As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this &nbsp;— ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead.

With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government.

The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance.

Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha.

In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir.

UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution.

On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep.

Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it.

There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party.

These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few.

Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections.

These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses.

Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party.

These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here.

These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected.

Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA.

Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public.

Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions.

To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla&nbsp;over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-55-years-versus-55-months-2724414">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
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As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government). Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead. With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government. The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance. Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha. In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir. UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution. On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep. Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it. There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party. These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few. Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections. These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses. Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party. These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here. These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected. Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA. Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public. Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions. To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Differences among opposition parties strengthen NDA's chances of coming back to power

Barely a week after Tamil Nadu's major political parties announced their alliance with national parties for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls, actor-turned-politician Kamal Haasan's party Makkal Needhi Maiam has invited applications from candidates aspiring to contest in the Lok Sabha polls.&nbsp;

In the recent weeks, Kamal has been hinting that his party would be going it alone in the Lok Sabha polls, which would also be their electoral debut.&nbsp;

The statement from the party says that ‘Application forms may be procured from the MNM headquarters in Chennai and Pollachi by paying an application fee of Rs.10000/- between February 28, 2018 and March 7, 2019’. The applications will be considered and reviewed by the Election Committee of the party and a formal interview will be conducted at the Chennai headquarters after March 7, 2019, it added.

This development comes five days after the party completed its first year, since its inception on February 21st 2018. As a part of the celebrations, Kamal hoisted the party flag outside his office in Chennai amid cheering fans. Later that day, he also visited the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu to carry out party activities.&nbsp;

Recently, the party also outlined its main goals which include, ensuring people’s welfare, reclaiming the dignity of Tamil politics, removing casteism and irregularities in Government machinery, promoting secularism, aiming for International standards in Education among others.&nbsp;

With actor Rajinikanth having announced that he would not be contesting the Lok Sabha polls and that their party’s target would be the Tamil Nadu Assembly Polls, Kamal Haasan remains the lone debutant from Tamil Nadu in the Lok Sabha polls from the world of cinema.

As of now, the two major camps in Tamil Nadu are the AIADMK-BJP-PMK combine and the DMK-Congress-Left parties. Smaller regional outfits in the state are also said to be in talks with both factions.&nbsp;

Barely a week after Tamil Nadu's major political parties announced their alliance with national parties for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls, actor-turned-politician Kamal Haasan's party Makkal Needhi Maiam has invited applications from candidates aspiring to contest in the Lok Sabha polls.

Barely a week after Tamil Nadu's major political parties announced their alliance with national parties for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls, actor-turned-politician Kamal Haasan's party Makkal Needhi Maiam has invited applications from candidates aspiring to contest in the Lok Sabha polls. In the recent weeks, Kamal has been hinting that his party would be going it alone in the Lok Sabha polls, which would also be their electoral debut. The statement from the party says that ‘Application forms may be procured from the MNM headquarters in Chennai and Pollachi by paying an application fee of Rs.10000/- between February 28, 2018 and March 7, 2019’. The applications will be considered and reviewed by the Election Committee of the party and a formal interview will be conducted at the Chennai headquarters after March 7, 2019, it added. This development comes five days after the party completed its first year, since its inception on February 21st 2018. As a part of the celebrations, Kamal hoisted the party flag outside his office in Chennai amid cheering fans. Later that day, he also visited the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu to carry out party activities. Recently, the party also outlined its main goals which include, ensuring people’s welfare, reclaiming the dignity of Tamil politics, removing casteism and irregularities in Government machinery, promoting secularism, aiming for International standards in Education among others. With actor Rajinikanth having announced that he would not be contesting the Lok Sabha polls and that their party’s target would be the Tamil Nadu Assembly Polls, Kamal Haasan remains the lone debutant from Tamil Nadu in the Lok Sabha polls from the world of cinema. As of now, the two major camps in Tamil Nadu are the AIADMK-BJP-PMK combine and the DMK-Congress-Left parties. Smaller regional outfits in the state are also said to be in talks with both factions.

Kamal Haasan's party invites applications from aspiring Lok Sabha candidates 

The Congress in general — and Rahul Gandhi in particular — is trying to keep the Rafale deal as a major poll plank in the absence of a topic that can create a narrative against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Congress has not been able to dig up any scam. No evidence of any kickbacks has been brought in the public domain by the Congress chief, though he persistently and quite unabashedly keeps abusing the PM. The CAG, the Supreme Court, and the French government have pronounced that there was no wrongdoing and that the deal is in India’s benefit.

The deal is worth only Rs 58,000 crore. But, Rahul keeps saying that due to the PM, Anil Ambani benefitted to the tune of Rs 30,000 crore, which is absurd on the face of it. The Congress has to answer why it delayed the deal for 10 years when the Air Force was in dire need of medium combat aircraft since 2004. Modi did a great service to the nation by reducing the number of aircraft from 126 to 36 as it would have become obsolete by the time the entire 126 would be delivered. By reducing the number to just two squadrons Modi saved a large amount of foreign exchange. If the idea was to make shady deals as Rahul Gandhi had alleged, then, the government would have gone ahead with a larger order package.

For about a year, Rahul was making unsubstantiated allegations. The Rafale deal is a project of the UPA. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a 100 per cent escalation in its price. Then, in the new deal, the government has asked for technology upgradation, additional features and transfer of technology. If the Modi government wanted, it could have scrapped the deal and gone for a new global tender. Rafale was selected in January 2012 when Dr Manmohan Singh was Prime Minister. Reliance came into the picture the same year, under UPA. In February 2012, Reliance Industries and France’s Dassault Aviation signed a pact for partnering in the defence and homeland security sector in India. The accord came less than two weeks after Dassault’s Rafale warplanes emerged as the preferred bidder in a $15 billion-contest to supply India with 126 fighter jets.

The partnership provided Dassault with a substantial opportunity to fulfil its offset obligations under the contract. Dassault wanted RIL to be the main partner. Under the offset clause, a foreign supplier must award contracts worth a chunk of the deal value to Indian companies in return.

The opposition’s furore over Rafale seems to be an attempt to starve the Indian Air Force of combat aircrafts of international standards. A demand for a Joint Parliamentary Committee will put the entire procurement and ‘Make in India’ programme in cold storage for years. As for Reliance not having past experience, it was again the French company which found it useful.

If having Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries on board was okay in February 2012, then how does getting Anil Ambani’s Reliance Defence in the deal become cronyism and scam in 2016? Is it only because it happened under Modi? About the price, Rahul Gandhi is quoting the price of 2008 in 2018. Can he get even a razor for the same price today as it was in 2008? In a joint venture, the partner has to invest money and Rafale will only be transferring technology. How can Reliance make money here? Rather, they have to put in money. The French government has said that choosing the Indian partner was the job of Dassault Aviation. The French company has said they chose the Indian partner. How can Rahul blame Modi for this? He is either being vicious or ill-informed or has, as usual, got only half-baked information.

Each time Rahul was providing different figures as the Reliance’s gain and the prices at which the deal was signed by the UPA and the NDA. In the first place, the UPA never signed any deal with Dassault (Aviation). It was only negotiating, and different prices were quoted. The price finally agreed by the UPA was Rs 737 crore per aircraft, and with additional fittings and capabilities the price agreed was Rs 2,000 crore per piece. The deal was, however, never signed. The deal signed by the NDA is for Rs 670 crore per aircraft, and with additional capacity it comes to Rs 1,600 crore per aircraft. The NDA has ordered for 36 aircraft whereas UPA was planning to buy 126.

The Indian Air Force in 2001 projected a desperate need for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) and the process of selecting the same concluded in 2007 under the UPA. The two aircraft shortlisted were Rafale and Eurofighter, which was number two. When the Modi government came to power, Eurofighter was hopeful of getting the deal as it felt the one selected by the UPA could be replaced. They lobbied hard with support from the British government.

The UPA had selected a middleman, who was to get a 10 per cent cut. The deal finally was not signed also perhaps because of this. Although the IAF was desperate, then Defence Minister AK Antony refused to sign any paper. Then, it was said that the UPA had no money; it was decided to postpone the purchase until the next government assumed power. The NDA has entered into a government-to-government deal, so there is neither any middleman nor commission agent.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-rafale-and-rahul-s-fiction-2722971">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

The Congress in general — and Rahul Gandhi in particular — is trying to keep the Rafale deal as a major poll plank in the absence of a topic that can create a narrative against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Congress in general — and Rahul Gandhi in particular — is trying to keep the Rafale deal as a major poll plank in the absence of a topic that can create a narrative against Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Congress has not been able to dig up any scam. No evidence of any kickbacks has been brought in the public domain by the Congress chief, though he persistently and quite unabashedly keeps abusing the PM. The CAG, the Supreme Court, and the French government have pronounced that there was no wrongdoing and that the deal is in India’s benefit. The deal is worth only Rs 58,000 crore. But, Rahul keeps saying that due to the PM, Anil Ambani benefitted to the tune of Rs 30,000 crore, which is absurd on the face of it. The Congress has to answer why it delayed the deal for 10 years when the Air Force was in dire need of medium combat aircraft since 2004. Modi did a great service to the nation by reducing the number of aircraft from 126 to 36 as it would have become obsolete by the time the entire 126 would be delivered. By reducing the number to just two squadrons Modi saved a large amount of foreign exchange. If the idea was to make shady deals as Rahul Gandhi had alleged, then, the government would have gone ahead with a larger order package. For about a year, Rahul was making unsubstantiated allegations. The Rafale deal is a project of the UPA. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a 100 per cent escalation in its price. Then, in the new deal, the government has asked for technology upgradation, additional features and transfer of technology. If the Modi government wanted, it could have scrapped the deal and gone for a new global tender. Rafale was selected in January 2012 when Dr Manmohan Singh was Prime Minister. Reliance came into the picture the same year, under UPA. In February 2012, Reliance Industries and France’s Dassault Aviation signed a pact for partnering in the defence and homeland security sector in India. The accord came less than two weeks after Dassault’s Rafale warplanes emerged as the preferred bidder in a $15 billion-contest to supply India with 126 fighter jets. The partnership provided Dassault with a substantial opportunity to fulfil its offset obligations under the contract. Dassault wanted RIL to be the main partner. Under the offset clause, a foreign supplier must award contracts worth a chunk of the deal value to Indian companies in return. The opposition’s furore over Rafale seems to be an attempt to starve the Indian Air Force of combat aircrafts of international standards. A demand for a Joint Parliamentary Committee will put the entire procurement and ‘Make in India’ programme in cold storage for years. As for Reliance not having past experience, it was again the French company which found it useful. If having Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries on board was okay in February 2012, then how does getting Anil Ambani’s Reliance Defence in the deal become cronyism and scam in 2016? Is it only because it happened under Modi? About the price, Rahul Gandhi is quoting the price of 2008 in 2018. Can he get even a razor for the same price today as it was in 2008? In a joint venture, the partner has to invest money and Rafale will only be transferring technology. How can Reliance make money here? Rather, they have to put in money. The French government has said that choosing the Indian partner was the job of Dassault Aviation. The French company has said they chose the Indian partner. How can Rahul blame Modi for this? He is either being vicious or ill-informed or has, as usual, got only half-baked information. Each time Rahul was providing different figures as the Reliance’s gain and the prices at which the deal was signed by the UPA and the NDA. In the first place, the UPA never signed any deal with Dassault (Aviation). It was only negotiating, and different prices were quoted. The price finally agreed by the UPA was Rs 737 crore per aircraft, and with additional fittings and capabilities the price agreed was Rs 2,000 crore per piece. The deal was, however, never signed. The deal signed by the NDA is for Rs 670 crore per aircraft, and with additional capacity it comes to Rs 1,600 crore per aircraft. The NDA has ordered for 36 aircraft whereas UPA was planning to buy 126. The Indian Air Force in 2001 projected a desperate need for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) and the process of selecting the same concluded in 2007 under the UPA. The two aircraft shortlisted were Rafale and Eurofighter, which was number two. When the Modi government came to power, Eurofighter was hopeful of getting the deal as it felt the one selected by the UPA could be replaced. They lobbied hard with support from the British government. The UPA had selected a middleman, who was to get a 10 per cent cut. The deal finally was not signed also perhaps because of this. Although the IAF was desperate, then Defence Minister AK Antony refused to sign any paper. Then, it was said that the UPA had no money; it was decided to postpone the purchase until the next government assumed power. The NDA has entered into a government-to-government deal, so there is neither any middleman nor commission agent. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Rahul Gandhi’s fiction: Congress trying to keep Rafael a major poll plank

The Bharatiya Janata Party is finally getting its act together on the alliance front. Over the last few days, it managed to salvage its partnership with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; stitched a deal with the AIADMK and one other smaller outfit in Tamil Nadu; and seemingly placated the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) in Uttar Pradesh, which had threatened to quit the NDA. Senior BJP leaders have also reached out to another disgruntled NDA constituent, Apna Dal (Sonelal), in Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp;

Besides, the party has set its sight on a few post-poll partnerships since it felt, for good reasons, that a pre-election understanding would be counter-productive. A later understanding with the YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh is one such possibility. 
 
A pre-poll tie-up between the BJP and the YSR Congress Party does not make sense because the latter’s leader Jagan Mohan Reddy is seeking to exploit the issue of his state not been given a special status in the upcoming elections, and here he wants to put the BJP-led NDA regime in the dock. At the same time, he is more opposed to Chandrababu Naidu and the TDP, who are his main rivals in Andhra Pradesh. Now that Naidu has quit the NDA, the coast is clear for Jagan Mohan Reddy to strike a bargain with the BJP post-results. &nbsp;

In Telangana, the TRS is dependent on Muslim votes, which is why he has consistently humoured Asaduddin Owaisi, who has pockets of influence in the old Hyderabad city. Given that Owaisi is a bitter critic of the BJP and the TRS needs him more in the pre-poll stage than it needs the BJP, any understanding between the TRS and the BJP will have to wait until after the results are announced.

As for the BJD, the ruling party in Odisha is facing a severe challenge from the BJP this time around, and many poll pundits are seeing a surge in the number of BJP seats from the state following the Lok Sabha polls.&nbsp;

Since both the BJP and the BJD have now locked horns, any pact can happen only after the election dust has settled down. It must be remembered that in the five years gone by, both the BJD and the YSR Congress party, especially the BJD, had backed many of the Modi government’s initiatives. More importantly, it has maintained a distance from the various ‘third front’ confabulations across the country.&nbsp;

That said, the deal between the Shiv Sena and the BJP is the most important development of all. Maharashtra is an important state, contributing 48 seats to the Lok Sabha. Most poll analysts had pointed out that, if the two parties contested separately — and against each other as a consequence — both would be major losers, and the gainer would be the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) alliance. It was perhaps this realisation than a sudden spurt of love for each other that compelled the warring allies to bury the hatchet.

