As you move away from Delhi, one understands that election has become regional and local despite the powerful narrative of nationalism married to Hindutva injected by BJP continues to dominate social media and TV screens. &nbsp;

It also holds true for the Congress which has decided to push Nyuntam Aay Yojana (NYAY) as its main electoral plank against BJP. Like nationalism driven campaign, it also hangs as one of the themes of the Lok Sabha elections. As of now, as the battle for phase one begins, regional issues have started to gain ground, making elections diverse and less Modi-centric.&nbsp;

For example, with SP-BSP-RLD combine in play, BJP cannot repeat its performance this time in UP. Unlike 2014, where election revolved around Modi, caste, candidates, local issues and delivery programmes of the government are also participating in the campaign in the state and not to mention the problem of stray cattle.&nbsp;

Same is the case with other states. Both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh are contesting elections on strong regional issues revolving around regional pride, regional discrimination and welfare schemes. BJP has seen green shoots in Kerala, but there too, the issues are regional. Even Sabarimala has not been able to acquire sentiment of national proportion which Ayodhya did in the 1990s. Though BJP is expected to open an account in the state. 
 
The story in Tamil Nadu is also similar. It is a fight between two regional parties over regional issues and both the BJP and Congress claim a very small role. So whatever the result may be, a regional player will be the winner.

The state of Karnataka saw BJP’s resurgence during assembly elections but it had more to do with its brilliant performance in SC seats than because of urban voters - who these days are voting for BJP. Nonetheless, Karnataka is like UP where BJP can give a tough fight to the JDS-Congress alliance

In states like Odisha and West Bengal, where BJP has made inroads, election again is being fought on regional issues. Both BJD and TMC are fighting elections on pro-welfare agenda in the state. Though BJP again expected to do better, has not gone beyond criticism of Mamta Banerjee. 
&nbsp; 
Another example is that of the North East, an area where BJP had done exceptionally well. Even there, the issues are regional like, cross border migration and citizenship amendment bill. Before the citizenship amendment bill, BJP was all set to sweep the area but now it is difficult to say which way the election will turn after protests broke out in NE over the bill.&nbsp;

In Bihar, BJP is strong and well entrenched but it rests on the shoulder of Nitish Kumar, unlike 2014 when it swept the state on Modi’s name. Both Haryana and Punjab are voting on regional issues too. Haryana has witnessed strong pro BJP consolidation on anti-Jat line and in Punjab Congress has gained because of anti- SAD sentiment continues to persist and AAP has completely collapsed in the state.&nbsp;

Even big states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Rajasthan are being fought on regional issues ranging from caste reservation, agrarian loans, candidature, hard Hindutva and etc. It is not to say that the direct benefit schemes introduced by the Prime Minister including welfare projects will have no impact on the electorate but will short when it comes to the creation of a wave like 2014. Even in the 2017 assembly election, the results were more out of Hindu-Muslim polarisation than the success of Ujjwala scheme.&nbsp;

More so, the injection of hard Hindutva in body politics by BJP will add and subtract votes at the same time which was not the case in 2014 elections which were solely focussed around New India. 
 
The states like Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh too will be fought on the basis of candidates and performance of the respective governments. Jammu and Kashmir is the only state that will respond to the policy decision of the BJP and promises it is making during national elections.

If one looks at the election history, victory comes often at the time when things seem lost. No one thought within the Opposition that they would be able to defeat the Congress in 1977. Even Rajiv Gandhi did fathom his scale of defeat in 1989. His campaign, Mera Bharat Mahan was a royal flop. Narasimha Rao felt that he was winning the election in 1996. &nbsp;In 2004 every political pundit wrote off Congress party but it was BJP who lost elections under the weight of Shining India campaign. Even in 2009, not a single political pundit gave Congress more than 200 seats and very few people believed that BJP would get a simple majority in 2014.&nbsp;

There is no doubt that propaganda of BJP is loud, and the Congress party’s electoral campaign is weak and badly coordinated. In fact, the campaign does not stand anywhere close to BJP but even then, voters have a way of surprising powerful people.

This election holds the capacity to put regional parties at the forefront of decision making as gain and loss of both BJP and Congress ‘can’ be incremental because of regional placement of the elections.&nbsp;

BJP is trying to polarise it on the national security issue, but it has not been able to create a surge in the electorate. Even the Kargil war did not help Vajpayee during elections. In the case of BJP and Congress getting confined within 270 to 300 seats, regional players will emerge as the king makers. This is scenario one.&nbsp;

But if Lok Sabha elections follow the old hard pattern of Indian politics, then BJP may end up with a shocking result which is - where a losing side ends up with a huge loss and gainer ends up with most.

It happened with BJP in 2014, wherein it got a simple majority and Congress who thought it may end up with 100 seats ended up with 44.&nbsp;

If this scenario is reversed with current issues in play, India is looking at a fractured Parliament where the difference between BJP and Congress can stand anywhere between 50 to 70 seats with BJP in the lead.

 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

As you move away from Delhi, one understands that election has become regional and local despite the powerful narrative of nationalism married to Hindutva injected by BJP continues to dominate social media and TV screens.

As you move away from Delhi, one understands that election has become regional and local despite the powerful narrative of nationalism married to Hindutva injected by BJP continues to dominate social media and TV screens. It also holds true for the Congress which has decided to push Nyuntam Aay Yojana (NYAY) as its main electoral plank against BJP. Like nationalism driven campaign, it also hangs as one of the themes of the Lok Sabha elections. As of now, as the battle for phase one begins, regional issues have started to gain ground, making elections diverse and less Modi-centric. For example, with SP-BSP-RLD combine in play, BJP cannot repeat its performance this time in UP. Unlike 2014, where election revolved around Modi, caste, candidates, local issues and delivery programmes of the government are also participating in the campaign in the state and not to mention the problem of stray cattle. Same is the case with other states. Both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh are contesting elections on strong regional issues revolving around regional pride, regional discrimination and welfare schemes. BJP has seen green shoots in Kerala, but there too, the issues are regional. Even Sabarimala has not been able to acquire sentiment of national proportion which Ayodhya did in the 1990s. Though BJP is expected to open an account in the state. The story in Tamil Nadu is also similar. It is a fight between two regional parties over regional issues and both the BJP and Congress claim a very small role. So whatever the result may be, a regional player will be the winner. The state of Karnataka saw BJP’s resurgence during assembly elections but it had more to do with its brilliant performance in SC seats than because of urban voters - who these days are voting for BJP. Nonetheless, Karnataka is like UP where BJP can give a tough fight to the JDS-Congress alliance In states like Odisha and West Bengal, where BJP has made inroads, election again is being fought on regional issues. Both BJD and TMC are fighting elections on pro-welfare agenda in the state. Though BJP again expected to do better, has not gone beyond criticism of Mamta Banerjee. Another example is that of the North East, an area where BJP had done exceptionally well. Even there, the issues are regional like, cross border migration and citizenship amendment bill. Before the citizenship amendment bill, BJP was all set to sweep the area but now it is difficult to say which way the election will turn after protests broke out in NE over the bill. In Bihar, BJP is strong and well entrenched but it rests on the shoulder of Nitish Kumar, unlike 2014 when it swept the state on Modi’s name. Both Haryana and Punjab are voting on regional issues too. Haryana has witnessed strong pro BJP consolidation on anti-Jat line and in Punjab Congress has gained because of anti- SAD sentiment continues to persist and AAP has completely collapsed in the state. Even big states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Rajasthan are being fought on regional issues ranging from caste reservation, agrarian loans, candidature, hard Hindutva and etc. It is not to say that the direct benefit schemes introduced by the Prime Minister including welfare projects will have no impact on the electorate but will short when it comes to the creation of a wave like 2014. Even in the 2017 assembly election, the results were more out of Hindu-Muslim polarisation than the success of Ujjwala scheme. More so, the injection of hard Hindutva in body politics by BJP will add and subtract votes at the same time which was not the case in 2014 elections which were solely focussed around New India. The states like Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh too will be fought on the basis of candidates and performance of the respective governments. Jammu and Kashmir is the only state that will respond to the policy decision of the BJP and promises it is making during national elections. If one looks at the election history, victory comes often at the time when things seem lost. No one thought within the Opposition that they would be able to defeat the Congress in 1977. Even Rajiv Gandhi did fathom his scale of defeat in 1989. His campaign, Mera Bharat Mahan was a royal flop. Narasimha Rao felt that he was winning the election in 1996. In 2004 every political pundit wrote off Congress party but it was BJP who lost elections under the weight of Shining India campaign. Even in 2009, not a single political pundit gave Congress more than 200 seats and very few people believed that BJP would get a simple majority in 2014. There is no doubt that propaganda of BJP is loud, and the Congress party’s electoral campaign is weak and badly coordinated. In fact, the campaign does not stand anywhere close to BJP but even then, voters have a way of surprising powerful people. This election holds the capacity to put regional parties at the forefront of decision making as gain and loss of both BJP and Congress ‘can’ be incremental because of regional placement of the elections. BJP is trying to polarise it on the national security issue, but it has not been able to create a surge in the electorate. Even the Kargil war did not help Vajpayee during elections. In the case of BJP and Congress getting confined within 270 to 300 seats, regional players will emerge as the king makers. This is scenario one. But if Lok Sabha elections follow the old hard pattern of Indian politics, then BJP may end up with a shocking result which is - where a losing side ends up with a huge loss and gainer ends up with most. It happened with BJP in 2014, wherein it got a simple majority and Congress who thought it may end up with 100 seats ended up with 44. If this scenario is reversed with current issues in play, India is looking at a fractured Parliament where the difference between BJP and Congress can stand anywhere between 50 to 70 seats with BJP in the lead. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

