solutions are now fully in place, locked and loaded, should North Korea act unwisely. Hopefully Kim Jong Un will find another path!" Trump wrote Friday from his golf club retreat in New Jersey, where he is on a working vacation. Moscow 'alarmed' Russia's Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Moscow was "very alarmed" at Trump's tough talk, and said Washington should take the first step toward cooling tensions. "When a fight has nearly broken out, the first step away from the dangerous threshold should be taken by the side that is stronger and smarter," Lavrov said. German Chancellor Angela Merkel said diplomacy was the answer. "Germany will very intensively take part in the options for resolution that are not military but I consider a verbal escalation to be the wrong response," she said. Nearly a week ago, the UN Security Council unanimously passed fresh sanctions against Pyongyang over its weapons programme, including export bans, a new punishment that could cost North Korea $1 billion a year. "This is clearly a time for all the parties to focus on how to de-escalate and lower the tensions," said the spokesman for UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres. Tensions on the peninsula tend to increase when Seoul and Washington launch major military joint exercises, and the next, Ulchi Freedom Guardian, is set to kick off around August 21. 'Tragedy of war' US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis appeared intent Thursday on easing the tension, describing the prospect of war as "catastrophic" and saying diplomacy remained the priority. Asked Friday if Mattis was aware of Trump's latest tweet, spokesman Colonel Rob Manning simply said the Pentagon chief was "in close and constant contact with the president." A White House official noted: "There are military plans for just about any crisis we may face in the world. (...) This isn't anything new." Relations between Washington and Pyongyang have been tense for months, in the wake of the North's repeated missile tests, including two successful intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) test launches in July that are believed to have brought much of the US mainland within range. North Korea raised hackles in the United States when it announced a detailed plan to send four missiles over Japan and towards Guam, an island territory of some 165,000 people, where some 6,000 US soldiers are based.

Over phone call, Xi urges Trump to avoid exacerbating North Korea tensions

Chinese President Xi Jinping stressed the need to build a world-class military, capable of &quot;defeating all invading enemies&quot; and loyal to the ruling Communist Party, at a major parade Sunday.

The event -- featuring 12,000 service personnel and about 700 aircraft and pieces of ground equipment -- marked the 90th anniversary of the People&#39;s Liberation Army (PLA), now the world&#39;s largest military.

It was the first time Xi has observed a parade of this size staged in the field, according to the defence ministry.

Since coming to power in 2012, the president has trumpeted the need to build a stronger combat-ready military, while leading efforts to centralise the Communist Party&#39;s control over it.&nbsp;

&quot;The world is not all at peace. Peace must be safeguarded,&quot; Xi, wearing a camouflage military uniform, said in a speech at the expansive Zhurihe training base in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region.&nbsp;

&quot;Today we are closer than ever before to the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and -- more than any other time in history -- we need to build a strong people&#39;s military,&quot; he said.

&quot;I believe that our heroic army has the confidence and capability to defeat all invading enemies.&quot;

Xi also ordered the PLA to &quot;unswervingly stick to... the party&#39;s absolute leadership&quot;, saying the military should &quot;march to wherever the party is pointing&quot;.

Defence ministry spokesman Ren Guoqiang said in a statement that the parade was intended to create a &quot;good atmosphere&quot; before a crucial party congress later this year, at which Xi is expected to further consolidate his grip on power.

At Zhurihe, a base extending more than 1,000 square kilometres (386 square miles), rows upon rows of soldiers marched in perfect unison and helicopters flew overhead in a &quot;90&quot; formation.&nbsp;

The president stood in an open-top jeep that drove past ranks of troops for his inspection.

&quot;Comrades, thanks for your hard work!&quot; he said, to which the troops responded: &quot;Serve the people!&quot;

China announced in March it would raise its defence spending by around seven per cent this year, the slowest annual percentage increase since 1991.

Beijing is engaged in a decades-long build-up and modernisation of its once-backward armed forces, as it seeks military clout commensurate with its economic might and increasingly asserts its disputed territorial claims in Asian waters.

Xi announced in 2015 that he would cut China&#39;s military by 300,000 -- though at its reduced size of around two million, it will still remain the world&#39;s largest military.

The People&#39;s Liberation Army (PLA) also encompasses the navy and air force.

The PLA, originally called the Chinese Workers&#39; and Peasants&#39; Red Army, was founded in 1927 when Communist soldiers seized the southern town of Nanchang from Nationalist Party (&quot;Kuomintang&quot;) armies in what is known today as the Nanchang uprising.

The Chinese President was speaking at a parade marking the ninetieth anniversary of the People's Liberation Army