This also explains the give and take both the parties agreed to, with the Sena settling for a couple of seats lesser than the BJP for the Lok Sabha and the BJP accepting a 50:50 sharing basis for the state Assembly polls that are to follow in a few months of the general elections. The Sena-BJP pact has seriously undermined the prospects of the Congress-NCP coalition. It would be wrong to say that all creases have been ironed out, but a tentative partnership is still better than no partnership. &nbsp;

In Uttar Pradesh, both the Apna Dal (Sonelal) and the SBSP are small players but they have a committed vote base. The latter had won no Lok Sabha seat in 2014 but did better in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls after it allied with the BJP, winning four constituencies. Its leader OP Rajbhar has had problems with the Yogi Adityanath government in the state, but things appear to have settled down somewhat after his marathon meeting with BJP president Amit Shah.&nbsp;

Yet, the final word is yet to be said, since the seat-sharing matter remains to be tackled. Apna Dal (Sonelal) too has grievances similar to that of the SBSP — that big brother BJP has not given it the respect it deserves. Its leader Anupriya Patel is a Minister in Modi’s government but there is a feeling that the party has been neglected but the BJP, more especially after the latter rode to an unprecedented victory in the last State polls. Given the tough challenge it faces in Uttar Pradesh from the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine, the BJP would not want its allies in the state to walk away. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Will the outreach and the alliances, new and old, work for the BJP? In Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, they should have an impact. One is not sure about Tamil Nadu, though, where the AIADMK has become unpopular, and weak after a split in the party. Its unpopularity could drag down the BJP (which, not having a big mass base there, has to depend on the regional ally), as well as the other regional partner, the PMK.

Nevertheless, with every seat counting in what is billed as a furiously contested 2019 Lok Sabha election, the BJP can at least take heart from the alliances it has managed to secure. 
 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Bharatiya Janata Party is finally getting its act together on the alliance front. Over the last few days, it managed to salvage its partnership with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; stitched a deal with the AIADMK and one other smaller outfit in Tamil Nadu; and seemingly placated the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) in Uttar Pradesh, which had threatened to quit the NDA.

The Bharatiya Janata Party is finally getting its act together on the alliance front. Over the last few days, it managed to salvage its partnership with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; stitched a deal with the AIADMK and one other smaller outfit in Tamil Nadu; and seemingly placated the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) in Uttar Pradesh, which had threatened to quit the NDA. Senior BJP leaders have also reached out to another disgruntled NDA constituent, Apna Dal (Sonelal), in Uttar Pradesh. Besides, the party has set its sight on a few post-poll partnerships since it felt, for good reasons, that a pre-election understanding would be counter-productive. A later understanding with the YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh is one such possibility. A pre-poll tie-up between the BJP and the YSR Congress Party does not make sense because the latter’s leader Jagan Mohan Reddy is seeking to exploit the issue of his state not been given a special status in the upcoming elections, and here he wants to put the BJP-led NDA regime in the dock. At the same time, he is more opposed to Chandrababu Naidu and the TDP, who are his main rivals in Andhra Pradesh. Now that Naidu has quit the NDA, the coast is clear for Jagan Mohan Reddy to strike a bargain with the BJP post-results. In Telangana, the TRS is dependent on Muslim votes, which is why he has consistently humoured Asaduddin Owaisi, who has pockets of influence in the old Hyderabad city. Given that Owaisi is a bitter critic of the BJP and the TRS needs him more in the pre-poll stage than it needs the BJP, any understanding between the TRS and the BJP will have to wait until after the results are announced. As for the BJD, the ruling party in Odisha is facing a severe challenge from the BJP this time around, and many poll pundits are seeing a surge in the number of BJP seats from the state following the Lok Sabha polls. Since both the BJP and the BJD have now locked horns, any pact can happen only after the election dust has settled down. It must be remembered that in the five years gone by, both the BJD and the YSR Congress party, especially the BJD, had backed many of the Modi government’s initiatives. More importantly, it has maintained a distance from the various ‘third front’ confabulations across the country. That said, the deal between the Shiv Sena and the BJP is the most important development of all. Maharashtra is an important state, contributing 48 seats to the Lok Sabha. Most poll analysts had pointed out that, if the two parties contested separately — and against each other as a consequence — both would be major losers, and the gainer would be the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) alliance. It was perhaps this realisation than a sudden spurt of love for each other that compelled the warring allies to bury the hatchet. This also explains the give and take both the parties agreed to, with the Sena settling for a couple of seats lesser than the BJP for the Lok Sabha and the BJP accepting a 50:50 sharing basis for the state Assembly polls that are to follow in a few months of the general elections. The Sena-BJP pact has seriously undermined the prospects of the Congress-NCP coalition. It would be wrong to say that all creases have been ironed out, but a tentative partnership is still better than no partnership. In Uttar Pradesh, both the Apna Dal (Sonelal) and the SBSP are small players but they have a committed vote base. The latter had won no Lok Sabha seat in 2014 but did better in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls after it allied with the BJP, winning four constituencies. Its leader OP Rajbhar has had problems with the Yogi Adityanath government in the state, but things appear to have settled down somewhat after his marathon meeting with BJP president Amit Shah. Yet, the final word is yet to be said, since the seat-sharing matter remains to be tackled. Apna Dal (Sonelal) too has grievances similar to that of the SBSP — that big brother BJP has not given it the respect it deserves. Its leader Anupriya Patel is a Minister in Modi’s government but there is a feeling that the party has been neglected but the BJP, more especially after the latter rode to an unprecedented victory in the last State polls. Given the tough challenge it faces in Uttar Pradesh from the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine, the BJP would not want its allies in the state to walk away. Will the outreach and the alliances, new and old, work for the BJP? In Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, they should have an impact. One is not sure about Tamil Nadu, though, where the AIADMK has become unpopular, and weak after a split in the party. Its unpopularity could drag down the BJP (which, not having a big mass base there, has to depend on the regional ally), as well as the other regional partner, the PMK. Nevertheless, with every seat counting in what is billed as a furiously contested 2019 Lok Sabha election, the BJP can at least take heart from the alliances it has managed to secure. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Alliance arithmetic: BJP to beat opposition at its own game?

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) Supremo Mayawati and Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav have decided that SP will contest on 37 seats while BSP will fight on 38 seats in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections 2019, reported news agency ANI.

once-arch rivals SP and BSP had announced the alliance in January when both the parties said that they would contest 38 seats each, out of the total 80 Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp;

The duo left four seats for other small allies then.

While making the formal announcement about their alliance, both the parties declared that they will not field any candidate to oppose Congress president Rahul Gandhi and his mother Sonia Gandhi in their respective Lok Sabha seats.&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi is a Lok Sabha MP from Amethi and Sonia Gandhi from Raebareli.

Meanwhile, SP founder Mulayam Singh Yadav expressed unhappiness over the Uttar Pradesh pact ahead of the Lok Sabha polls, questioning why Akhilesh Yadav gave "half" the seats to Mayawati's party.

The remarks come days after SP patriarch created a stir in Parliament, saying he wished that Prime Minister Narendra Modi returns to power.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) Supremo Mayawati and Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav have decided that SP will contest on 37 seats while BSP will fight on 38 seats in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections 2019, reported news agency ANI.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) Supremo Mayawati and Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav have decided that SP will contest on 37 seats while BSP will fight on 38 seats in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections 2019, reported news agency ANI. once-arch rivals SP and BSP had announced the alliance in January when both the parties said that they would contest 38 seats each, out of the total 80 Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh. The duo left four seats for other small allies then. While making the formal announcement about their alliance, both the parties declared that they will not field any candidate to oppose Congress president Rahul Gandhi and his mother Sonia Gandhi in their respective Lok Sabha seats. Rahul Gandhi is a Lok Sabha MP from Amethi and Sonia Gandhi from Raebareli. Meanwhile, SP founder Mulayam Singh Yadav expressed unhappiness over the Uttar Pradesh pact ahead of the Lok Sabha polls, questioning why Akhilesh Yadav gave "half" the seats to Mayawati's party. The remarks come days after SP patriarch created a stir in Parliament, saying he wished that Prime Minister Narendra Modi returns to power.

Lok Sabha elections: SP to contest 37 seats in Uttar Pradesh, BSP gets 38

Ruling allies BJP and Shiv Sena, whose relations have been strained for quite some time, Monday announced a tie-up for the coming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra Assembly elections.

The BJP will contest 25 seats and Shiv Sena 23 of 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. The two parties will contest an equal number of seats, along with their other allies, in elections for the 288-member state Assembly, due this year.

In a joint press conference with BJP chief Amit Shah and Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis said public sentiment was that the two parties should come together.

The BJP and Sena alliance will win at least 45 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra, Shah said.

Crores of workers of BJP and Shiv Sena wanted the alliance between the two parties, Shah said. The Sena is the oldest ally of BJP, he added.

The Ram temple has been the common thread for an alliance between BJP and Shiv Sena, Thackeray said. It has to be built at the earliest, he added.

BJP and Sena are parties with a national ideology which have come together in wider public interest, Fadnavis said. In principle, both the parties are pro-Hindutva, he added.

Ruling allies BJP and Shiv Sena, whose relations have been strained for quite some time, Monday announced a tie-up for the coming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra Assembly elections.

Ruling allies BJP and Shiv Sena, whose relations have been strained for quite some time, Monday announced a tie-up for the coming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra Assembly elections. The BJP will contest 25 seats and Shiv Sena 23 of 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. The two parties will contest an equal number of seats, along with their other allies, in elections for the 288-member state Assembly, due this year. In a joint press conference with BJP chief Amit Shah and Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis said public sentiment was that the two parties should come together. The BJP and Sena alliance will win at least 45 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra, Shah said. Crores of workers of BJP and Shiv Sena wanted the alliance between the two parties, Shah said. The Sena is the oldest ally of BJP, he added. The Ram temple has been the common thread for an alliance between BJP and Shiv Sena, Thackeray said. It has to be built at the earliest, he added. BJP and Sena are parties with a national ideology which have come together in wider public interest, Fadnavis said. In principle, both the parties are pro-Hindutva, he added.

Lok Sabha elections 2019: BJP to contest 25 seats, Shiv Sena 23 in alliance in Maharashtra

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. &nbsp;

AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. 
 
The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government.&nbsp;

The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader.&nbsp;

But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change!&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea. In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed. The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government. The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader. But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister. Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

With setbacks from Supreme Court and Congress, the road ahead is tough for Aam Aadmi Party

Actor-turned-politician Rajinikanth on Sunday said that he will not contest the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/rajinikanth-meets-his-forum-members-136089">upcoming parliament election</a> and added, his picture or party symbol should not be used for any election campaign or propaganda.&nbsp;

&nbsp;"I will not be contesting in the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/ready-to-face-polls-even-in-six-months-rajinikanth-29915?amp">Lok Sabha elections</a>. I don't support any political party. I also ask political parties to refrain from using my pictures or Rajini Makkal Mandram’s flag for election campaigns," the actor said in a statement.

Rajinikanth had announced his political entry on New Year’s Eve 2018 and was expected to announce the launch of his political party last year on December 12, his birthday but superstar said that he was in no hurry.&nbsp;

“We don’t have any plan to launch the party and introduce the flag on my birthday. It will take some more time as we have to complete certain works and be ready,” Rajinikanth had said.

Actor-turned-politician Rajinikanth on Sunday said that he will not contest the upcoming parliament election and added, his picture or party symbol should not be used for any election campaign or propaganda.

Actor-turned-politician Rajinikanth on Sunday said that he will not contest the upcoming parliament election and added, his picture or party symbol should not be used for any election campaign or propaganda. "I will not be contesting in the Lok Sabha elections. I don't support any political party. I also ask political parties to refrain from using my pictures or Rajini Makkal Mandram’s flag for election campaigns," the actor said in a statement. Rajinikanth had announced his political entry on New Year’s Eve 2018 and was expected to announce the launch of his political party last year on December 12, his birthday but superstar said that he was in no hurry. “We don’t have any plan to launch the party and introduce the flag on my birthday. It will take some more time as we have to complete certain works and be ready,” Rajinikanth had said.

Actor Rajinikanth says he will not contest upcoming Lok Sabha elections

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has said the opposition will form a pre-poll alliance before the Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;

"We'll work together at the national level. We'll have a common minimum agenda. We'll have a pre-poll alliance," Mamata said Wednesday night.&nbsp;

Mamata made her statement after meeting with the NCP's Sharad Pawar, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naid, former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Farooq Abdullah, Delhi Chief Minsister Arvind Kejriwal, and Congress chief Rahul Gandhi.&nbsp;

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West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee after a meeting with Sharad Pawar, Chandrababu Naidu, Farooq Abdullah, Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal: We'll work together at the national level. We'll have a common minimum agenda. We'll have a pre-poll alliance <a href="https://t.co/da9lCV5hIE">pic.twitter.com/da9lCV5hIE</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1095724544361345025?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 13, 2019</a></blockquote>
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"We had a very constructive meeting. We agreed that the principal target for all of us is to fight against the assault on institutes," Congress President Rahul Gandhi said.&nbsp;

"We agreed to start a conversation about a common minimum programme and we have a comittment that we're all going to work together," Rahul added. &nbsp;

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Congress Pres Rahul Gandhi after a meeting with Sharad Pawar, Chandrababu Naidu, Farooq Abdullah, Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal: We had a very constructive meeting. We agreed that principal target for all of us is to fight against assault on institutes being carried out by BJP <a href="https://t.co/XIuWB52LUg">pic.twitter.com/XIuWB52LUg</a>
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Mamata had already provided an inkling about&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/we-will-fight-the-lok-sabha-elections-together-mamata-banerjee-197206">an opposition alliance</a> Wednesday evening at Delhi's Jantar Mantar.&nbsp;

"We will fight together in the coming days," Mamata had said at Delhi's Jantar Mantar.&nbsp;

She added then that her fight against the Congress and the CPM would remain confined to the state — but that at the national level they would fight together.&nbsp;

Mamata had been joined at Jantar Mantar by Naidu and Kejriwal.&nbsp;

"We are in danger, we have to protect this nation, democracy is under threat. If all of us are not united, this is the last election for all of us, tomorrow there won't be any election," Naidu had said on Wednesday evening.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has said the opposition will form a pre-poll alliance before the Lok Sabha elections. "We'll work together at the national level.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has said the opposition will form a pre-poll alliance before the Lok Sabha elections. "We'll work together at the national level. We'll have a common minimum agenda. We'll have a pre-poll alliance," Mamata said Wednesday night. Mamata made her statement after meeting with the NCP's Sharad Pawar, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naid, former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Farooq Abdullah, Delhi Chief Minsister Arvind Kejriwal, and Congress chief Rahul Gandhi. West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee after a meeting with Sharad Pawar, Chandrababu Naidu, Farooq Abdullah, Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal: We'll work together at the national level. We'll have a common minimum agenda. We'll have a pre-poll alliance pic.twitter.com/da9lCV5hIE — ANI (@ANI) February 13, 2019 × "We had a very constructive meeting. We agreed that the principal target for all of us is to fight against the assault on institutes," Congress President Rahul Gandhi said. "We agreed to start a conversation about a common minimum programme and we have a comittment that we're all going to work together," Rahul added. Congress Pres Rahul Gandhi after a meeting with Sharad Pawar, Chandrababu Naidu, Farooq Abdullah, Mamata Banerjee, Arvind Kejriwal: We had a very constructive meeting. We agreed that principal target for all of us is to fight against assault on institutes being carried out by BJP pic.twitter.com/XIuWB52LUg — ANI (@ANI) February 13, 2019 × Mamata had already provided an inkling about an opposition alliance Wednesday evening at Delhi's Jantar Mantar. "We will fight together in the coming days," Mamata had said at Delhi's Jantar Mantar. She added then that her fight against the Congress and the CPM would remain confined to the state — but that at the national level they would fight together. Mamata had been joined at Jantar Mantar by Naidu and Kejriwal. "We are in danger, we have to protect this nation, democracy is under threat. If all of us are not united, this is the last election for all of us, tomorrow there won't be any election," Naidu had said on Wednesday evening.

