There is little doubt that Narendra Modi’s phenomenal victory in the 2014 Lok Sabha election was fashioned in the main by the youth or more specifically, the first-time voter.&nbsp;

This was no ordinary display of youth power. Disillusioned by years of Congress corruption and cynicism, the BJP leader’s catchy slogans and persuasive appeal to the young and aspirational voters, won the saffron party its most significant spurs in history.

Given that two in three Indians are below 35 years of age and about a million more need employment every month, the then Gujarat chief minister’s promises found many takers.

While old habits like voting for dynastic politicians and netas with criminal backgrounds continued in 2014, there was greater awareness of macroeconomic issues than ever before. Modi’s constant stress on development reiterated that point. &nbsp;&nbsp;

For the young voters, Modi’s record on development as Gujarat chief minister offered hope in a country that had begun to lose faith in the Congress.

In the forthcoming 2019 Lok Sabha elections, with an estimated 12.7 crore first-time voters, making India the youngest country in the world, the big challenge for the ruling party is to keep the young and the aspirational voters on its side.&nbsp;

It is instructive to fall back on the past to perhaps understand what could happen in 2019. A media survey in early 2014 said that almost half of the nearly 15 crore Indians, who were going to be first-time voters in the 2014 general election, wanted to see Modi as the Prime Minister. And so they did.

But this vast flotsam is like a tinderbox; their passion can easily turn into a strong dislike, if the going gets tough and with little skills, the going is never going to be easy.

Consider this. According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), a think tank that tracks business and economic data, as of February 2018, 31 million jobless people were looking for employment opportunities. This number is likely to rise as a fresh batch of graduates joins the market.

Between April and December 2016, a nine-month period, 2.3 lakh jobs were created across eight key sectors. However, given the enormous economic complexities, this is far short of what is needed: the latest figures suggest that 10 lakh Indians enter the job market every month.

The situation is so grim that one recent report indicated that 20 million Indians had applied for 1,00,000 jobs in the Indian Railways. In other words, there were 200 young jobless people applying for one post and competing with each other. And the jobs were no top-of-the-line railway executive openings, but people vying for locomotive drivers, technicians and the railway police — all of them need bare minimum qualifications.

Yet, such is the level of desperation that even highly qualified PhD scholars were among the applicants for the role of technicians.&nbsp;

India’s job crisis is now staring the Narendra Modi government in the face more ominously than when it came to power in 2014. The big problem for the present government, which has been trying and thinking out of the box to get around the problem, is that there is simply no time left to fix it. Elections are now a few months away and economic issues are not something that can be solved overnight.&nbsp;

The bigger problem is that the young generation, that is growing up on 4G and a 24-hour information inflow, has grown a little too aspirational for any government - let along this government’s comfort.&nbsp;

Most surveys, particularly the serious ones, believe that unemployment and lack of jobs are the main reasons for dissatisfaction among the young.&nbsp;

Two months ago, a group of students protested on rail tracks demanding employment. Stories of stampedes during examinations for government jobs, are not new by any chance, but they continue to be reported in India, live examples of how lives may not have changed with the change of government that has promised and even tried hard to achieve numbers that are simply humongous.&nbsp;

But clearly, elections every five years is a constitutionally guaranteed opportunity to keep seeking change until good governance is delivered.&nbsp;

Employment is directly linked to skills and the Modi government programme for skilling, despite best efforts, has run into choppy waters. Of the millions entering the workforce every year, skills are at a premium. &nbsp;

Now consider this. By 2022, India aimed to create a pool of 500 million skilled workers. The overly ambitious target could hardly be flawed, but it obviously did not take volumes into consideration.&nbsp;

According to the latest government statistics, the National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC) has been able to train 51 million since 2014. Of them, 21 million managed to get jobs. &nbsp;

A deeper study reveals that India could have taken a leaf out of China’s book. The Asian rival’s success in creating a skilled labour force can be attributed to its technical, vocational education and training system, which helped it to successfully transform into the world’s manufacturing hub after it was able to train millions of unskilled into highly skilled workers.

In the case of India too, the millions of those entering the job market are quite simply unemployable.&nbsp;

According to the Election Commission data for the 2014 Lok Sabha election, the highest percentage of young voters were in Jharkhand at 9.03 per cent. The state witnessed an increase in voter turn out from 55.28 per cent in 2009 to 62.62 per cent in 2014. Some other states registering significant increases included Odisha (2.64 per cent), Haryana (2.23 per cent), Rajasthan (3.29 per cent), Chhattisgarh (4.94 per cent) and Tamil Nadu (3.23 per cent). 
 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-young-and-aspirational-2705421">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

There is little doubt that Narendra Modi’s phenomenal victory in the 2014 Lok Sabha election was fashioned in the main by the youth or more specifically, the first-time voter.

There is little doubt that Narendra Modi’s phenomenal victory in the 2014 Lok Sabha election was fashioned in the main by the youth or more specifically, the first-time voter. This was no ordinary display of youth power. Disillusioned by years of Congress corruption and cynicism, the BJP leader’s catchy slogans and persuasive appeal to the young and aspirational voters, won the saffron party its most significant spurs in history. Given that two in three Indians are below 35 years of age and about a million more need employment every month, the then Gujarat chief minister’s promises found many takers. While old habits like voting for dynastic politicians and netas with criminal backgrounds continued in 2014, there was greater awareness of macroeconomic issues than ever before. Modi’s constant stress on development reiterated that point. For the young voters, Modi’s record on development as Gujarat chief minister offered hope in a country that had begun to lose faith in the Congress. In the forthcoming 2019 Lok Sabha elections, with an estimated 12.7 crore first-time voters, making India the youngest country in the world, the big challenge for the ruling party is to keep the young and the aspirational voters on its side. It is instructive to fall back on the past to perhaps understand what could happen in 2019. A media survey in early 2014 said that almost half of the nearly 15 crore Indians, who were going to be first-time voters in the 2014 general election, wanted to see Modi as the Prime Minister. And so they did. But this vast flotsam is like a tinderbox; their passion can easily turn into a strong dislike, if the going gets tough and with little skills, the going is never going to be easy. Consider this. According to the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE), a think tank that tracks business and economic data, as of February 2018, 31 million jobless people were looking for employment opportunities. This number is likely to rise as a fresh batch of graduates joins the market. Between April and December 2016, a nine-month period, 2.3 lakh jobs were created across eight key sectors. However, given the enormous economic complexities, this is far short of what is needed: the latest figures suggest that 10 lakh Indians enter the job market every month. The situation is so grim that one recent report indicated that 20 million Indians had applied for 1,00,000 jobs in the Indian Railways. In other words, there were 200 young jobless people applying for one post and competing with each other. And the jobs were no top-of-the-line railway executive openings, but people vying for locomotive drivers, technicians and the railway police — all of them need bare minimum qualifications. Yet, such is the level of desperation that even highly qualified PhD scholars were among the applicants for the role of technicians. India’s job crisis is now staring the Narendra Modi government in the face more ominously than when it came to power in 2014. The big problem for the present government, which has been trying and thinking out of the box to get around the problem, is that there is simply no time left to fix it. Elections are now a few months away and economic issues are not something that can be solved overnight. The bigger problem is that the young generation, that is growing up on 4G and a 24-hour information inflow, has grown a little too aspirational for any government - let along this government’s comfort. Most surveys, particularly the serious ones, believe that unemployment and lack of jobs are the main reasons for dissatisfaction among the young. Two months ago, a group of students protested on rail tracks demanding employment. Stories of stampedes during examinations for government jobs, are not new by any chance, but they continue to be reported in India, live examples of how lives may not have changed with the change of government that has promised and even tried hard to achieve numbers that are simply humongous. But clearly, elections every five years is a constitutionally guaranteed opportunity to keep seeking change until good governance is delivered. Employment is directly linked to skills and the Modi government programme for skilling, despite best efforts, has run into choppy waters. Of the millions entering the workforce every year, skills are at a premium. Now consider this. By 2022, India aimed to create a pool of 500 million skilled workers. The overly ambitious target could hardly be flawed, but it obviously did not take volumes into consideration. According to the latest government statistics, the National Skill Development Corporation (NSDC) has been able to train 51 million since 2014. Of them, 21 million managed to get jobs. A deeper study reveals that India could have taken a leaf out of China’s book. The Asian rival’s success in creating a skilled labour force can be attributed to its technical, vocational education and training system, which helped it to successfully transform into the world’s manufacturing hub after it was able to train millions of unskilled into highly skilled workers. In the case of India too, the millions of those entering the job market are quite simply unemployable. According to the Election Commission data for the 2014 Lok Sabha election, the highest percentage of young voters were in Jharkhand at 9.03 per cent. The state witnessed an increase in voter turn out from 55.28 per cent in 2009 to 62.62 per cent in 2014. Some other states registering significant increases included Odisha (2.64 per cent), Haryana (2.23 per cent), Rajasthan (3.29 per cent), Chhattisgarh (4.94 per cent) and Tamil Nadu (3.23 per cent). (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

2019 Lok Sabha elections: The challenge of job creation

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent interview that the 'grand alliance' being talked of against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would result in a contest between the people and the coalition. It remains to be seen whether this new narrative will gain traction among the voters in the months to come, but there is an alliance that can create serious problems for the ruling party - the one between the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp; 
 
Neither PM Modi nor his party can ignore the elephant in the room, or to be precise, the elephant plus the cycle. This is for several reasons. The first is that the SP-BSP combine is a very real possibility, unlike various other opposition combinations that exist only in the air. The two parties are already collaborating. When the BSP withdrew its minister from the HD Kumaraswamy government in Karnataka, the SP was quick to support the move. When the BSP demanded the withdrawal of certain cases against members of the Scheduled Castes in Kamal Nath-ruled Madhya Pradesh, the SP was again fully supportive.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The two parties have given serious indications of contesting the Lok Sabha polls together, at least for the 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh. They are both on the same page with regard to treating the Congress as a very junior partner in case the latter decides to join their group. But both prefer not having any truck with the Congress.&nbsp;

The other reason for the BJP to take the possible combine seriously is the state itself. Uttar Pradesh, from all available accounts, holds the key to government formation at the Centre. The BJP rode to a majority — the first time a single party achieved it since 1984-85 — on the strength of its performance in the state, winning 73 seats along with its allies. If it suffers a setback there, it will have considerable difficulty in being in the pole position nationally. &nbsp;

The Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine is lethal on caste grounds too. The Yadav community and the Scheduled Castes together form a formidable voter force; together they comprise case to 30 per cent of the population. Add to it the Muslim voters, and the situation gets only more grim for the BJP. It can be argued that not all Scheduled Caste voters will back the combine — they had supported the BJP in large numbers in 2014. But then, 2019 is not 2014, and there was no alliance between the SP and the BSP.&nbsp;

The situation is more challenging for the BJP in the state this time around also because of trouble with allies. The Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party and the Apna Dal (Sonelal) are upset for various reasons. Leaders of both parties have been keeping away from BJP events. Most recently, they were absent from a rally the Prime Minister addressed in Ghazipur. Statements of discontent have been made from both party leaders on various occasions. The BJP will have to mollify them quickly or face the prospect of loss of precious votes in pockets where the two parties are influential. The ruling party cannot afford to lose partners like it did in neighbouring Bihar. Two regional parties which had contested the2014 polls as partners of the BJP have broken away and joined the RJD-led front. But at least in Bihar, the BJP has a tie-up with a dominant Janata Dal (United) to compensate for the loss; in Uttar Pradesh, there is no such solace.&nbsp;

Given the situation, the BJP is readying itself for the grand challenge in the state. It could try any one or a combination of the following factors: Use the Ayodhya card to rally the majority faith voters to its side; play upon the threat of minority appeasement as well as the dominance of the Yadav community to lure voters; recall the development agenda of both the Modi regime and the Yogi Adityanath government in the state.

The potency of the first factor depends greatly on the path the Supreme Court takes in the weeks to come. The second hinges largely on the level of fear that the BJP can arouse song the people. It must be recalled that the BJP had swept the Assembly election in 2017 also because the people had been disenchanted by the minority appeasement policies of the then Samajwadi Party regime led by Akhilesh Yadav. The consolation of Hindu votes had happened as a result. Further supported by the success of schemes such as Ujjwala, the BJP had cut across caste votes to register a fine win. &nbsp;

Is an encore possible?&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent interview that the 'grand alliance' being talked of against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would result in a contest between the people and the coalition.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a recent interview that the 'grand alliance' being talked of against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would result in a contest between the people and the coalition. It remains to be seen whether this new narrative will gain traction among the voters in the months to come, but there is an alliance that can create serious problems for the ruling party - the one between the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh. Neither PM Modi nor his party can ignore the elephant in the room, or to be precise, the elephant plus the cycle. This is for several reasons. The first is that the SP-BSP combine is a very real possibility, unlike various other opposition combinations that exist only in the air. The two parties are already collaborating. When the BSP withdrew its minister from the HD Kumaraswamy government in Karnataka, the SP was quick to support the move. When the BSP demanded the withdrawal of certain cases against members of the Scheduled Castes in Kamal Nath-ruled Madhya Pradesh, the SP was again fully supportive. The two parties have given serious indications of contesting the Lok Sabha polls together, at least for the 80 seats in Uttar Pradesh. They are both on the same page with regard to treating the Congress as a very junior partner in case the latter decides to join their group. But both prefer not having any truck with the Congress. The other reason for the BJP to take the possible combine seriously is the state itself. Uttar Pradesh, from all available accounts, holds the key to government formation at the Centre. The BJP rode to a majority — the first time a single party achieved it since 1984-85 — on the strength of its performance in the state, winning 73 seats along with its allies. If it suffers a setback there, it will have considerable difficulty in being in the pole position nationally. The Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine is lethal on caste grounds too. The Yadav community and the Scheduled Castes together form a formidable voter force; together they comprise case to 30 per cent of the population. Add to it the Muslim voters, and the situation gets only more grim for the BJP. It can be argued that not all Scheduled Caste voters will back the combine — they had supported the BJP in large numbers in 2014. But then, 2019 is not 2014, and there was no alliance between the SP and the BSP. The situation is more challenging for the BJP in the state this time around also because of trouble with allies. The Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party and the Apna Dal (Sonelal) are upset for various reasons. Leaders of both parties have been keeping away from BJP events. Most recently, they were absent from a rally the Prime Minister addressed in Ghazipur. Statements of discontent have been made from both party leaders on various occasions. The BJP will have to mollify them quickly or face the prospect of loss of precious votes in pockets where the two parties are influential. The ruling party cannot afford to lose partners like it did in neighbouring Bihar. Two regional parties which had contested the2014 polls as partners of the BJP have broken away and joined the RJD-led front. But at least in Bihar, the BJP has a tie-up with a dominant Janata Dal (United) to compensate for the loss; in Uttar Pradesh, there is no such solace. Given the situation, the BJP is readying itself for the grand challenge in the state. It could try any one or a combination of the following factors: Use the Ayodhya card to rally the majority faith voters to its side; play upon the threat of minority appeasement as well as the dominance of the Yadav community to lure voters; recall the development agenda of both the Modi regime and the Yogi Adityanath government in the state. The potency of the first factor depends greatly on the path the Supreme Court takes in the weeks to come. The second hinges largely on the level of fear that the BJP can arouse song the people. It must be recalled that the BJP had swept the Assembly election in 2017 also because the people had been disenchanted by the minority appeasement policies of the then Samajwadi Party regime led by Akhilesh Yadav. The consolation of Hindu votes had happened as a result. Further supported by the success of schemes such as Ujjwala, the BJP had cut across caste votes to register a fine win. Is an encore possible? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BSP-SP alliance may prove to be a stumbling block for BJP

Launching the first phase of the poll campaign for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/opinions/opinion-modi-back-in-a-humble-avatar-187769">Prime Minister Modi</a>&nbsp;addressed a rally at Assam's Cachar district on Friday.

In the first, Vijay Sankalp Samavesh Rally, PM Modi assured the people of Assam that no genuine citizen will be left out of the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/nrc-will-be-limited-to-assam-for-now-hansraj-ahir-185187">NRC&nbsp;(National Register of Citizens)</a> and hoped that the citizenship bill will soon get Parliament's nod.

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PM Modi addressing a rally in Silchar, Assam: Aapko fir se bharosa deta hoon, koi bhi bharatiya nagrik National Register of Citizens of India (NRC) mein se nahi chootega. <a href="https://t.co/fq9IT0vei5">pic.twitter.com/fq9IT0vei5</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1081130764773732352?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 4, 2019</a></blockquote>
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"Aapko fir se bharosa deta hoon, koi bhi bharatiya nagrik National Register of Citizens of India (NRC) mein se nahi chootega".

"I am aware of the problems and difficulties faced by many during the NRC process but I assure you that no injustice will be done to any genuine Indian citizens," he added.

Calling the Citizenship Amendment Bill, a penance against the injustice done in the past, he also assured that his government was working to get the Citizen Amendment Bill passed in Parliament.

"Citizenship bill not for anyone's benefit, but a penance against injustice done in past; hope it will be passed soon in Parliament, " PM Modi said.

"Our government is moving ahead with Citizenship (Amendment) Bill; it is linked with emotions and related to peoples' lives," he added.