BJP’s nationalist narrative driving TV debates but may not get party the result it wants

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Saturday asked the people of Arunachal Pradesh to vote for a 'chowkidaar' who would provide security to the country even as he attacked Opposition parties, saying they were "disheartened" by India's growth and success.

Kicking off his campaign here for simultaneous Lok Sabha and Assembly polls in Arunachal, the prime minister said Arunachal is a "shield for the country with the people zealously guarding the border as sentinels".

Attacking the Congress, Modi said the grand old party is "synonymous with corruption" and has the habit to take people of the country for a ride.

"Whenever the country makes achievements, don't you feel happy? Everyone, irrespective of their social and financial status, regales at India's success stories. There are, however, some who feel disheartened by India's growth and success," the PM said.

"When India hit terrorists in their houses, what was the stand of opposition parties, you have all seen. Even when our scientists made achievements, they found excuses to belittle them," the PM said, urging the people to "punish" opposition parties in the upcoming elections.

He also thanked the people of the state for voting the double-engine government of the BJP to power at the Centre and the state.

"In the northeast, the lotus first bloomed in Arunachal. It is because of your support, the Centre has been able to bring about development in the state," he said.

Listing his government's achievements, the PM said the Centre has provided power connection to 50,000 families, gas connection to 40,000 mothers and sisters and built toilets for over 1 lakh families in the last five years.

"Our government has honoured your hopes, aspirations. This watchman was given the opportunity to bring Arunachal on the country's railway map after seven decades of Independence," he said

Referring to the Arun Prabha channel, launched recently, the PM said it will ensure that people across the country get to learn about Arunachal, its people, culture and festivals.

"Arunachal, which is set to hold Mopin festival soon, will be able to tell the world about its festival and culture through the recently launched Arun Prabha channel," he stated.

Election to Lok Sabha and Assembly will be held on April 11.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Saturday asked the people of Arunachal Pradesh to vote for a 'chowkidaar' who would provide security to the country even as he attacked Opposition parties, saying they were "disheartened" by India's growth and success.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Saturday asked the people of Arunachal Pradesh to vote for a 'chowkidaar' who would provide security to the country even as he attacked Opposition parties, saying they were "disheartened" by India's growth and success. Kicking off his campaign here for simultaneous Lok Sabha and Assembly polls in Arunachal, the prime minister said Arunachal is a "shield for the country with the people zealously guarding the border as sentinels". Attacking the Congress, Modi said the grand old party is "synonymous with corruption" and has the habit to take people of the country for a ride. "Whenever the country makes achievements, don't you feel happy? Everyone, irrespective of their social and financial status, regales at India's success stories. There are, however, some who feel disheartened by India's growth and success," the PM said. "When India hit terrorists in their houses, what was the stand of opposition parties, you have all seen. Even when our scientists made achievements, they found excuses to belittle them," the PM said, urging the people to "punish" opposition parties in the upcoming elections. He also thanked the people of the state for voting the double-engine government of the BJP to power at the Centre and the state. "In the northeast, the lotus first bloomed in Arunachal. It is because of your support, the Centre has been able to bring about development in the state," he said. Listing his government's achievements, the PM said the Centre has provided power connection to 50,000 families, gas connection to 40,000 mothers and sisters and built toilets for over 1 lakh families in the last five years. "Our government has honoured your hopes, aspirations. This watchman was given the opportunity to bring Arunachal on the country's railway map after seven decades of Independence," he said Referring to the Arun Prabha channel, launched recently, the PM said it will ensure that people across the country get to learn about Arunachal, its people, culture and festivals. "Arunachal, which is set to hold Mopin festival soon, will be able to tell the world about its festival and culture through the recently launched Arun Prabha channel," he stated. Election to Lok Sabha and Assembly will be held on April 11.

PM Modi attacks opposition parties at Arunachal rally, says they are disheartened by India's growth

Actor Urmila Matondkar, who recently took a political plunge and joined the Congress party, said that coming in public light is the most challenging part of her new assignment.

"Having been almost a reclusive star to coming in such a huge focus, that's going to be a bit of a challenge, but I think that goes with the territory," Urmila told WION on Thursday.

Today, the party announced that the actor will contest the upcoming Lok Sabha elections from Mumbai North constituency.

Urmila joined the Congress on Wednesday after meeting party chief Rahul Gandhi at his residence. Gandhi welcomed her in the party fold and wished her the best.

Talking about why she chose Congress, Urmila told WION, "There is so much going on that the people seem to have been lost in the translation. I think that's the time when you need to step out and tell them what this country stands for, where we were headed and where we have reached."

I found my ideology closest to the Congress party and therefore I've entered Congress, she said.

When asked about why Congress always finds faults in Centre's policies, Urmila said, "I don't think every party is going to do everything right. There are going to be challenges and constant struggle... we are a huge country with huge variations in thoughts and culture... it is going to be challenging all the time. But what I think is as important is the atmosphere of the country. What the country is standing for, what it is feeling. Are we feeling safe? No, we are not. Why there are constant question about what I can say, eat, my life, everything. That is not fine."

She had earlier said that the Congress party has participated in the freedom struggle and it stood for freedom.

Actor Urmila Matondkar, who recently took a political plunge and joined the Congress party, said that coming in public light is the most challenging part of her new assignment.

Actor Urmila Matondkar, who recently took a political plunge and joined the Congress party, said that coming in public light is the most challenging part of her new assignment. "Having been almost a reclusive star to coming in such a huge focus, that's going to be a bit of a challenge, but I think that goes with the territory," Urmila told WION on Thursday. Today, the party announced that the actor will contest the upcoming Lok Sabha elections from Mumbai North constituency. Urmila joined the Congress on Wednesday after meeting party chief Rahul Gandhi at his residence. Gandhi welcomed her in the party fold and wished her the best. Talking about why she chose Congress, Urmila told WION, "There is so much going on that the people seem to have been lost in the translation. I think that's the time when you need to step out and tell them what this country stands for, where we were headed and where we have reached." I found my ideology closest to the Congress party and therefore I've entered Congress, she said. When asked about why Congress always finds faults in Centre's policies, Urmila said, "I don't think every party is going to do everything right. There are going to be challenges and constant struggle... we are a huge country with huge variations in thoughts and culture... it is going to be challenging all the time. But what I think is as important is the atmosphere of the country. What the country is standing for, what it is feeling. Are we feeling safe? No, we are not. Why there are constant question about what I can say, eat, my life, everything. That is not fine." She had earlier said that the Congress party has participated in the freedom struggle and it stood for freedom.

Coming in such a huge focus challenging: Urmila Matondkar to WION as Congress fields her from Mumbai North

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance.

This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. &nbsp;

Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception?&nbsp;

Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship.&nbsp;

It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. &nbsp;

Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption.&nbsp;

This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct.