Lok Sabha elections: Opposition will form pre-poll alliance, says Mamata Banerjee

Former Samajwadi Party chief and Akhilesh Yadav's father Mulayam Singh Yadav father has thrown political circles into a slight tizzy with his latest comment. He told Narendra Modi on Wednesday that he wanted him to become prime minister again.&nbsp;

"I want to congratulate the PM for trying to take everybody along," Mulayam said. &nbsp;

"I want all the MPs to win again, and for you to become prime minister again," he added. &nbsp;

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Samajwadi Party's Mulayam Singh Yadav in Lok Sabha: PM ko badhaai dena chahta hun ki PM ne sabko saath lekar chalne ki koshish ki hai. Main kehna chahta hun ki saare sadaysa phir se jeet kar aayen, aur aap (PM) dobara pradhan mantri banein (File pic) <a href="https://t.co/reeyh5H9bB">pic.twitter.com/reeyh5H9bB</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1095632564591702017?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 13, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/WATCH?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#WATCH</a> Samajwadi Party's Mulayam Singh Yadav in Lok Sabha, says, "PM ko badhaai dena chahta hun ki PM ne sabko saath lekar chalne ka pura prayas kiya. Main chahta hun, meri kamna hai ki saare sadsya phir se jeet kar aayen aur aap (PM) dobara pradhan mantri banein." <a href="https://t.co/j6Bnj9Kr3p">pic.twitter.com/j6Bnj9Kr3p</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1095655381966163971?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 13, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Wednesday was <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/triple-talaq-citizenship-amendment-bill-lapse-as-rajya-sabha-adjourned-sine-die-197104">the last day of parliament</a> before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;

Mulayam made his comments with former Congress president Sonia Gandhi sitting next to him. Modi in turn smiled, and folded his hands in a namaste.&nbsp;

Mulayam's son Akhilesh and the current chief of the Samajwadi Party is of course firmly in the opposition camp. He will be fighting the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in alliance with BSP chief Mayawati. They will be the main challengers of Uttar Pradesh's ruling BJP.&nbsp;

UP is the country most important state politically, sending 80 MPs to parliament.&nbsp;

All has not seemed to be well between Akhilesh and his father Mulayam since a family feud broke out within the SP with Mulayam placing himself somewhere between the competing factions of Akhilesh and Mulayam's brothers Shivpal and Ram Gopal.&nbsp;

Shivpal has since broken away from the SP, setting up a separate Samajwadi Secular Morcha. Shivpal has also said that the SP's current tie-up the BSP goes against everything Mulayam has fought for.&nbsp;

Former Samajwadi Party chief and Akhilesh Yadav's father Mulayam Singh Yadav father has thrown political circles into a slight tizzy with his latest comment. He told Narendra Modi on Wednesday that he wanted him to become prime minister again.

Former Samajwadi Party chief and Akhilesh Yadav's father Mulayam Singh Yadav father has thrown political circles into a slight tizzy with his latest comment. He told Narendra Modi on Wednesday that he wanted him to become prime minister again. "I want to congratulate the PM for trying to take everybody along," Mulayam said. "I want all the MPs to win again, and for you to become prime minister again," he added. Samajwadi Party's Mulayam Singh Yadav in Lok Sabha: PM ko badhaai dena chahta hun ki PM ne sabko saath lekar chalne ki koshish ki hai. Main kehna chahta hun ki saare sadaysa phir se jeet kar aayen, aur aap (PM) dobara pradhan mantri banein (File pic) pic.twitter.com/reeyh5H9bB — ANI (@ANI) February 13, 2019 × #WATCH Samajwadi Party's Mulayam Singh Yadav in Lok Sabha, says, "PM ko badhaai dena chahta hun ki PM ne sabko saath lekar chalne ka pura prayas kiya. Main chahta hun, meri kamna hai ki saare sadsya phir se jeet kar aayen aur aap (PM) dobara pradhan mantri banein." pic.twitter.com/j6Bnj9Kr3p — ANI (@ANI) February 13, 2019 × Wednesday was the last day of parliament before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Mulayam made his comments with former Congress president Sonia Gandhi sitting next to him. Modi in turn smiled, and folded his hands in a namaste. Mulayam's son Akhilesh and the current chief of the Samajwadi Party is of course firmly in the opposition camp. He will be fighting the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in alliance with BSP chief Mayawati. They will be the main challengers of Uttar Pradesh's ruling BJP. UP is the country most important state politically, sending 80 MPs to parliament. All has not seemed to be well between Akhilesh and his father Mulayam since a family feud broke out within the SP with Mulayam placing himself somewhere between the competing factions of Akhilesh and Mulayam's brothers Shivpal and Ram Gopal. Shivpal has since broken away from the SP, setting up a separate Samajwadi Secular Morcha. Shivpal has also said that the SP's current tie-up the BSP goes against everything Mulayam has fought for.

I want you to become PM again: Mulayam Singh Yadav to Narendra Modi

Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee said Wednesday that <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/if-opposition-wins-rahul-gandhi-open-to-mayawati-mamata-as-pm-in-2019-reports-154267">the opposition will fight the upcoming Lok Sabha elections together</a>.&nbsp;

"We will fight together in the coming days," Mamata said at Delhi's Jantar Mantar.&nbsp;

She added that her fight against the Congress and the CPM would remain confined to the state — but that at the national level they would fight together.&nbsp;

"Let them fight against me, I don't mind. For interest of the nation, I'm ready to sacrifice my life/ party," she added.&nbsp;

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Mamata Banerjee: Aane waale din ekhatte hoke humlog ladenge. Hamare saath Congress, CPM ka jo bhi fight rahega state mein rahega. National level mein hum ek saath ladenge. Let them fight against me, I don't mind. For interest of the nation, I'm ready to sacrifice my life/party <a href="https://t.co/Bi3RWcOnXx">pic.twitter.com/Bi3RWcOnXx</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1095661685753270273?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 13, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Mamata has of course just emerged from <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/mamata-banerjee-sits-on-dharna-after-cbi-kolkata-police-face-off-194890">a massive clash against the Centre</a> after the CBI showed up unannounced at the Kolkata Police chief's home, accusing him of slow-walking the investigations into the Saradha and Rose Valley chit fund scams in Bengal.&nbsp;

Mamata had said the CBI's turning up unannounced at Rajeev Kumar's home was a "destruction of the federal structure", and had a few hours later announced her "Save the Constitution" dharna.&nbsp;

She called off her dharna after a closed-door meeting with Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu. (A number of opposition leaders had called Mamata after her run-in with the Centre, offering their support.)&nbsp;

"We are in danger, we have to protect this nation, democracy is under threat. If all of us are not united, this is the last election for all of us, tomorrow there won't be any election," Naidu said on Wednesday at Jantar Mantar.&nbsp;

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Andhra Pradesh CM &amp; TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu in Delhi: We are in danger, we have to protect this nation, democracy is under threat. If all of us are not united, this is the last election for all of us, tomorrow there won't be any election. <a href="https://t.co/55hfgefv5p">pic.twitter.com/55hfgefv5p</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1095661894524911616?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 13, 2019</a></blockquote>
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ANI meanwhile reported that Mamata, Naidu, Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, former Jammu&nbsp;and Kashmir chief minister Farooq Abdullah would meet later on Wednesday at NCP chief Sharad Pawar's home.&nbsp;

A notable absentee from Wednesday's meeting will of course be Congress chief Rahul Gandhi.&nbsp;

Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee said Wednesday that the opposition will fight the upcoming Lok Sabha elections together. "We will fight together in the coming days," Mamata said at Delhi's Jantar Mantar.

Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee said Wednesday that the opposition will fight the upcoming Lok Sabha elections together. "We will fight together in the coming days," Mamata said at Delhi's Jantar Mantar. She added that her fight against the Congress and the CPM would remain confined to the state — but that at the national level they would fight together. "Let them fight against me, I don't mind. For interest of the nation, I'm ready to sacrifice my life/ party," she added. Mamata Banerjee: Aane waale din ekhatte hoke humlog ladenge. Hamare saath Congress, CPM ka jo bhi fight rahega state mein rahega. National level mein hum ek saath ladenge. Let them fight against me, I don't mind. For interest of the nation, I'm ready to sacrifice my life/party pic.twitter.com/Bi3RWcOnXx — ANI (@ANI) February 13, 2019 × Mamata has of course just emerged from a massive clash against the Centre after the CBI showed up unannounced at the Kolkata Police chief's home, accusing him of slow-walking the investigations into the Saradha and Rose Valley chit fund scams in Bengal. Mamata had said the CBI's turning up unannounced at Rajeev Kumar's home was a "destruction of the federal structure", and had a few hours later announced her "Save the Constitution" dharna. She called off her dharna after a closed-door meeting with Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu. (A number of opposition leaders had called Mamata after her run-in with the Centre, offering their support.) "We are in danger, we have to protect this nation, democracy is under threat. If all of us are not united, this is the last election for all of us, tomorrow there won't be any election," Naidu said on Wednesday at Jantar Mantar. Andhra Pradesh CM & TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu in Delhi: We are in danger, we have to protect this nation, democracy is under threat. If all of us are not united, this is the last election for all of us, tomorrow there won't be any election. pic.twitter.com/55hfgefv5p — ANI (@ANI) February 13, 2019 × ANI meanwhile reported that Mamata, Naidu, Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Farooq Abdullah would meet later on Wednesday at NCP chief Sharad Pawar's home. A notable absentee from Wednesday's meeting will of course be Congress chief Rahul Gandhi.

Opposition will fight the Lok Sabha elections together: Mamata Banerjee

As the 2019 general election is approaching, the issue of women is likely to assume significance.&nbsp;

It has been observed that during the last few years, the participation of women in electoral voting has increased considerably. In 16 out of 29 states of India, more women voted than men in 2014 elections. &nbsp;

Women turnout during India's 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63 per cent, compared to 67.09 per cent turnout for men. Though the rise in female voter registration has been modest, turnout among female electors has surged. This trend has made every political party sensitive to the demands of women.

It is ironical that Indian politics has been represented by strong women personality over the last 60 years such as Indira Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Jayalalitha, Mayawati, Mamata &nbsp;Banerjee, Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dikshit, Rabri Devi, Agatha Sangma etc. However, this has not translated into significant development of women in society.&nbsp;

Contrary to the democratic expectations, violence against women has increased in Indian society. Cases of crime against women have increased by over 40 per cent from 2012 to 2016, according to the National Crime Records Bureau. A woman was raped every 13 minutes, a bride was murdered for dowry every 69 minutes, and six women were gang-raped every day in India in 2016.

Participation of women in opportunity structure is significantly low, particularly in the political structure. Indian women have the lowest representation in Parliament, they make up a mere 11.6 per cent of the 542-member Lok Sabha and 11 per cent of the 245-member Rajya Sabha. In 2014, just 8.1 per cent of candidates for the Lok Sabha were women.&nbsp;

Among its South Asian neighbours, India ranks fifth in women’s political representation in Parliament falling behind Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal. It's sad that India which aspires to become a regional and global power has poor records of women underrepresentation in state and national decision-making bodies.

At the same time, the current government is credited to make women for the first time as defence minister of the country. PM Modi's Council of Ministers consists of 9 female ministers, of whom 6 hold the rank of Cabinet minister, the highest number of female Cabinet ministers in any Indian government in history.

Also, the government is known for its numerous women-centred policies like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Ujjawala scheme etc. It's yet to be seen whether women electorate will continue to support PM Modi now as he remains a popular figure among Indian women.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

As the 2019 general election is approaching, the issue of women is likely to assume significance. It has been observed that during the last few years, the participation of women in electoral voting has increased considerably.

As the 2019 general election is approaching, the issue of women is likely to assume significance. It has been observed that during the last few years, the participation of women in electoral voting has increased considerably. In 16 out of 29 states of India, more women voted than men in 2014 elections. Women turnout during India's 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63 per cent, compared to 67.09 per cent turnout for men. Though the rise in female voter registration has been modest, turnout among female electors has surged. This trend has made every political party sensitive to the demands of women. It is ironical that Indian politics has been represented by strong women personality over the last 60 years such as Indira Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Jayalalitha, Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee, Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dikshit, Rabri Devi, Agatha Sangma etc. However, this has not translated into significant development of women in society. Contrary to the democratic expectations, violence against women has increased in Indian society. Cases of crime against women have increased by over 40 per cent from 2012 to 2016, according to the National Crime Records Bureau. A woman was raped every 13 minutes, a bride was murdered for dowry every 69 minutes, and six women were gang-raped every day in India in 2016. Participation of women in opportunity structure is significantly low, particularly in the political structure. Indian women have the lowest representation in Parliament, they make up a mere 11.6 per cent of the 542-member Lok Sabha and 11 per cent of the 245-member Rajya Sabha. In 2014, just 8.1 per cent of candidates for the Lok Sabha were women. Among its South Asian neighbours, India ranks fifth in women’s political representation in Parliament falling behind Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal. It's sad that India which aspires to become a regional and global power has poor records of women underrepresentation in state and national decision-making bodies. At the same time, the current government is credited to make women for the first time as defence minister of the country. PM Modi's Council of Ministers consists of 9 female ministers, of whom 6 hold the rank of Cabinet minister, the highest number of female Cabinet ministers in any Indian government in history. Also, the government is known for its numerous women-centred policies like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Ujjawala scheme etc. It's yet to be seen whether women electorate will continue to support PM Modi now as he remains a popular figure among Indian women. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Women electorate to play an important role in Lok Sabha elections 2019

On day one, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/opinions/with-congress-in-a-shambles-in-up-a-long-and-hard-road-for-priyanka-gandhi-vadra-196746">Priyanka Gandhi Vadra talked about her commitment to Uttar Pradesh</a>. (She was interacting with Congress office bearers in Lucknow.) She told the Congressmen and women that the party needs to take immediate and tough decisions for the Lok Sabha elections so that it remains in the fight, but that her real work in the state will begin only after the Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;

Priyanka added that she had enjoyed organisational work since childhood since she had been involved with Amethi and Rai Bareilly for a long time and would now bring that experience to reviving the party in the state. By saying this, Priyanka sent out the clear signal to party leaders that she is here to stay in Uttar Pradesh, which Rahul Gandhi could not do despite his intense engagement with UP politics both in the 2007 and 2012 assembly elections.&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi had mentioned this in his speech on Monday, which Priyanka vociferously emphasised during the closed-door interaction.&nbsp;

This becomes important in the context of the statement by former Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav. He categorically denied the possibility of giving the Congress any more seats in Uttar Pradesh, saying, "Congress is part of SP-BSP alliance as we have already left Rai Bareilly and Amethi to them.”

Priyanka also told party workers that once she takes a call on the Congress' Lok Sabha candidates, factional fights should not break out in the unit.&nbsp;

She also took suggestions as to who should be the party's state president. (Raj Babbar currently holds the post.) She also enquired into the office bearers' knowledge of their constituencies. They were asked about the number of booths in their area; some of them could not answer the question.&nbsp;

Priyanka also sought opinions on issues that she should raise before the elections, and on probable candidates for the Lok Sabha elections. She also enquired into programmes that Congress units had organised last year and what more needs to be done at the local level.

People who attended the meeting told WION that Priyanka took copious notes and entertained group photographs after each session.&nbsp;

Jyotiraditya Scindia met separately with office bearers in the same building. He is in charge of 38 Lok Sabha seats while Priyanka is overseeing 42. The closed meetings are expected to last till the evening of February 14 after which Priyanka will close the first leg of her Uttar Pradesh tour.&nbsp;

The biggest challenge for Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is the shortlisting of candidates for the upcoming general elections. On the other hand, there exists a possibility of the Congress accommodating smaller parties to strengthen its position in certain constituencies. A proposal has been sent to Priyanka but she has not taken a call to proceed on the offer.&nbsp;

The Congress has been out of power in Uttar Pradesh for the past 30 years.