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PM Modi addressing a rally in Silchar, Assam: Our govt is also working to get the Citizen Amendment Bill passed in the Parliament. <a href="https://t.co/GF2WdSBlBD">pic.twitter.com/GF2WdSBlBD</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1081134449427771392?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 4, 2019</a></blockquote>
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PM Modi further said that the government had decided to implement Clause 6 of Assam Accord to safeguard social, cultural and linguistic identity of the state.

"I am indebted to the people of Assam for voting for the BJP in the recent panchayat elections and I am committed to repay this debt by ensuring the development of the state," he said.

Recalling his inauguration of the country's longest rail-cum-road bridge at Bogibeel in upper Assam on December 25, Modi said "I am fortunate to be with the people of Assam for the second time in 10 days. The Barak and Brahmaputra valleys are a source of inspiration not only for the state but also for the country", Modi said.

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Manipur: Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurates several development projects and dedicates 400kV double circuit Silchar-Imphal line, in Imphal. Chief Minister N Biren Singh also present. <a href="https://t.co/aDWqjNeqTf">pic.twitter.com/aDWqjNeqTf</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1081100736786821122?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 4, 2019</a></blockquote>
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The BJP and its allies is setting the target to win 21 out of the 25 parliamentary seats in eight states in the region and in Assam the party hopes to win at least 11 of the 14 seats.

In the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, BJP had made massive in roads in Assam winning seven of its 14 parliamentary seats and in the 2016 assembly polls the party emerged as the single largest party with 61 seats while its alliance partners AGP and BPF had won 14 and 12 seats respectively.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

Launching the first phase of the poll campaign for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Prime Minister Modi addressed a rally at Assam's Cachar district on Friday. In the first, Vijay Sankalp Samavesh Rally, PM Modi assured the people of Assam that no genuine citizen will be left out of the NRC (National Register of Citizens) and hoped that the citizenship bill will soon get Parliament's nod.

Launching the first phase of the poll campaign for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Prime Minister Modi addressed a rally at Assam's Cachar district on Friday. In the first, Vijay Sankalp Samavesh Rally, PM Modi assured the people of Assam that no genuine citizen will be left out of the NRC (National Register of Citizens) and hoped that the citizenship bill will soon get Parliament's nod. PM Modi addressing a rally in Silchar, Assam: Aapko fir se bharosa deta hoon, koi bhi bharatiya nagrik National Register of Citizens of India (NRC) mein se nahi chootega. pic.twitter.com/fq9IT0vei5 — ANI (@ANI) January 4, 2019 × "Aapko fir se bharosa deta hoon, koi bhi bharatiya nagrik National Register of Citizens of India (NRC) mein se nahi chootega". "I am aware of the problems and difficulties faced by many during the NRC process but I assure you that no injustice will be done to any genuine Indian citizens," he added. Calling the Citizenship Amendment Bill, a penance against the injustice done in the past, he also assured that his government was working to get the Citizen Amendment Bill passed in Parliament. "Citizenship bill not for anyone's benefit, but a penance against injustice done in past; hope it will be passed soon in Parliament, " PM Modi said. "Our government is moving ahead with Citizenship (Amendment) Bill; it is linked with emotions and related to peoples' lives," he added. PM Modi addressing a rally in Silchar, Assam: Our govt is also working to get the Citizen Amendment Bill passed in the Parliament. pic.twitter.com/GF2WdSBlBD — ANI (@ANI) January 4, 2019 × PM Modi further said that the government had decided to implement Clause 6 of Assam Accord to safeguard social, cultural and linguistic identity of the state. "I am indebted to the people of Assam for voting for the BJP in the recent panchayat elections and I am committed to repay this debt by ensuring the development of the state," he said. Recalling his inauguration of the country's longest rail-cum-road bridge at Bogibeel in upper Assam on December 25, Modi said "I am fortunate to be with the people of Assam for the second time in 10 days. The Barak and Brahmaputra valleys are a source of inspiration not only for the state but also for the country", Modi said. Manipur: Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurates several development projects and dedicates 400kV double circuit Silchar-Imphal line, in Imphal. Chief Minister N Biren Singh also present. pic.twitter.com/aDWqjNeqTf — ANI (@ANI) January 4, 2019 × The BJP and its allies is setting the target to win 21 out of the 25 parliamentary seats in eight states in the region and in Assam the party hopes to win at least 11 of the 14 seats. In the 2014 Lok Sabha polls, BJP had made massive in roads in Assam winning seven of its 14 parliamentary seats and in the 2016 assembly polls the party emerged as the single largest party with 61 seats while its alliance partners AGP and BPF had won 14 and 12 seats respectively. (With inputs from agencies)

No genuine citizen will be left out of NRC: PM Modi at rally in Assam

There are moments of epiphany when a bright flash of light appears in the mind's eye to give us an enlightening idea of some hard truth or knowledge. I had such a moment on the eve of the new year when I read about a political party from Uttar Pradesh called Nishad Party. It is in the news after its members pelted stones and killed a policeman on duty at Ghazipur in the eastern part of the state a couple of hours after Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed a rally in the area.&nbsp;

The Nishad community has been demanding reservations in government jobs. Is there anything new there? The Gujjars in Rajasthan, the Marathas in Maharashtra, the Patidars (Patels) in Gujarat, the Kapus in Andhra Pradesh and the Jats in Haryana are among those demanding job quotas in what I call post-Mandal politics. After a broad alliance of backward castes (technically known as Other Backward Classes in administrative language) managed to get quotas through the implementation of the Mandal Commission report in 1990, dissensions and rivalries within this category and those left out of the game but feeling backward in political terms, have been exercising their electoral muscle across India.

I confess I had not heard of the Nishad Party enough to have applied my mind, although it contested as many as 100 assembly seats in the last UP elections. Officially, the Nishad party describes itself as the derivative of an acronym: Nirbal Indian Shoshit Hamara Aam Dal. In effect, it represents boatmen and fishermen groups such as the Nishad, Bind and Kewat communities. There are also other parties in UP such as the Apna Dal (S) representing the Kurmis -- who are not high enough in the state but have a chief minister in Nitish Kumar in neighbouring Bihar.&nbsp;

In Andhra Pradesh, actor Pawan Kalyan is leading the Jana Sena party. He does not associate himself with any caste, but he is identified with the Kapus on account of his birth. The Jana Sena is giving headaches to chief minister Chandrababu Naidu, which kind of explains why the CM is trying to assume a national role as a key mover-shaker in opposition efforts to dislodge Modi's BJP from power. Voters look kindly at regional leaders assuming national prominence, partly in pride and partly in the hope that a national win will result in more local gains.

For all practical purposes, the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti in Gujarat led by Hardik Patel is as good as a regional caste-based party, though it calls itself non-political. It played a major role in Congress improving its show in the last state assembly elections.

A study in the respected Economic and Political Weekly on recent caste-based quota stirs concluded that the Jats, the Marathas and the Patels were "already closer to the upper castes than to the more disadvantaged groups in their respective states. Their anxieties seem to be based more on perception than on empirical evidence. "

We can't probably say that about the backward Nishads in UP, but relatively speaking the Kapus in AP and the Gujjars in Rajasthan are in the same league as the Jats and the Marathas, with their ambitions speaking the language of affirmative action based on backwardness.

The fact is that rural wages have shot up across India over the past two decades and hundreds of millions of people from formerly poor communities are looking beyond basic needs as they go to vote. Steady, influential government jobs are among their key demands. Rising literacy and the growth of media-based knowledge and smartphones are making them feel more empowered. The Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu were among the earliest OBC groups to discover their "backward" power when the Pattali Makkal Katchi was formed by Dr. S Ramadoss in 1989. The Lingayats in Karnataka, though relatively forward, are a de-facto political party who played a major role in the Congress retaining a measure of power in the state in assembly elections last year.&nbsp;

Whatever the detail, the writing is on the wall in the new year. While TV studio debates may centre around the Congress and the BJP, in the deeper game of electoral chess on the ground, you have to watch out for community leaders who will play a major role in shaping alliances and coalitions. They will also be spoilers in close contests in the first-past-the-post electoral system, with enough capacity to thwart someone's chance of victory even when they can't get a seat themselves. Mainstream parties try to co-opt, fool or break up smaller parties using their machinations through the media, money and manoeuvres. Some of it has already happened. More will happen in the coming days.

I expect backroom deals with backward groups taking the centre stage somewhere down the line in the new year. Watch out for some leaders who may look like jokers but can turn out to be heroes or villains as the world's largest democracy goes to the polls.

(This article was originally published on Zeenews. Read the <a href="http://zeenews.india.com/blogs/2019-lok-sabha-elections-more-than-just-bjp-vs-congress-smaller-parties-hold-the-key-2167664.html">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

There are moments of epiphany when a bright flash of light appears in the mind's eye to give us an enlightening idea of some hard truth or knowledge. I had such a moment on the eve of the new year when I read about a political party from Uttar Pradesh called Nishad Party.

There are moments of epiphany when a bright flash of light appears in the mind's eye to give us an enlightening idea of some hard truth or knowledge. I had such a moment on the eve of the new year when I read about a political party from Uttar Pradesh called Nishad Party. It is in the news after its members pelted stones and killed a policeman on duty at Ghazipur in the eastern part of the state a couple of hours after Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed a rally in the area. The Nishad community has been demanding reservations in government jobs. Is there anything new there? The Gujjars in Rajasthan, the Marathas in Maharashtra, the Patidars (Patels) in Gujarat, the Kapus in Andhra Pradesh and the Jats in Haryana are among those demanding job quotas in what I call post-Mandal politics. After a broad alliance of backward castes (technically known as Other Backward Classes in administrative language) managed to get quotas through the implementation of the Mandal Commission report in 1990, dissensions and rivalries within this category and those left out of the game but feeling backward in political terms, have been exercising their electoral muscle across India. I confess I had not heard of the Nishad Party enough to have applied my mind, although it contested as many as 100 assembly seats in the last UP elections. Officially, the Nishad party describes itself as the derivative of an acronym: Nirbal Indian Shoshit Hamara Aam Dal. In effect, it represents boatmen and fishermen groups such as the Nishad, Bind and Kewat communities. There are also other parties in UP such as the Apna Dal (S) representing the Kurmis -- who are not high enough in the state but have a chief minister in Nitish Kumar in neighbouring Bihar. In Andhra Pradesh, actor Pawan Kalyan is leading the Jana Sena party. He does not associate himself with any caste, but he is identified with the Kapus on account of his birth. The Jana Sena is giving headaches to chief minister Chandrababu Naidu, which kind of explains why the CM is trying to assume a national role as a key mover-shaker in opposition efforts to dislodge Modi's BJP from power. Voters look kindly at regional leaders assuming national prominence, partly in pride and partly in the hope that a national win will result in more local gains. For all practical purposes, the Patidar Anamat Andolan Samiti in Gujarat led by Hardik Patel is as good as a regional caste-based party, though it calls itself non-political. It played a major role in Congress improving its show in the last state assembly elections. A study in the respected Economic and Political Weekly on recent caste-based quota stirs concluded that the Jats, the Marathas and the Patels were "already closer to the upper castes than to the more disadvantaged groups in their respective states. Their anxieties seem to be based more on perception than on empirical evidence. " We can't probably say that about the backward Nishads in UP, but relatively speaking the Kapus in AP and the Gujjars in Rajasthan are in the same league as the Jats and the Marathas, with their ambitions speaking the language of affirmative action based on backwardness. The fact is that rural wages have shot up across India over the past two decades and hundreds of millions of people from formerly poor communities are looking beyond basic needs as they go to vote. Steady, influential government jobs are among their key demands. Rising literacy and the growth of media-based knowledge and smartphones are making them feel more empowered. The Vanniyars in Tamil Nadu were among the earliest OBC groups to discover their "backward" power when the Pattali Makkal Katchi was formed by Dr. S Ramadoss in 1989. The Lingayats in Karnataka, though relatively forward, are a de-facto political party who played a major role in the Congress retaining a measure of power in the state in assembly elections last year. Whatever the detail, the writing is on the wall in the new year. While TV studio debates may centre around the Congress and the BJP, in the deeper game of electoral chess on the ground, you have to watch out for community leaders who will play a major role in shaping alliances and coalitions. They will also be spoilers in close contests in the first-past-the-post electoral system, with enough capacity to thwart someone's chance of victory even when they can't get a seat themselves. Mainstream parties try to co-opt, fool or break up smaller parties using their machinations through the media, money and manoeuvres. Some of it has already happened. More will happen in the coming days. I expect backroom deals with backward groups taking the centre stage somewhere down the line in the new year. Watch out for some leaders who may look like jokers but can turn out to be heroes or villains as the world's largest democracy goes to the polls. (This article was originally published on Zeenews. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

2019 Lok Sabha elections more than just BJP vs Congress, smaller parties hold the key

On the first day of 2019, and a few months ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, here are four simple resolutions that could change our politics for the better. The level of discourse pertaining to politics has plummeted to unprecedented levels. A general perception prevails that our politics is become too bitter and is based on hate and revulsion towards political opponents. If politicians are concerned about this growing apathy and disgust for them they better follow some urgent steps.&nbsp;

Refrain from personal attacks&nbsp;

Over the last few years, Indian politics has reached its nadir. Slander, abuse and name-calling have become de rigueur and from top-ranking leaders to a party cadre, we have a stare at a bleak scenario when it comes to civility and basic courtesies. Whether it is inside Parliament, TV studios or public rallies, our politicians have crossed all red lines, so much so that political opponents appear to be mortal enemies! This needs to change as we head into an election year because without mutual respect and certain inviolable norms of public behaviour, Indian democracy will only be further weakened. &nbsp;

PPP- Practise Positive Politics &nbsp;

The mutual abuse that parties are currently heaping on each other, stems from a pool of negativity that is detrimental to democracy. While political and ideological opponents must fight it out in the electoral arena, stooping down to exacting personal vendettas cannot be condoned. Similarly, creating false narratives based on half-truths and innuendos are destroying public&nbsp;trust in politicians. If left unchecked it will erode away the peoples’ belief in the political system as well and could even pave way for more anarchic forces. &nbsp;

Focus on real issues&nbsp;

For a majority of Indians, issue emanating from growing inequality, lack of access to quality and affordable healthcare and education, safe spaces for children and girls, and opportunities of employment are in fact the real issues they would like to see resolved. However, issues like Mandir-Masjid&nbsp;may resonate with a small section of people but have come to occupy a disproportionately large share of politics today.&nbsp;

India’s health expenditure remains less than 3 per cent of its GDP, there is a severe dearth of quality and accessible school education for over 80 per cent Indian children. There is a severe crisis of undernutrition in a huge swathe of the country and process of migration for economic opportunities is overburdening India’s unprepared cities. In the new year, it is on such issues that political parties really need to focus on and just include them as a formality in their respective manifestos.&nbsp;

Don’t mislead people&nbsp;

With technology enabling real and digital manipulation of the voters’ minds, it is important that politicians strictly follow a personal code of conduct which shuns promoting the use of technology to come up with fake news, memes, audio recordings, and other such materials. Such unethical practices may help them reap short-term and narrow political gains but in the long term, it will be the death-knell of people’s trust in the political class. And once people’s trust disappears it won’t be long before our entire democratic political system starts crumbling. Therefore, politicians must resolve to neither overtly or covertly to either promote or sanction the creation of any material or narrative that seeks to mislead people on any issue pertaining to religion, caste, community, gender or any other matter.&nbsp;

Political parties and leaders from across the political spectrum need to resolve to shun this negativist politics and resolve to only work on positive ideas. To be sure, it is not meant that Indian politics should become inert and boring, but only that our politics should not be centred only on criticism, vendetta and spiteful jingoism.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

On the first day of 2019, and a few months ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, here are four simple resolutions that could change our politics for the better. The level of discourse pertaining to politics has plummeted to unprecedented levels.