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception? Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship. It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption. This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Under PM Narendra Modi's leadership, India has earned significant status in global arena

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time. The saffron party was able to turn the cow into a symbol of political identity successfully.&nbsp;

Today, in 2019, stray cattle are very bane for BJP.&nbsp;

On my way to Amethi, I casually enquired from my driver about this issue, he replied,” Din mein gaari drive karen aur raat bhar khet mein gaiya hanke, to kaam kaise chalega.” The stray cattle problem is an open secret in Uttar Pradesh. Take the case of Kanha Gauvansh Vihar in Rai Bareilly. It has the capacity to house 150-200 animals but today it houses 480 stray cattle.&nbsp;

The facility belongs to a defunct government programme to raise jersey cows. Today, its job is to accommodate the cattle which roam free in the city and rural areas. One of the caretakers told WION that people sometimes bring personal animals and tie them to tree and leave, knowing well that they do not come under the category of stray cattle. As per the 2012 census of livestock, Uttar Pradesh accounted for more than 10 lakh stray cattle.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="e78030ff-8f4a-4911-8e8e-88085f568e47" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle1.jpg" />

 
Ram Shabda, one the medical officer told WION that strays are a big problem in rural areas as they destroy crops. This battle between the bovine and human also had its funny moments. Irritated farmers in many places herded the cattle into primary schools creating a law and order situation.&nbsp;

Another example is of the newly made cattle shelter in Maharjganj. It is built next to a dumping ground. The view is mind-boggling. At one end, you see a brightly painted saffron building in the middle of the green field. When you go nearer, you realise that building has been erected adjacent to a dumping ground used for the city which looks like a sea of white in the middle of nowhere. If this does not shock you then the planning inside the building would.&nbsp; 
 
The cattle shit and piss at the same place where they are tied. On being asked why is this the case, the caretaker said that, ideally, the place should have had a slant so that we could have collected urine and cow dung for processing but now it cannot be done.&nbsp; 
 
<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="94d22363-3d67-46ef-a04e-aac55a743e6e" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle.jpg" /> 
 
This blows in the face of propaganda that cow dung and urine would be productively used to make medicines and agarbattis. Every enclosure has a segregated facility for bulls and cow. Most of the strays belong to the local breed which is unproductive, sick or not as productive as a farmer would like it to be.

What is surprising is that even Opposition in India has stayed away from the issue fearing backlash. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Congress, instead of tackling the issue of rural distress caused by the stray, spoke of building more shelters.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="9fdf8185-7f56-4d50-9549-4c30b163f13a" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle3.jpg" />

The issue of culling livestock remains tangled in the religious and political ego of the Hindu community. It has been strengthened by a belief that the cattle economy does not exist.

India still remains one of the biggest exporters of beef in the world. This schizophrenic approach to cattle economy instead of being resolved has become an issue of identity and other in India. It does not mean that the agrarian sector will boycott Modi as he still enjoys a high level of confidence but it can definitely spoil the party for BJP. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time.

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time. The saffron party was able to turn the cow into a symbol of political identity successfully. Today, in 2019, stray cattle are very bane for BJP. On my way to Amethi, I casually enquired from my driver about this issue, he replied,” Din mein gaari drive karen aur raat bhar khet mein gaiya hanke, to kaam kaise chalega.” The stray cattle problem is an open secret in Uttar Pradesh. Take the case of Kanha Gauvansh Vihar in Rai Bareilly. It has the capacity to house 150-200 animals but today it houses 480 stray cattle. The facility belongs to a defunct government programme to raise jersey cows. Today, its job is to accommodate the cattle which roam free in the city and rural areas. One of the caretakers told WION that people sometimes bring personal animals and tie them to tree and leave, knowing well that they do not come under the category of stray cattle. As per the 2012 census of livestock, Uttar Pradesh accounted for more than 10 lakh stray cattle. Ram Shabda, one the medical officer told WION that strays are a big problem in rural areas as they destroy crops. This battle between the bovine and human also had its funny moments. Irritated farmers in many places herded the cattle into primary schools creating a law and order situation. Another example is of the newly made cattle shelter in Maharjganj. It is built next to a dumping ground. The view is mind-boggling. At one end, you see a brightly painted saffron building in the middle of the green field. When you go nearer, you realise that building has been erected adjacent to a dumping ground used for the city which looks like a sea of white in the middle of nowhere. If this does not shock you then the planning inside the building would. The cattle shit and piss at the same place where they are tied. On being asked why is this the case, the caretaker said that, ideally, the place should have had a slant so that we could have collected urine and cow dung for processing but now it cannot be done. This blows in the face of propaganda that cow dung and urine would be productively used to make medicines and agarbattis. Every enclosure has a segregated facility for bulls and cow. Most of the strays belong to the local breed which is unproductive, sick or not as productive as a farmer would like it to be. What is surprising is that even Opposition in India has stayed away from the issue fearing backlash. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Congress, instead of tackling the issue of rural distress caused by the stray, spoke of building more shelters. The issue of culling livestock remains tangled in the religious and political ego of the Hindu community. It has been strengthened by a belief that the cattle economy does not exist. India still remains one of the biggest exporters of beef in the world. This schizophrenic approach to cattle economy instead of being resolved has become an issue of identity and other in India. It does not mean that the agrarian sector will boycott Modi as he still enjoys a high level of confidence but it can definitely spoil the party for BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Blog: Is stray cattle the Achilles Heel of BJP in UP ahead of Lok Sabha elections?

Ground report from Uttar Pradesh weeks before Lok Sabha elections begin.

Video blog: How cow has become a political issue in UP

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen.

One is seeing with a deep sense of concern, how a particular breed of politicians, represented by the Congress bandwagon led by Rahul Gandhi, is rapidly following theism of neopatrimonialism and doing everything to usurp and stay riveted to the seats of power.

There is a background to the Congress politics revolving around neopatrimonialism. The Hugo Chavez model of politics (the world is aghast by what's happening in Venezuela today) was followed to a great extent by the previous Manmohan Singh led UPÀ government at the Centre, presided over by the Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi and her band of loyalists.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had crafted the Bolivian Missions focusing on social sectors and his populist policy included "redistribution of wealth". It is now clearly documented that in the early 2000s, when oil production brought rich dividends to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela due to soaring oil prices, the Chavez Government went on a spending spree on social programmes without caring a hoot for future eventualities. The upside of Chavez's Bolivian model was a big drop in inflation and unemployment and the downside, especially linked to the oil price collapse and the US sanctions is the economic turmoil that has gripped Venezuela, especially during the disputed second term of Nicolás Maduro, who succeeded Chavez in March 2013.

The Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, went a step ahead and put itself on the pedestal and all along pretended as if they were the only ones to shape the destiny of Indian people through newly created Acts passed by&nbsp;Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this they also aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering even an iota about its pitfall and the impact it would leave on the middle-class wage earners and the economic growth of the country.

It will be interesting to recall how on the eve of the 2014 Parliamentary election, UPA-II led by Manmohan Singh had launched the ambitious scheme of "direct cash transfer" of subsidy to bank accounts of beneficiaries with the then finance minister P Chidambaram describing the move as a "game changer".

During the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Rahul Gandhi has announced that the poorest families in India will receive Rs. 72,000 per year. “We will wipe out poverty by guaranteeing a minimum income to Rs 5 crore to 20 per cent of the poorest families," he said.

The Congress functionaries are describing this as a historic decision. Addressing media persons at the Madhya Pradesh Congress headquarters in Bhopal on Tuesday, the chief spokesperson of the party for Madhya Pradesh, Shobha Oza, lashed out at the BJP leaders criticising Rahul Gandhi’s decision and dubbed their party as anti-poor.&nbsp;

She was emphatic in pointing out that some front ranking economists have studied the intricacies involved, vetted and validated Rahul Gandhi’s decision for direct cash transfer to the poor. One of her co-spokesperson even came on the sidelines and said that former Reserve Bank Governor Raghuram Rajan and a few other top economists would soon be speaking in support of this policy. &nbsp;

The input by the Congress spokesperson that in next few days some renowned economists are going to openly support the Congress party’s “direct cash transfer” plan to "wipe out poverty" would mean that these economists would be supporting a move that would eat into the vitals of economic growth in India. &nbsp;

It is a move that has nothing to do with channelising resources for building a robust economic infrastructure, improving education and skill development, creating jobs and adding to the purchasing power of the people through multifarious economic activities and thereby improving their quality of life. If the Congress move brings in votes and power, it will benefit immensely the wheeler-dealers and agents in the corridors of power who are not used to living in the wilderness. Let's not talk of crony capitalists. One has seen them flourish everywhere under Congress rule. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen.