On day one, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra talked about her commitment to Uttar Pradesh. (She was interacting with Congress office bearers in Lucknow.) She told the Congressmen and women that the party needs to take immediate and tough decisions for the Lok Sabha elections so that it remains in the fight, but that her real work in the state will begin only after the Lok Sabha elections.

On day one, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra talked about her commitment to Uttar Pradesh. (She was interacting with Congress office bearers in Lucknow.) She told the Congressmen and women that the party needs to take immediate and tough decisions for the Lok Sabha elections so that it remains in the fight, but that her real work in the state will begin only after the Lok Sabha elections. Priyanka added that she had enjoyed organisational work since childhood since she had been involved with Amethi and Rai Bareilly for a long time and would now bring that experience to reviving the party in the state. By saying this, Priyanka sent out the clear signal to party leaders that she is here to stay in Uttar Pradesh, which Rahul Gandhi could not do despite his intense engagement with UP politics both in the 2007 and 2012 assembly elections. Rahul Gandhi had mentioned this in his speech on Monday, which Priyanka vociferously emphasised during the closed-door interaction. This becomes important in the context of the statement by former Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav. He categorically denied the possibility of giving the Congress any more seats in Uttar Pradesh, saying, "Congress is part of SP-BSP alliance as we have already left Rai Bareilly and Amethi to them.” Priyanka also told party workers that once she takes a call on the Congress' Lok Sabha candidates, factional fights should not break out in the unit. She also took suggestions as to who should be the party's state president. (Raj Babbar currently holds the post.) She also enquired into the office bearers' knowledge of their constituencies. They were asked about the number of booths in their area; some of them could not answer the question. Priyanka also sought opinions on issues that she should raise before the elections, and on probable candidates for the Lok Sabha elections. She also enquired into programmes that Congress units had organised last year and what more needs to be done at the local level. People who attended the meeting told WION that Priyanka took copious notes and entertained group photographs after each session. Jyotiraditya Scindia met separately with office bearers in the same building. He is in charge of 38 Lok Sabha seats while Priyanka is overseeing 42. The closed meetings are expected to last till the evening of February 14 after which Priyanka will close the first leg of her Uttar Pradesh tour. The biggest challenge for Priyanka Gandhi Vadra is the shortlisting of candidates for the upcoming general elections. On the other hand, there exists a possibility of the Congress accommodating smaller parties to strengthen its position in certain constituencies. A proposal has been sent to Priyanka but she has not taken a call to proceed on the offer. The Congress has been out of power in Uttar Pradesh for the past 30 years.

My final goal is the 2022 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh: Priyanka Gandhi Vadra

The ‘middle class’ is a humongous classification. It can consist of a salaried employee, a small businessman, a pensioner, even an under-employed person who survives on a generous contribution to his wellbeing by relatives. To add to the complexity, the middle class is subdivided into ‘lower middle class’, middle class’ and ‘upper middle class’, all with varying incomes and different concerns and desires. But what binds them together is the taxes they pay as individual assesses, and the perennial grievance which arises from such a tax-trap. The middle class is also the most difficult to appease and its loyalty takes no time in shifting from one political party to another.&nbsp;

When finance minister Piyush Goyal stood up to deliver his Budget speech on Friday, he was not unaware of the challenge of pleasing this mercurial section of the population. And more so, since in recent months, his party had suffered electoral reversals in three important north Indian states, with one of the major causes being the shift of the middle-class votes away from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Something had to be done, since this was the last Budget, even if an interim one, before the party faced the people in the Lok Sabha election. And something was done. Whether the last-ditch effort will bring rewards, will be known in about four months. 
&nbsp; 
Given the middle class’s expanse, just one measure would not have sufficed. So the finance minister announced a slew of dramatic proposals, which were greeted with loud thumps and vocal cheering from the treasury bench. A nonplussed opposition looked on with a somewhat dazed expression, though its leaders later recovered and, outside Parliament, rubbished the announcements as the ‘final jumla’ of a government on its way out. Nevertheless, the moment belonged to the Modi regime. &nbsp;

The one announcement which most energised the NDA rank and possibly the millions that fall in the middle-class category was the 100 per cent tax rebate for individual tax-payers whose annual income does not cross five lakh rupees.&nbsp;

Until now, they had to pay five per cent as the tax on their income. The five lakh rupee ceiling can go even higher if the individual takes advantage of various tax-saving measures related to interest on educations, national pension schemes, medical claims, interest on home loans etc. According to experts, it is possible for individuals earning as high as eight to ten lakh rupees per year to remain out of the tax net with some help from the existing tax-saving avenues. &nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
To understand the potential political reach of this proposal, one needs to only remember that close to 30 million taxpayers from the middle class will end up saving more than Rs 18,000 crore annually. There are the other spinoffs. Savings on tax can result in a boost to consumption, which in turn could positively affect industrial output, even if that impacts largely the fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) sector. At any rate, it could lead to more money flowing in tax-saving instruments, which is not a bad thing in itself.&nbsp;

The middle class was given further bonanzas. The standard deduction limit has been proposed to be raised from the present Rs 40,000 to Rs 50,000; &nbsp;second-time home buyers, again an important constituent of the aspirational middle-class category, will get exemption on notional rent earned on the second house, benefits from long-term capital gains tax, and relief on tax deducted at source (TDS) for rental income (up to Rs 2.40 lakh). Here too, there are multiple benefits, besides those to the middle class. With more middle-class taxpayers being encouraged to own a second home, the housing sector, which is struggling with unsold properties, can get a leg-up.

As if these were not enough — clearly the finance minister believed that if he had come this far, a little further would do no harm — the tax exemption limit on interest on savings in banks and post offices was increased fourfold, from Rs 10,000 to Rs 40,000. &nbsp;

Leave aside the economics — where is the government going to find the money for these concessions, or, will it be able to adhere to the fiscal deficit target, etc — for now. That is for the next regime to grapple with. If it’s going to be the BJP-led NDA again, then it will be judged by its ability to deliver on those promises and also simultaneously offer a roadmap for fiscal prudence; if it’s a new regime, it can simply junk Goyal’s proposals in its full-fledged Budget and dish out something else in their place. It’s the politics that matters in the immediate term, which is what the Budget has been all about.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The ‘middle class’ is a humongous classification. It can consist of a salaried employee, a small businessman, a pensioner, even an under-employed person who survives on a generous contribution to his wellbeing by relatives.

The ‘middle class’ is a humongous classification. It can consist of a salaried employee, a small businessman, a pensioner, even an under-employed person who survives on a generous contribution to his wellbeing by relatives. To add to the complexity, the middle class is subdivided into ‘lower middle class’, middle class’ and ‘upper middle class’, all with varying incomes and different concerns and desires. But what binds them together is the taxes they pay as individual assesses, and the perennial grievance which arises from such a tax-trap. The middle class is also the most difficult to appease and its loyalty takes no time in shifting from one political party to another. When finance minister Piyush Goyal stood up to deliver his Budget speech on Friday, he was not unaware of the challenge of pleasing this mercurial section of the population. And more so, since in recent months, his party had suffered electoral reversals in three important north Indian states, with one of the major causes being the shift of the middle-class votes away from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Something had to be done, since this was the last Budget, even if an interim one, before the party faced the people in the Lok Sabha election. And something was done. Whether the last-ditch effort will bring rewards, will be known in about four months. Given the middle class’s expanse, just one measure would not have sufficed. So the finance minister announced a slew of dramatic proposals, which were greeted with loud thumps and vocal cheering from the treasury bench. A nonplussed opposition looked on with a somewhat dazed expression, though its leaders later recovered and, outside Parliament, rubbished the announcements as the ‘final jumla’ of a government on its way out. Nevertheless, the moment belonged to the Modi regime. The one announcement which most energised the NDA rank and possibly the millions that fall in the middle-class category was the 100 per cent tax rebate for individual tax-payers whose annual income does not cross five lakh rupees. Until now, they had to pay five per cent as the tax on their income. The five lakh rupee ceiling can go even higher if the individual takes advantage of various tax-saving measures related to interest on educations, national pension schemes, medical claims, interest on home loans etc. According to experts, it is possible for individuals earning as high as eight to ten lakh rupees per year to remain out of the tax net with some help from the existing tax-saving avenues. To understand the potential political reach of this proposal, one needs to only remember that close to 30 million taxpayers from the middle class will end up saving more than Rs 18,000 crore annually. There are the other spinoffs. Savings on tax can result in a boost to consumption, which in turn could positively affect industrial output, even if that impacts largely the fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG) sector. At any rate, it could lead to more money flowing in tax-saving instruments, which is not a bad thing in itself. The middle class was given further bonanzas. The standard deduction limit has been proposed to be raised from the present Rs 40,000 to Rs 50,000; second-time home buyers, again an important constituent of the aspirational middle-class category, will get exemption on notional rent earned on the second house, benefits from long-term capital gains tax, and relief on tax deducted at source (TDS) for rental income (up to Rs 2.40 lakh). Here too, there are multiple benefits, besides those to the middle class. With more middle-class taxpayers being encouraged to own a second home, the housing sector, which is struggling with unsold properties, can get a leg-up. As if these were not enough — clearly the finance minister believed that if he had come this far, a little further would do no harm — the tax exemption limit on interest on savings in banks and post offices was increased fourfold, from Rs 10,000 to Rs 40,000. Leave aside the economics — where is the government going to find the money for these concessions, or, will it be able to adhere to the fiscal deficit target, etc — for now. That is for the next regime to grapple with. If it’s going to be the BJP-led NDA again, then it will be judged by its ability to deliver on those promises and also simultaneously offer a roadmap for fiscal prudence; if it’s a new regime, it can simply junk Goyal’s proposals in its full-fledged Budget and dish out something else in their place. It’s the politics that matters in the immediate term, which is what the Budget has been all about. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Budget 2019: The moment belonged to Narendra Modi government and middle-class taxpayers

Credibility Lost

At the heart of CBI’s attempted raid in West Bengal, lies the credibility of the central agency as an institution in India. Indian politicians have failed the institution miserably. CBI continues to derive its power from the Delhi Police Establishment Act of 1946. Today, entire Opposition is crying foul and accusing the present government of misusing CBI.&nbsp;

In 2012, the then minister of the state in charge of DOPT, Narayan Swami, went on to say that CBI has adequate and functional autonomy and there exists no proposal within the government to grant constitutional status to the investigative agency.

Both Congress and BJP, despite being in government for several years, neither initiated reform within the institution nor pushed for legislative debate to reconceive the legal architecture of the agency.&nbsp;

This inertia continues despite the fact that Guwahati high court declared CBI unconstitutional on November 7, 2013. The agency, thereafter, had to rush to the Supreme Court to take a stay order on the decision on November 9.

It proves that both Congress and BJP want the makeshift arrangement to stay alive and kicking because it allows them to use the CBI as a 'political weapon'.

This arrangement received further nourishment after the 1989 elections when the era of coalition dawned on Indian politics. The successive governments ended up using CBI to shore up political support by hectoring regional parties with cases of corruption.&nbsp;

It allowed them to survive with less numbers in Parliament. It is for this reason, even BJP, which enjoys majority in Lok Sabha, did not move an inch to appoint the Lokpal system which UPA 2 had to adopt under duress.

What makes the case of government even weaker is that the Supreme Court itself has passed relevant instructions to the CBI. As per the Supreme Court’s interim order given on July 16, 2018, both state police and CBI were supposed to work in tandem. More so, the court had directed CBI to approach high court in Calcutta in case they faced any obstruction.&nbsp;

Though Centre did give reminders to the state government on multiple occasion but the relief should have been sought from the relevant court as directed by the Apex Court.

In this case, it becomes very clear as to what direction the Apex Court may head to. For many, it may be a case of constitutional crisis and deteriorating relationship between the Centre and state, but CBI’s credibility and its pending reform lies at heart of the matter. 
 
Regional Chauvinism vs Corruption

There is no doubt that Rose valley and Sharda scams represent underbelly of India’s crony capitalism. It represents the way political parties organise funding for its day-to-day running, and election expenses.&nbsp;

BJP wants the matter to appear as a campaign against corrupt politicians, whereas TMC wants it to turn into an issue of regional pride and authoritarian assault by Centre against non-BJP state governments.

There is no denying the fact that most of the accused in the scam were closely associated with TMC. It explains TMC’s nervousness in the case and proves that case cannot be hushed forever.&nbsp;

Regional chauvinism has succeeded on multiple occasions in Indian politics. Be it the case of NT Rama Rao in Andhra Pradesh or Nitish Kumar during 2015 Bihar elections or Naveen Patnaik in Odisha.&nbsp;

BJP wants West Bengal to be the new harvest ground to make up for the losses in other states.

Mamata, on the other hand, is trying to turn the issue into Federal constitutionalism. She has rallied support from many regional parties on this issue. Which issue will succeed in run up to the Lok Sabha elections is a million-dollar question, but one thing is clear that Mamata’s role will not be limited to West Bengal in case electorate throws up a hung house.

Regional Parties

BJP has already mangled its equations with regional parties. It has been primarily a result of expansion of BJP’s footprint in far corners of India.&nbsp;

BJP has taken up issues which have pitted the party against small and regional parties.

It is going to pose a great challenge to the Saffron party in case it falls short of numbers. BJP will have to face a lot of political hectoring from smaller players in case it needs to shore up numbers for a simple majority in Lok Sabha.

The attempted raid not only brings many smaller players on one platform but will also test the issue of corruption in 2019 elections. It worked in 2014. However, same can’t be said today when the focus has turned to economy and jobs where it has failed miserably.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Credibility Lost At the heart of CBI’s attempted raid in West Bengal, lies the credibility of the central agency as an institution in India. Indian politicians have failed the institution miserably.