On the first day of 2019, and a few months ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, here are four simple resolutions that could change our politics for the better. The level of discourse pertaining to politics has plummeted to unprecedented levels. A general perception prevails that our politics is become too bitter and is based on hate and revulsion towards political opponents. If politicians are concerned about this growing apathy and disgust for them they better follow some urgent steps. Refrain from personal attacks Over the last few years, Indian politics has reached its nadir. Slander, abuse and name-calling have become de rigueur and from top-ranking leaders to a party cadre, we have a stare at a bleak scenario when it comes to civility and basic courtesies. Whether it is inside Parliament, TV studios or public rallies, our politicians have crossed all red lines, so much so that political opponents appear to be mortal enemies! This needs to change as we head into an election year because without mutual respect and certain inviolable norms of public behaviour, Indian democracy will only be further weakened. PPP- Practise Positive Politics The mutual abuse that parties are currently heaping on each other, stems from a pool of negativity that is detrimental to democracy. While political and ideological opponents must fight it out in the electoral arena, stooping down to exacting personal vendettas cannot be condoned. Similarly, creating false narratives based on half-truths and innuendos are destroying public trust in politicians. If left unchecked it will erode away the peoples’ belief in the political system as well and could even pave way for more anarchic forces. Focus on real issues For a majority of Indians, issue emanating from growing inequality, lack of access to quality and affordable healthcare and education, safe spaces for children and girls, and opportunities of employment are in fact the real issues they would like to see resolved. However, issues like Mandir-Masjid may resonate with a small section of people but have come to occupy a disproportionately large share of politics today. India’s health expenditure remains less than 3 per cent of its GDP, there is a severe dearth of quality and accessible school education for over 80 per cent Indian children. There is a severe crisis of undernutrition in a huge swathe of the country and process of migration for economic opportunities is overburdening India’s unprepared cities. In the new year, it is on such issues that political parties really need to focus on and just include them as a formality in their respective manifestos. Don’t mislead people With technology enabling real and digital manipulation of the voters’ minds, it is important that politicians strictly follow a personal code of conduct which shuns promoting the use of technology to come up with fake news, memes, audio recordings, and other such materials. Such unethical practices may help them reap short-term and narrow political gains but in the long term, it will be the death-knell of people’s trust in the political class. And once people’s trust disappears it won’t be long before our entire democratic political system starts crumbling. Therefore, politicians must resolve to neither overtly or covertly to either promote or sanction the creation of any material or narrative that seeks to mislead people on any issue pertaining to religion, caste, community, gender or any other matter. Political parties and leaders from across the political spectrum need to resolve to shun this negativist politics and resolve to only work on positive ideas. To be sure, it is not meant that Indian politics should become inert and boring, but only that our politics should not be centred only on criticism, vendetta and spiteful jingoism. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Resolutions that political parties must make in 2019

Like the year 2017, &nbsp;2018 also ends with a round of important state elections. But unlike 2017 which the Bharatiya Janata Party rounded off with a hard-fought victory in Gujarat, 2018 has seen curtains down for the party in the key states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. That alone makes 2019 crucial, but what adds to the importance is the fact that that year will also witness a contest to determine which party or combination of parties rules the country.&nbsp;

It is, therefore, natural that electoral issues will be thrown up in the coming months. Although different topics will seek to occupy the primary narrative, every party will swear by the development agenda. While the BJP will present the development it has done in the past five years, others will dig up credit-worry material from the past when they were in power. The question is: Will the politics of development alone be the decisive factor? This is important because, if the answer is in the affirmative, then various other issues, many of them polarising and contentious, ought to be consigned to the dustbin. But the country’s recent political history does not point in that direction.&nbsp;

The Congress-led regime of PV Narasimha Rao presided over the most dramatic economic reforms the country has seen since Independence. It discarded decades of a socialist structure that had impeded growth and openness in the Indian economy. Its impact has been so profound that it is not just being felt today but will continue to be felt for many more years to come. Those bold measures were remarkable for another important reason: They were helmed by a leader who had himself spent a lifetime soaked in the Congress’s socialist credentials as far as economic policies were concerned. And they saved the country from certain bankruptcy. And yet, the Rao government lost power in 1996. The development agenda failed to click.&nbsp;

The fate of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee dispensation was no different. Prime Minister Vajpayee initiated arguably the biggest reform in decades in the infrastructure sector — national highways, rural roads, electricity, telecommunications. The India Shining campaign highlighted those undisputed achievements, but the BJP was ousted from power by the Congress which had only less than a decade ago played a role in the destabilisation of two non-Congress governments. Besides, it had also virtually trashed Rao’s development politics by relegating him to a non-entity in the Congress’s galaxy of tall leaders. People had not forgotten the shabby treatment it had given to Rao even after his death. But nothing mattered, and the Congress-led alliance formed the government in 2004. &nbsp;

Both Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh and Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh, in their long stints at the helm, had to a large extent succeeded in improving a lot of the people of their respective States through developmental politics. Madhya Pradesh is an especially interesting case because it had been considered part of the BIMARU (sick) conglomeration of states when Chouhan took charge. In more than a decade in office, his regime had managed to extricate it out of this pejorative terminology— which then comprised Bihar, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. But the people of the state voted his regime out recently.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Political parties understand this reality, which is why, although they talk of the politics of development, they are careful to cultivate other factors as well, sometimes at the cost of development. The constant use of identities — of religion, caste, regional pride — is one such weapon that these parties deploy. To be fair to them, they do so because they know that the voters also —despite being vocal on public platforms — about issues of development — are often swayed by parochial considerations.&nbsp;

This explains the budding romance between the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh. If the alliance between the two regional heavyweights happens, it can signal big trouble for the BJP in the state which sends 80 members to the Lok Sabha and which can well decide on who will form the next government at the Centre. It cannot be the politics of development which has brought the two entities this close, because both have a miserable track record on that front. What we can witness is the return of unabashed caste politics in Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Similar is the story with other parties. The BJP has enough to talk about developmental politics — from empowering the common man to have bank accounts to enhancing road, rail and air connectivity to providing cooking gas connections to millions of needy families to implementing various new insurance schemes for the farming and the health sectors, and the Make in India, Digital India, Startup India projects etc. But even it realises that these may not be enough.

That said, it must be acknowledged that voters do have issues other than development which bothers them, and when such issues are ignored or belittled, the people let their annoyance known through the EVMs.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Like the year 2017, 2018 also ends with a round of important state elections. But unlike 2017 which the Bharatiya Janata Party rounded off with a hard-fought victory in Gujarat, 2018 has seen curtains down for the party in the key states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.

Like the year 2017, 2018 also ends with a round of important state elections. But unlike 2017 which the Bharatiya Janata Party rounded off with a hard-fought victory in Gujarat, 2018 has seen curtains down for the party in the key states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. That alone makes 2019 crucial, but what adds to the importance is the fact that that year will also witness a contest to determine which party or combination of parties rules the country. It is, therefore, natural that electoral issues will be thrown up in the coming months. Although different topics will seek to occupy the primary narrative, every party will swear by the development agenda. While the BJP will present the development it has done in the past five years, others will dig up credit-worry material from the past when they were in power. The question is: Will the politics of development alone be the decisive factor? This is important because, if the answer is in the affirmative, then various other issues, many of them polarising and contentious, ought to be consigned to the dustbin. But the country’s recent political history does not point in that direction. The Congress-led regime of PV Narasimha Rao presided over the most dramatic economic reforms the country has seen since Independence. It discarded decades of a socialist structure that had impeded growth and openness in the Indian economy. Its impact has been so profound that it is not just being felt today but will continue to be felt for many more years to come. Those bold measures were remarkable for another important reason: They were helmed by a leader who had himself spent a lifetime soaked in the Congress’s socialist credentials as far as economic policies were concerned. And they saved the country from certain bankruptcy. And yet, the Rao government lost power in 1996. The development agenda failed to click. The fate of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee dispensation was no different. Prime Minister Vajpayee initiated arguably the biggest reform in decades in the infrastructure sector — national highways, rural roads, electricity, telecommunications. The India Shining campaign highlighted those undisputed achievements, but the BJP was ousted from power by the Congress which had only less than a decade ago played a role in the destabilisation of two non-Congress governments. Besides, it had also virtually trashed Rao’s development politics by relegating him to a non-entity in the Congress’s galaxy of tall leaders. People had not forgotten the shabby treatment it had given to Rao even after his death. But nothing mattered, and the Congress-led alliance formed the government in 2004. Both Raman Singh in Chhattisgarh and Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Madhya Pradesh, in their long stints at the helm, had to a large extent succeeded in improving a lot of the people of their respective States through developmental politics. Madhya Pradesh is an especially interesting case because it had been considered part of the BIMARU (sick) conglomeration of states when Chouhan took charge. In more than a decade in office, his regime had managed to extricate it out of this pejorative terminology— which then comprised Bihar, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh. But the people of the state voted his regime out recently. Political parties understand this reality, which is why, although they talk of the politics of development, they are careful to cultivate other factors as well, sometimes at the cost of development. The constant use of identities — of religion, caste, regional pride — is one such weapon that these parties deploy. To be fair to them, they do so because they know that the voters also —despite being vocal on public platforms — about issues of development — are often swayed by parochial considerations. This explains the budding romance between the Samajwadi Party and the Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh. If the alliance between the two regional heavyweights happens, it can signal big trouble for the BJP in the state which sends 80 members to the Lok Sabha and which can well decide on who will form the next government at the Centre. It cannot be the politics of development which has brought the two entities this close, because both have a miserable track record on that front. What we can witness is the return of unabashed caste politics in Uttar Pradesh. Similar is the story with other parties. The BJP has enough to talk about developmental politics — from empowering the common man to have bank accounts to enhancing road, rail and air connectivity to providing cooking gas connections to millions of needy families to implementing various new insurance schemes for the farming and the health sectors, and the Make in India, Digital India, Startup India projects etc. But even it realises that these may not be enough. That said, it must be acknowledged that voters do have issues other than development which bothers them, and when such issues are ignored or belittled, the people let their annoyance known through the EVMs. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

It will take more than just 'politics of development' as parties prepare for 2019 Lok Sabha elections

BJP's ‘save democracy’ Rath Yatra (chariot journey), that was scheduled to commence from three different points this Saturday and conclude with party President Amit Shah's public rally after crossing through all the Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bengal, has been grounded even before it could take-off as the Supreme Court this Monday refused to accord a priority hearing on BJP's application challenging a Calcutta High Court order preventing the Yatra in West Bengal.

The Mamata Banerjee government has stiffly opposed BJP's yatra. It used what it calls “intelligence feedback” to drive home the communal angle and raise the law and order issue through a petition filed in the Calcutta high court to stall the Yatra.

At the outset, a single judge bench of the Calcutta high court allowed the Yatra. But a Division Bench of the high court struck down this order after the Mamata government had challenged it.

Since winter holidays were starting, the BJP approached the Supreme Court to seek an urgent hearing in this matter but as the request has been denied by the apex court, the matter will now come up for hearing in the normal course when the court reopens in January 2019. Till then the Yatra would remain on the back-burner and in the interim people will be witnessing a battle of wits and a war of words between the BJP and All India Trinamool Congress, the ruling party in West Bengal.

After the BJP took up the Ayodhya temple issue, senior party leader L K Advani had embarked on his famous padyatra in September 1990. Advani’s Somnath to Ayodhya Rath Yatra is now history. In 2011, Advani took out another yatra - Jan Chetna Yatra to take on UPA government on the corruption issue.

Except for the nomenclature, there is no ground to compare Advani’s Yatra with BJP’s now postponed “Save Democracy Rath Yatra” in Bengal which is directed against the Mamata Banerjee government and more particularly aimed at building public opinion against illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. BJP views it as a serious issue and the main reason leading to distress among the state's youth. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has already launched a campaign in support of a National Register of Citizens on the same lines as Assam to weed out the illegal Bangladeshis from Bengal.&nbsp;

The social media has been loaded with comments both for and against BJP’s save democracy Rath Yatra. A Twitter post in defence of the BJP said: If this (stopping the BJP from taking out its Rat Yatra) is not akin to Emergency what else is? &nbsp;Can law and order be an alibi to prevent freedom of Expression?

The present impasse and its outcome will have a far-reaching impact on BJP’s campaign for the 2019 Lok Sabha election not only in Bengal but also in other parts of the country. The stakes are too high for the BJP which has already suffered defeat in the just concluded Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh - the Hindi heartland states.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP's ‘save democracy’ Rath Yatra (chariot journey), that was scheduled to commence from three different points this Saturday and conclude with party President Amit Shah's public rally after crossing through all the Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bengal, has been grounded even before it could take-off as the Supreme Court this Monday refused to accord a priority hearing on BJP's application challenging a Calcutta High Court order preventing the Yatra in West Bengal.

BJP's ‘save democracy’ Rath Yatra (chariot journey), that was scheduled to commence from three different points this Saturday and conclude with party President Amit Shah's public rally after crossing through all the Lok Sabha constituencies of West Bengal, has been grounded even before it could take-off as the Supreme Court this Monday refused to accord a priority hearing on BJP's application challenging a Calcutta High Court order preventing the Yatra in West Bengal. The Mamata Banerjee government has stiffly opposed BJP's yatra. It used what it calls “intelligence feedback” to drive home the communal angle and raise the law and order issue through a petition filed in the Calcutta high court to stall the Yatra. At the outset, a single judge bench of the Calcutta high court allowed the Yatra. But a Division Bench of the high court struck down this order after the Mamata government had challenged it. Since winter holidays were starting, the BJP approached the Supreme Court to seek an urgent hearing in this matter but as the request has been denied by the apex court, the matter will now come up for hearing in the normal course when the court reopens in January 2019. Till then the Yatra would remain on the back-burner and in the interim people will be witnessing a battle of wits and a war of words between the BJP and All India Trinamool Congress, the ruling party in West Bengal. After the BJP took up the Ayodhya temple issue, senior party leader L K Advani had embarked on his famous padyatra in September 1990. Advani’s Somnath to Ayodhya Rath Yatra is now history. In 2011, Advani took out another yatra - Jan Chetna Yatra to take on UPA government on the corruption issue. Except for the nomenclature, there is no ground to compare Advani’s Yatra with BJP’s now postponed “Save Democracy Rath Yatra” in Bengal which is directed against the Mamata Banerjee government and more particularly aimed at building public opinion against illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. BJP views it as a serious issue and the main reason leading to distress among the state's youth. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has already launched a campaign in support of a National Register of Citizens on the same lines as Assam to weed out the illegal Bangladeshis from Bengal. The social media has been loaded with comments both for and against BJP’s save democracy Rath Yatra. A Twitter post in defence of the BJP said: If this (stopping the BJP from taking out its Rat Yatra) is not akin to Emergency what else is? Can law and order be an alibi to prevent freedom of Expression? The present impasse and its outcome will have a far-reaching impact on BJP’s campaign for the 2019 Lok Sabha election not only in Bengal but also in other parts of the country. The stakes are too high for the BJP which has already suffered defeat in the just concluded Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh - the Hindi heartland states. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The Rath Yatra controversy and BJP’s stakes in West Bengal

To win the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has to overcome three demographic roadblocks: farmers, Dalits and NDA allies. Of the three, farmers hold the key.&nbsp;

Over 50 per cent of Indians earn their livelihood from farming activity. Agriculture, &nbsp;though, contributes only 15 per cent to India’s GDP. In those dissonant numbers lie the farm distress that has been building for years. It has come to a head just before the 2019 general election.&nbsp;

Natural disasters like successive droughts have pushed many marginal farmers to the brink. The political solution of granting loan waivers to alleviate farmer distress is akin to administering a painkiller. The pain will return. Last week former RBI governor Raghuram Rajan and 12 other leading economists released a document titled “An economic strategy for India.” The document focuses on macro-economic stability, jobs, health, education and – most emphatically – agriculture. Arguing specifically against farm loan waivers, Rajan declared: “I have said forever that farm loan waivers should be taken off the table.”

Most Indian farmers have small holdings of between one and four acres. The increase in minimum support price (MSP) to cost-plus-50 per cent is not a panacea. 
 
The formula to compute input costs itself is inaccurate as Ashok Gulati and Tirtha Chatterjee, writing in a daily, have pointed out: “Farmers are basically demanding three things: One, a debate in Parliament to discuss farm distress; two; a one-time loan waiver; and three, raising minimum support prices (MSPs) to 50 per cent above comprehensive cost (C2) of production, and making MSPs legally binding on private traders – that is, if any trader buys below MSP, he should be put in prison for, say, three years. The third demand, of setting higher MSPs and making them legally binding, is the most strange. 
 
Although the Modi government is already drum-beating that they have fulfilled the Swaminathan formula by giving a 50 per cent margin over A2+FL, people in this business know that they have changed the reference cost from C2 to A2+FL, which is about 38 per cent lower. In any case, an MSP formula based on just cost, be it A2+FL or C2, ignoring its demand side, is patently inefficient. It will cost the nation heavily in due course.”&nbsp;

The real solution to farm distress lies elsewhere: technology and open markets. Between farm and fork are middlemen. They suck away a significant portion of the difference between the price at which the farmer sells his produce and the price the consumer pays. Ideally, this shouldn’t exceed 15-20 per cent, giving mandi operators, wholesalers and retailers sufficient profit margins. In reality, the margins can exceed 50 per cent. The farmer is shortchanged and the consumer too pays more than she should.&nbsp;

This defective mechanism lies at the heart of why agriculture is an unremunerative occupation. Surveys show that over 75 per cent of the children of farmers don’t want to be farmers. The monopolistic Agriculture Produce Market Committee (APMC) decides the price farmers receive. Farmers who recently marched through Mumbai and Delhi want to sell their produce in open markets. An MSP-plus 50 per cent formula helps neither marginal farmers nor the government which has to balance food inflation (currently negative) with giving farmers remunerative prices.&nbsp;

The Telangana model is to bypass MSP+50 per cent and hand out Rs 4,000 per acre for every cropping season. But handing out cash to big farmers with tens of acres of land would be a waste. Former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha instead suggests a more pragmatic way forward: “All small and marginal farmer households, including tenant and sub-tenant farmers, should receive a basic income of Rs 6,000 per acre per crop season. This will work out to Rs 12,000 per household per annum. Farmers holding land in excess of 5 acres of irrigated land, who produce the disposable surplus and take advantage of the minimum support price may not be included in the scheme. For unirrigated holdings, the limit could be 10 acres. The total financial burden of this scheme, likely to be Rs 1.84 lakh crore, could be distributed in the ratio of 70:30 between the Centre and the states. The financial burden on the Centre will thus be Rs 1.29 lakh crore, less than 1 per cent of the country’s GDP. The total expenditure budget of the Government of India in 2018-19 is Rs 24.42 lakh crore. It is, therefore, not difficult to find this money within the resources available to it with better expenditure management.”