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen. One is seeing with a deep sense of concern, how a particular breed of politicians, represented by the Congress bandwagon led by Rahul Gandhi, is rapidly following theism of neopatrimonialism and doing everything to usurp and stay riveted to the seats of power. There is a background to the Congress politics revolving around neopatrimonialism. The Hugo Chavez model of politics (the world is aghast by what's happening in Venezuela today) was followed to a great extent by the previous Manmohan Singh led UPÀ government at the Centre, presided over by the Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi and her band of loyalists. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had crafted the Bolivian Missions focusing on social sectors and his populist policy included "redistribution of wealth". It is now clearly documented that in the early 2000s, when oil production brought rich dividends to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela due to soaring oil prices, the Chavez Government went on a spending spree on social programmes without caring a hoot for future eventualities. The upside of Chavez's Bolivian model was a big drop in inflation and unemployment and the downside, especially linked to the oil price collapse and the US sanctions is the economic turmoil that has gripped Venezuela, especially during the disputed second term of Nicolás Maduro, who succeeded Chavez in March 2013. The Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, went a step ahead and put itself on the pedestal and all along pretended as if they were the only ones to shape the destiny of Indian people through newly created Acts passed by Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this they also aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering even an iota about its pitfall and the impact it would leave on the middle-class wage earners and the economic growth of the country. It will be interesting to recall how on the eve of the 2014 Parliamentary election, UPA-II led by Manmohan Singh had launched the ambitious scheme of "direct cash transfer" of subsidy to bank accounts of beneficiaries with the then finance minister P Chidambaram describing the move as a "game changer". During the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Rahul Gandhi has announced that the poorest families in India will receive Rs. 72,000 per year. “We will wipe out poverty by guaranteeing a minimum income to Rs 5 crore to 20 per cent of the poorest families," he said. The Congress functionaries are describing this as a historic decision. Addressing media persons at the Madhya Pradesh Congress headquarters in Bhopal on Tuesday, the chief spokesperson of the party for Madhya Pradesh, Shobha Oza, lashed out at the BJP leaders criticising Rahul Gandhi’s decision and dubbed their party as anti-poor. She was emphatic in pointing out that some front ranking economists have studied the intricacies involved, vetted and validated Rahul Gandhi’s decision for direct cash transfer to the poor. One of her co-spokesperson even came on the sidelines and said that former Reserve Bank Governor Raghuram Rajan and a few other top economists would soon be speaking in support of this policy. The input by the Congress spokesperson that in next few days some renowned economists are going to openly support the Congress party’s “direct cash transfer” plan to "wipe out poverty" would mean that these economists would be supporting a move that would eat into the vitals of economic growth in India. It is a move that has nothing to do with channelising resources for building a robust economic infrastructure, improving education and skill development, creating jobs and adding to the purchasing power of the people through multifarious economic activities and thereby improving their quality of life. If the Congress move brings in votes and power, it will benefit immensely the wheeler-dealers and agents in the corridors of power who are not used to living in the wilderness. Let's not talk of crony capitalists. One has seen them flourish everywhere under Congress rule. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress's minimum income plan will eat into the vitals of economic growth

A number of BJP leaders Tuesday hit out at the ruling BJD and the Congress accusing their leaders of showing scant respect to the victims of Pulwama terror attack and questioning India's retaliatory air strike.

BJP vice-president and former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Union Minister R K Singh and party vice-president Baijayant Panda slammed the two parties during poll rallies in Nimapara, Jajpur and Balasore respectively.

Criticising Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, Chouhan claimed that a BJD MLA had manhandled a relative of a CRPF jawan of Odisha, who was killed in the Pulwama attack.

The incident took place shortly before the funeral of the slain soldier Manoj Kumar Behera.

"It is unfortunate that the chief minister did not take any action against the MLA. He did not even condemn the action which triggered public outcry," Chouhan said.

The BJP vice-president said Sam Pitroda, the technical advisor to the Odisha Government, had also raised questions on the air strike undertaken by India in Balakot in Pakistan after the Pulwama terror strike.

"Like the BJD MLA who assaulted the martyr's relative, Pitroda was also close to the chief minister," he said.

Chouhan also came down heavily on Congress for raising questions about the Balakot air strike and its outcome.

Alleging that crimes against women in Odisha showed an alarming rise, he said conviction rate in heinous crimes like rape is abysmally low in the state.

He claimed that Odisha government has failed to provide basic amenities including electricity and water to farmers for which they are committing suicide.

Chouhan further alleged that the chief minister is shielding corrupt officials during his 19 years of rule.

Addressing a public meeting at Jajpur, Union Minister of State for New and Renewable Energy, Raj Kumar Singh said people have full faith on Prime Minister Narendra Modi because of significant achievements made during the last five years.

The people of Odisha are also keen to bring about a change as there has been no development and they are fed up with corruption, he said.

Retaliation of Pulwama terror attack is a strong message to Pakistan and China that India will take strong action if it is attacked, he said.

At a rally at Remuna in Balasore, Panda said people of Odisha now want change as there has been a rise in crime against women and children in the last 19 years.&nbsp;

A number of BJP leaders Tuesday hit out at the ruling BJD and the Congress accusing their leaders of showing scant respect to the victims of Pulwama terror attack and questioning India's retaliatory air strike.

A number of BJP leaders Tuesday hit out at the ruling BJD and the Congress accusing their leaders of showing scant respect to the victims of Pulwama terror attack and questioning India's retaliatory air strike. BJP vice-president and former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Union Minister R K Singh and party vice-president Baijayant Panda slammed the two parties during poll rallies in Nimapara, Jajpur and Balasore respectively. Criticising Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, Chouhan claimed that a BJD MLA had manhandled a relative of a CRPF jawan of Odisha, who was killed in the Pulwama attack. The incident took place shortly before the funeral of the slain soldier Manoj Kumar Behera. "It is unfortunate that the chief minister did not take any action against the MLA. He did not even condemn the action which triggered public outcry," Chouhan said. The BJP vice-president said Sam Pitroda, the technical advisor to the Odisha Government, had also raised questions on the air strike undertaken by India in Balakot in Pakistan after the Pulwama terror strike. "Like the BJD MLA who assaulted the martyr's relative, Pitroda was also close to the chief minister," he said. Chouhan also came down heavily on Congress for raising questions about the Balakot air strike and its outcome. Alleging that crimes against women in Odisha showed an alarming rise, he said conviction rate in heinous crimes like rape is abysmally low in the state. He claimed that Odisha government has failed to provide basic amenities including electricity and water to farmers for which they are committing suicide. Chouhan further alleged that the chief minister is shielding corrupt officials during his 19 years of rule. Addressing a public meeting at Jajpur, Union Minister of State for New and Renewable Energy, Raj Kumar Singh said people have full faith on Prime Minister Narendra Modi because of significant achievements made during the last five years. The people of Odisha are also keen to bring about a change as there has been no development and they are fed up with corruption, he said. Retaliation of Pulwama terror attack is a strong message to Pakistan and China that India will take strong action if it is attacked, he said. At a rally at Remuna in Balasore, Panda said people of Odisha now want change as there has been a rise in crime against women and children in the last 19 years.

Chouhan slams BJD, Congress for showing "no respect" to Pulwama victims

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election. The Congress suffered its greatest electoral defeat. Its seat tally in the Lok Sabha dwindled to a mere 44 out of 543 seats.&nbsp;

In the years that followed, Congress continued to suffer electoral defeats. Nevertheless, from the brink of a political abyss, the party pulled back; last December, it won assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. After playing a secondary role for some years, Priyanka has waded into direct political activity. 
 