Credibility Lost At the heart of CBI’s attempted raid in West Bengal, lies the credibility of the central agency as an institution in India. Indian politicians have failed the institution miserably. CBI continues to derive its power from the Delhi Police Establishment Act of 1946. Today, entire Opposition is crying foul and accusing the present government of misusing CBI. In 2012, the then minister of the state in charge of DOPT, Narayan Swami, went on to say that CBI has adequate and functional autonomy and there exists no proposal within the government to grant constitutional status to the investigative agency. Both Congress and BJP, despite being in government for several years, neither initiated reform within the institution nor pushed for legislative debate to reconceive the legal architecture of the agency. This inertia continues despite the fact that Guwahati high court declared CBI unconstitutional on November 7, 2013. The agency, thereafter, had to rush to the Supreme Court to take a stay order on the decision on November 9. It proves that both Congress and BJP want the makeshift arrangement to stay alive and kicking because it allows them to use the CBI as a 'political weapon'. This arrangement received further nourishment after the 1989 elections when the era of coalition dawned on Indian politics. The successive governments ended up using CBI to shore up political support by hectoring regional parties with cases of corruption. It allowed them to survive with less numbers in Parliament. It is for this reason, even BJP, which enjoys majority in Lok Sabha, did not move an inch to appoint the Lokpal system which UPA 2 had to adopt under duress. What makes the case of government even weaker is that the Supreme Court itself has passed relevant instructions to the CBI. As per the Supreme Court’s interim order given on July 16, 2018, both state police and CBI were supposed to work in tandem. More so, the court had directed CBI to approach high court in Calcutta in case they faced any obstruction. Though Centre did give reminders to the state government on multiple occasion but the relief should have been sought from the relevant court as directed by the Apex Court. In this case, it becomes very clear as to what direction the Apex Court may head to. For many, it may be a case of constitutional crisis and deteriorating relationship between the Centre and state, but CBI’s credibility and its pending reform lies at heart of the matter. Regional Chauvinism vs Corruption There is no doubt that Rose valley and Sharda scams represent underbelly of India’s crony capitalism. It represents the way political parties organise funding for its day-to-day running, and election expenses. BJP wants the matter to appear as a campaign against corrupt politicians, whereas TMC wants it to turn into an issue of regional pride and authoritarian assault by Centre against non-BJP state governments. There is no denying the fact that most of the accused in the scam were closely associated with TMC. It explains TMC’s nervousness in the case and proves that case cannot be hushed forever. Regional chauvinism has succeeded on multiple occasions in Indian politics. Be it the case of NT Rama Rao in Andhra Pradesh or Nitish Kumar during 2015 Bihar elections or Naveen Patnaik in Odisha. BJP wants West Bengal to be the new harvest ground to make up for the losses in other states. Mamata, on the other hand, is trying to turn the issue into Federal constitutionalism. She has rallied support from many regional parties on this issue. Which issue will succeed in run up to the Lok Sabha elections is a million-dollar question, but one thing is clear that Mamata’s role will not be limited to West Bengal in case electorate throws up a hung house. Regional Parties BJP has already mangled its equations with regional parties. It has been primarily a result of expansion of BJP’s footprint in far corners of India. BJP has taken up issues which have pitted the party against small and regional parties. It is going to pose a great challenge to the Saffron party in case it falls short of numbers. BJP will have to face a lot of political hectoring from smaller players in case it needs to shore up numbers for a simple majority in Lok Sabha. The attempted raid not only brings many smaller players on one platform but will also test the issue of corruption in 2019 elections. It worked in 2014. However, same can’t be said today when the focus has turned to economy and jobs where it has failed miserably. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

West Bengal fiasco: Credibility of CBI is the issue and not Mamata vs Modi

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. 
 
Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power.

Days before the arch-rivals BSP-SP joined hands and entered into a pre-poll alliance for the Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. The two parties decided to fight elections on an equal number of seats leaving the two Congress bastion.

Exhibiting another showcase of unity, around 25 leaders from over 20 political parties held out a "united rally" in Kolkata on January 19. 
 
Led by Mamata Banerjee the rally was attended by leaders from across the country. The "United Front" saw the presence of Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah from the National Conference, HD Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy from the JD(S), TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu, DMK's MK Stalin, AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, SP leader Akhilesh Yadav, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav and many others including Mallikarjun Kharge from the Congress. Former NDA stalwart Arun Shourie, Yashwant Sinha, and BJP rebel Shatrughan Sinha also participated in the event along with NCP leader Sharad Pawar, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, Dalit leader Jignesh Mewani.

Joining hands on the dais the opposition hit out at the Modi government over demonetisation, GST, Rafale deal and the alleged "rising intolerance" in the country.

The "United opposition" against the current government shows a repeat of the opposition unity of 1977 which had successfully dethroned the first ever Congress government out of power. Fighting under the slogan "Indira hatao, desh bachao", the opposition had defeated Indira Gandhi and formed the first ever non-Congress government in India in 1977. 
 
Morarji Desai who became the fourth prime minister of the country, however, could not complete his tenure in the office. His government had to end its term midway due to the unsuccessful coalition. 
 
The next government formed under the leadership of Charan Singh also held an unsuccessful term in the office due to the rising conflict in the coalition. Singh could not complete his term after Indira Gandhi led Congress government suspended its support.

The country could never have a successful coalition government until 1998. The first ever non-Congress and coalition government that completed its full term in the country was headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Prior to Vajpayee's government, HD Deve Gowda, the eleventh prime minister of the country, also held an unsuccessful term and was removed from power within a year. Deve Gowda, the kingmaker of the 1996 general elections played a significant role in the formation of the government by extending support to the Congress party which had secured the second highest votes in the elections. BJP which won the highest votes remained out of power and was the main opposition in the parliament.

The current political situation of the country also foresees the rise of yet another Deve Gowda. While the entire opposition is fighting the 2019 elections against the BJP, the country may see the emergence of a new Deve Gowda if the results throw a hung assembly after the Lok Sabha polls.

Mamata Banerjee's slogan in the rally was "Badal do, Badal do, Dilli mei sarkar badal do". The front, however, does not have a prime ministerial face to replace the "Sarkar in Dilli".

While the BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh has clarified that the next prime minister of the country will be from UP, Mamata Banerjee is also seen as a strong contender to lead the Front in the next Lok Sabha.

Playing a masterstroke just days before the elections, the Congress appointed Priyanka Gandhi as the party general secretary in-charge of Uttar Pradesh East. The move is seen as an answer to rival parties' constant questioning of Rahul Gandhi's calibre in representing the party.&nbsp;

Thus while the opposition has united against the common power, keeping aside its ideological differences, the absence of strong leadership in the Front may affect the coalition even after its victory.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power.

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power. Days before the arch-rivals BSP-SP joined hands and entered into a pre-poll alliance for the Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. The two parties decided to fight elections on an equal number of seats leaving the two Congress bastion. Exhibiting another showcase of unity, around 25 leaders from over 20 political parties held out a "united rally" in Kolkata on January 19. Led by Mamata Banerjee the rally was attended by leaders from across the country. The "United Front" saw the presence of Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah from the National Conference, HD Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy from the JD(S), TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu, DMK's MK Stalin, AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, SP leader Akhilesh Yadav, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav and many others including Mallikarjun Kharge from the Congress. Former NDA stalwart Arun Shourie, Yashwant Sinha, and BJP rebel Shatrughan Sinha also participated in the event along with NCP leader Sharad Pawar, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, Dalit leader Jignesh Mewani. Joining hands on the dais the opposition hit out at the Modi government over demonetisation, GST, Rafale deal and the alleged "rising intolerance" in the country. The "United opposition" against the current government shows a repeat of the opposition unity of 1977 which had successfully dethroned the first ever Congress government out of power. Fighting under the slogan "Indira hatao, desh bachao", the opposition had defeated Indira Gandhi and formed the first ever non-Congress government in India in 1977. Morarji Desai who became the fourth prime minister of the country, however, could not complete his tenure in the office. His government had to end its term midway due to the unsuccessful coalition. The next government formed under the leadership of Charan Singh also held an unsuccessful term in the office due to the rising conflict in the coalition. Singh could not complete his term after Indira Gandhi led Congress government suspended its support. The country could never have a successful coalition government until 1998. The first ever non-Congress and coalition government that completed its full term in the country was headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Prior to Vajpayee's government, HD Deve Gowda, the eleventh prime minister of the country, also held an unsuccessful term and was removed from power within a year. Deve Gowda, the kingmaker of the 1996 general elections played a significant role in the formation of the government by extending support to the Congress party which had secured the second highest votes in the elections. BJP which won the highest votes remained out of power and was the main opposition in the parliament. The current political situation of the country also foresees the rise of yet another Deve Gowda. While the entire opposition is fighting the 2019 elections against the BJP, the country may see the emergence of a new Deve Gowda if the results throw a hung assembly after the Lok Sabha polls. Mamata Banerjee's slogan in the rally was "Badal do, Badal do, Dilli mei sarkar badal do". The front, however, does not have a prime ministerial face to replace the "Sarkar in Dilli". While the BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh has clarified that the next prime minister of the country will be from UP, Mamata Banerjee is also seen as a strong contender to lead the Front in the next Lok Sabha. Playing a masterstroke just days before the elections, the Congress appointed Priyanka Gandhi as the party general secretary in-charge of Uttar Pradesh East. The move is seen as an answer to rival parties' constant questioning of Rahul Gandhi's calibre in representing the party. Thus while the opposition has united against the common power, keeping aside its ideological differences, the absence of strong leadership in the Front may affect the coalition even after its victory. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

How far will the united opposition go without prime ministerial face?

Calling the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/business-economy/union-budget-2019-no-income-tax-for-annual-income-upto-rs-5-lakh-says-piyush-goyal-194324">interim Budget </a>presented by Centre on Friday as "yet another jumla", the Congress hit out at the BJP led government claiming that the Budget was an insult to the farmers.

The Congress post on its Twitter handle said, "After having failed to deliver on any of the promises to farmers, Modi govt insults them once again with yet another jumla !".

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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After having failed to deliver on any of the promises to farmers, Modi govt insults them once again with yet another jumla!<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Budget2019?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Budget2019</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/AakhriJumlaBudget?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#AakhriJumlaBudget</a> <a href="https://t.co/f6ocdzKByS">pic.twitter.com/f6ocdzKByS</a>
— Congress (@INCIndia) <a href="https://twitter.com/INCIndia/status/1091267874138644480?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 1, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Party President Rahul Gandhi also targetted the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/budget-will-take-india-on-path-to-development-pm-modi-194378">Modi government</a> over the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/big-takeaways-from-union-budget-2019-194331">Budget</a>.

" Dear NoMo, 5 years of your incompetence and arrogance has destroyed the lives of our farmers. Giving them Rs. 17 a day is an insult to everything they stand and work for, " Gandhi's tweet read.

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Dear NoMo, 
 
5 years of your incompetence and arrogance has destroyed the lives of our farmers. 
 
Giving them Rs. 17 a day is an insult to everything they stand and work for. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/AakhriJumlaBudget?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#AakhriJumlaBudget</a>
— Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) <a href="https://twitter.com/RahulGandhi/status/1091267096938467328?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 1, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Former Union minister and Congress leader P Chidambaram termed the Budget as "an account for votes" adding that the 2019&nbsp;Budget was accompanied by an election campaign speech.

"The Interim Finance Minister tested our patience by the longest interim Budget speech in the recent memory. It was not an interim Budget, it was a full-fledged Budget accompanied by an election campaign speech.... My one line comment on the Budget is that it is not a vote on account but an account for votes."

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P Chidambaram, Congress on <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Budget2019?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Budget2019</a>: The Interim Finance Minister tested our patience by the longest interim budget speech in the recent memory. It was not an interim budget, it was a full fledged budget accompanied by an election campaign speech. <a href="https://t.co/AlY8uxmQpD">https://t.co/AlY8uxmQpD</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1091263193190522881?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 1, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Congress leader Shashi Tharoor questioned the credibility of the&nbsp;income support assured to the farmers under the Budget. He however praised the government's move of providing tax exemption to the middle class.

Tharoor said, " The whole exercise has turned out to be a damp squib. We have seen one good thing that is tax exemption for the middle class. Rs 6000 in income support for farmers boils down to Rs 500 per month. Is that supposed to enable them to live with the honour and dignity?"

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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S Tharoor, Congress: The whole exercise has turned out to be a damp squib. We've seen one good thing that is tax exemption for the middle class. Rs 6000 in income support for farmers boils down to Rs 500 per month. Is that supposed to enable them to live with the honour&amp;dignity? <a href="https://t.co/kZDRhkKSWi">pic.twitter.com/kZDRhkKSWi</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1091250025655463938?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 1, 2019</a></blockquote>
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TMC chief Mamata Banerjee said, "This government has no moral authority or responsibility to place the budget for five years when they'll not be in power; the government will go for expiry. After expiry, if you give medicine, is there any value? What will be the value? This is absolutely valueless".

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WB CM Mamata Banerjee: This govt has no moral authority or responsibility to place the budget for 5 years when they'll not be in power; the govt will go for expiry. After expiry, if you give medicine, is there any value? What will be the value? This is absolutely valueless. <a href="https://t.co/rK4CBge5Sw">pic.twitter.com/rK4CBge5Sw</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1091283305909997570?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 1, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Speaking to reporters outside Parliament, leader of Congress in Lok Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge said the promises made by the BJP in this Budget are mere poll sops and "jumlas", which will not be fulfilled as the BJP has a mandate to rule only till May this year.

Further calling it as BJP's election manifesto, he charged the party of bribing to voters.

"This is all being done for elections. I directly charge them of paying bribe to voters.There is politics in everything they do and there is nothing for the poor in this budget...This budget is only an election manifesto that the BJP read in Parliament and it is only for getting votes," Kharge said.

"They are distributing money in elections to please farmers, but the reality is that in the first three months they would give only Rs 2,000 in first instalment," he said.

On the announcement of Income Tax exemption up to Rs 5 lakh to tax-payers, he alleged the BJP parliamentarians are creating a 'tamasha' in Parliament.

"You have a mandate up to May and instead they have presented a full year's Budget and are trying to befool the people of the country, keeping elections in mind.

"Who will fulfil these promises made. If they do not come to power, who will fulfil these promises. The next government will come and only it can deliver".

Karnataka chief minister Kumaraswamy said, "I want to ask if this Budget was prepared by officials of Finance department or RSS? In this Budget, Narendra Modi has given cotton candy for farmers. When I announced loan waiver scheme, PM mocked it as lollipop. Friends of BJP have prepared this budget".

(With inputs from agencies)

Calling the interim Budget presented by Centre on Friday as "yet another jumla", the Congress hit out at the BJP led government claiming that the Budget was an insult to the farmers.

Calling the interim Budget presented by Centre on Friday as "yet another jumla", the Congress hit out at the BJP led government claiming that the Budget was an insult to the farmers. The Congress post on its Twitter handle said, "After having failed to deliver on any of the promises to farmers, Modi govt insults them once again with yet another jumla !". After having failed to deliver on any of the promises to farmers, Modi govt insults them once again with yet another jumla!#Budget2019 #AakhriJumlaBudget pic.twitter.com/f6ocdzKByS — Congress (@INCIndia) February 1, 2019 × Party President Rahul Gandhi also targetted the Modi government over the Budget. " Dear NoMo, 5 years of your incompetence and arrogance has destroyed the lives of our farmers. Giving them Rs. 17 a day is an insult to everything they stand and work for, " Gandhi's tweet read. Dear NoMo, 5 years of your incompetence and arrogance has destroyed the lives of our farmers. Giving them Rs. 17 a day is an insult to everything they stand and work for. #AakhriJumlaBudget — Rahul Gandhi (@RahulGandhi) February 1, 2019 × Former Union minister and Congress leader P Chidambaram termed the Budget as "an account for votes" adding that the 2019 Budget was accompanied by an election campaign speech. "The Interim Finance Minister tested our patience by the longest interim Budget speech in the recent memory. It was not an interim Budget, it was a full-fledged Budget accompanied by an election campaign speech.... My one line comment on the Budget is that it is not a vote on account but an account for votes." P Chidambaram, Congress on #Budget2019: The Interim Finance Minister tested our patience by the longest interim budget speech in the recent memory. It was not an interim budget, it was a full fledged budget accompanied by an election campaign speech. https://t.co/AlY8uxmQpD — ANI (@ANI) February 1, 2019 × Congress leader Shashi Tharoor questioned the credibility of the income support assured to the farmers under the Budget. He however praised the government's move of providing tax exemption to the middle class. Tharoor said, " The whole exercise has turned out to be a damp squib. We have seen one good thing that is tax exemption for the middle class. Rs 6000 in income support for farmers boils down to Rs 500 per month. Is that supposed to enable them to live with the honour and dignity?" S Tharoor, Congress: The whole exercise has turned out to be a damp squib. We've seen one good thing that is tax exemption for the middle class. Rs 6000 in income support for farmers boils down to Rs 500 per month. Is that supposed to enable them to live with the honour&dignity? pic.twitter.com/kZDRhkKSWi — ANI (@ANI) February 1, 2019 × TMC chief Mamata Banerjee said, "This government has no moral authority or responsibility to place the budget for five years when they'll not be in power; the government will go for expiry. After expiry, if you give medicine, is there any value? What will be the value? This is absolutely valueless". WB CM Mamata Banerjee: This govt has no moral authority or responsibility to place the budget for 5 years when they'll not be in power; the govt will go for expiry. After expiry, if you give medicine, is there any value? What will be the value? This is absolutely valueless. pic.twitter.com/rK4CBge5Sw — ANI (@ANI) February 1, 2019 × Speaking to reporters outside Parliament, leader of Congress in Lok Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge said the promises made by the BJP in this Budget are mere poll sops and "jumlas", which will not be fulfilled as the BJP has a mandate to rule only till May this year. Further calling it as BJP's election manifesto, he charged the party of bribing to voters. "This is all being done for elections. I directly charge them of paying bribe to voters.There is politics in everything they do and there is nothing for the poor in this budget...This budget is only an election manifesto that the BJP read in Parliament and it is only for getting votes," Kharge said. "They are distributing money in elections to please farmers, but the reality is that in the first three months they would give only Rs 2,000 in first instalment," he said. On the announcement of Income Tax exemption up to Rs 5 lakh to tax-payers, he alleged the BJP parliamentarians are creating a 'tamasha' in Parliament. "You have a mandate up to May and instead they have presented a full year's Budget and are trying to befool the people of the country, keeping elections in mind. "Who will fulfil these promises made. If they do not come to power, who will fulfil these promises. The next government will come and only it can deliver". Karnataka chief minister Kumaraswamy said, "I want to ask if this Budget was prepared by officials of Finance department or RSS? In this Budget, Narendra Modi has given cotton candy for farmers. When I announced loan waiver scheme, PM mocked it as lollipop. Friends of BJP have prepared this budget". (With inputs from agencies)

It was not an interim Budget but a full fledged Budget: Chidambaram

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. &nbsp;Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party.