The second step that can bring about a new green revolution and increase yield-per-acre of crops as China, the European Union (EU) and the United States have done is fast-tracking genetically modified crops. This has been strongly opposed but the science is increasingly clear: properly monitored, genetically modified crops can significantly increase yield per acre. By using the benefit of agricultural technology and allowing farmers to sell in open, transparent mandis, the vicious cycle of drought and farmer indebtedness can be converted into a virtuous cycle of high-yield crops and a market-discovered price for farmers’ produce. It could win back for Modi the confidence of a farming community that has long suffered economic distress.

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-farmers-pm-s-2019-challenge-2698138">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

To win the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has to overcome three demographic roadblocks: farmers, Dalits and NDA allies. Of the three, farmers hold the key.

To win the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has to overcome three demographic roadblocks: farmers, Dalits and NDA allies. Of the three, farmers hold the key. Over 50 per cent of Indians earn their livelihood from farming activity. Agriculture, though, contributes only 15 per cent to India’s GDP. In those dissonant numbers lie the farm distress that has been building for years. It has come to a head just before the 2019 general election. Natural disasters like successive droughts have pushed many marginal farmers to the brink. The political solution of granting loan waivers to alleviate farmer distress is akin to administering a painkiller. The pain will return. Last week former RBI governor Raghuram Rajan and 12 other leading economists released a document titled “An economic strategy for India.” The document focuses on macro-economic stability, jobs, health, education and – most emphatically – agriculture. Arguing specifically against farm loan waivers, Rajan declared: “I have said forever that farm loan waivers should be taken off the table.” Most Indian farmers have small holdings of between one and four acres. The increase in minimum support price (MSP) to cost-plus-50 per cent is not a panacea. The formula to compute input costs itself is inaccurate as Ashok Gulati and Tirtha Chatterjee, writing in a daily, have pointed out: “Farmers are basically demanding three things: One, a debate in Parliament to discuss farm distress; two; a one-time loan waiver; and three, raising minimum support prices (MSPs) to 50 per cent above comprehensive cost (C2) of production, and making MSPs legally binding on private traders – that is, if any trader buys below MSP, he should be put in prison for, say, three years. The third demand, of setting higher MSPs and making them legally binding, is the most strange. Although the Modi government is already drum-beating that they have fulfilled the Swaminathan formula by giving a 50 per cent margin over A2+FL, people in this business know that they have changed the reference cost from C2 to A2+FL, which is about 38 per cent lower. In any case, an MSP formula based on just cost, be it A2+FL or C2, ignoring its demand side, is patently inefficient. It will cost the nation heavily in due course.” The real solution to farm distress lies elsewhere: technology and open markets. Between farm and fork are middlemen. They suck away a significant portion of the difference between the price at which the farmer sells his produce and the price the consumer pays. Ideally, this shouldn’t exceed 15-20 per cent, giving mandi operators, wholesalers and retailers sufficient profit margins. In reality, the margins can exceed 50 per cent. The farmer is shortchanged and the consumer too pays more than she should. This defective mechanism lies at the heart of why agriculture is an unremunerative occupation. Surveys show that over 75 per cent of the children of farmers don’t want to be farmers. The monopolistic Agriculture Produce Market Committee (APMC) decides the price farmers receive. Farmers who recently marched through Mumbai and Delhi want to sell their produce in open markets. An MSP-plus 50 per cent formula helps neither marginal farmers nor the government which has to balance food inflation (currently negative) with giving farmers remunerative prices. The Telangana model is to bypass MSP+50 per cent and hand out Rs 4,000 per acre for every cropping season. But handing out cash to big farmers with tens of acres of land would be a waste. Former Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha instead suggests a more pragmatic way forward: “All small and marginal farmer households, including tenant and sub-tenant farmers, should receive a basic income of Rs 6,000 per acre per crop season. This will work out to Rs 12,000 per household per annum. Farmers holding land in excess of 5 acres of irrigated land, who produce the disposable surplus and take advantage of the minimum support price may not be included in the scheme. For unirrigated holdings, the limit could be 10 acres. The total financial burden of this scheme, likely to be Rs 1.84 lakh crore, could be distributed in the ratio of 70:30 between the Centre and the states. The financial burden on the Centre will thus be Rs 1.29 lakh crore, less than 1 per cent of the country’s GDP. The total expenditure budget of the Government of India in 2018-19 is Rs 24.42 lakh crore. It is, therefore, not difficult to find this money within the resources available to it with better expenditure management.” The second step that can bring about a new green revolution and increase yield-per-acre of crops as China, the European Union (EU) and the United States have done is fast-tracking genetically modified crops. This has been strongly opposed but the science is increasingly clear: properly monitored, genetically modified crops can significantly increase yield per acre. By using the benefit of agricultural technology and allowing farmers to sell in open, transparent mandis, the vicious cycle of drought and farmer indebtedness can be converted into a virtuous cycle of high-yield crops and a market-discovered price for farmers’ produce. It could win back for Modi the confidence of a farming community that has long suffered economic distress. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Farmers: PM Narendra Modi's 2019 challenge

Though the Congress leadership has come under a dark cloud over its role in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the life sentence given to its former MP Sajjan Kumar, the party hopes that the controversy over Kamal Nath, whose name is also involved in the riots, will soon die down. &nbsp;

1984 riots in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination will remain a blot on the Congress till it squarely and openly admits the role of its leaders and shuns them from the party. But that controversy aside in the last few days Congress president Rahul Gandhi has scored a few crucial political points over its main rival the BJP. Despite some ugly wrangling over chief ministership in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Gandhi scion has ensured a relatively smooth process of appointment of chief ministers in three central Indian states. &nbsp;

It is not just a coincidence that since the results of these crucial Assembly elections have come out the BJP President Amit Shah has not really spoken on it. He just said, “Congress might have won but the BJP hasn’t lost either”. In a way Shah is correct as barring Chhattisgarh, Congress has been able to reach the majority figure only with the help of allies like the BSP and SP, as well as some independents. Moreover, with the crushing defeat in Mizoram, the Congress lost its last bastion in the northeast there making it 'Congress Mukt'. &nbsp;

Despite that, on the whole, far from being 'Congress Mukt' the country seems to be warming up again to the grand old party and its young leader, Rahul Gandhi. 
 
Adding more allure to Rahul’s appeal are the farm loan-waivers being undertaken by MP, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan government. “Victory has many fathers and failure has none”, goes the saying. Today, this holds true for Rahul Gandhi as on one hand his acceptability both in the Congress old guard and the opposition ranks is now a debate that is settled.&nbsp;

DMK’s M K Stalin may have prematurely pushed for Rahul as the Opposition’s PM candidate, but even if it precipitated disapproving murmurs from parties like the TMC, Rahul’s case for becoming the face of 'Grand Alliance' has only been strengthened by the Assembly victories. &nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Though the Congress leadership has come under a dark cloud over its role in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the life sentence given to its former MP Sajjan Kumar, the party hopes that the controversy over Kamal Nath, whose name is also involved in the riots, will soon die down.

Though the Congress leadership has come under a dark cloud over its role in the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the life sentence given to its former MP Sajjan Kumar, the party hopes that the controversy over Kamal Nath, whose name is also involved in the riots, will soon die down. 1984 riots in the wake of Indira Gandhi’s assassination will remain a blot on the Congress till it squarely and openly admits the role of its leaders and shuns them from the party. But that controversy aside in the last few days Congress president Rahul Gandhi has scored a few crucial political points over its main rival the BJP. Despite some ugly wrangling over chief ministership in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Gandhi scion has ensured a relatively smooth process of appointment of chief ministers in three central Indian states. It is not just a coincidence that since the results of these crucial Assembly elections have come out the BJP President Amit Shah has not really spoken on it. He just said, “Congress might have won but the BJP hasn’t lost either”. In a way Shah is correct as barring Chhattisgarh, Congress has been able to reach the majority figure only with the help of allies like the BSP and SP, as well as some independents. Moreover, with the crushing defeat in Mizoram, the Congress lost its last bastion in the northeast there making it 'Congress Mukt'. Despite that, on the whole, far from being 'Congress Mukt' the country seems to be warming up again to the grand old party and its young leader, Rahul Gandhi. Adding more allure to Rahul’s appeal are the farm loan-waivers being undertaken by MP, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan government. “Victory has many fathers and failure has none”, goes the saying. Today, this holds true for Rahul Gandhi as on one hand his acceptability both in the Congress old guard and the opposition ranks is now a debate that is settled. DMK’s M K Stalin may have prematurely pushed for Rahul as the Opposition’s PM candidate, but even if it precipitated disapproving murmurs from parties like the TMC, Rahul’s case for becoming the face of 'Grand Alliance' has only been strengthened by the Assembly victories. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Is it going to be Rahul Gandhi vs Narendra Modi in 2019?

Unexpected reverses suffered by the BJP-NDA combine in recent Assembly elections constrain us to speculate about their impact on India’s external relations-particularly in the neighbourhood. Ever since Narendra Modi assumed office he has set a blistering pace in diplomacy. It would only be churlish to deny him the credit for repositioning India on the international arena. He has tried to increase India’s strategic options and largely succeeded ( with the exception of setbacks in Pakistan) in projecting the image of resurgent India with a dynamic, decisive leader at the helm.&nbsp;

Now, the boat that appeared to be saying smoothly has been badly rocked. Some of his critics have long been suggesting that our PM has deliberately spent so much time abroad simply to escape any blame for minor or even major failures in domestic politics. But let’s let this pass as a legitimate pastime of frustrated opposition. However, what can’t be denied is the fact that the aura of invincibility exuded by a charismatic leader has lost much of its sparkle.&nbsp;

One can argue that it was only the campaigning by the PM that saved BJP from much worse rout and that state elections are fought, won and lost according to very different calculations then the Lok Sabha Polls but in the present context, this would appear as a half-hearted attempt at whitewashing an inglorious defeat.&nbsp;

What is more pertinent is to assess the likely reactions in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bhutan. If the Superman struck by Cryptonite turns out to be Clark Kent who can’t transform to cope with crises then do the smaller neighbours have to exercise restraint? Isn’t the signal going out that they can singly or jointly start flexing their puny muscles to challenge the ‘bullying, bragging and boasting ‘Big Brother’? Don’t get us wrong -we rent for a minute suggesting that India under Modi has behaved in a manner akin to what earned the Americans the prefix Ugly in the 1960s. But perceptions matter no less than reality in international relations. If Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives get the impression that India is beset with domestic strife they would find justification in making the most of the opportune moment. &nbsp;

Unfortunately for India, the election knock out has coincided with accusations about fudging growth figures, erosion of credibility of institutions like the RBI, CBI and even some exceptionally controversial observation by members of the Bench in higher judiciary. Political partisanship has certainly diminished the majesty of more than one constitutional authority or institution.&nbsp;

During the election campaign, the pitch of spoken word was unnecessarily raised by both sides. Alas the BJP let loose canons like the UP CM have a free run causing serious collateral damage. The shifting of focus from development to construction of Ram temple or going on a reckless mindless renaming spree has boomeranged on BJP.&nbsp;

Lok Sabha elections are still a few months away but even this short span of time can prove detrimental to India’s national interest. Time for us to remain on high alert without making too much noise. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Unexpected reverses suffered by the BJP-NDA combine in recent Assembly elections constrain us to speculate about their impact on India’s external relations-particularly in the neighbourhood.

Unexpected reverses suffered by the BJP-NDA combine in recent Assembly elections constrain us to speculate about their impact on India’s external relations-particularly in the neighbourhood. Ever since Narendra Modi assumed office he has set a blistering pace in diplomacy. It would only be churlish to deny him the credit for repositioning India on the international arena. He has tried to increase India’s strategic options and largely succeeded ( with the exception of setbacks in Pakistan) in projecting the image of resurgent India with a dynamic, decisive leader at the helm. Now, the boat that appeared to be saying smoothly has been badly rocked. Some of his critics have long been suggesting that our PM has deliberately spent so much time abroad simply to escape any blame for minor or even major failures in domestic politics. But let’s let this pass as a legitimate pastime of frustrated opposition. However, what can’t be denied is the fact that the aura of invincibility exuded by a charismatic leader has lost much of its sparkle. One can argue that it was only the campaigning by the PM that saved BJP from much worse rout and that state elections are fought, won and lost according to very different calculations then the Lok Sabha Polls but in the present context, this would appear as a half-hearted attempt at whitewashing an inglorious defeat. What is more pertinent is to assess the likely reactions in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bhutan. If the Superman struck by Cryptonite turns out to be Clark Kent who can’t transform to cope with crises then do the smaller neighbours have to exercise restraint? Isn’t the signal going out that they can singly or jointly start flexing their puny muscles to challenge the ‘bullying, bragging and boasting ‘Big Brother’? Don’t get us wrong -we rent for a minute suggesting that India under Modi has behaved in a manner akin to what earned the Americans the prefix Ugly in the 1960s. But perceptions matter no less than reality in international relations. If Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives get the impression that India is beset with domestic strife they would find justification in making the most of the opportune moment. Unfortunately for India, the election knock out has coincided with accusations about fudging growth figures, erosion of credibility of institutions like the RBI, CBI and even some exceptionally controversial observation by members of the Bench in higher judiciary. Political partisanship has certainly diminished the majesty of more than one constitutional authority or institution. During the election campaign, the pitch of spoken word was unnecessarily raised by both sides. Alas the BJP let loose canons like the UP CM have a free run causing serious collateral damage. The shifting of focus from development to construction of Ram temple or going on a reckless mindless renaming spree has boomeranged on BJP. Lok Sabha elections are still a few months away but even this short span of time can prove detrimental to India’s national interest. Time for us to remain on high alert without making too much noise. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Domestic compulsions and foreign policy: PM Narendra Modi's balancing act

American Walter K Andersen, the author of the book on the RSS "The Brotherhood in Saffron" has been a keen South Asia watcher for decades. He has worked extensively for the US government at various levels from the days Henry Kissinger. He is in India once again witnessing the state elections and the big general elections in 2019.

He spoke exclusively to WION on the rise of the BJP &amp; RSS, PM Modi and his relations with President Trump and other big issues connected with the ruling party.

WION: How do you view PM Modi's tenure now that his government is set to face the electorate again next year?

Walter K Andersen: That is a complicated question because there are layers of success. India is now the fastest growing economy in the world today and that has been the status for the last four and a half years. The country has also received the largest foreign direct investment (FDI), I think it was $61 billion last year, which more than China. Also, infrastructure work has been going on but that has a delayed reaction, infrastructure work and FDI results do not show immediately.

The failure has been on the issue of jobs which has had a political impact but then no one could really do it because the number is quite high, in millions. He came into office with the expectation that he will be able to create a lot of jobs for many young people, but he has been able to help the poor... there are a large number of poor people. The health scheme is the perfect example, the gas cylinder scheme too.

WION: Also, the BJP is now in 19 states across India which seems to have fueled it.

Walter K Andersen: Yes, the Opposition wasn't able to put up candidates which captured the imagination of the people. There has been a blowback in the three states which have gone to the polls in which the BJP seems to be running neck-and-neck but they have been in power for quite a few years.

Rajasthan is an example which tends to go back and forth, so if they lose Rajasthan it won't be unusual. They have dominated Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh for quite some time, so it remains to be seen how much the anti-incumbency factor works against the BJP.

WION: As far as PM Modi the statesman is concerned, how does the West view him?

Walter K Andersen: Don't forget he could not visit the US for over a dozen years due to the Godhra riots but once it was clear he was going to be prime minister in 2014, the US ambassador at the time Nancy Powell went to visit him with flowers and there was a sense that maybe he wouldn't get a good reception but in fact he has. PM Modi has been able to turnaround his preception.

PM Modi invited Obama and they seemed to get along beautifully with each other. I understand he invited President Trump for the Republic Day celebrations but for some reason, it didn't work out but I won't be surprised if President Trump is not invited for the big event later.

WION: How do you view PM Modi's relations with President Trump?

Walter K Andersen: PM Modi worked at getting along, he did his homework on what President Trump was like, the prime minister is a very good politician. He is also a good actor, he has done it from when he was a child. If you watch him on the stage, he has a stage presence, he seems to be someone who was born for the stage.

He is also very good at private conversation, I have met him and he looks at you as if you are the most important person, unlike other prominent people who look over your shoulder. He remembers who you are and the circumstances in which you met him earlier which is very effective.

WION: And about your book "The Brotherhood In Saffron", how has that been viewed in India?

Walter K Andersen: Actually, PM Modi read it and said it is outdated, he didn't say write another one (laughs). It was of course written in 1988, at that time Congress was still the dominant party, the BJP was relatively a small party, but some things haven't changed.

The things that have changed is India's largest labour union, India's largest student group and India's largest party - the ruling party - and you can just go down the list and you can see how the RSS has penetrated in all parts of society.

WION: The rise of the RSS has been quite meteoric in the last few years.

Walter K Andersen: Yes, the growth was driven by the economic reforms of the 90s and as the Indian economy grew, urbanisation began to take place and that seems to have worked to the benefit of the Sangh including the BJP.

WION: How do you view the effect of the RSS on the party and then the country?

Walter K Andersen: Obviously, it has some influence. During the elections their cadre worked for the party. In the recent state elections, the RSS cadres went all out in Rajasthan and they used their polling network and the grassroots connect to find out how was the party faring and they got word that they have problems, so in the last few weeks they activated the cadre to attend the local meetings. In fact, the RSS is the best polling agency in India. They really go to the local level - the shakhas and they collect local information and pass it to the party.