The Congress hopes that her political campaigns and active involvement in organisational work will not only help Rahul Gandhi but also revive the Congress’s political fortunes. &nbsp; &nbsp;

Her focus is on Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 LS seats. Any party or alliance that wins maximum seats in the state will have a powerful say in government formation at the Centre. In 2014, the BJP-led NDA swept the state, bagging 71 seats. &nbsp;

However, the state was a former bastion of the Congress party and the Nehru-Gandhi family. Over the years, the party has witnessed steady erosion of support base to the SP, the BSP and more recently, to the BJP. At present, apart from the two constituencies of Amethi and Rae Bareli, the Congress’ political heft in UP is very limited.&nbsp;

To ensure that anti-BJP votes do not split to the disadvantage of BJP’s political opponents, several parties have tried to form alliances. The Congress, at present, is a relatively emaciated, but it’s still a national party. Though it does not carry enough political weight to secure a dominant position in anti-BJP alliance formations across most states, its trying to position itself as a presiding political entity within the context of the power structure in New Delhi.&nbsp;

Even then, however, it is being challenged by regional parties such as the SP, BSP and West Bengal’s TMC. Successfully navigating the political terrain of UP is a challenge. Since the 1990s, it has been observed that broader the ambit, including community and caste identities, apart from the core vote of a political party, the greater its political expediency. The BSP has been typically supported by the Yadav-led vote bank, while SP’s support derives from a consolidated Yadav vote bloc. The BJP’s vote base was traditionally confined to so-called upper castes. But of late, through an increasing narrative of development, good governance and non-appeasement, it has been successful in accruing a percentage of votes across the board. The aftermath: BJP rode to massive victory in the last state assembly elections.

The Congress has not wielded much influence in the state, circa 1990. Its former winning coalition constituents, the Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, have drifted to vote other political parties. The changed political scenario, absence of appropriate policies, and lack of concerted leadership to the UP unit of the party have collectively contributed to its decline. Today, it is struggling to recover lost ground. But would it be relatively easier than otherwise?

The SP and the BSP have built their respective political identities around anti-Congress, anti-BJP rhetoric. BSP leader Mayawati and SP President Akhilesh Yadav have explicitly refused to strike any electoral alliance with the Congress. They are confident of their own alliance against the BJP-led NDA. Currently, they are prepared to extend only surface courtesies to Congress.&nbsp;

Priyanka Gandhi has embarked on a boat journey across eastern UP to increase adherence for the Congress. She accuses the BJP of agrarian distress, stressed employment rates, and divisive politics. Whether the amiable reception she receives across the banks of the Ganges would translate to votes for Congress candidates is moot.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, in an interview, the BJP Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, has insisted on the relative improvement of law and order in the state, implementation of certain welfare schemes, and non-discriminatory policies of his government. His work will strike a chord with some sections of the electorate. &nbsp;

The way ahead for the Congress seems to be tortuous.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-congress-will-find-up-to-be-a-tough-political-terrain-2733552">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election.

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election. The Congress suffered its greatest electoral defeat. Its seat tally in the Lok Sabha dwindled to a mere 44 out of 543 seats. In the years that followed, Congress continued to suffer electoral defeats. Nevertheless, from the brink of a political abyss, the party pulled back; last December, it won assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. After playing a secondary role for some years, Priyanka has waded into direct political activity. The Congress hopes that her political campaigns and active involvement in organisational work will not only help Rahul Gandhi but also revive the Congress’s political fortunes. Her focus is on Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 LS seats. Any party or alliance that wins maximum seats in the state will have a powerful say in government formation at the Centre. In 2014, the BJP-led NDA swept the state, bagging 71 seats. However, the state was a former bastion of the Congress party and the Nehru-Gandhi family. Over the years, the party has witnessed steady erosion of support base to the SP, the BSP and more recently, to the BJP. At present, apart from the two constituencies of Amethi and Rae Bareli, the Congress’ political heft in UP is very limited. To ensure that anti-BJP votes do not split to the disadvantage of BJP’s political opponents, several parties have tried to form alliances. The Congress, at present, is a relatively emaciated, but it’s still a national party. Though it does not carry enough political weight to secure a dominant position in anti-BJP alliance formations across most states, its trying to position itself as a presiding political entity within the context of the power structure in New Delhi. Even then, however, it is being challenged by regional parties such as the SP, BSP and West Bengal’s TMC. Successfully navigating the political terrain of UP is a challenge. Since the 1990s, it has been observed that broader the ambit, including community and caste identities, apart from the core vote of a political party, the greater its political expediency. The BSP has been typically supported by the Yadav-led vote bank, while SP’s support derives from a consolidated Yadav vote bloc. The BJP’s vote base was traditionally confined to so-called upper castes. But of late, through an increasing narrative of development, good governance and non-appeasement, it has been successful in accruing a percentage of votes across the board. The aftermath: BJP rode to massive victory in the last state assembly elections. The Congress has not wielded much influence in the state, circa 1990. Its former winning coalition constituents, the Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, have drifted to vote other political parties. The changed political scenario, absence of appropriate policies, and lack of concerted leadership to the UP unit of the party have collectively contributed to its decline. Today, it is struggling to recover lost ground. But would it be relatively easier than otherwise? The SP and the BSP have built their respective political identities around anti-Congress, anti-BJP rhetoric. BSP leader Mayawati and SP President Akhilesh Yadav have explicitly refused to strike any electoral alliance with the Congress. They are confident of their own alliance against the BJP-led NDA. Currently, they are prepared to extend only surface courtesies to Congress. Priyanka Gandhi has embarked on a boat journey across eastern UP to increase adherence for the Congress. She accuses the BJP of agrarian distress, stressed employment rates, and divisive politics. Whether the amiable reception she receives across the banks of the Ganges would translate to votes for Congress candidates is moot. Meanwhile, in an interview, the BJP Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, has insisted on the relative improvement of law and order in the state, implementation of certain welfare schemes, and non-discriminatory policies of his government. His work will strike a chord with some sections of the electorate. The way ahead for the Congress seems to be tortuous. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Congress will find UP to be a tough political terrain

Former Indian cricketer Gautam Gambhir has joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;

The announcement was made in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad.&nbsp;

BJP sources said Gambhir is likely to be fielded from the New Delhi constituency, currently represented by Meenakshi Lekhi.&nbsp;

However, a&nbsp;final decision is yet to be taken, they added.

After joining the party, Gambhir said, "I am joining this party(BJP) after getting influenced&nbsp;by PM Narendra Modi's vision. I am honoured to get the opportunity to join this platform."&nbsp;

Earlier this month, <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/president-kovind-confers-padma-awards-hs-phoolka-cricketer-gautam-gambhir-bollywood-actor-manoj-bajpayee-receive-padma-shri-203672">Gambhir was honoured with the Padma Shri award</a> for his contribution&nbsp;to the world of cricket.&nbsp;

<div class="ui-state-default">
<div class="twitter-block">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Delhi: Former Cricketer Gautam Gambhir joins Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad <a href="https://t.co/EYmhfSSMy7">pic.twitter.com/EYmhfSSMy7</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1108984072062337024?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 22, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

In his cricketing career, Gambhir earned 58 Test caps and scored nine centuries and 22 fifties in the Test format.&nbsp;

The left-handed batsman announced his retirement in the year 2018 after completing 10,000 runs in List-A cricket.&nbsp;

Gambhir's performance in the finals of the 2007 T20 World Cup final against Pakistan and the 2011 World Cup final against Sri Lanka helped India win both the titles.&nbsp;

Former Indian cricketer Gautam Gambhir has joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The announcement was made in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad.

Former Indian cricketer Gautam Gambhir has joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The announcement was made in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad. BJP sources said Gambhir is likely to be fielded from the New Delhi constituency, currently represented by Meenakshi Lekhi. However, a final decision is yet to be taken, they added. After joining the party, Gambhir said, "I am joining this party(BJP) after getting influenced by PM Narendra Modi's vision. I am honoured to get the opportunity to join this platform." Earlier this month, Gambhir was honoured with the Padma Shri award for his contribution to the world of cricket. Delhi: Former Cricketer Gautam Gambhir joins Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad pic.twitter.com/EYmhfSSMy7 — ANI (@ANI) March 22, 2019 × In his cricketing career, Gambhir earned 58 Test caps and scored nine centuries and 22 fifties in the Test format. The left-handed batsman announced his retirement in the year 2018 after completing 10,000 runs in List-A cricket. Gambhir's performance in the finals of the 2007 T20 World Cup final against Pakistan and the 2011 World Cup final against Sri Lanka helped India win both the titles.

Former cricketer Gautam Gambhir pads up for political innings, joins BJP

Whether you like it or not, the use of Hindu symbolism is here to stay in Indian politics for a long time. What is happening in Congress today stands in stark contrast to Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Hyderabad in 2005 when the city hosted the plenary of the party.