On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house.&nbsp;

The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today.

As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them.&nbsp;

Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” &nbsp;

The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3.&nbsp;

The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged.&nbsp;

But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening.&nbsp;

The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote.&nbsp;

Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan.

Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place.&nbsp;

Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan.&nbsp;

Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both.

Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front.

As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside.

Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker.&nbsp;

With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress.

Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future.&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-mayawati-holds-the-key-to-2019-2714388">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party. On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house. The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today. As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them. Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3. The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged. But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening. The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote. Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan. Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place. Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan. Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both. Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front. As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside. Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker. With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress. Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Mayawati holds the key to 2019

The Hugo Chavez model of politics pivoting around the concept of neopatrimonialism was followed with determined zeal by the previous Manmohan Singh-led UPA government at the Centre, presided over by the then Congress party president Sonia Gandhi.

The drawback of the model that was carved and implemented to the hilt by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez between 2002 and 2013, a period that almost coincided with the Manmohan Singh's rule in India, was more tuned to addressing social inequalities rather than structural inequalities.

The present job crisis in India can be attributed and described as a direct fallout of the politics of populism practiced by the Congress party when it was in power between 2004 and 2014 since equity distribution was lopsided and the growth on economic infrastructure front also was compromised with maximum focus on direct cash transfer to the deprived sections through acts passed by the Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this, they typically aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering about the impact it would leave on the middle class wage earners and the economic growth of the country.

Following on the same footsteps, present Congress president Rahul Gandhi announced at a "Kisan Abhaar Sammelan" at Raipur this Monday that his party would implement a minimum income guarantee scheme for every poor if his party comes to power at the Centre this year.

Former finance minister P Chidambaram has laced the Congress decision regarding "minimum income guarantee" with the assertion that it would "wipe out poverty" and uplift about one-fifth of India's population that lacks the purchasing power to provide itself food, clothing and shelter.

Chidambaram has defended the decision by pointing out that India owes itself the responsibility of mobilising resources to rescue the deprived sections caught in the trap of poverty. For this purpose only 1.5 per cent of the GDP would be required and there should be no difficulty in meeting the target, he adds.

Before the nation goes to polls, the Congress party, through the sop of "minimum income guarantee", has tried to address that section of the Indian population which is suffering the most due to joblessness and poverty. According to basic estimates their number is huge - about 200 million. Obviously, the Congress party would like to use them as a vote bank in the coming parliamentary election.

Scarcity of jobs is a burning problem that is haunting the NDA government led by Narendra Modi at the Centre in a big way as its five year term is nearing completion.

Joblessness in India is an issue that has caught the attention of analysts in neighbouring China. Global Times, published under China's official People's Daily, also points to growing discontent, being faced by Prime Minister Modi. Hu Weijia, a reporter with the Global Times says: "If New Delhi restricts Chinese investment, the move will unavoidably cut job opportunities for young people (In India)."

Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) also has expressed concerns about financing and the lending environment in India "due to the collapse of Indian infrastructure development and high rate of non-performing assets among Indian banks" in its inaugural Asian Infrastructure Finance report released in Beijing on Tuesday.

The AIIB report talks of the downward trajectory when it comes to India's infrastructure transaction activity in terms of total completed and ongoing transactions each year from 2014 to 2016.

Economists and analysts of the long-term South Asian scenario, especially in the backdrop of the China-US trade disputes that have got aggravated by the US President Donald Trump's decision to impose tariffs on Chinese imports, have started talking of the advantages of Chinese companies investing in India's labour intensive industries. The Global Times has underscored that the Modi administration needs good news in terms of job growth ahead of the upcoming general election.

The projection by commentators exploring the prospects of mutual gain by both India and China under the current global scenario notwithstanding, what cannot be ignored is that the clock is ticking for Modi. Come elections and the top bulb of the sandglass will soon be empty.

Instead of populism, it is important at this juncture to address the issue of highly unequal levels of development, human development index and lopsided distribution of equity. Seeking investments and channelising resources for the purpose of building the economic infrastructure, so essential for improving the quality of life of the people across the board, should be the priority. Ahead of elections, the Modi government will have to take the Congress head on. Without wasting time, it will have to place on the table a policy design for evolving and creating a vibrant job market in India.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The Hugo Chavez model of politics pivoting around the concept of neopatrimonialism was followed with determined zeal by the previous Manmohan Singh-led UPA government at the Centre, presided over by the then Congress party president Sonia Gandhi.

The Hugo Chavez model of politics pivoting around the concept of neopatrimonialism was followed with determined zeal by the previous Manmohan Singh-led UPA government at the Centre, presided over by the then Congress party president Sonia Gandhi. The drawback of the model that was carved and implemented to the hilt by Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez between 2002 and 2013, a period that almost coincided with the Manmohan Singh's rule in India, was more tuned to addressing social inequalities rather than structural inequalities. The present job crisis in India can be attributed and described as a direct fallout of the politics of populism practiced by the Congress party when it was in power between 2004 and 2014 since equity distribution was lopsided and the growth on economic infrastructure front also was compromised with maximum focus on direct cash transfer to the deprived sections through acts passed by the Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this, they typically aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering about the impact it would leave on the middle class wage earners and the economic growth of the country. Following on the same footsteps, present Congress president Rahul Gandhi announced at a "Kisan Abhaar Sammelan" at Raipur this Monday that his party would implement a minimum income guarantee scheme for every poor if his party comes to power at the Centre this year. Former finance minister P Chidambaram has laced the Congress decision regarding "minimum income guarantee" with the assertion that it would "wipe out poverty" and uplift about one-fifth of India's population that lacks the purchasing power to provide itself food, clothing and shelter. Chidambaram has defended the decision by pointing out that India owes itself the responsibility of mobilising resources to rescue the deprived sections caught in the trap of poverty. For this purpose only 1.5 per cent of the GDP would be required and there should be no difficulty in meeting the target, he adds. Before the nation goes to polls, the Congress party, through the sop of "minimum income guarantee", has tried to address that section of the Indian population which is suffering the most due to joblessness and poverty. According to basic estimates their number is huge - about 200 million. Obviously, the Congress party would like to use them as a vote bank in the coming parliamentary election. Scarcity of jobs is a burning problem that is haunting the NDA government led by Narendra Modi at the Centre in a big way as its five year term is nearing completion. Joblessness in India is an issue that has caught the attention of analysts in neighbouring China. Global Times, published under China's official People's Daily, also points to growing discontent, being faced by Prime Minister Modi. Hu Weijia, a reporter with the Global Times says: "If New Delhi restricts Chinese investment, the move will unavoidably cut job opportunities for young people (In India)." Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) also has expressed concerns about financing and the lending environment in India "due to the collapse of Indian infrastructure development and high rate of non-performing assets among Indian banks" in its inaugural Asian Infrastructure Finance report released in Beijing on Tuesday. The AIIB report talks of the downward trajectory when it comes to India's infrastructure transaction activity in terms of total completed and ongoing transactions each year from 2014 to 2016. Economists and analysts of the long-term South Asian scenario, especially in the backdrop of the China-US trade disputes that have got aggravated by the US President Donald Trump's decision to impose tariffs on Chinese imports, have started talking of the advantages of Chinese companies investing in India's labour intensive industries. The Global Times has underscored that the Modi administration needs good news in terms of job growth ahead of the upcoming general election. The projection by commentators exploring the prospects of mutual gain by both India and China under the current global scenario notwithstanding, what cannot be ignored is that the clock is ticking for Modi. Come elections and the top bulb of the sandglass will soon be empty. Instead of populism, it is important at this juncture to address the issue of highly unequal levels of development, human development index and lopsided distribution of equity. Seeking investments and channelising resources for the purpose of building the economic infrastructure, so essential for improving the quality of life of the people across the board, should be the priority. Ahead of elections, the Modi government will have to take the Congress head on. Without wasting time, it will have to place on the table a policy design for evolving and creating a vibrant job market in India. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Minimum income guarantee: Populism versus long-term policy for a vibrant job market

The last trump card of the Congress Party is out in open and has made Lok Sabha elections all the more interesting. It is not that Priyanka Gandhi is a novice in politics but the position of general secretary in charge of Eastern Uttar Pradesh only acknowledges the role she was playing in private in the Congress Party.

It also shows that nothing is cast in stone in politics. In fact, Priyanka Gandhi was already handling Sonia Gandhi’s constituency when Rahul Gandhi was studying abroad in the late 1990s. The code name given to her by the Special Protection Group was Bhaiya ji. It is used even today throughout Raebarelli and Amethi but this time by the party workers. It was only because of Sonia Gandhi’s insistence that baton was passed to Rahul despite the fact that Priyanka was interested in politics.&nbsp;

This decision led to Priyanka Gandhi getting confined to family bastions in Uttar Pradesh. Even then she remained connected with the decision-making process of the party in private.&nbsp;

Throughout she had been in charge of the family burrow and played an important role in 2017 UP Assembly elections which in the end proved to be a disaster as BJP smashed SP-Congress coalition.

So, her entry does not change the caste equations in Uttar Pradesh. Priyanka Gandhi, for now, only changes the mood within the party. Her entry will definitely enthuse workers. She is only in charge of Eastern UP and the Western part will be handled by Jyotiraditya Scindia whose graph continues to rise within the Congress party.

What is important to remember is that Eastern UP is the stronghold of current chief minister Yogi Adityanath who hails from Gorakhpur. Prime Minister Modi’s constituency also falls in this area.

The decision also shows the seriousness with which Congress is going to fight elections in Uttar Pradesh. It should worry the BJP as Priyanka can disrupt upper caste consolidation which, as of now, is standing solidly behind BJP.

There can be criticism too that Congress has become a party of the mother, son and daughter but it will not damage the party as those opposed to them are anyways voting for BJP.

Priyanka, on the other hand, will have to navigate the political space in Congress more carefully. Today, Rahul Gandhi is the party president and decides the policy of Congress. Priyanka Gandhi will have to limit herself to Uttar Pradesh.

She will also have to ensure that a second power centre does not emerge as Congress under Rahul Gandhi has gained stability after Sonia Gandhi reduced her public presence and forced the senior leadership to negotiate decision making with Rahul alone. Priyanka will easily get compared to Indira Gandhi. This will also make her task difficult. It will heighten the expectations within the party despite the fact that ground reality is quite different today.

In 2014, the winning margin of Rahul Gandhi came down by a lakh. In 2017, Congress performed very poorly in the assembly segments. Priyanka Gandhi will add a lot of glamour to the Congress party, but she will have to create a new ground for the party in the state. But the possibility exists. People forget that same Congress got 20+ seats in Lok Sabha after the then PM Manmohan Singh waived off farmers debt.

The enthusiasm generated by debuts is often succeeded by losses. It has been true for both Sonia and Rahul Gandhi. Sonia twice failed to get Congress into power. She lost both in 1998 and 1996 to BJP. It was worst for Rahul Gandhi. He lost 2014 elections and subsequently a number of states. The states where Congress won, the credit was given to the chief ministerial candidates.&nbsp;

This long spell of bad performance ended in 2019 when Congress swept the three Hindi heartland states. So, an entry can take place with a grand reception but road to success can be long and tiring. Priyanka Gandhi will have to negotiate the same path. 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

The last trump card of the Congress Party is out in open and has made Lok Sabha elections all the more interesting. It is not that Priyanka Gandhi is a novice in politics but the position of general secretary in charge of Eastern Uttar Pradesh only acknowledges the role she was playing in private in the Congress Party.