WION: How do you think that affects the party?

Walter K Andersen: There is a common feeling that the BJP and the RSS sit down together but that is incorrect. Both are separate organizations and they have differences. Right now the big issue is the Ram Temple at Ayodhya.

WION: The view of the party and RSS it seems differs...

Walter K Andersen: Yes, the RSS and some of the affiliates like the VHP want the construction of the Ram Temple to start tomorrow but within the party, they think we need legislation and there are other views. The other big issue is on development.

The RSS has a much more older, protective view on the Indian economy. It is much less enthusiastic about FDI. The affiliates too the Mazdoor Sangh, the Swadeshi Jagran Manch were organised in the late 90s to oppose FDI and it still does.

WION: Is that good for the country?

Walter K Andersen: It certainly hasn't harmed the country, it has generated debate which one does not often see in political parties. It allows them to think. PM Modi sides with globalisation because he thinks it creates more jobs. He comes from a small enterprise background, his father ran a tea shop, so he understands you have to keep a ledger of inputs and outputs... so he understands as a young person the frustrations involved in moving up the ranks.

WION: In foreign affairs, what do you think has been PM Modi's greatest achievement?

Walter K Andersen: Ironically, I think it is getting India more involved in the international community and in relations with China. It now wants to improve its relations with India. PM Modi too wants to improve relations with China, he has been there several times. He has said some very complimentary things about China but he is a nationalist and the Chinese recognise it.

The RSS wants him to protect India's security and PM Modi has done it at Doklam, he has been able to do it and both sides declared victory which is the best thing - a win-win situation.

WION: And finally, how do you see Amit Shah and PM Modi working together?

Walter K Andersen: It is a remarkable pair. I haven't seen anything like it in Indian politics. There is an example of this in the late 19th century in Germany with Bismark who would organise things and the Emperor who was the public figure. A man like Amit Shah is all organization, he works the ground... he has no doubt built the most effective political organisation which is the BJP.

Amit Shah has worked at the booth level and has people who give feedback and analysis, so planning and execution helps the party and PM Modi and Amit Shah get along well too. They are two very self-possessed individuals, not insulted easily, a lot of people feel insulted, in that sense he is much like our President but then if you feel insulted, you should never be in politics.

I would like to have either one of them on my side in a battle, they are tough guys.

WION: But for the BJP the question is what next?

Walter K Andersen: Yes that is true, there does not seem to be a successor. It is true for Amit Shah as well. He has deputies but none that I know who is waiting to step in... the party needs both PM Modi and Amit Shah.

American Walter K Andersen, the author of the book on the RSS "The Brotherhood in Saffron" has been a keen South Asia watcher for decades. He has worked extensively for the US government at various levels from the days Henry Kissinger.

American Walter K Andersen, the author of the book on the RSS "The Brotherhood in Saffron" has been a keen South Asia watcher for decades. He has worked extensively for the US government at various levels from the days Henry Kissinger. He is in India once again witnessing the state elections and the big general elections in 2019. He spoke exclusively to WION on the rise of the BJP & RSS, PM Modi and his relations with President Trump and other big issues connected with the ruling party. WION: How do you view PM Modi's tenure now that his government is set to face the electorate again next year? Walter K Andersen: That is a complicated question because there are layers of success. India is now the fastest growing economy in the world today and that has been the status for the last four and a half years. The country has also received the largest foreign direct investment (FDI), I think it was $61 billion last year, which more than China. Also, infrastructure work has been going on but that has a delayed reaction, infrastructure work and FDI results do not show immediately. The failure has been on the issue of jobs which has had a political impact but then no one could really do it because the number is quite high, in millions. He came into office with the expectation that he will be able to create a lot of jobs for many young people, but he has been able to help the poor... there are a large number of poor people. The health scheme is the perfect example, the gas cylinder scheme too. WION: Also, the BJP is now in 19 states across India which seems to have fueled it. Walter K Andersen: Yes, the Opposition wasn't able to put up candidates which captured the imagination of the people. There has been a blowback in the three states which have gone to the polls in which the BJP seems to be running neck-and-neck but they have been in power for quite a few years. Rajasthan is an example which tends to go back and forth, so if they lose Rajasthan it won't be unusual. They have dominated Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh for quite some time, so it remains to be seen how much the anti-incumbency factor works against the BJP. WION: As far as PM Modi the statesman is concerned, how does the West view him? Walter K Andersen: Don't forget he could not visit the US for over a dozen years due to the Godhra riots but once it was clear he was going to be prime minister in 2014, the US ambassador at the time Nancy Powell went to visit him with flowers and there was a sense that maybe he wouldn't get a good reception but in fact he has. PM Modi has been able to turnaround his preception. PM Modi invited Obama and they seemed to get along beautifully with each other. I understand he invited President Trump for the Republic Day celebrations but for some reason, it didn't work out but I won't be surprised if President Trump is not invited for the big event later. WION: How do you view PM Modi's relations with President Trump? Walter K Andersen: PM Modi worked at getting along, he did his homework on what President Trump was like, the prime minister is a very good politician. He is also a good actor, he has done it from when he was a child. If you watch him on the stage, he has a stage presence, he seems to be someone who was born for the stage. He is also very good at private conversation, I have met him and he looks at you as if you are the most important person, unlike other prominent people who look over your shoulder. He remembers who you are and the circumstances in which you met him earlier which is very effective. WION: And about your book "The Brotherhood In Saffron", how has that been viewed in India? Walter K Andersen: Actually, PM Modi read it and said it is outdated, he didn't say write another one (laughs). It was of course written in 1988, at that time Congress was still the dominant party, the BJP was relatively a small party, but some things haven't changed. The things that have changed is India's largest labour union, India's largest student group and India's largest party - the ruling party - and you can just go down the list and you can see how the RSS has penetrated in all parts of society. WION: The rise of the RSS has been quite meteoric in the last few years. Walter K Andersen: Yes, the growth was driven by the economic reforms of the 90s and as the Indian economy grew, urbanisation began to take place and that seems to have worked to the benefit of the Sangh including the BJP. WION: How do you view the effect of the RSS on the party and then the country? Walter K Andersen: Obviously, it has some influence. During the elections their cadre worked for the party. In the recent state elections, the RSS cadres went all out in Rajasthan and they used their polling network and the grassroots connect to find out how was the party faring and they got word that they have problems, so in the last few weeks they activated the cadre to attend the local meetings. In fact, the RSS is the best polling agency in India. They really go to the local level - the shakhas and they collect local information and pass it to the party. WION: How do you think that affects the party? Walter K Andersen: There is a common feeling that the BJP and the RSS sit down together but that is incorrect. Both are separate organizations and they have differences. Right now the big issue is the Ram Temple at Ayodhya. WION: The view of the party and RSS it seems differs... Walter K Andersen: Yes, the RSS and some of the affiliates like the VHP want the construction of the Ram Temple to start tomorrow but within the party, they think we need legislation and there are other views. The other big issue is on development. The RSS has a much more older, protective view on the Indian economy. It is much less enthusiastic about FDI. The affiliates too the Mazdoor Sangh, the Swadeshi Jagran Manch were organised in the late 90s to oppose FDI and it still does. WION: Is that good for the country? Walter K Andersen: It certainly hasn't harmed the country, it has generated debate which one does not often see in political parties. It allows them to think. PM Modi sides with globalisation because he thinks it creates more jobs. He comes from a small enterprise background, his father ran a tea shop, so he understands you have to keep a ledger of inputs and outputs... so he understands as a young person the frustrations involved in moving up the ranks. WION: In foreign affairs, what do you think has been PM Modi's greatest achievement? Walter K Andersen: Ironically, I think it is getting India more involved in the international community and in relations with China. It now wants to improve its relations with India. PM Modi too wants to improve relations with China, he has been there several times. He has said some very complimentary things about China but he is a nationalist and the Chinese recognise it. The RSS wants him to protect India's security and PM Modi has done it at Doklam, he has been able to do it and both sides declared victory which is the best thing - a win-win situation. WION: And finally, how do you see Amit Shah and PM Modi working together? Walter K Andersen: It is a remarkable pair. I haven't seen anything like it in Indian politics. There is an example of this in the late 19th century in Germany with Bismark who would organise things and the Emperor who was the public figure. A man like Amit Shah is all organization, he works the ground... he has no doubt built the most effective political organisation which is the BJP. Amit Shah has worked at the booth level and has people who give feedback and analysis, so planning and execution helps the party and PM Modi and Amit Shah get along well too. They are two very self-possessed individuals, not insulted easily, a lot of people feel insulted, in that sense he is much like our President but then if you feel insulted, you should never be in politics. I would like to have either one of them on my side in a battle, they are tough guys. WION: But for the BJP the question is what next? Walter K Andersen: Yes that is true, there does not seem to be a successor. It is true for Amit Shah as well. He has deputies but none that I know who is waiting to step in... the party needs both PM Modi and Amit Shah.

Watch: PM Modi, Amit Shah a remarkable pair in Indian politics, says India watcher Andersen

The killing of police officer Subodh Kumar by a mob protesting alleged cow slaughter is deeply disturbing and points to growing religious polarisation in western UP months ahead of 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Along with Inspector Singh, who was shot from close range, a local village youth was also caught in the ruckus and died of bullet wounds.

The conflagration began when some people from Mahaw village created a roadblock on the Bulandshahr-Syana road after the carcass of a cow and its progeny was found in a jungle near the village.

The mob later resorted to heavy stone pelting against policemen who were trying to convince them to clear the road. They turned extremely violent burning down a local police post and vehicles parked there. The fact that Inspector Singh had bullet a wound also raises questions around the manner in which the anti-cow slaughter protest was organized. The slaughter of cows is banned in Uttar Pradesh and instances of alleged cow-killing have led to several incidents of mob lynching in the state. In fact, since Yogi Adityanath became the Chief Minister of UP in March 2017, UP police has been overzealous in enforcing the anti-cow slaughter law and shutting down slaughterhouses under the orders of the UP government. &nbsp;

The slain inspector, Subodh Kumar himself had been the investigating officer in the case of mob-lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq in September 2015 in Dadri, near Delhi. Akhlaq had been accused of stealing and killing a calf. The Dadri lynching had evoked national and international outrage against communalism and ‘intolerance’, and led to several prominent Indians returning their national awards and honours in protest. &nbsp;

The latest case of mob rampage in Bulandshahr comes in the backdrop of a three-day 'Tablighi Ijtema' or a religious gathering that began in the town on December 1. This incident occurred on the last day of Ijtema. It’s important to note here that the three-day Ijtema had passed off peacefully with even stories of Hindus opening their temples for Muslims to pray. This incident of violence over alleged cow slaughter has disturbed Hindu-Muslim harmony once again.

Also worth remembering is the fact that earlier this year, under chief minister Yogi Adityanath's watch BJP lost three crucial Lok Sabha bypolls in Uttar Pradesh. Yogi’s own constituency of Gorakhpur was lost to a debut contender from the Samajwadi Party- BSP combine. Similarly, BJP lost the prestigious Phulpur seat to another candidate from the SP-BSP alliance. And perhaps more relevant against the backdrop of the Bulandshahr violence, the BJP also lost the nearby Kairana Lok Sabha seat to a Muslim woman, Tabassum Hasan who fought on a Rashtriya Lok Dal ticket and was backed by the SP-BSP combine.

This time around, given the deteriorating law and order situation in the state and increasing resentment among Dalits and Muslims against the government, the BJP has an uphill task ahead of the 2019 elections.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

The killing of police officer Subodh Kumar by a mob protesting alleged cow slaughter is deeply disturbing and points to growing religious polarisation in western UP months ahead of 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

The killing of police officer Subodh Kumar by a mob protesting alleged cow slaughter is deeply disturbing and points to growing religious polarisation in western UP months ahead of 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Along with Inspector Singh, who was shot from close range, a local village youth was also caught in the ruckus and died of bullet wounds. The conflagration began when some people from Mahaw village created a roadblock on the Bulandshahr-Syana road after the carcass of a cow and its progeny was found in a jungle near the village. The mob later resorted to heavy stone pelting against policemen who were trying to convince them to clear the road. They turned extremely violent burning down a local police post and vehicles parked there. The fact that Inspector Singh had bullet a wound also raises questions around the manner in which the anti-cow slaughter protest was organized. The slaughter of cows is banned in Uttar Pradesh and instances of alleged cow-killing have led to several incidents of mob lynching in the state. In fact, since Yogi Adityanath became the Chief Minister of UP in March 2017, UP police has been overzealous in enforcing the anti-cow slaughter law and shutting down slaughterhouses under the orders of the UP government. The slain inspector, Subodh Kumar himself had been the investigating officer in the case of mob-lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq in September 2015 in Dadri, near Delhi. Akhlaq had been accused of stealing and killing a calf. The Dadri lynching had evoked national and international outrage against communalism and ‘intolerance’, and led to several prominent Indians returning their national awards and honours in protest. The latest case of mob rampage in Bulandshahr comes in the backdrop of a three-day 'Tablighi Ijtema' or a religious gathering that began in the town on December 1. This incident occurred on the last day of Ijtema. It’s important to note here that the three-day Ijtema had passed off peacefully with even stories of Hindus opening their temples for Muslims to pray. This incident of violence over alleged cow slaughter has disturbed Hindu-Muslim harmony once again. Also worth remembering is the fact that earlier this year, under chief minister Yogi Adityanath's watch BJP lost three crucial Lok Sabha bypolls in Uttar Pradesh. Yogi’s own constituency of Gorakhpur was lost to a debut contender from the Samajwadi Party- BSP combine. Similarly, BJP lost the prestigious Phulpur seat to another candidate from the SP-BSP alliance. And perhaps more relevant against the backdrop of the Bulandshahr violence, the BJP also lost the nearby Kairana Lok Sabha seat to a Muslim woman, Tabassum Hasan who fought on a Rashtriya Lok Dal ticket and was backed by the SP-BSP combine. This time around, given the deteriorating law and order situation in the state and increasing resentment among Dalits and Muslims against the government, the BJP has an uphill task ahead of the 2019 elections. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Bulandshahr violence and UP politics ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019

After Mamata Banerjee, another Opposition's warrior has stepped up&nbsp;efforts to unite anti-BJP forces ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019.

Over the past few weeks, Naidu met several opposition leaders and gave some brazen statements against the ruling party. He said that it's the responsibility of opposition leaders to defeat the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and save the democracy.

Most importantly, Naidu dropped his 'non-Congress Third Front' plank and met party president Rahul Gandhi. Both the leaders stressed on the need for Opposition unity to save the nation. They maintained it's a democratic compulsion for the TDP and Congress to come together setting aside their differences.

Furthermore, Naidu also met West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, National Conference chief Farooq Abdullah, NCP chief Sharad Pawar, former prime minister HD Deve Gowda, his son and chief minister of Karnataka HD Kumaraswamy and DMK chief MK Stalin to put up united face against the BJP.

Asserting that the nation is under threat, the TDP chief has convened a meeting of the Opposition leaders in December to discuss future strategies to defeat the BJP in 2019 elections.

Naidu had pulled out of the NDA in March this year over the Centre's refusal to grant special status to Andhra Pradesh.

A few days ago, Mamata Banerjee was running from pillar to post to unite the opposition, but now Chandrababu Naidu is racing ahead of her. However, they both are in sync with each other to achieve their common goal - demolishing BJP.

The two interlocutors - Naidu and Mamata, have been trying to stitch an anti-BJP alliance for quite some time now. They have made communalism, attack on institutions like RBI, CBI and economic crisis under the NDA-rule as main grounds to garner the support of the Opposition parties.&nbsp;

The 'Third Front' could be a definite possibility in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and several state elections prove it quite clearly. In Uttar Pradesh bypolls, Samajwadi Party, backed by the BSP, defeated the BJP in Phulpur and Gorakhpur constituency. &nbsp;

In 2018 Karnataka Assembly elections, the Saffron party met a similar fate when Congress and JD(S) formed a coalition government in the state despite BJP emerging as the single largest party.&nbsp;

Moreover, in the recent Karnataka bypolls, the ruling coalition - JDS-Congress stunned BJP by winning both the Assembly seats and two of the three Lok Sabha seats. This came as a morale booster for the Opposition in the run-up to 2019 Assembly elections.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, in another significant development, PDP, with the support of Congress and National Conference, has staked claim to form the government in Jammu and Kashmir. This is an important realignment of political forces in the state wherein NC and PDP have set aside their rivalry to take on the BJP.

It seems there is no competition among the opposition leaders for declaring the face of Opposition (at least for now). Acting wisely, Naidu has chosen to go along with Mamata Banerjee on this, and after a round of talks both the leaders announced - "Everyone will be the face of Mahagathbandhan."

Senior Opposition leaders like Sharad Pawar, Farooq Abdullah have authorised Naidu to speak to various state leaders to bring all anti-BJP forces together. The TDP chief has reportedly assured them of convincing Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati to become part of the 'Grand Secular Alliance' against the saffron party.

Currently, there is no credible alternative leader to lead the pack of anti-BJP forces. With major Opposition parties singing in chorus against the BJP, 'Third Front' is no more a distant dream.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

After Mamata Banerjee, another Opposition's warrior has stepped up efforts to unite anti-BJP forces ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019. Over the past few weeks, Naidu met several opposition leaders and gave some brazen statements against the ruling party.