Rahul Gandhi had said that the national flag is his religion. Today, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra despite her charismatic persona has not been able to ditch the trappings of cultural Hinduism publically espoused by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

I would even say that not only it shows lack of creative engagement with BJP, but Congress has fallen back upon soft Hindutva which it practised in the 1980s, leaving socialist sloganeering to regional parties cutting across India.

When Mayawati and Mulayam Singh fought elections together in the 1990s in wake of Babri Masjid’s demolition, they did not evoke cultural nationalism to fight BJP on the ground.

The politics of social justice still evoked strong sentiments and it is for this reason that the political slogan,”Mile Mulayam Kanshiram, hawa mein ud gaye Jai Sri Ram,” could not be contested by BJP as either anti-national or anti-Hindu keeping in mind caste sensitivities attached.

Today, neither Mayawati nor Akhilesh Yadav has attacked BJP on cultural position it has taken. Priyanka Vadra and Rahul Gandhi too have appropriated BJP’s political narrative of nation-building rather than challenging it from a non-left centrist point of view.

It begets the question as to why Gandhi’s became so vulnerable on the constitutional vision of India, unlike the first generation who were far more westernised and rabid on the issue of religious reform and change in the society. 
 
One, their religious identity as a Hindu was never in question and second, Congress as a party had strong conservative voices within the organisation. It allowed Congress to absorb and navigate hard Hindu politics led by RSS without pushing for any change in the Constitutional commitment towards the idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers.

The idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers was contested by RSS which argued that Constitution does not truly reflect the civilizational sensibility of the Indian sub-continent.

It is for this reason Congress will find centrist politics difficult, as it has failed to tackle ethnocentric political narrative which has marginalised them from 2012 onwards.

Congress today can neither go for the caste-specific alliance as regional parties or socialists of 70s, 80s and 90s were able to do so and nor it can push aside BJP on cultural nationalism as the theme&nbsp;originally belongs to RSS-BJP combine.&nbsp;

Congress needs to restore non-left centrism by authentic subaltern political sloganeering which picks up issues that are regional and cuts across caste and religion. At the central level, it needs to stick to Constitutional values which are being challenged in public for want of being unfair or unjust to the Hindu sensibility by RSS. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

Whether you like it or not, the use of Hindu symbolism is here to stay in Indian politics for a long time. What is happening in Congress today stands in stark contrast to Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Hyderabad in 2005 when the city hosted the plenary of the party.

Whether you like it or not, the use of Hindu symbolism is here to stay in Indian politics for a long time. What is happening in Congress today stands in stark contrast to Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Hyderabad in 2005 when the city hosted the plenary of the party. Rahul Gandhi had said that the national flag is his religion. Today, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra despite her charismatic persona has not been able to ditch the trappings of cultural Hinduism publically espoused by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. I would even say that not only it shows lack of creative engagement with BJP, but Congress has fallen back upon soft Hindutva which it practised in the 1980s, leaving socialist sloganeering to regional parties cutting across India. When Mayawati and Mulayam Singh fought elections together in the 1990s in wake of Babri Masjid’s demolition, they did not evoke cultural nationalism to fight BJP on the ground. The politics of social justice still evoked strong sentiments and it is for this reason that the political slogan,”Mile Mulayam Kanshiram, hawa mein ud gaye Jai Sri Ram,” could not be contested by BJP as either anti-national or anti-Hindu keeping in mind caste sensitivities attached. Today, neither Mayawati nor Akhilesh Yadav has attacked BJP on cultural position it has taken. Priyanka Vadra and Rahul Gandhi too have appropriated BJP’s political narrative of nation-building rather than challenging it from a non-left centrist point of view. It begets the question as to why Gandhi’s became so vulnerable on the constitutional vision of India, unlike the first generation who were far more westernised and rabid on the issue of religious reform and change in the society. One, their religious identity as a Hindu was never in question and second, Congress as a party had strong conservative voices within the organisation. It allowed Congress to absorb and navigate hard Hindu politics led by RSS without pushing for any change in the Constitutional commitment towards the idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers. The idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers was contested by RSS which argued that Constitution does not truly reflect the civilizational sensibility of the Indian sub-continent. It is for this reason Congress will find centrist politics difficult, as it has failed to tackle ethnocentric political narrative which has marginalised them from 2012 onwards. Congress today can neither go for the caste-specific alliance as regional parties or socialists of 70s, 80s and 90s were able to do so and nor it can push aside BJP on cultural nationalism as the theme originally belongs to RSS-BJP combine. Congress needs to restore non-left centrism by authentic subaltern political sloganeering which picks up issues that are regional and cuts across caste and religion. At the central level, it needs to stick to Constitutional values which are being challenged in public for want of being unfair or unjust to the Hindu sensibility by RSS. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s Ganga yatra and triumph of 'soft Hindutva'

The Jammu and Kashmir BJP Wednesday alleged that the Congress had conceded to the National Conference's (NC) pro-separatist agenda after the two parties announced a pre-poll alliance in the state.

The Congress and the NC finalised arrangements for the six Lok Sabha seats of the state earlier in the day.

"The NC-Congress alliance is an eyewash and a wake-up call for Jammu," BJP spokesperson Brig (retd) Anil Gupta told reporters.

"The Congress has not only surrendered to the National Conference but also conceded to the pro-separatist, Kashmir-centric, communal and divisive agenda of that party," he said.

He added that the "opportunistic" alliance was aimed at promoting "Kashmiri hegemony".

With the NC insisting on contesting from all the three seats in Kashmir, the party's couldn't-care-less attitude towards Jammu is obvious, Gupta said.

The BJP spokesperson claimed the Congress, like the NC, will oppose granting citizenship to West Pakistan refugees and inheritance rights to the state's daughters.

The Congress-NC combine will put an end to anti-terror operations and revive the over ground terror support network, Gupta alleged.

"They will revoke the ban on Jammat-e-Islami Kashmir and promote radicalisation in Kashmir. They will ensure that Rohingya and Bangladeshi Muslims are given permanent residence so that the demography of the region is changed and Jammu also becomes insecure like the Valley," he warned.

People of Jammu will do a great disservice to their future generations if they vote for the communal and divisive agenda of the NC-Congress alliance, Gupta said.

It would not be surprising if the Peoples Democratic Party also joins hands with them to further marginalise the voice of Jammu, he said.

While the Congress will contest on the Jammu and Udhampur seats, the NC will fight from Srinagar, Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad said at a joint press conference here with NC president Omar Abdullah.

There will be a "friendly contest" between the two parties on the Baramulla, Anantnag and Ladakh seats, Abdullah said.&nbsp;

The Jammu and Kashmir BJP Wednesday alleged that the Congress had conceded to the National Conference's (NC) pro-separatist agenda after the two parties announced a pre-poll alliance in the state.

The Jammu and Kashmir BJP Wednesday alleged that the Congress had conceded to the National Conference's (NC) pro-separatist agenda after the two parties announced a pre-poll alliance in the state. The Congress and the NC finalised arrangements for the six Lok Sabha seats of the state earlier in the day. "The NC-Congress alliance is an eyewash and a wake-up call for Jammu," BJP spokesperson Brig (retd) Anil Gupta told reporters. "The Congress has not only surrendered to the National Conference but also conceded to the pro-separatist, Kashmir-centric, communal and divisive agenda of that party," he said. He added that the "opportunistic" alliance was aimed at promoting "Kashmiri hegemony". With the NC insisting on contesting from all the three seats in Kashmir, the party's couldn't-care-less attitude towards Jammu is obvious, Gupta said. The BJP spokesperson claimed the Congress, like the NC, will oppose granting citizenship to West Pakistan refugees and inheritance rights to the state's daughters. The Congress-NC combine will put an end to anti-terror operations and revive the over ground terror support network, Gupta alleged. "They will revoke the ban on Jammat-e-Islami Kashmir and promote radicalisation in Kashmir. They will ensure that Rohingya and Bangladeshi Muslims are given permanent residence so that the demography of the region is changed and Jammu also becomes insecure like the Valley," he warned. People of Jammu will do a great disservice to their future generations if they vote for the communal and divisive agenda of the NC-Congress alliance, Gupta said. It would not be surprising if the Peoples Democratic Party also joins hands with them to further marginalise the voice of Jammu, he said. While the Congress will contest on the Jammu and Udhampur seats, the NC will fight from Srinagar, Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad said at a joint press conference here with NC president Omar Abdullah. There will be a "friendly contest" between the two parties on the Baramulla, Anantnag and Ladakh seats, Abdullah said.