The last trump card of the Congress Party is out in open and has made Lok Sabha elections all the more interesting. It is not that Priyanka Gandhi is a novice in politics but the position of general secretary in charge of Eastern Uttar Pradesh only acknowledges the role she was playing in private in the Congress Party. It also shows that nothing is cast in stone in politics. In fact, Priyanka Gandhi was already handling Sonia Gandhi’s constituency when Rahul Gandhi was studying abroad in the late 1990s. The code name given to her by the Special Protection Group was Bhaiya ji. It is used even today throughout Raebarelli and Amethi but this time by the party workers. It was only because of Sonia Gandhi’s insistence that baton was passed to Rahul despite the fact that Priyanka was interested in politics. This decision led to Priyanka Gandhi getting confined to family bastions in Uttar Pradesh. Even then she remained connected with the decision-making process of the party in private. Throughout she had been in charge of the family burrow and played an important role in 2017 UP Assembly elections which in the end proved to be a disaster as BJP smashed SP-Congress coalition. So, her entry does not change the caste equations in Uttar Pradesh. Priyanka Gandhi, for now, only changes the mood within the party. Her entry will definitely enthuse workers. She is only in charge of Eastern UP and the Western part will be handled by Jyotiraditya Scindia whose graph continues to rise within the Congress party. What is important to remember is that Eastern UP is the stronghold of current chief minister Yogi Adityanath who hails from Gorakhpur. Prime Minister Modi’s constituency also falls in this area. The decision also shows the seriousness with which Congress is going to fight elections in Uttar Pradesh. It should worry the BJP as Priyanka can disrupt upper caste consolidation which, as of now, is standing solidly behind BJP. There can be criticism too that Congress has become a party of the mother, son and daughter but it will not damage the party as those opposed to them are anyways voting for BJP. Priyanka, on the other hand, will have to navigate the political space in Congress more carefully. Today, Rahul Gandhi is the party president and decides the policy of Congress. Priyanka Gandhi will have to limit herself to Uttar Pradesh. She will also have to ensure that a second power centre does not emerge as Congress under Rahul Gandhi has gained stability after Sonia Gandhi reduced her public presence and forced the senior leadership to negotiate decision making with Rahul alone. Priyanka will easily get compared to Indira Gandhi. This will also make her task difficult. It will heighten the expectations within the party despite the fact that ground reality is quite different today. In 2014, the winning margin of Rahul Gandhi came down by a lakh. In 2017, Congress performed very poorly in the assembly segments. Priyanka Gandhi will add a lot of glamour to the Congress party, but she will have to create a new ground for the party in the state. But the possibility exists. People forget that same Congress got 20+ seats in Lok Sabha after the then PM Manmohan Singh waived off farmers debt. The enthusiasm generated by debuts is often succeeded by losses. It has been true for both Sonia and Rahul Gandhi. Sonia twice failed to get Congress into power. She lost both in 1998 and 1996 to BJP. It was worst for Rahul Gandhi. He lost 2014 elections and subsequently a number of states. The states where Congress won, the credit was given to the chief ministerial candidates. This long spell of bad performance ended in 2019 when Congress swept the three Hindi heartland states. So, an entry can take place with a grand reception but road to success can be long and tiring. Priyanka Gandhi will have to negotiate the same path. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Priyanka Gandhi enters active politics: Congress plays its last trump card

By now it should be obvious that there is going to be no grand national coalition to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019. Instead, there would be mini-alliances at the state-level to contain the ruling party and dent Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s personal charisma. Some such partnerships have already been formalised.&nbsp;

In Uttar Pradesh, the BSP and the SP have joined hands; in Maharashtra, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party have decided to contest as a team; in Telangana, the TDP and the Congress are together. Besides, the possibility of the Congress and the DMK aligning with each other in Tamil Nadu, and the National Conference, PDP and the Congress striking a deal in J&amp;K, is strong. &nbsp; 
 
The prospect of a pre-poll national alternative to the BJP-led NDA is bleak despite the impressive show of solidarity among opposition leaders that was witnessed on Saturday at a rally organised by Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata.&nbsp;

Leader after leader in their speeches called for the ouster of the Modi-led NDA regime, accusing it of various improprieties. It must be recalled a similar show of strength had been seen some months ago in Bangalore when HD Kumaraswamy was sworn in as chief minister of Karnataka. It had led to speculation that at last, the opposition was on the way to uniting. But it did not happen. It’s not just that many regional parties are wary of partnering with the Congress. There are contradictions among the regional outfits themselves.&nbsp;

For instance, Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao has also launched his drive for a similar alternative, but he skipped the Kolkata event. The NCP will contest Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra in alliance with the Congress, but its leader Sharad Pawar was in attendance at Banerjee’s event which was billed to promote a regional front as opposed to a Congress-led one. BSP supremo Mayawati did not attend, though her Uttar Pradesh partner Akhilesh Yadav was there. Even DMK leader MK Stalin, who has endorsed Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s candidature as prime minister, was present in the Kolkata rally which certainly was not held to stamp its approval to Rahul Gandhi’s leadership. &nbsp;

Then there are the likes of powerful regional satraps such as Naveen Patnaik of the Biju Janata Dal who refuse to play ball with the idea of the so-called federal front or align with the Congress, even as they position themselves in opposition to the BJP. The AIADMK too has consistently kept away from these initiatives, possibility because it wants to keep the doors open for a tie-up with the BJP in the coming months. &nbsp;

Given the confusion, it’s not surprising that regional parties who often attend grand programmes and vow to oust the Modi regime are bereft of both an acceptable face who will lead them to the national electoral battle and policy direction on issues of national importance. In fact, these are not even priorities for them, as they have stated time and again. The priority is to get rid of the Modi government; everything else is supposed to seamlessly follow thereafter. The problem is: Recent political history shows that ‘everything else’ does not follow.&nbsp;

In the run-up to the 1977 Lok Sabha poll, a large number of leaders belonging to various outfits got together and formed the Janata Party with the express and sole purpose to defeat Indira Gandhi and her Congress in the aftermath of Emergency. They had no other agenda — no economic policy, no foreign policy etc. They exploited the mood against her and won. But within months the unravelling began and in two years the government collapsed. The ‘oust one person’ agenda does not work by itself.&nbsp;

It is ironical that the Kolkata rally should have glorified coalition politics when some of the participants are having sleepless nights managing a coalition. Kumaraswamy had, for instance, only hours before the event, lamented that he had to run a coalition government. He said that he would have been able to govern far more efficiently had his party, the Janata Dal (Secular), been given a clear majority by the electorate. And who can forget his teary-eyed statement that coalition politics was a “poison” which he had been compelled to consume! &nbsp;

Besides, Kumaraswamy is currently facing a crisis in his home state, with reports of a few Congress MLAs ready to rebel. Two Independents have already withdrawn their support to his government. While the BJP has been blamed for seeking to destabilise the coalition regime, the fact is that the upheaval is largely due to friction within the Congress, divided into the DK Shivakumar and the Siddaramaiah camps, and the BJP is naturally hoping to cash in on the internecine conflict. &nbsp;

The perils of an unnatural coalition are manifest in the Karnataka example — as they were in the BJP-PDP alliance in Jammu &amp; Kashmir. Raising hands in unity on public platforms is one thing; contesting elections on the ground in an equally united fashion with a leader at the helm, is another.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By now it should be obvious that there is going to be no grand national coalition to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019. Instead, there would be mini-alliances at the state-level to contain the ruling party and dent Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s personal charisma.

By now it should be obvious that there is going to be no grand national coalition to take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019. Instead, there would be mini-alliances at the state-level to contain the ruling party and dent Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s personal charisma. Some such partnerships have already been formalised. In Uttar Pradesh, the BSP and the SP have joined hands; in Maharashtra, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party have decided to contest as a team; in Telangana, the TDP and the Congress are together. Besides, the possibility of the Congress and the DMK aligning with each other in Tamil Nadu, and the National Conference, PDP and the Congress striking a deal in J&K, is strong. The prospect of a pre-poll national alternative to the BJP-led NDA is bleak despite the impressive show of solidarity among opposition leaders that was witnessed on Saturday at a rally organised by Mamata Banerjee in Kolkata. Leader after leader in their speeches called for the ouster of the Modi-led NDA regime, accusing it of various improprieties. It must be recalled a similar show of strength had been seen some months ago in Bangalore when HD Kumaraswamy was sworn in as chief minister of Karnataka. It had led to speculation that at last, the opposition was on the way to uniting. But it did not happen. It’s not just that many regional parties are wary of partnering with the Congress. There are contradictions among the regional outfits themselves. For instance, Telangana Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao has also launched his drive for a similar alternative, but he skipped the Kolkata event. The NCP will contest Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra in alliance with the Congress, but its leader Sharad Pawar was in attendance at Banerjee’s event which was billed to promote a regional front as opposed to a Congress-led one. BSP supremo Mayawati did not attend, though her Uttar Pradesh partner Akhilesh Yadav was there. Even DMK leader MK Stalin, who has endorsed Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s candidature as prime minister, was present in the Kolkata rally which certainly was not held to stamp its approval to Rahul Gandhi’s leadership. Then there are the likes of powerful regional satraps such as Naveen Patnaik of the Biju Janata Dal who refuse to play ball with the idea of the so-called federal front or align with the Congress, even as they position themselves in opposition to the BJP. The AIADMK too has consistently kept away from these initiatives, possibility because it wants to keep the doors open for a tie-up with the BJP in the coming months. Given the confusion, it’s not surprising that regional parties who often attend grand programmes and vow to oust the Modi regime are bereft of both an acceptable face who will lead them to the national electoral battle and policy direction on issues of national importance. In fact, these are not even priorities for them, as they have stated time and again. The priority is to get rid of the Modi government; everything else is supposed to seamlessly follow thereafter. The problem is: Recent political history shows that ‘everything else’ does not follow. In the run-up to the 1977 Lok Sabha poll, a large number of leaders belonging to various outfits got together and formed the Janata Party with the express and sole purpose to defeat Indira Gandhi and her Congress in the aftermath of Emergency. They had no other agenda — no economic policy, no foreign policy etc. They exploited the mood against her and won. But within months the unravelling began and in two years the government collapsed. The ‘oust one person’ agenda does not work by itself. It is ironical that the Kolkata rally should have glorified coalition politics when some of the participants are having sleepless nights managing a coalition. Kumaraswamy had, for instance, only hours before the event, lamented that he had to run a coalition government. He said that he would have been able to govern far more efficiently had his party, the Janata Dal (Secular), been given a clear majority by the electorate. And who can forget his teary-eyed statement that coalition politics was a “poison” which he had been compelled to consume! Besides, Kumaraswamy is currently facing a crisis in his home state, with reports of a few Congress MLAs ready to rebel. Two Independents have already withdrawn their support to his government. While the BJP has been blamed for seeking to destabilise the coalition regime, the fact is that the upheaval is largely due to friction within the Congress, divided into the DK Shivakumar and the Siddaramaiah camps, and the BJP is naturally hoping to cash in on the internecine conflict. The perils of an unnatural coalition are manifest in the Karnataka example — as they were in the BJP-PDP alliance in Jammu & Kashmir. Raising hands in unity on public platforms is one thing; contesting elections on the ground in an equally united fashion with a leader at the helm, is another. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

A strong show of unity, but chances of grand alliance still bleak

The last two months have not brought good news for the BJP. The party lost elections in the three Hindi heartland states. The CBI and Justice Sikri episodes have created unnecessary controversy.

It is facing a spirited Congress attack on social media. To top it all, the SP and the BSP have announced a formidable alliance for the forthcoming polls in Uttar Pradesh, which accounted for one-fourth of BJP’s tally in 2014. Suddenly, what looked like an easy sail through for the party in 2019, has turned into a tight, wide open contest.

BJP recognises it has an uphill task at hand and the stupendous verdict 2014 could be termed as an outlier.

The party has affected big organisational changes recently. The most important among them is the appointment of the three ex-chief ministers – Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Vasundhara Raje and Raman Singh as national vice-presidents.

The party strategy is to use the experience and charisma of these leaders, especially in the Hindi heartland and reduce the load of Narendra Modi to some extent, who can then focus on greenfield areas like East and South of India.

This step also helps soothe the taut nerves of upper caste and OBCs who form the core vote bank of the party.

In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, these sections accounting for 60 per cent of the population, voted overwhelmingly for the BJP and its allies.

After the losses, notes of dissent have come out in the open with party veterans questioning the approach of the Modi-Shah duo.

These appointments may have been done to quell such noises. With Sushma Swaraj announcing that she will not contest 2019 polls, BJP now lacks a pan-India woman leader with mass appeal. Raje fills this gap. With many flagship schemes of the government — Ujjwala, Awas, Swachch Bharat, Saubhagya — to name only a few aimed at women beneficiaries, this strategy may pay rich dividends.

The Modi-Shah duo now wants to win at any cost and the Prime Minister has not been shy of campaigning extensively even in state polls.

Another appointment, which has caught everyone’s attention is of Gordhan Zadafia, once a bitter critic of Modi belonging to the rival Sanjay Joshi camp, who has been made in-charge of the most important state of Uttar Pradesh. The party faced a lot of flak, especially from the upper castes, for nullifying the Supreme Court order on SC-ST Atrocities Act.

The SC-STs overwhelmingly voted against the party recently in the three states where it was in power. BJP won 128 SC-ST reserved seats in these states in 2013, which fell by more than half to 59 in 2018.

A section of upper caste disillusioned with the party pressed NOTA, stayed at home, some even voting for Sapaks, a party championing upper caste rights.

The party had to face reversals in belts where upper caste formed a significant proportion of population like Gwalior-Chambal in Madhya Pradesh.

Even OBCs, staunch supporters of the BJP, switched sides in Chhattisgarh.

With this step, BJP hopes to keep its anchor voting segment in good humour especially when Congress is trying to play the Brahman card and revive its traditional vote bank of upper caste, Dalits and Muslims.

In the national convention held over the weekend, Modi exhorted the BJP cadre not to be complacent and work hard on the ground. They shouldn’t just hope Modi will come, hold rallies and swing votes. They need to take the welfare schemes of the government door to door and highlight the achievements.

As per CSDS National Election Studies (NES) 2014, 27 per cent of BJP supporters would not have voted for party if Modi was not the prime ministerial candidate.

The dip in popularity ratings of Modi and a corresponding increase in Rahul’s has cautioned BJP against over-reliance on the Modi factor.

Though a lot of credit is given to Modi for the 2014 victory, it was also a result of effort and leadership of many state leaders like Chouhan, Raman, Raje, Parrikar, mini Modis in their own might.

The call is also to them and to new leaders like Yogi and Fadnavis to work hard to realize their common dream.

The party is seeking suggestions from the public on various issues like implementation of schemes, impact of proposed grand alliance and three most popular party leaders in their constituencies, among other things.

To negate anti-incumbency, BJP is likely to deny tickets to 30-40 per cent of existing MPs, around 100 in total.

This exercise will provide information on the popularity of MPs and suggest alternatives. Though elections in India are increasingly becoming presidential in style, one-fourth of the voters gave importance to the local candidate while voting in 2014, according to NES.

The unfavourable verdict in the three states brought to the forefront rural and agri distress. It also highlighted growing urban apathy among the middle class, staunch supporters of BJP. The party is likely to come up with schemes to ease the nerves of these crucial segments.

For farmers, the party could roll out a programme on the lines of Ryathu Bandhu Scheme of Telangana, where per hectare amount will be paid out to them. The middle class could see an increase in the income exemption limit from the current Rs 2.5 lakh per annum to Rs 5 lakh per annum.

For the rural population, the possibility of doling out a UBI scheme, where Rs 2-2,500 per month will be given to BPL category, is being mentioned. The party is now pulling out all stops.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-pumping-up-party-organisation-2709176">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The last two months have not brought good news for the BJP. The party lost elections in the three Hindi heartland states. The CBI and Justice Sikri episodes have created unnecessary controversy.