After Mamata Banerjee, another Opposition's warrior has stepped up efforts to unite anti-BJP forces ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019. Over the past few weeks, Naidu met several opposition leaders and gave some brazen statements against the ruling party. He said that it's the responsibility of opposition leaders to defeat the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and save the democracy. Most importantly, Naidu dropped his 'non-Congress Third Front' plank and met party president Rahul Gandhi. Both the leaders stressed on the need for Opposition unity to save the nation. They maintained it's a democratic compulsion for the TDP and Congress to come together setting aside their differences. Furthermore, Naidu also met West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, National Conference chief Farooq Abdullah, NCP chief Sharad Pawar, former prime minister HD Deve Gowda, his son and chief minister of Karnataka HD Kumaraswamy and DMK chief MK Stalin to put up united face against the BJP. Asserting that the nation is under threat, the TDP chief has convened a meeting of the Opposition leaders in December to discuss future strategies to defeat the BJP in 2019 elections. Naidu had pulled out of the NDA in March this year over the Centre's refusal to grant special status to Andhra Pradesh. A few days ago, Mamata Banerjee was running from pillar to post to unite the opposition, but now Chandrababu Naidu is racing ahead of her. However, they both are in sync with each other to achieve their common goal - demolishing BJP. The two interlocutors - Naidu and Mamata, have been trying to stitch an anti-BJP alliance for quite some time now. They have made communalism, attack on institutions like RBI, CBI and economic crisis under the NDA-rule as main grounds to garner the support of the Opposition parties. The 'Third Front' could be a definite possibility in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and several state elections prove it quite clearly. In Uttar Pradesh bypolls, Samajwadi Party, backed by the BSP, defeated the BJP in Phulpur and Gorakhpur constituency. In 2018 Karnataka Assembly elections, the Saffron party met a similar fate when Congress and JD(S) formed a coalition government in the state despite BJP emerging as the single largest party. Moreover, in the recent Karnataka bypolls, the ruling coalition - JDS-Congress stunned BJP by winning both the Assembly seats and two of the three Lok Sabha seats. This came as a morale booster for the Opposition in the run-up to 2019 Assembly elections. Meanwhile, in another significant development, PDP, with the support of Congress and National Conference, has staked claim to form the government in Jammu and Kashmir. This is an important realignment of political forces in the state wherein NC and PDP have set aside their rivalry to take on the BJP. It seems there is no competition among the opposition leaders for declaring the face of Opposition (at least for now). Acting wisely, Naidu has chosen to go along with Mamata Banerjee on this, and after a round of talks both the leaders announced - "Everyone will be the face of Mahagathbandhan." Senior Opposition leaders like Sharad Pawar, Farooq Abdullah have authorised Naidu to speak to various state leaders to bring all anti-BJP forces together. The TDP chief has reportedly assured them of convincing Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati to become part of the 'Grand Secular Alliance' against the saffron party. Currently, there is no credible alternative leader to lead the pack of anti-BJP forces. With major Opposition parties singing in chorus against the BJP, 'Third Front' is no more a distant dream. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Chandrababu Naidu - Opposition's trump card to unite anti-BJP forces

A large swathe of India is now governed by the BJP alone or in coalition with its allies. The biggest victory for the BJP in state elections was undoubtedly the landslide win in Uttar Pradesh in 2017. Since then the BJP has struggled to replicate that success. In Gujarat elections held in December 2017, the BJP won the election with a much narrower margin. However, in Karnataka elections earlier this year, the BJP despite trying every hook and trick in the book failed to dislodge the Congress which remains in government in coalition with JD(S).&nbsp;

Since then the BJP has lost several bypolls (both Lok Sabha and Assembly) in multiple states. It has looked increasingly desperate and lacking in the innovation and ability to re-endear itself to the voter. &nbsp;The overexposure of ‘Brand Modi’ coupled with the oversaturation of the public’s mind with Modi-centric messaging and campaigns seem to have led to people’s disenchantment with the central government. The most recent Lok Sabha bypolls in Karnataka where BJP lost its stronghold of Bellary by a margin of more than two lakh votes shows the extent to which people are disillusioned with the saffron party’s unkempt promise of ‘Ache Din’. &nbsp;It has also given a further boost to the idea of a united opposition’s ability to take on the BJP in the 2019 elections.&nbsp;

Notwithstanding the fact that the Congress could not ally with the BSP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, opposition unity remains a distinct possibility for the Lok Sabha elections this year. The BJP’s principal opposition party in these states is the Congress. In both Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, the BJP is facing a huge anti-incumbency factor and its national leadership was under massive pressure from state units to fight alone instead of ceding space to other parties. 
 
In Chhattisgarh where one round of voting is over, and the second round takes place today, early surveys show that the electorate has voted for ‘Badlav’. It remains to be seen whether this Badlav will mean a Congress sweep or a Karnataka style Congress in an alliance (with Ajit Jogi and Mayawati who are fighting this election together). It is this innate longing for change that the Congress and a united opposition are banking on. In Rajasthan, the contest is heavily skewed against the incumbent BJP government. It is only in MP that the Congress, riven by factionalism, still looks unsure. However, here too the widespread discontentment with Shivraj –led BJP government could give the Congress just enough edge over the BJP. It is for the Congress to convert the desire for change into electoral victory.&nbsp;

It is being speculated that the lack of a credible and universally acceptable face is one of the main weaknesses of the proposed Mahagathbandhan; that a faceless opposition will not be able to take on the popularity and charisma of Brand Modi. It’s hard to disagree completely with this view as it quite likely that 2019 elections will be a contest between personalities: Prime Minister Modi on the NDA side and Rahul Gandhi from the Congress- UPA&nbsp;side. 
 
If that indeed turns out to be true then Gandhi with his unproven track record in government and the considerable baggage of Congress will not pass muster. Undoubtedly, an opposition with a universally acceptable face would have been a better bet but the lack of one gives it an opportunity to avoid a personality contest and instead emphasise the democratic nature of the Mahagathbandhan.&nbsp;

Therefore, it is only an opposition with a broadly shared understanding, region-wise local leaders and strategic vote-pooling can take on an opponent like Prime Minister Modi and the BJP.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

A large swathe of India is now governed by the BJP alone or in coalition with its allies. The biggest victory for the BJP in state elections was undoubtedly the landslide win in Uttar Pradesh in 2017.

A large swathe of India is now governed by the BJP alone or in coalition with its allies. The biggest victory for the BJP in state elections was undoubtedly the landslide win in Uttar Pradesh in 2017. Since then the BJP has struggled to replicate that success. In Gujarat elections held in December 2017, the BJP won the election with a much narrower margin. However, in Karnataka elections earlier this year, the BJP despite trying every hook and trick in the book failed to dislodge the Congress which remains in government in coalition with JD(S). Since then the BJP has lost several bypolls (both Lok Sabha and Assembly) in multiple states. It has looked increasingly desperate and lacking in the innovation and ability to re-endear itself to the voter. The overexposure of ‘Brand Modi’ coupled with the oversaturation of the public’s mind with Modi-centric messaging and campaigns seem to have led to people’s disenchantment with the central government. The most recent Lok Sabha bypolls in Karnataka where BJP lost its stronghold of Bellary by a margin of more than two lakh votes shows the extent to which people are disillusioned with the saffron party’s unkempt promise of ‘Ache Din’. It has also given a further boost to the idea of a united opposition’s ability to take on the BJP in the 2019 elections. Notwithstanding the fact that the Congress could not ally with the BSP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, opposition unity remains a distinct possibility for the Lok Sabha elections this year. The BJP’s principal opposition party in these states is the Congress. In both Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, the BJP is facing a huge anti-incumbency factor and its national leadership was under massive pressure from state units to fight alone instead of ceding space to other parties. In Chhattisgarh where one round of voting is over, and the second round takes place today, early surveys show that the electorate has voted for ‘Badlav’. It remains to be seen whether this Badlav will mean a Congress sweep or a Karnataka style Congress in an alliance (with Ajit Jogi and Mayawati who are fighting this election together). It is this innate longing for change that the Congress and a united opposition are banking on. In Rajasthan, the contest is heavily skewed against the incumbent BJP government. It is only in MP that the Congress, riven by factionalism, still looks unsure. However, here too the widespread discontentment with Shivraj –led BJP government could give the Congress just enough edge over the BJP. It is for the Congress to convert the desire for change into electoral victory. It is being speculated that the lack of a credible and universally acceptable face is one of the main weaknesses of the proposed Mahagathbandhan; that a faceless opposition will not be able to take on the popularity and charisma of Brand Modi. It’s hard to disagree completely with this view as it quite likely that 2019 elections will be a contest between personalities: Prime Minister Modi on the NDA side and Rahul Gandhi from the Congress- UPA side. If that indeed turns out to be true then Gandhi with his unproven track record in government and the considerable baggage of Congress will not pass muster. Undoubtedly, an opposition with a universally acceptable face would have been a better bet but the lack of one gives it an opportunity to avoid a personality contest and instead emphasise the democratic nature of the Mahagathbandhan. Therefore, it is only an opposition with a broadly shared understanding, region-wise local leaders and strategic vote-pooling can take on an opponent like Prime Minister Modi and the BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

What Opposition unity could mean for BJP

The Mizoram government has allocated Rs 52.75 crore towards expenses of the November 28 state legislative assembly polls, finance department officials said Friday.

The officials said the finance department has released Rs 32.5 crore to the state election department.

Of the Rs 52.75 crore election budget, Rs 37.75 crore will be disbursed to eight district election offices, while Rs 4 crore will go to the state election directorate.

The officials said Rs 11 crore was the total estimate for expenses to be incurred on deployment of 40 companies of Central Armed Police Force (CAPF), which was regarded as on the higher side.

The expenditure for the state assembly election is to be borne entirely by the state government, they said, adding Rs 24.30 crore was spent in the 2013 state assembly polls.&nbsp;

The Mizoram government has allocated Rs 52.75 crore towards expenses of the November 28 state legislative assembly polls, finance department officials said Friday.

The Mizoram government has allocated Rs 52.75 crore towards expenses of the November 28 state legislative assembly polls, finance department officials said Friday. The officials said the finance department has released Rs 32.5 crore to the state election department. Of the Rs 52.75 crore election budget, Rs 37.75 crore will be disbursed to eight district election offices, while Rs 4 crore will go to the state election directorate. The officials said Rs 11 crore was the total estimate for expenses to be incurred on deployment of 40 companies of Central Armed Police Force (CAPF), which was regarded as on the higher side. The expenditure for the state assembly election is to be borne entirely by the state government, they said, adding Rs 24.30 crore was spent in the 2013 state assembly polls.

Mizoram government allocates Rs 52.75 cr for poll expenses

BJP and JD(U) will fight in equal number of seats in the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections in Bihar, said BJP president Amit Shah after meeting state chief minister and JD(U) chief Nitish Kumar.

''It has been decided that BJP and JDU will contest equal number of seats for the forthcoming Lok Sabha Elections 2019 in Bihar. Other allies will also get a respectable seat share,'' Shah said.&nbsp;

An exact number of seats that each party may contest will be announced in a few days, he added.&nbsp;

''Upendra Kushwaha and Ram Vilas Paswan will remain with us. When a new ally has joined us, there will be a reduction in seat share for everyone,'' Shah said.&nbsp;

JD(U) contested the last Lok Sabha elections in alliance with Lef parties. However, the party formed grand alliance with RJD and Congress for the 2015 Assembly polls.&nbsp;

BJP and JD(U) will fight in equal number of seats in the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections in Bihar, said BJP president Amit Shah after meeting state chief minister and JD(U) chief Nitish Kumar.

BJP and JD(U) will fight in equal number of seats in the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections in Bihar, said BJP president Amit Shah after meeting state chief minister and JD(U) chief Nitish Kumar. ''It has been decided that BJP and JDU will contest equal number of seats for the forthcoming Lok Sabha Elections 2019 in Bihar. Other allies will also get a respectable seat share,'' Shah said. An exact number of seats that each party may contest will be announced in a few days, he added. ''Upendra Kushwaha and Ram Vilas Paswan will remain with us. When a new ally has joined us, there will be a reduction in seat share for everyone,'' Shah said. JD(U) contested the last Lok Sabha elections in alliance with Lef parties. However, the party formed grand alliance with RJD and Congress for the 2015 Assembly polls.

Lok Sabha elections: BJP, JD(U) to contest equal number of seats in Bihar

Didi has apparently learned from her mistakes in the recent past. The TMC supremo is eager to prove that she doesn't differentiate between Hindu and Muslims, Bengalis and Non-Bengalis.

TMC swept the West Bengal Panchayat elections in May and the BJP emerged as the main challenger to the party. The CPI-M was at the third position, while the Congress was literally wiped out.&nbsp;

On the one hand, BJP's performance worked as a morale booster for the Saffron party, and a wake-up call for the TMC on the other. Panchayat election was the last significant electoral event before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections and BJP has emerged as a strong player.

Mamata, accused of dividing people of the state on the religious lines to secure its vote bank, is trying to balance it out to avoid the backlash of the Hindu community.

Durga Puja&nbsp;

Last year, Banerjee drew massive criticism for her decision to impose restrictions on idol immersion during Durga Puja as it collided with Muharram. The Kolkata high court too slammed the state government for creating a divide between the two communities. “Let them (Hindus and Muslims) live in harmony, do not create a line between them," the court had observed.

To cover up the lapses, the chief minister, this year, announced a grant of Rs 28 Crore to 28,000 Puja committees across the state. This is not all. She also penned a theme song for a popular Durga Puja in the city.

The state government then also urged the Muslim community to avoid displaying weapons in processions during Muharram as this could hurt members of other communities.

Cyber War

To widen the use of social media in the run up for 2019 elections, Didi, last month, announced that her party will form a team of 30,000 'cyber sainiks' to counter BJP IT cell for their alleged vindictive politics.

Mamata said the warriors, without using any foul language, will take on the IT cell members of the BJP for their malicious attempts to defame TMC. According to reports, the warriors will respond to the BJP not just in Bengali but in Hindi as well.

BJP too is all set for the cyber war. Party chief Amit Shah and IT Cell head Amit Malviya met the IT cell members in Kolkata recently and reportedly asked them to take government's plans and policies to masses through social media.

TMC Hindi Wing&nbsp;

TMC has announced opening a Hindi wing in the party for a broader reach. Mamata also announced her desire to open a Hindu University in the state. This is again an effort by TMC to revamp its image and win the confidence of BJP's non-Bengali support base in the state.

Federal Front

Mamata Banerjee has been urging opposition parties to set aside their differences and come together to take on the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Leading the pack to unite the opposition, Mamata has announced a massive anti-BJP rally to be held in Kolkata in January, 2019.

She has also met leaders of regional and opposition parties as her efforts to stitch an anti-BJP alliance. Several top opposition leaders, like &nbsp;Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao and former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah, have already confirmed their presence.

TMC has also planned to invite BSP Supremo Mayawati, Samajwadi Party Chief Akhilesh Yadav, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Congress President Rahul Gandhi.&nbsp;

With all the above strategies, TMC is attempting to overhaul its image of being a party which indulges in minority appeasement and opportunistic politics.&nbsp;

To counter TMC's strategies, BJP has appointed Mukul Roy as the convener of the party's election management committee in West Bengal. Roy, who had quit the TMC to join BJP, is familiar with Mamata Banerjee's style of working.

Beginning December, the Saffron party will take out three Rath Yatras covering all the 42 parliamentary constituencies of the state. Through these Rath Yatras, the party also plans to reach out to the general people to garner support for Assam’s National Register of Citizens.

BJP is likely to score brownie points over TMC on NRC issue after Banerjee faced flak over her U-turn. Mamata, in 2005, had favoured NRC in West Bengal, claiming that the illegal immigrants in Bangladesh had spelt disaster for West Bengal.

However, this year she opposed the Assam’s National Register of Citizens.

West Bengal is crucial for the BJP for its growth in the Lok Sabha elections and the party is targetting at least 22 seats in the state. Meanwhile, TMC, confident of triggering a revolution by uniting the opposition to defeat the BJP in 2019, is putting its best efforts to maintain its stronghold in the state.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Didi has apparently learned from her mistakes in the recent past. The TMC supremo is eager to prove that she doesn't differentiate between Hindu and Muslims, Bengalis and Non-Bengalis.