Chinese President Xi Jinping stressed the need to build a world-class military, capable of "defeating all invading enemies" and loyal to the ruling Communist Party, at a major parade Sunday. The event -- featuring 12,000 service personnel and about 700 aircraft and pieces of ground equipment -- marked the 90th anniversary of the People's Liberation Army (PLA), now the world's largest military. It was the first time Xi has observed a parade of this size staged in the field, according to the defence ministry. Since coming to power in 2012, the president has trumpeted the need to build a stronger combat-ready military, while leading efforts to centralise the Communist Party's control over it. "The world is not all at peace. Peace must be safeguarded," Xi, wearing a camouflage military uniform, said in a speech at the expansive Zhurihe training base in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. "Today we are closer than ever before to the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and -- more than any other time in history -- we need to build a strong people's military," he said. "I believe that our heroic army has the confidence and capability to defeat all invading enemies." Xi also ordered the PLA to "unswervingly stick to... the party's absolute leadership", saying the military should "march to wherever the party is pointing". Defence ministry spokesman Ren Guoqiang said in a statement that the parade was intended to create a "good atmosphere" before a crucial party congress later this year, at which Xi is expected to further consolidate his grip on power. At Zhurihe, a base extending more than 1,000 square kilometres (386 square miles), rows upon rows of soldiers marched in perfect unison and helicopters flew overhead in a "90" formation. The president stood in an open-top jeep that drove past ranks of troops for his inspection. "Comrades, thanks for your hard work!" he said, to which the troops responded: "Serve the people!" China announced in March it would raise its defence spending by around seven per cent this year, the slowest annual percentage increase since 1991. Beijing is engaged in a decades-long build-up and modernisation of its once-backward armed forces, as it seeks military clout commensurate with its economic might and increasingly asserts its disputed territorial claims in Asian waters. Xi announced in 2015 that he would cut China's military by 300,000 -- though at its reduced size of around two million, it will still remain the world's largest military. The People's Liberation Army (PLA) also encompasses the navy and air force. The PLA, originally called the Chinese Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, was founded in 1927 when Communist soldiers seized the southern town of Nanchang from Nationalist Party ("Kuomintang") armies in what is known today as the Nanchang uprising.

Chinese Army has 'capability to defeat all invading enemies': Xi

China on Thursday dismissed reports of a bilateral meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Hamburg.

Officials from the Chinese foreign ministry said the &quot;atmosphere&quot; was &quot;not right&quot; for a bilateral meeting between PM Modi and President Xi at the G20 Summit which commences in Germany&#39;s Hamburg tomorrow.

There had been reports that Modi and Xi may meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit to resolve the standoff between the armies of the two countries in the Sikkim region.

The Indian government has since said a bilateral meeting between the two leaders was never planned &quot;but everything is fluid&quot;.&nbsp;

&quot;So far, there is nothing on a bilateral meeting, but everything is fluid,&quot; the Times of Inda quoted top Indian officials as saying.

Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman Geng Shuang said &quot;meaningful peace talks&quot; between both sides could not take place unless &quot;India can immediately withdraw the border troops to the Indian side of the boundary to uphold the peace tranquillity of the China and India border areas&quot;.

&quot;I think this is the pre-condition for any meaningful peace talks between the two sides,&quot; Geng Shuang told the press when asked about the meeting between Modi and Xi on the sidelines of the G20 summit.

Geng, however, confirmed that the meeting of BRICS leaders, to be attended by both Xi and Modi, will take place on the sidelines of the summit tomorrow.

Asked about the possibility of a Xi-Modi meeting, Geng said relevant information will be released in a timely manner.

Indian sources in New Delhi told PTI a meeting of BRICS leaders will take place on the sidelines of G20 summit tomorrow which is expected to include Modi and Xi. They did not mention whether a bilateral meeting between the two leaders would take place.

China and India have been engaged in a standoff in the Dokalam area near the Bhutan tri-junction for the last three weeks after New Delhi objected to Beijing&#39;s attempts to construct a road in the disputed territory.

Doka La is the Indian name for the region which Bhutan recognises as Dokalam, while China claims it as part of its Donglang region.

On Wednesday, China&#39;s state-run media quoted Chinese analysts as saying that Beijing would be forced to use a &quot;military way&quot; to end the standoff in the Sikkim sector if India refuses to listen to the &quot;historical lessons&quot; being offered by it.

There had been reports that Modi and Xi may meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit to resolve the standoff between their two armies in the Sikkim region

China on Thursday dismissed reports of a bilateral meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Hamburg. Officials from the Chinese foreign ministry said the "atmosphere" was "not right" for a bilateral meeting between PM Modi and President Xi at the G20 Summit which commences in Germany's Hamburg tomorrow. There had been reports that Modi and Xi may meet on the sidelines of the G20 Summit to resolve the standoff between the armies of the two countries in the Sikkim region. The Indian government has since said a bilateral meeting between the two leaders was never planned "but everything is fluid". "So far, there is nothing on a bilateral meeting, but everything is fluid," the Times of Inda quoted top Indian officials as saying. Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman Geng Shuang said "meaningful peace talks" between both sides could not take place unless "India can immediately withdraw the border troops to the Indian side of the boundary to uphold the peace tranquillity of the China and India border areas". "I think this is the pre-condition for any meaningful peace talks between the two sides," Geng Shuang told the press when asked about the meeting between Modi and Xi on the sidelines of the G20 summit. Geng, however, confirmed that the meeting of BRICS leaders, to be attended by both Xi and Modi, will take place on the sidelines of the summit tomorrow. Asked about the possibility of a Xi-Modi meeting, Geng said relevant information will be released in a timely manner. Indian sources in New Delhi told PTI a meeting of BRICS leaders will take place on the sidelines of G20 summit tomorrow which is expected to include Modi and Xi. They did not mention whether a bilateral meeting between the two leaders would take place. China and India have been engaged in a standoff in the Dokalam area near the Bhutan tri-junction for the last three weeks after New Delhi objected to Beijing's attempts to construct a road in the disputed territory. Doka La is the Indian name for the region which Bhutan recognises as Dokalam, while China claims it as part of its Donglang region. On Wednesday, China's state-run media quoted Chinese analysts as saying that Beijing would be forced to use a "military way" to end the standoff in the Sikkim sector if India refuses to listen to the "historical lessons" being offered by it.

After China says no to Modi-Xi meet, India says one was never planned

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