The last two months have not brought good news for the BJP. The party lost elections in the three Hindi heartland states. The CBI and Justice Sikri episodes have created unnecessary controversy. It is facing a spirited Congress attack on social media. To top it all, the SP and the BSP have announced a formidable alliance for the forthcoming polls in Uttar Pradesh, which accounted for one-fourth of BJP’s tally in 2014. Suddenly, what looked like an easy sail through for the party in 2019, has turned into a tight, wide open contest. BJP recognises it has an uphill task at hand and the stupendous verdict 2014 could be termed as an outlier. The party has affected big organisational changes recently. The most important among them is the appointment of the three ex-chief ministers – Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Vasundhara Raje and Raman Singh as national vice-presidents. The party strategy is to use the experience and charisma of these leaders, especially in the Hindi heartland and reduce the load of Narendra Modi to some extent, who can then focus on greenfield areas like East and South of India. This step also helps soothe the taut nerves of upper caste and OBCs who form the core vote bank of the party. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, these sections accounting for 60 per cent of the population, voted overwhelmingly for the BJP and its allies. After the losses, notes of dissent have come out in the open with party veterans questioning the approach of the Modi-Shah duo. These appointments may have been done to quell such noises. With Sushma Swaraj announcing that she will not contest 2019 polls, BJP now lacks a pan-India woman leader with mass appeal. Raje fills this gap. With many flagship schemes of the government — Ujjwala, Awas, Swachch Bharat, Saubhagya — to name only a few aimed at women beneficiaries, this strategy may pay rich dividends. The Modi-Shah duo now wants to win at any cost and the Prime Minister has not been shy of campaigning extensively even in state polls. Another appointment, which has caught everyone’s attention is of Gordhan Zadafia, once a bitter critic of Modi belonging to the rival Sanjay Joshi camp, who has been made in-charge of the most important state of Uttar Pradesh. The party faced a lot of flak, especially from the upper castes, for nullifying the Supreme Court order on SC-ST Atrocities Act. The SC-STs overwhelmingly voted against the party recently in the three states where it was in power. BJP won 128 SC-ST reserved seats in these states in 2013, which fell by more than half to 59 in 2018. A section of upper caste disillusioned with the party pressed NOTA, stayed at home, some even voting for Sapaks, a party championing upper caste rights. The party had to face reversals in belts where upper caste formed a significant proportion of population like Gwalior-Chambal in Madhya Pradesh. Even OBCs, staunch supporters of the BJP, switched sides in Chhattisgarh. With this step, BJP hopes to keep its anchor voting segment in good humour especially when Congress is trying to play the Brahman card and revive its traditional vote bank of upper caste, Dalits and Muslims. In the national convention held over the weekend, Modi exhorted the BJP cadre not to be complacent and work hard on the ground. They shouldn’t just hope Modi will come, hold rallies and swing votes. They need to take the welfare schemes of the government door to door and highlight the achievements. As per CSDS National Election Studies (NES) 2014, 27 per cent of BJP supporters would not have voted for party if Modi was not the prime ministerial candidate. The dip in popularity ratings of Modi and a corresponding increase in Rahul’s has cautioned BJP against over-reliance on the Modi factor. Though a lot of credit is given to Modi for the 2014 victory, it was also a result of effort and leadership of many state leaders like Chouhan, Raman, Raje, Parrikar, mini Modis in their own might. The call is also to them and to new leaders like Yogi and Fadnavis to work hard to realize their common dream. The party is seeking suggestions from the public on various issues like implementation of schemes, impact of proposed grand alliance and three most popular party leaders in their constituencies, among other things. To negate anti-incumbency, BJP is likely to deny tickets to 30-40 per cent of existing MPs, around 100 in total. This exercise will provide information on the popularity of MPs and suggest alternatives. Though elections in India are increasingly becoming presidential in style, one-fourth of the voters gave importance to the local candidate while voting in 2014, according to NES. The unfavourable verdict in the three states brought to the forefront rural and agri distress. It also highlighted growing urban apathy among the middle class, staunch supporters of BJP. The party is likely to come up with schemes to ease the nerves of these crucial segments. For farmers, the party could roll out a programme on the lines of Ryathu Bandhu Scheme of Telangana, where per hectare amount will be paid out to them. The middle class could see an increase in the income exemption limit from the current Rs 2.5 lakh per annum to Rs 5 lakh per annum. For the rural population, the possibility of doling out a UBI scheme, where Rs 2-2,500 per month will be given to BPL category, is being mentioned. The party is now pulling out all stops. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Pumping up party organisation: BJP formulates multi-pronged strategy to regain lost ground

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/sports/india-win-maiden-odi-series-against-australia-down-under-191245">India win maiden ODI series against Australia Down Under</a>

India on Friday won their maiden bilateral One-day International (ODI) series against Australia down under on Friday.

The win came after the Virat Kohli-led team defeated the host in the third and final one-day international by seven wickets. India won the three-game series 2-1.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/ec-may-announce-lok-sabha-poll-schedule-in-march-first-week-sources-191262">Election Commission may announce Lok Sabha poll schedule in March first week: Sources</a>

The dates for the Lok Sabha elections are likely to be announced in the first week of March, sources indicated on Friday.

The term of the present Lok Sabha ends on June 3.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/as-elections-near-ram-temple-back-as-electoral-agenda-191280">As elections near, Ram temple back as electoral agenda</a>

RSS general secretary Bhaiya Ji Joshi has again brought the Ayodhya temple issue to the fore.

Weeks after the issue receded from the news headlines, he told the press that the Ram temple should be built before the next Kumbh, which is set six years from now. Asked about the time gap, he said, ”if construction starts immediately, then the temple would be ready by 2025.”

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-aims-top-50-rank-next-year-in-ease-of-doing-business-pm-modi-191242">India aims 'Top 50' rank next year in ease of doing business: PM Modi</a>

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday said India is aiming at being in the list of top 50 countries next year in the 'ease of doing business' category.

The country's ranking has jumped 75 places in the World Bank's ease of doing business rankings, Modi said. India is now ranked 77th in the list.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/two-grenade-attacks-on-security-forces-in-kashmir-191226">Two grenade attacks on security forces reported in Kashmir</a>

Militants carried out two grenade attacks on security forces in Kashmir on Friday but there were no reports of any casualty, police said.

The terrorists lobbed a grenade at a CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force) bunker at Ghanta Ghar (Clock Tower) in Lal Chowk this afternoon, a police official said.

India win maiden ODI series against Australia Down Under India on Friday won their maiden bilateral One-day International (ODI) series against Australia down under on Friday.

India win maiden ODI series against Australia Down Under India on Friday won their maiden bilateral One-day International (ODI) series against Australia down under on Friday. The win came after the Virat Kohli-led team defeated the host in the third and final one-day international by seven wickets. India won the three-game series 2-1. Election Commission may announce Lok Sabha poll schedule in March first week: Sources The dates for the Lok Sabha elections are likely to be announced in the first week of March, sources indicated on Friday. The term of the present Lok Sabha ends on June 3. As elections near, Ram temple back as electoral agenda RSS general secretary Bhaiya Ji Joshi has again brought the Ayodhya temple issue to the fore. Weeks after the issue receded from the news headlines, he told the press that the Ram temple should be built before the next Kumbh, which is set six years from now. Asked about the time gap, he said, ”if construction starts immediately, then the temple would be ready by 2025.” India aims 'Top 50' rank next year in ease of doing business: PM Modi Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday said India is aiming at being in the list of top 50 countries next year in the 'ease of doing business' category. The country's ranking has jumped 75 places in the World Bank's ease of doing business rankings, Modi said. India is now ranked 77th in the list. Two grenade attacks on security forces reported in Kashmir Militants carried out two grenade attacks on security forces in Kashmir on Friday but there were no reports of any casualty, police said. The terrorists lobbed a grenade at a CRPF (Central Reserve Police Force) bunker at Ghanta Ghar (Clock Tower) in Lal Chowk this afternoon, a police official said.

News brief: Big stories of the day

The political wheels have come full circle in Uttar Pradesh. About 25 years ago, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party came together to successfully contest the 1993 Assembly elections in the state. The idea was to keep the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at bay following its rise. Now the two parties have aligned yet again to counter the BJP in the coming Lok Sabha polls. Since we are into history, let’s recall a few incidents that happened thereafter.&nbsp;

Then it was Mulayam Singh Yadav from the SP and Kanshi Ram from the BSP who stitched the partnership. Two prominent industrialists had played a significant role in bringing the rivals together, and they were subsequently rewarded with Rajya Sabha seats. The BJP still won the largest number of seats but fell short of a majority, while the combined numerical strength of the SP and the BSP led to the formation of a coalition regime with Mulayam Singh Yadav as the chief minister. Mayawati did not join the government, but she was entrusted with the task of supervising the partnership. &nbsp;

The alliance worked well for the first few months, but friction began to develop thereafter, more so after incidents of violence which had erupted following the removal of an Ambedkar statue in Meerut in 1994. The state police, which had a good number from the Yadav caste, came down hard on the protesters and at least two members of the Scheduled Castes died in the firing. More problems arose when the Yadav community protested against the installation of an Ambedkar statue on a plot of land it claimed belonged to the community. The Yadav-Scheduled Caste confrontation led Mayawati to get aggressive, and soon reports began to circulate that she was interfering in the functioning of the Mulayam Singh Yadav-led government. &nbsp;

Then came then infamous guest house incident in mid-1995. By then, political equations had begun to change in Lucknow. The BJP and the BSP had got closer to each other with the latter realising it would have to pull out of the coalition regime to keep its Scheduled caste vote-base intact. Indeed, Mayawati had met the Governor and effectively withdrawn support to the government. All hell broke. Mayawati had summoned a meeting of her legislators at the state guest house in Lucknow to discuss further course of action. Once the meeting was done, the BSP leader was closeted with a few senior leaders for fine-tuning the political strategy. A mob of around 200 SP leaders and supporters attacked the guest house and raised casteist slogans against her and her community. It was followed by more filthy language and threats to kill. Power supply to the guest house was cut off and the mob shouted for Mayawati to be dragged out and taught a lesson. The BSP legislators who came in contact with the mob were brutally assaulted. &nbsp;

Two junior police officers came to Mayawati’s rescue. Later the district magistrate of Lucknow and some BJP leaders played important roles in the rescue of the BSP leader. A traumatic Mayawati and her guru Kanshi Ram vowed to never do business with the SP. She soon became chief minister with the BJP’s support.&nbsp;

Cut to the present: On Saturday, sharing the stage with SP leader Akhilesh Yadav to announce the renewed partnership between the SP and the BSP and the seat-sharing deal, Mayawati remarked that she was willing to forgive and forget the 1995 incident in the larger interests of the nation (read, to get rid of the Modi government from the Centre). &nbsp;

Then, as now, the common factor is the need to counter the BJP. But that’s where the commonality ends. The first difference is that the two leaders who made the alliance possible in 1993 are not in the picture this time around. Kanshi Ram is dead and Mulayam Singh Yadav is a mere bystander in the party which he founded. While both Kanshi Ram and Mulayam Singh Yadav were astute, in the present case Mayawati, now a veteran both in terms of years in politics and mercurial nature, clearly has the edge, whereas Akhilesh Yadav is subdued by his relatively junior status and inexperience. Everybody knows who will call the shots in the post-result scenario if the combine does well, is not a secret.&nbsp;

The second difference is that the 1993 alliance had been for Assembly elections, whereas the present one — at least for now — is for the Lok Sabha polls. Then it was Mulayam-Kanshi Ram versus Kalyan Singh of the BJP, who had been deposed as chief minister following the Ayodhya mosque destruction incident. Today it is Akhilesh-Mayawati versus Narendra Modi — a more formidable challenge.&nbsp;

The third refers to the political status of the BJP. Then, the BJP was not in power either at the Centre or in the state. Today it’s there in both places. In the 2014 general elections, the party had got 40 per cent of the vote-share in Uttar Pradesh. The SP could manage only five seats while the BSP ended with none. The situation was not much different in the 2017 assembly polls where the SP and the BSP had to bite the dust while the BJP romped home with a huge majority. &nbsp;And yet the SP-BSP combine has reason to feel upbeat. It had tasted blood in the Phulpur and Gorakhpur Lok Sabha bypolls, and this had proved to be a trigger to explore a formalise alliance between the two parties.&nbsp; &nbsp;

There, questions remain: First, will the coalition deliver in 2019? Will it last in case of failure? Will it sustain even after the victory or become victim to ego battles, as had happened in 1995?&nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The political wheels have come full circle in Uttar Pradesh. About 25 years ago, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party came together to successfully contest the 1993 Assembly elections in the state.

The political wheels have come full circle in Uttar Pradesh. About 25 years ago, the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party came together to successfully contest the 1993 Assembly elections in the state. The idea was to keep the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at bay following its rise. Now the two parties have aligned yet again to counter the BJP in the coming Lok Sabha polls. Since we are into history, let’s recall a few incidents that happened thereafter. Then it was Mulayam Singh Yadav from the SP and Kanshi Ram from the BSP who stitched the partnership. Two prominent industrialists had played a significant role in bringing the rivals together, and they were subsequently rewarded with Rajya Sabha seats. The BJP still won the largest number of seats but fell short of a majority, while the combined numerical strength of the SP and the BSP led to the formation of a coalition regime with Mulayam Singh Yadav as the chief minister. Mayawati did not join the government, but she was entrusted with the task of supervising the partnership. The alliance worked well for the first few months, but friction began to develop thereafter, more so after incidents of violence which had erupted following the removal of an Ambedkar statue in Meerut in 1994. The state police, which had a good number from the Yadav caste, came down hard on the protesters and at least two members of the Scheduled Castes died in the firing. More problems arose when the Yadav community protested against the installation of an Ambedkar statue on a plot of land it claimed belonged to the community. The Yadav-Scheduled Caste confrontation led Mayawati to get aggressive, and soon reports began to circulate that she was interfering in the functioning of the Mulayam Singh Yadav-led government. Then came then infamous guest house incident in mid-1995. By then, political equations had begun to change in Lucknow. The BJP and the BSP had got closer to each other with the latter realising it would have to pull out of the coalition regime to keep its Scheduled caste vote-base intact. Indeed, Mayawati had met the Governor and effectively withdrawn support to the government. All hell broke. Mayawati had summoned a meeting of her legislators at the state guest house in Lucknow to discuss further course of action. Once the meeting was done, the BSP leader was closeted with a few senior leaders for fine-tuning the political strategy. A mob of around 200 SP leaders and supporters attacked the guest house and raised casteist slogans against her and her community. It was followed by more filthy language and threats to kill. Power supply to the guest house was cut off and the mob shouted for Mayawati to be dragged out and taught a lesson. The BSP legislators who came in contact with the mob were brutally assaulted. Two junior police officers came to Mayawati’s rescue. Later the district magistrate of Lucknow and some BJP leaders played important roles in the rescue of the BSP leader. A traumatic Mayawati and her guru Kanshi Ram vowed to never do business with the SP. She soon became chief minister with the BJP’s support. Cut to the present: On Saturday, sharing the stage with SP leader Akhilesh Yadav to announce the renewed partnership between the SP and the BSP and the seat-sharing deal, Mayawati remarked that she was willing to forgive and forget the 1995 incident in the larger interests of the nation (read, to get rid of the Modi government from the Centre). Then, as now, the common factor is the need to counter the BJP. But that’s where the commonality ends. The first difference is that the two leaders who made the alliance possible in 1993 are not in the picture this time around. Kanshi Ram is dead and Mulayam Singh Yadav is a mere bystander in the party which he founded. While both Kanshi Ram and Mulayam Singh Yadav were astute, in the present case Mayawati, now a veteran both in terms of years in politics and mercurial nature, clearly has the edge, whereas Akhilesh Yadav is subdued by his relatively junior status and inexperience. Everybody knows who will call the shots in the post-result scenario if the combine does well, is not a secret. The second difference is that the 1993 alliance had been for Assembly elections, whereas the present one — at least for now — is for the Lok Sabha polls. Then it was Mulayam-Kanshi Ram versus Kalyan Singh of the BJP, who had been deposed as chief minister following the Ayodhya mosque destruction incident. Today it is Akhilesh-Mayawati versus Narendra Modi — a more formidable challenge. The third refers to the political status of the BJP. Then, the BJP was not in power either at the Centre or in the state. Today it’s there in both places. In the 2014 general elections, the party had got 40 per cent of the vote-share in Uttar Pradesh. The SP could manage only five seats while the BSP ended with none. The situation was not much different in the 2017 assembly polls where the SP and the BSP had to bite the dust while the BJP romped home with a huge majority. And yet the SP-BSP combine has reason to feel upbeat. It had tasted blood in the Phulpur and Gorakhpur Lok Sabha bypolls, and this had proved to be a trigger to explore a formalise alliance between the two parties. There, questions remain: First, will the coalition deliver in 2019? Will it last in case of failure? Will it sustain even after the victory or become victim to ego battles, as had happened in 1995? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BSP-SP alliance returns after 25 years; will the coalition deliver in 2019?

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