Didi has apparently learned from her mistakes in the recent past. The TMC supremo is eager to prove that she doesn't differentiate between Hindu and Muslims, Bengalis and Non-Bengalis. TMC swept the West Bengal Panchayat elections in May and the BJP emerged as the main challenger to the party. The CPI-M was at the third position, while the Congress was literally wiped out. On the one hand, BJP's performance worked as a morale booster for the Saffron party, and a wake-up call for the TMC on the other. Panchayat election was the last significant electoral event before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections and BJP has emerged as a strong player. Mamata, accused of dividing people of the state on the religious lines to secure its vote bank, is trying to balance it out to avoid the backlash of the Hindu community. Durga Puja Last year, Banerjee drew massive criticism for her decision to impose restrictions on idol immersion during Durga Puja as it collided with Muharram. The Kolkata high court too slammed the state government for creating a divide between the two communities. “Let them (Hindus and Muslims) live in harmony, do not create a line between them," the court had observed. To cover up the lapses, the chief minister, this year, announced a grant of Rs 28 Crore to 28,000 Puja committees across the state. This is not all. She also penned a theme song for a popular Durga Puja in the city. The state government then also urged the Muslim community to avoid displaying weapons in processions during Muharram as this could hurt members of other communities. Cyber War To widen the use of social media in the run up for 2019 elections, Didi, last month, announced that her party will form a team of 30,000 'cyber sainiks' to counter BJP IT cell for their alleged vindictive politics. Mamata said the warriors, without using any foul language, will take on the IT cell members of the BJP for their malicious attempts to defame TMC. According to reports, the warriors will respond to the BJP not just in Bengali but in Hindi as well. BJP too is all set for the cyber war. Party chief Amit Shah and IT Cell head Amit Malviya met the IT cell members in Kolkata recently and reportedly asked them to take government's plans and policies to masses through social media. TMC Hindi Wing TMC has announced opening a Hindi wing in the party for a broader reach. Mamata also announced her desire to open a Hindu University in the state. This is again an effort by TMC to revamp its image and win the confidence of BJP's non-Bengali support base in the state. Federal Front Mamata Banerjee has been urging opposition parties to set aside their differences and come together to take on the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Leading the pack to unite the opposition, Mamata has announced a massive anti-BJP rally to be held in Kolkata in January, 2019. She has also met leaders of regional and opposition parties as her efforts to stitch an anti-BJP alliance. Several top opposition leaders, like Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao and former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah, have already confirmed their presence. TMC has also planned to invite BSP Supremo Mayawati, Samajwadi Party Chief Akhilesh Yadav, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Congress President Rahul Gandhi. With all the above strategies, TMC is attempting to overhaul its image of being a party which indulges in minority appeasement and opportunistic politics. To counter TMC's strategies, BJP has appointed Mukul Roy as the convener of the party's election management committee in West Bengal. Roy, who had quit the TMC to join BJP, is familiar with Mamata Banerjee's style of working. Beginning December, the Saffron party will take out three Rath Yatras covering all the 42 parliamentary constituencies of the state. Through these Rath Yatras, the party also plans to reach out to the general people to garner support for Assam’s National Register of Citizens. BJP is likely to score brownie points over TMC on NRC issue after Banerjee faced flak over her U-turn. Mamata, in 2005, had favoured NRC in West Bengal, claiming that the illegal immigrants in Bangladesh had spelt disaster for West Bengal. However, this year she opposed the Assam’s National Register of Citizens. West Bengal is crucial for the BJP for its growth in the Lok Sabha elections and the party is targetting at least 22 seats in the state. Meanwhile, TMC, confident of triggering a revolution by uniting the opposition to defeat the BJP in 2019, is putting its best efforts to maintain its stronghold in the state. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

How TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee plans to take on BJP in West Bengal

What will former President Pranab Mukherji say at the RSS function tomorrow is less of a talk, more of a horrified reaction within Congress. It seems that some of the senior leaders, despite the party's loss in 2014 elections, are living in a political cocoon untouched by the transformation Indian politics has gone through.

The RSS-BJP combine has electorate's legitimacy, and nothing matters more than it. The touch-me-not posture of some of the leaders comes across as childish and undemocratic. It reminds me of a famous quote: "If popular sentiments globally have become illiberal then liberal response has become undemocratic."

Congress has fallen into the same trap. Rather than responding to the situation, the party has reacted and handed over a plate of opportunity to the RSS-BJP combine. It makes RSS looks grand and inclusive and grudging Congressmen as tiny tot intellectuals.

There is no doubt that this interaction is part of the hunt for social legitimacy which has been denied to RSS post Mahatma Gandhi's assassination. It remains a sore point for RSS since then. It is this very social and intellectual boycott of RSS which eventually spurned them to erect their own ideation platforms like India Foundation and multiple allied organisations working in various social sectors.

The RSS might cloak invitation to Pranab Mukherji as regular interaction, but it is part of their outreach programme. The effort has become intense and expansive after the 2014 victory. The confidence stems from the verdict which gave BJP simple majority and RSS much awaited opportunity to pursue its goals unbridled in cultural and social sphere which was curtailed because of the compulsion of the coalition politics during Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

On the other hand, consternation within Congress is neither politically savvy nor grounded in intellectual brilliance. It looks more of a knee jerk reaction to BJP's politically ugly and intolerant campaign of 'Congress Mukt Bharat'.

A sensible way of dealing with a former stalwart would have been to make use of the opportunity. Congress should have taken the position that RSS ultimately had to borrow wisdom from a Congressman and they welcome it. They should have said that in all sincerity RSS should listen to wise words of Congressman Pranab Mukherji. They should have said that we hope that RSS shines in Pranab's intellectual glory. The message would have stopped RSS in its track.

Today the response looks childish as RSS's hunt for social legitimacy did not begin with Pranab and will neither end there.

It is also foolish if someone within the RSS is of the view that Pranab Mukherji's visit is an affirmation of their ideology. Pranab Mukherji's visit must be understood in the Indian cultural context where scholars and religious figures have constantly debated and argued the idea of God with each other.

The idea of an ideological enemy is a western import. It is the BJP which pushed this thought electorally when it spoke about Congress Mukt Bharat and Congress should have used this opportunity to expose BJP-RSS double standards. Instead, touch-me-not, elitist attitude of some of the party leaders ended up creating a wrong public impression.

Lastly, a letter shot of by one of the former Congress minister shows selective use of history. Though it is the BJP which generally resorts to selective use of history when it comes to freedom struggle and appropriating founding fathers. This time, it has happened from the other side.

Ambedkar's differences with Gandhi and Nehru were as acute as his abhorrence for the type of Hinduism advocated by the RSS. Ambedkar quit Congress over difference with Nehru. Ambedkar fought with Gandhi. All of this had nothing to do with the RSS.

If Congress wants to stand up to the challenge led by RSS-BJP, then it should stay away from drawing discussions on nationalism and political untouchability and remain focused on farm issues which today is BJP's Achilles Heel. Opposition for opposition sake does not work in long run and legitimacy ultimately flow from the electorate.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ZMCL)

The RSS might cloak invitation to Pranab Mukherji as regular interaction, but it is part of their outreach programme.

What will former President Pranab Mukherji say at the RSS function tomorrow is less of a talk, more of a horrified reaction within Congress. It seems that some of the senior leaders, despite the party's loss in 2014 elections, are living in a political cocoon untouched by the transformation Indian politics has gone through. The RSS-BJP combine has electorate's legitimacy, and nothing matters more than it. The touch-me-not posture of some of the leaders comes across as childish and undemocratic. It reminds me of a famous quote: "If popular sentiments globally have become illiberal then liberal response has become undemocratic." Congress has fallen into the same trap. Rather than responding to the situation, the party has reacted and handed over a plate of opportunity to the RSS-BJP combine. It makes RSS looks grand and inclusive and grudging Congressmen as tiny tot intellectuals. There is no doubt that this interaction is part of the hunt for social legitimacy which has been denied to RSS post Mahatma Gandhi's assassination. It remains a sore point for RSS since then. It is this very social and intellectual boycott of RSS which eventually spurned them to erect their own ideation platforms like India Foundation and multiple allied organisations working in various social sectors. The RSS might cloak invitation to Pranab Mukherji as regular interaction, but it is part of their outreach programme. The effort has become intense and expansive after the 2014 victory. The confidence stems from the verdict which gave BJP simple majority and RSS much awaited opportunity to pursue its goals unbridled in cultural and social sphere which was curtailed because of the compulsion of the coalition politics during Atal Bihari Vajpayee. On the other hand, consternation within Congress is neither politically savvy nor grounded in intellectual brilliance. It looks more of a knee jerk reaction to BJP's politically ugly and intolerant campaign of 'Congress Mukt Bharat'. A sensible way of dealing with a former stalwart would have been to make use of the opportunity. Congress should have taken the position that RSS ultimately had to borrow wisdom from a Congressman and they welcome it. They should have said that in all sincerity RSS should listen to wise words of Congressman Pranab Mukherji. They should have said that we hope that RSS shines in Pranab's intellectual glory. The message would have stopped RSS in its track. Today the response looks childish as RSS's hunt for social legitimacy did not begin with Pranab and will neither end there. It is also foolish if someone within the RSS is of the view that Pranab Mukherji's visit is an affirmation of their ideology. Pranab Mukherji's visit must be understood in the Indian cultural context where scholars and religious figures have constantly debated and argued the idea of God with each other. The idea of an ideological enemy is a western import. It is the BJP which pushed this thought electorally when it spoke about Congress Mukt Bharat and Congress should have used this opportunity to expose BJP-RSS double standards. Instead, touch-me-not, elitist attitude of some of the party leaders ended up creating a wrong public impression. Lastly, a letter shot of by one of the former Congress minister shows selective use of history. Though it is the BJP which generally resorts to selective use of history when it comes to freedom struggle and appropriating founding fathers. This time, it has happened from the other side. Ambedkar's differences with Gandhi and Nehru were as acute as his abhorrence for the type of Hinduism advocated by the RSS. Ambedkar quit Congress over difference with Nehru. Ambedkar fought with Gandhi. All of this had nothing to do with the RSS. If Congress wants to stand up to the challenge led by RSS-BJP, then it should stay away from drawing discussions on nationalism and political untouchability and remain focused on farm issues which today is BJP's Achilles Heel. Opposition for opposition sake does not work in long run and legitimacy ultimately flow from the electorate. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Hunt for social legitimacy by RSS and Congress's self-goal

Braving heavy rains, people turned out in large numbers to cast their franchise on Monday&nbsp;morning today as bypoll in the Chengannur Assembly constituency began.

Leader of Opposition in the Kerala state assembly, Ramesh Chennithalawas among the early voters in the constituency, which had witnessed a fierce contest between all the three fronts in the run-up to the polls.

While CPM's Saji Cheriyan, the party's Alappuzha district secretary, is the candidate of the Left Democratic Front (LDF), Congress leader D Vijayakumar is the United Democratic Front (UDF) nominee.

Former BJP president P S Sreedharan Pillai, is testing his luck once again from the constituency.

The bypoll was necessitated following the death of sitting MLA K K Ramachandran Nair (CPM) in January this year due to illness.&nbsp;The outcome of the bypoll is widely seen as a referendum of the performance of the Pinarayi Vijayan led government in the state and Narendra Modi government at the Centre.

The nearly two-month-long electioneering witnessed an unparalleled fierce campaign by the fronts, who used all means to launch attacks against each other.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

The bypoll was necessitated following the death of sitting MLA K K Ramachandran Nair (CPM) in January this year due to illness.

Braving heavy rains, people turned out in large numbers to cast their franchise on Monday morning today as bypoll in the Chengannur Assembly constituency began. Leader of Opposition in the Kerala state assembly, Ramesh Chennithalawas among the early voters in the constituency, which had witnessed a fierce contest between all the three fronts in the run-up to the polls. While CPM's Saji Cheriyan, the party's Alappuzha district secretary, is the candidate of the Left Democratic Front (LDF), Congress leader D Vijayakumar is the United Democratic Front (UDF) nominee. Former BJP president P S Sreedharan Pillai, is testing his luck once again from the constituency. The bypoll was necessitated following the death of sitting MLA K K Ramachandran Nair (CPM) in January this year due to illness. The outcome of the bypoll is widely seen as a referendum of the performance of the Pinarayi Vijayan led government in the state and Narendra Modi government at the Centre. The nearly two-month-long electioneering witnessed an unparalleled fierce campaign by the fronts, who used all means to launch attacks against each other.

Bypolls: Despite rain, large voter turnout in Chengannur Assembly constituency

With the Karnataka elections just around the corner, chief minister Siddaramaiah is locked in a tight triangular contest with the BJP and the JD-S.

Siddaramaiah says the Congress will come to power in Karnataka, paving the way for his party’s revival in the rest of the country.

He spoke to WION on a plethora of issue ranging from the Lingayats to a separate state flag for Karnataka to Bengaluru's dying lakes. Siddaramaiah's entire interview to WION follows:&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Q: What makes you so confident that Congress can buck the trend of Karnataka not giving a repeat term to any government?

A: We have given good governance. Law and order is much better than previous governments. Lot of investments have come to Karnataka which is far better than other states. So, we have done well on many fronts.

Q: How have schemes like Indira Canteen and Anna Bhagya done?

A: Four crore people of Karnataka have benefitted from Anna Bhagya scheme. Seven kg of rice per head is being given free of cost. We are the only government distributing rice free of cost. We are also giving five rupees subsidy per litre to milk farmers. We are giving loans to farmers without interest up to three lakh. Certain categories of loans have been waived. We are giving milk to 1.2 crore schoolgoing children. We have taken up a number of welfare schemes to help poor. Similar support is also being extended in the education sector. We have also provided laptops. This budget, I announced that girl students will be given free education and also free bus pass to students coming to schools.

Q: What have you done in the agriculture sector and secondly, there was a lot of acrimony between you and the Centre over the issue of fund allocation?

A: Centre provided us money under norms. We were facing unprecedented drought but still they gave us funds according to the norms. Centre did not provide us additional funds. I even requested Prime Minister Narendra Modi and asked him to waive the loans but prime minister did not agree.

Q: Are you saying that Karnataka was discriminated against?

A: &nbsp;As per the NDRF funds are concerned, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu got more funds than us. Karnataka is getting less funds. <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/karnataka-mos-to-wion-ruling-party-not-facing-anti-incumbency-for-first-time-in-30-years-130659">It is discrimination</a>. I requested the Prime Minister to set aside the injustice being done to Karnataka.

Q: You had strong issues pertaining to the 15th Finance Commission?

A: Population cannot be a criteria for fund. UP and Bihar have not implemented family programme and they are getting more money. We have implemented it and we are ending up getting less money. It is not fair.

Q: Why did you shift your seat?

A: Two years back, my son was looking after the constituency and I had announced that I’m not going to fight the elections. My son passed away last year and my second son started looking after the constituency. Now people want him to contest. Chamundeshwari was my old constituency. I have successfully contested elections from the seat. I have been in touch with the people. It is a neighbouring constituency.

Q: The BJP and JD-S are happy as they feel they can tie the chief minister down to a single seat?

A: They are living in an illusion. They cannot tie me down to a seat. They are trying to defeat me. BJP and JD-S were together in a coalition. I contested as an independent when Kumaraswamy was the Chief Minister and Yeddyurappa was the deputy CM. Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy sat there for days. Even then, I got elected.

Q: Are you worried about the infighting which has erupted post ticket distribution in the Congress?

A: Only <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/siddaramaiah-struggles-to-contain-dissent-in-karnataka-congress-after-ticket-distribution-130902">four or five constituencies are affected</a>. But we are trying to tackle the issue.

Q: Do you feel that the southern perspective of a strong cultural identity of a state does not match with the northern experience of a Union?

A: The states were recognised on the basis of languages and it should remain supreme in each state. We are in federal structure and we want our language to be respected. Regional languages should reign supreme. Likewise, Lingayat religious issue was not created by us.

It was established by Basvanna in 12th century. The community wants a separate tag. All the representatives of the community met me two years ago. They said that Veerashaivas and Lingayats are separate. I referred the matter to the state Minority Commission. &nbsp;The Minority Commission, in turn, constituted an expert committee under a high court judge whose recommendation was accepted by us and which we forwarded to the Centre.

Q: The BJP says this is divide and rule...

A: This proposal also existed during BJP’s regime. We did not initiate it. In this context, they had met both Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi.

Q: What about the flag?

A: Is there a provision that states should not have own flag? In the United States, every state has its own flag so why not Karnataka. The national flag is flying above the state flag. We can have a state flag.

Q: Has Siddaramaiah become a symbol of regional pride?

A: I’m proud to say that I’m a Kannadiga and am proud to be a symbol of Kannadiga pride.

Q: Congress is organisationally weak and Modi, on the other hand, has the capacity to turn around an election? Can Modi do a Gujarat in Karnataka?&nbsp;

A: Karnataka cannot be compared with Gujarat. BJP was in power in Gujarat. Our party structure was not strong in Gujarat. Compared to previous elections, our performance was good in Gujarat. BJP cannot play a communal card in the state. People like secularism here and they will not tolerate communal card.

Q: Is Karnataka going to be an antidote to the BJP’s cultural nationalism?

A: Karnataka is being looked at by the entire country. Congress will come to power and will prove to be a stepping stone for the national politics. Modi’s government has failed. They have not fulfilled a single promise to the people of Karnataka. Look what Andhra Pradesh CM Chandra Babu Nadu is saying. Modi could not even keep the promise to the people of Andhra Pradesh.

Q: Is the Third Front a good idea for the Congress?

A: Congress and all like-minded parties should come together and fight communal elements and Congress must take a leading role.

Q: Is this election about Siddaramaiah vs Modi or Siddaramaiah vs Yeddyurappa?

A: This election is about me and Yeddyurappa. This election is about the people of Karnataka. People have to choose between me and Yeddyurappa and not Modi.

Q: I think you forgot about the JD-S. Surveys have shown strong Vokaligga consolidation for the JD-S?

A: JD-S is a regional party confined to six to seven districts in southern Karnataka. Their presence is meagre in the northern part of the state. They cannot win more than 20 to 25 seats.