Congress has surrendered to pro-separatist agenda of NC: BJP

I had begun the new year by discussing how smaller parties were going to be more important in this election season in India. Following the sad and premature demise of Goa Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar and the tumultuous politics in the state in the aftermath, I am tempted to add one more thing: the Goa model of fractious, fluid coalition governments is set to spread over a larger swathe of India as democracy takes roots and interest group politics and local issues begin to override deeper issues of ideology, national-level posturing or big party organisations.

You only have to go state by state to understand how politics has entered the phase that the Indian economy did in the aftermath of reforms that kicked off in 1991. With the rise of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a slew of regional parties across the country, it is not just that coalitions have become mainstream.

Within each party, workers and lobbies have become more demanding - much like restless software employees who smelt opportunities in a world where employers including Infosys, Wipro, IBM, Accenture and a host of others competed for talent.

Goa is a small state and it took the charisma of Parrikar to keep his flock together. His successor Pramod Sawant was sworn in after the Congress tried valiantly to form a rival government on the strength of being the single largest party in the state assembly. Sawant now has a tough task ahead in emulating Parrikar in a state where Hindutva politics has limited utility because of the rooted presence of regional outfits and 25 per cent Christian voters.&nbsp;

A key point, as one analyst observed in a TV discussion, is that defecting leaders get re-elected from their constituencies, suggesting that their confidence and their abilities can overpower the might, the ideology or the symbol of a big party. Or, for that matter, the stigma that one used to attach to defections. I think this phenomenon is spreading across India. I hope to discuss specifics some other time, but there is a general pattern that needs to be noted.

Today's slogging party worker is tomorrow's neta. Imagine. Mamata Banerjee was just a humble Congress worker on the streets of what was then Calcutta. In today's Kolkata, she rules over the state with her own Trinamool Congress that has managed to take on both the CPM and her mothership, the Indian National Congress. Modi himself has risen in the BJP from his humble worker origins in Gujarat and has successfully sidelined stalwarts like Lal Krishna Advani.

The naive idealism of the Independence movement and the Emergency era have given way to hard-as-nuts ambitions and strategies. Mastery of local issues, goodwill, oratory, lobbying and media savvy are now explicitly recognised as key political skills.

If the "high command" of any party is not willing to recognise a worker, breakaway formations and audacious defections offer them a way out. All major Indian political parties with the exception of the communist groups no longer care enough about ideology or the mood of grassroots workers enough to discourage defectors from coming in.

There may be an unwritten recognition: a so-called loyal worker is just a not-so-competent chamcha. In such a context, parties prefer a smart defector to a dubious loyalist. Or a useful defector, as we found out last week when Tom Vadakkan, a long-time Congress spokesman considered close to Sonia Gandhi, simply jumped ship to the BJP. The Kerala leader's ostensible reason (Congress disregard for the Army) and timing for the jump were so flimsy, that it looked more comic than grandiose. Vadakkan after decades sitting literally 100 metres from 10 Janpath at the Congress head office suddenly realised the party practises dynastic politics. Excuse me?

Vadakkan is not a major leader but the BJP holding a news conference to announce his entry was certainly a significant indicator of where Indian politics is going.

Caste, community and tribe still remain important political currencies in India. To top this, we may add an increasing localisation of politics. Local netas who care about the neighbourhood hospital, road or school and are/or more available to meet voters to address their various concerns build up goodwill that escapes the attention of the national media. But they do not escape the hawk eye of the high commands of parties. We have a virtual stock exchange for "winnable" politicians based on ground reports.

The scene is not much different from the technology sector, where Amazon, Microsoft and Google may love to poach each other's employees based on their CVs and industry intelligence. Talent, work, skills and energy matter more than loyalty. If the people in question are mission critical (Read: key to winning seats or forming governments), the netas matter more.

What is happening this month across political parties are just like annual appraisals and job interviews in top companies every March, prior to the start of a new financial year. Some employees get thumbs-down signals and they look for other opportunities. Smart ones feel bad when smarter ones get the chance or a new boss moves in with his/her own ideas and confidants.

In a sense, such defections and group shifts have been part of Indian history and culture. Only, generals and soldiers who used to capture territories for kings have given way to netas and chamchas who capture votes for parties.

In such a context, the stylish reference to "winnability" in political parties is an indirect admission of the harsh reality of grassroots politics: Parties don't really win on the basis of their ideals; they increasingly put their brand names on those they think are likely to win, while keeping their trademarks alive with tall talk and big spending.

 
(This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/pre-poll-defections-indias-politics-is-looking-more-and-more-like-its-it-sector-2188783.html">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

I had begun the new year by discussing how smaller parties were going to be more important in this election season in India. Following the sad and premature demise of Goa Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar and the tumultuous politics in the state in the aftermath, I am tempted to add one more thing: the Goa model of fractious, fluid coalition governments is set to spread over a larger swathe of India as democracy takes roots and interest group politics and local issues begin to override deeper issues of ideology, national-level posturing or big party organisations.

I had begun the new year by discussing how smaller parties were going to be more important in this election season in India. Following the sad and premature demise of Goa Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar and the tumultuous politics in the state in the aftermath, I am tempted to add one more thing: the Goa model of fractious, fluid coalition governments is set to spread over a larger swathe of India as democracy takes roots and interest group politics and local issues begin to override deeper issues of ideology, national-level posturing or big party organisations. You only have to go state by state to understand how politics has entered the phase that the Indian economy did in the aftermath of reforms that kicked off in 1991. With the rise of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a slew of regional parties across the country, it is not just that coalitions have become mainstream. Within each party, workers and lobbies have become more demanding - much like restless software employees who smelt opportunities in a world where employers including Infosys, Wipro, IBM, Accenture and a host of others competed for talent. Goa is a small state and it took the charisma of Parrikar to keep his flock together. His successor Pramod Sawant was sworn in after the Congress tried valiantly to form a rival government on the strength of being the single largest party in the state assembly. Sawant now has a tough task ahead in emulating Parrikar in a state where Hindutva politics has limited utility because of the rooted presence of regional outfits and 25 per cent Christian voters. A key point, as one analyst observed in a TV discussion, is that defecting leaders get re-elected from their constituencies, suggesting that their confidence and their abilities can overpower the might, the ideology or the symbol of a big party. Or, for that matter, the stigma that one used to attach to defections. I think this phenomenon is spreading across India. I hope to discuss specifics some other time, but there is a general pattern that needs to be noted. Today's slogging party worker is tomorrow's neta. Imagine. Mamata Banerjee was just a humble Congress worker on the streets of what was then Calcutta. In today's Kolkata, she rules over the state with her own Trinamool Congress that has managed to take on both the CPM and her mothership, the Indian National Congress. Modi himself has risen in the BJP from his humble worker origins in Gujarat and has successfully sidelined stalwarts like Lal Krishna Advani. The naive idealism of the Independence movement and the Emergency era have given way to hard-as-nuts ambitions and strategies. Mastery of local issues, goodwill, oratory, lobbying and media savvy are now explicitly recognised as key political skills. If the "high command" of any party is not willing to recognise a worker, breakaway formations and audacious defections offer them a way out. All major Indian political parties with the exception of the communist groups no longer care enough about ideology or the mood of grassroots workers enough to discourage defectors from coming in. There may be an unwritten recognition: a so-called loyal worker is just a not-so-competent chamcha. In such a context, parties prefer a smart defector to a dubious loyalist. Or a useful defector, as we found out last week when Tom Vadakkan, a long-time Congress spokesman considered close to Sonia Gandhi, simply jumped ship to the BJP. The Kerala leader's ostensible reason (Congress disregard for the Army) and timing for the jump were so flimsy, that it looked more comic than grandiose. Vadakkan after decades sitting literally 100 metres from 10 Janpath at the Congress head office suddenly realised the party practises dynastic politics. Excuse me? Vadakkan is not a major leader but the BJP holding a news conference to announce his entry was certainly a significant indicator of where Indian politics is going. Caste, community and tribe still remain important political currencies in India. To top this, we may add an increasing localisation of politics. Local netas who care about the neighbourhood hospital, road or school and are/or more available to meet voters to address their various concerns build up goodwill that escapes the attention of the national media. But they do not escape the hawk eye of the high commands of parties. We have a virtual stock exchange for "winnable" politicians based on ground reports. The scene is not much different from the technology sector, where Amazon, Microsoft and Google may love to poach each other's employees based on their CVs and industry intelligence. Talent, work, skills and energy matter more than loyalty. If the people in question are mission critical (Read: key to winning seats or forming governments), the netas matter more. What is happening this month across political parties are just like annual appraisals and job interviews in top companies every March, prior to the start of a new financial year. Some employees get thumbs-down signals and they look for other opportunities. Smart ones feel bad when smarter ones get the chance or a new boss moves in with his/her own ideas and confidants. In a sense, such defections and group shifts have been part of Indian history and culture. Only, generals and soldiers who used to capture territories for kings have given way to netas and chamchas who capture votes for parties. In such a context, the stylish reference to "winnability" in political parties is an indirect admission of the harsh reality of grassroots politics: Parties don't really win on the basis of their ideals; they increasingly put their brand names on those they think are likely to win, while keeping their trademarks alive with tall talk and big spending. (This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Pre-poll defections: Political parties prefer a smart defector than a dubious loyalist