Q: There was a time when Kumaraswamy went on to become the chief minister?

A: Kumaraswamy is an illusion. He is thinking of a hung assembly where he thinks that he will get to play the role of a kingmaker. This situation will not arise at all. Congress party is going to form the government in Karnataka.

Q: Don’t you think that the JD-S has been able to use the Cauvery issue?

A: How will it help JD-S? There was a tribunal order and the Karnataka government went in for appeal against it to the Supreme Court. The judgement of the tribunal was modified. 14.75 TMC of water was additionally allotted to us. JD-S cannot take advantage of this issue. People of Karnataka were happy with the Cauvery judgement.

Q: So the JD-S is not a player in the state?

A: They are not our main rival. In the&nbsp;north, we fight BJP and in south Karnataka, JD-S.

Q: What has your administration done to curb the violence rocking coastal Karnataka?

A: BJP is trying to mislead people. Law and Order situation is good in the coastal areas. They claim that 24 BJP workers have been killed by SDPI. It is not correct. Yes, 12 BJP workers have died and rest belong to other groups. It is claimed that all of them are BJP workers which is not true. Some of them were not even communal clashes.

Q: Rationalists have been targeted in your state? What have you done to protect them?

A: It is not only in Karnataka. People were also targeted in Maharashtra. The investigation is going on. They are organised criminals. In Gauri Lankesh’s case, there is considerable progress. Kalburgi’s case has already been referred to the CBI.

Q: The dying lakes of Bengaluru get a lot of global attention. What have you done to save them and what do you intend to do?

A: We have to provide world-class infrastructure to Bengaluru. All the lakes have to be developed and beautified. We need to tackle the garbage problem including congestion. These are the urgent urban issues which we intend to solve if we come to power again. 
&nbsp; 
Q: What should the Congress do to revive itself nationally? What is your advice to Rahul Gandhi?

A: Electoral victory in Karnataka will revive the Congress Party nationally. We will capture power in the Centre. Modi’s popularity is declining quickly. They will not win 2019 elections. BJP will not make it to the Centre again. Like-minded parties must come together to defeat BJP for Lok Sabha elections.

<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/Ds0X_SE6u8k" frameborder="0" allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen></iframe>

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah added that like-minded parties must come together to defeat the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections

With the Karnataka elections just around the corner, chief minister Siddaramaiah is locked in a tight triangular contest with the BJP and the JD-S. Siddaramaiah says the Congress will come to power in Karnataka, paving the way for his party’s revival in the rest of the country. He spoke to WION on a plethora of issue ranging from the Lingayats to a separate state flag for Karnataka to Bengaluru's dying lakes. Siddaramaiah's entire interview to WION follows: Q: What makes you so confident that Congress can buck the trend of Karnataka not giving a repeat term to any government? A: We have given good governance. Law and order is much better than previous governments. Lot of investments have come to Karnataka which is far better than other states. So, we have done well on many fronts. Q: How have schemes like Indira Canteen and Anna Bhagya done? A: Four crore people of Karnataka have benefitted from Anna Bhagya scheme. Seven kg of rice per head is being given free of cost. We are the only government distributing rice free of cost. We are also giving five rupees subsidy per litre to milk farmers. We are giving loans to farmers without interest up to three lakh. Certain categories of loans have been waived. We are giving milk to 1.2 crore schoolgoing children. We have taken up a number of welfare schemes to help poor. Similar support is also being extended in the education sector. We have also provided laptops. This budget, I announced that girl students will be given free education and also free bus pass to students coming to schools. Q: What have you done in the agriculture sector and secondly, there was a lot of acrimony between you and the Centre over the issue of fund allocation? A: Centre provided us money under norms. We were facing unprecedented drought but still they gave us funds according to the norms. Centre did not provide us additional funds. I even requested Prime Minister Narendra Modi and asked him to waive the loans but prime minister did not agree. Q: Are you saying that Karnataka was discriminated against? A: As per the NDRF funds are concerned, Gujarat, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu got more funds than us. Karnataka is getting less funds. It is discrimination. I requested the Prime Minister to set aside the injustice being done to Karnataka. Q: You had strong issues pertaining to the 15th Finance Commission? A: Population cannot be a criteria for fund. UP and Bihar have not implemented family programme and they are getting more money. We have implemented it and we are ending up getting less money. It is not fair. Q: Why did you shift your seat? A: Two years back, my son was looking after the constituency and I had announced that I’m not going to fight the elections. My son passed away last year and my second son started looking after the constituency. Now people want him to contest. Chamundeshwari was my old constituency. I have successfully contested elections from the seat. I have been in touch with the people. It is a neighbouring constituency. Q: The BJP and JD-S are happy as they feel they can tie the chief minister down to a single seat? A: They are living in an illusion. They cannot tie me down to a seat. They are trying to defeat me. BJP and JD-S were together in a coalition. I contested as an independent when Kumaraswamy was the Chief Minister and Yeddyurappa was the deputy CM. Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy sat there for days. Even then, I got elected. Q: Are you worried about the infighting which has erupted post ticket distribution in the Congress? A: Only four or five constituencies are affected. But we are trying to tackle the issue. Q: Do you feel that the southern perspective of a strong cultural identity of a state does not match with the northern experience of a Union? A: The states were recognised on the basis of languages and it should remain supreme in each state. We are in federal structure and we want our language to be respected. Regional languages should reign supreme. Likewise, Lingayat religious issue was not created by us. It was established by Basvanna in 12th century. The community wants a separate tag. All the representatives of the community met me two years ago. They said that Veerashaivas and Lingayats are separate. I referred the matter to the state Minority Commission. The Minority Commission, in turn, constituted an expert committee under a high court judge whose recommendation was accepted by us and which we forwarded to the Centre. Q: The BJP says this is divide and rule... A: This proposal also existed during BJP’s regime. We did not initiate it. In this context, they had met both Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi. Q: What about the flag? A: Is there a provision that states should not have own flag? In the United States, every state has its own flag so why not Karnataka. The national flag is flying above the state flag. We can have a state flag. Q: Has Siddaramaiah become a symbol of regional pride? A: I’m proud to say that I’m a Kannadiga and am proud to be a symbol of Kannadiga pride. Q: Congress is organisationally weak and Modi, on the other hand, has the capacity to turn around an election? Can Modi do a Gujarat in Karnataka? A: Karnataka cannot be compared with Gujarat. BJP was in power in Gujarat. Our party structure was not strong in Gujarat. Compared to previous elections, our performance was good in Gujarat. BJP cannot play a communal card in the state. People like secularism here and they will not tolerate communal card. Q: Is Karnataka going to be an antidote to the BJP’s cultural nationalism? A: Karnataka is being looked at by the entire country. Congress will come to power and will prove to be a stepping stone for the national politics. Modi’s government has failed. They have not fulfilled a single promise to the people of Karnataka. Look what Andhra Pradesh CM Chandra Babu Nadu is saying. Modi could not even keep the promise to the people of Andhra Pradesh. Q: Is the Third Front a good idea for the Congress? A: Congress and all like-minded parties should come together and fight communal elements and Congress must take a leading role. Q: Is this election about Siddaramaiah vs Modi or Siddaramaiah vs Yeddyurappa? A: This election is about me and Yeddyurappa. This election is about the people of Karnataka. People have to choose between me and Yeddyurappa and not Modi. Q: I think you forgot about the JD-S. Surveys have shown strong Vokaligga consolidation for the JD-S? A: JD-S is a regional party confined to six to seven districts in southern Karnataka. Their presence is meagre in the northern part of the state. They cannot win more than 20 to 25 seats. Q: There was a time when Kumaraswamy went on to become the chief minister? A: Kumaraswamy is an illusion. He is thinking of a hung assembly where he thinks that he will get to play the role of a kingmaker. This situation will not arise at all. Congress party is going to form the government in Karnataka. Q: Don’t you think that the JD-S has been able to use the Cauvery issue? A: How will it help JD-S? There was a tribunal order and the Karnataka government went in for appeal against it to the Supreme Court. The judgement of the tribunal was modified. 14.75 TMC of water was additionally allotted to us. JD-S cannot take advantage of this issue. People of Karnataka were happy with the Cauvery judgement. Q: So the JD-S is not a player in the state? A: They are not our main rival. In the north, we fight BJP and in south Karnataka, JD-S. Q: What has your administration done to curb the violence rocking coastal Karnataka? A: BJP is trying to mislead people. Law and Order situation is good in the coastal areas. They claim that 24 BJP workers have been killed by SDPI. It is not correct. Yes, 12 BJP workers have died and rest belong to other groups. It is claimed that all of them are BJP workers which is not true. Some of them were not even communal clashes. Q: Rationalists have been targeted in your state? What have you done to protect them? A: It is not only in Karnataka. People were also targeted in Maharashtra. The investigation is going on. They are organised criminals. In Gauri Lankesh’s case, there is considerable progress. Kalburgi’s case has already been referred to the CBI. Q: The dying lakes of Bengaluru get a lot of global attention. What have you done to save them and what do you intend to do? A: We have to provide world-class infrastructure to Bengaluru. All the lakes have to be developed and beautified. We need to tackle the garbage problem including congestion. These are the urgent urban issues which we intend to solve if we come to power again. Q: What should the Congress do to revive itself nationally? What is your advice to Rahul Gandhi? A: Electoral victory in Karnataka will revive the Congress Party nationally. We will capture power in the Centre. Modi’s popularity is declining quickly. They will not win 2019 elections. BJP will not make it to the Centre again. Like-minded parties must come together to defeat BJP for Lok Sabha elections.

Lingayat religious issue not created by us: Karnataka CM Siddaramaiah to WION

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis sounded a conciliatory note for its ally Shiv Sena when he hinted that BJP will jointly contest 2019 Lok Sabha elections with Uddhav Thackeray's party.

Fadnavis was speaking at an event in Mumbai on Tuesday where Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut interviewed him.

"The Shiv Sena may be a party led by Uddhav Thackeray, but it is run on the ethos of late Balasaheb Thackeray. Looking at the current situation, I can say that all secular, but Hindutva parties will come together to counter the pseudo-secular opposition parties," Fadnavis said. "This was Balasaheb's thinking as well," he added.

When Raut asked him why Bal Thackeray's ideology was forgotten by the BJP in 2014 when it snapped ties with the Sena, Fadnavis blamed the estranged ally for being adamant for just four more seats.

"We had offered you 147 seats, but you were adamant on 151. Had you accepted our offer, the Sena would have got more seats than the BJP (in the ensuing Assembly polls), and either Uddhavji or you would have become the CM," Fadnavis retorted.

Raut also asked Fadnavis how he knew the Sena's future plans when he could not even predict the next move of the RSS.

"The Shiv Sena is a political party and hence it is easy to predict what it will do in future. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) does not have any political compulsions. Its programmes are fixed at times a year in advance and it executes them as per their schedule," Fadnavis said.

He denied that Prime Minister Narendra Modi or BJP chief Amit Shah hold the "remote control" of the Maharashtra government.

Fadnavis also refuted allegations that he has failed as the state's home minister, saying the conviction rate is important and not the crime rate.

"In the last three years, we have taken the rate of conviction to 32 per cent from 8 per cent. That is my achievement.... (late NCP leader and former home minister) R R Patil had once told me that the CM must keep the Home portfolio with himself, because most of the decisions of the department are given a final nod by the CM," the Maharashtra Chief Minister said.

Fadnavis also appealed to all political parties to introspect whether they were glorifying criminals by inducting them. People too should decide if such criminals should be elected, he said.

When Raut asked him why Bal Thackeray's ideology was forgotten by the BJP in 2014 when it snapped ties with the Sena, Fadnavis blamed the estranged ally for being adamant for just four seats.

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis sounded a conciliatory note for its ally Shiv Sena when he hinted that BJP will jointly contest 2019 Lok Sabha elections with Uddhav Thackeray's party. Fadnavis was speaking at an event in Mumbai on Tuesday where Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut interviewed him. "The Shiv Sena may be a party led by Uddhav Thackeray, but it is run on the ethos of late Balasaheb Thackeray. Looking at the current situation, I can say that all secular, but Hindutva parties will come together to counter the pseudo-secular opposition parties," Fadnavis said. "This was Balasaheb's thinking as well," he added. When Raut asked him why Bal Thackeray's ideology was forgotten by the BJP in 2014 when it snapped ties with the Sena, Fadnavis blamed the estranged ally for being adamant for just four more seats. "We had offered you 147 seats, but you were adamant on 151. Had you accepted our offer, the Sena would have got more seats than the BJP (in the ensuing Assembly polls), and either Uddhavji or you would have become the CM," Fadnavis retorted. Raut also asked Fadnavis how he knew the Sena's future plans when he could not even predict the next move of the RSS. "The Shiv Sena is a political party and hence it is easy to predict what it will do in future. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) does not have any political compulsions. Its programmes are fixed at times a year in advance and it executes them as per their schedule," Fadnavis said. He denied that Prime Minister Narendra Modi or BJP chief Amit Shah hold the "remote control" of the Maharashtra government. Fadnavis also refuted allegations that he has failed as the state's home minister, saying the conviction rate is important and not the crime rate. "In the last three years, we have taken the rate of conviction to 32 per cent from 8 per cent. That is my achievement.... (late NCP leader and former home minister) R R Patil had once told me that the CM must keep the Home portfolio with himself, because most of the decisions of the department are given a final nod by the CM," the Maharashtra Chief Minister said. Fadnavis also appealed to all political parties to introspect whether they were glorifying criminals by inducting them. People too should decide if such criminals should be elected, he said.

Devendra Fadnavis subtly hints at BJP-Shiv Sena tie-up for 2019 polls

Opposition leaders came together in Mumbai for a march on Friday which began from B R Ambedkar&#39;s statue near the state secretariat in the afternoon.

Leaders like Sharad Pawar, Sharad Yadav, D Raja, Hardik Patel, Omar Abdullah, Dinesh Trivedi and Sushilkumar Shinde took part in the &#39;Save Constitution&#39; march.

&quot;Since 1947, we have been deriving our identity from the Indian Constitution. We all have come here to send across a message that to save the country, the constitution should be protected,&quot; former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah said after the march.

Earlier, the leaders met at the official residence of Leader of Opposition in Maharashtra Assembly Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil in south Mumbai.

Sharad Pawar (NCP), Sharad Yadav (rebel JD-U leader), D Raja (CPI), Hardik Patel (Gujarat&#39;s Patidar leader), Dinesh Trivedi (Trinamool Congress) and Sushilkumar Shinde (Congress) attended the meeting.

The &#39;Save Constitution&#39; march is being seen as an attempt to consolidate anti-BJP parties ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.

Independent MP from Maharashtra Raju Shetti, the convener of the &#39;Save Constitution&#39; march, who was also present at the meeting, said participants gathered near the Ambedkar statue and began walking towards Shivaji Maharaj statue at the Gateway of India.

Maharashtra Congress chief Ashok Chavan and Mumbai Congress president Sanjay Nirupam also joined the march.

The Maharashtra unit of the BJP has, meanwhile, organised &#39;Tiranga Yatra&#39; in the city on Friday to counter the opposition event.

Mumbai BJP chief Ashish Shelar said that several ministers, MPs and MLAs will participate in the Yatra.

Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis will address the gathering when it converges at Kamgar Maidan, he said.

The procession will start from Chaityabhumi, the memorial of B R Ambedkar in Dadar, before reaching Kamgar Maidan in central Mumbai.

Earlier, the leaders met at the official residence of Leader of Opposition in Maharashtra Assembly Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil in south Mumbai.

Opposition leaders came together in Mumbai for a march on Friday which began from B R Ambedkar's statue near the state secretariat in the afternoon. Leaders like Sharad Pawar, Sharad Yadav, D Raja, Hardik Patel, Omar Abdullah, Dinesh Trivedi and Sushilkumar Shinde took part in the 'Save Constitution' march. "Since 1947, we have been deriving our identity from the Indian Constitution. We all have come here to send across a message that to save the country, the constitution should be protected," former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah said after the march. Earlier, the leaders met at the official residence of Leader of Opposition in Maharashtra Assembly Radhakrishna Vikhe Patil in south Mumbai. Sharad Pawar (NCP), Sharad Yadav (rebel JD-U leader), D Raja (CPI), Hardik Patel (Gujarat's Patidar leader), Dinesh Trivedi (Trinamool Congress) and Sushilkumar Shinde (Congress) attended the meeting. The 'Save Constitution' march is being seen as an attempt to consolidate anti-BJP parties ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Independent MP from Maharashtra Raju Shetti, the convener of the 'Save Constitution' march, who was also present at the meeting, said participants gathered near the Ambedkar statue and began walking towards Shivaji Maharaj statue at the Gateway of India. Maharashtra Congress chief Ashok Chavan and Mumbai Congress president Sanjay Nirupam also joined the march. The Maharashtra unit of the BJP has, meanwhile, organised 'Tiranga Yatra' in the city on Friday to counter the opposition event. Mumbai BJP chief Ashish Shelar said that several ministers, MPs and MLAs will participate in the Yatra. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis will address the gathering when it converges at Kamgar Maidan, he said. The procession will start from Chaityabhumi, the memorial of B R Ambedkar in Dadar, before reaching Kamgar Maidan in central Mumbai.

Opposition leaders march together in Mumbai, setting tone for 2019 polls

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