The problem with history is that it is often nuanced. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi’s colourful barb at NaMo’s China diplomacy in the Masood Azhar episode case might resonate with those bashing PM Narendra Modi, but betrays deep historical ignorance.

Such ignorance adds up because graver implications of past mistakes cannot be undone.&nbsp;

It is a fact that India was a founding member of the United Nations, whereas mainland China was excluded from that body until the early 1970s.

Nehru campaigned for China’s entry in the UN, and for making it a member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) at the expense of India’s chance of becoming a member of that apex body.&nbsp;

Even though never requested by China, India voluntarily and vigorously advocated Peoples Republic of China (PRC) for the permanent membership of the UNSC in lieu of Taiwan, lobbying with all nations for the UN membership and UNSC permanent seat - not for itself, but for China.&nbsp;

Both the US and the USSR were willing to accommodate India as a permanent member of the UNSC in 1955, in lieu of Taiwan, or as a sixth member, after amending the UN charter.&nbsp;

Nehru wanted the seat to be given to China, as he did not want them to be marginalised, a gesture reciprocated by China in kind seven years later in 1962.&nbsp;

That the lesson was completely lost on Nehru is evident from the fact that Nehru’s sister Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit — the first woman president of the United Nations General Assembly — advocated China’s case even in 1963.

Shashi Tharoor in his book ‘Nehru: The Invention of India’ recalls that when the US offered support for an “Indian Monroe Doctrine” in southern Asia in 1953, Nehru turned John Foster Dulles down with scorn.

“Indian diplomats who have seen the files swear that at about the same time Jawaharlal also declined a US offer to take the permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, then held, with scant credibility, by Taiwan, urging that it be offered to Beijing instead”.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in his speech in Parliament in August 1959, recalled how the Chinese occupation of Tibet in October 1950 notwithstanding, India had decided to raise the question of China’s admission into the United Nations in September 1959 at Nehru’s bidding.&nbsp;

On November 18, 1950, the representative of El Salvador moved the United Nations formally and asked the General Assembly to create a special committee to ‘study’ what measures should be adopted by the United Nations General Assembly to shield Tibet against ‘unprovoked’ Chinese aggression.&nbsp;

But when the Steering Committee of the United Nations met, the Indian representative asked the committee to drop the whole matter. When Vajpayee had moved a resolution in Parliament that simultaneously India should also raise the Tibetan issue in the United Nations, Nehru was unresponsive.&nbsp;

KM Panikkar, the Indian Ambassador in Beijing, stated that to protest the Chinese invasion of Tibet would be an act of interference vis a vis India’s efforts on behalf of China in the UN and destroy PRC’s prospects of entry into the UN.

Vallabhbhai Patel did try to draw the attention of Nehru to the threat expansionist China, warning against pursuing its entry into the UN, without quid-pro-quo, but Nehru seemed to be living in his own world, so far as China was concerned.

Patel advise came “in view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet”.

“There would probably be a threat in the UNO virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean War”, Patel warned in his letter to Nehru, “We must determine our attitude on this question also.”

Nehru went ahead with his bull-headed stubbornness, his miscalculations driven by his inexplicably adamant and unreasonable approach, which ended up creating and complicating India-China border problem and allowed it to drift into an unfortunate war.&nbsp;

He bungled Kashmir in 1947-48 by refusing the military advice of its generals to clear the state of invaders, and internationalised the issue by sending it to the UN.&nbsp;

The Panchsheel in 1954 and the Indus Water Treaty in 1960, with zero reciprocity, amounted to massive giveaways.&nbsp;

After signing the Panchsheel agreement with China in 1954 and helping Chou Enlai to emerge into the limelight in Bandung in 1955, Nehru’s starry-eyed phase of “Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” blissfully glossed over the real divergence of interests between the two countries at that time.&nbsp;

India exploded a bomb in 1974, but instead of declaring weapons status, it declared its intent to stay non-nuclear and left itself vulnerable to external pressures to disarm.

Nehru’s idealistic shenanigans were fatal, to say the least. Patel was strongly against the reference of Kashmir to the UN and preferred ‘timely action’ on the ground.&nbsp;

Because of this reference, the issue no longer remained an internal affair, but snowballed into an international issue in the UNSC, enabling Pakistan to rake it up every now and then.&nbsp;

If the grand old party is willing to own up the role of Indian National Congress in liberating India from the British rule all to itself, it must also be willing to accept that many of the pathogens still afflicting India are bequeathed to India by Nehru. Cosying up to China is one of them.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-cosying-up-to-the-dragon-2730407">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
 
&nbsp;

The problem with history is that it is often nuanced. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi’s colourful barb at NaMo’s China diplomacy in the Masood Azhar episode case might resonate with those bashing PM Narendra Modi, but betrays deep historical ignorance.

The problem with history is that it is often nuanced. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi’s colourful barb at NaMo’s China diplomacy in the Masood Azhar episode case might resonate with those bashing PM Narendra Modi, but betrays deep historical ignorance. Such ignorance adds up because graver implications of past mistakes cannot be undone. It is a fact that India was a founding member of the United Nations, whereas mainland China was excluded from that body until the early 1970s. Nehru campaigned for China’s entry in the UN, and for making it a member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) at the expense of India’s chance of becoming a member of that apex body. Even though never requested by China, India voluntarily and vigorously advocated Peoples Republic of China (PRC) for the permanent membership of the UNSC in lieu of Taiwan, lobbying with all nations for the UN membership and UNSC permanent seat - not for itself, but for China. Both the US and the USSR were willing to accommodate India as a permanent member of the UNSC in 1955, in lieu of Taiwan, or as a sixth member, after amending the UN charter. Nehru wanted the seat to be given to China, as he did not want them to be marginalised, a gesture reciprocated by China in kind seven years later in 1962. That the lesson was completely lost on Nehru is evident from the fact that Nehru’s sister Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit — the first woman president of the United Nations General Assembly — advocated China’s case even in 1963. Shashi Tharoor in his book ‘Nehru: The Invention of India’ recalls that when the US offered support for an “Indian Monroe Doctrine” in southern Asia in 1953, Nehru turned John Foster Dulles down with scorn. “Indian diplomats who have seen the files swear that at about the same time Jawaharlal also declined a US offer to take the permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, then held, with scant credibility, by Taiwan, urging that it be offered to Beijing instead”. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in his speech in Parliament in August 1959, recalled how the Chinese occupation of Tibet in October 1950 notwithstanding, India had decided to raise the question of China’s admission into the United Nations in September 1959 at Nehru’s bidding. On November 18, 1950, the representative of El Salvador moved the United Nations formally and asked the General Assembly to create a special committee to ‘study’ what measures should be adopted by the United Nations General Assembly to shield Tibet against ‘unprovoked’ Chinese aggression. But when the Steering Committee of the United Nations met, the Indian representative asked the committee to drop the whole matter. When Vajpayee had moved a resolution in Parliament that simultaneously India should also raise the Tibetan issue in the United Nations, Nehru was unresponsive. KM Panikkar, the Indian Ambassador in Beijing, stated that to protest the Chinese invasion of Tibet would be an act of interference vis a vis India’s efforts on behalf of China in the UN and destroy PRC’s prospects of entry into the UN. Vallabhbhai Patel did try to draw the attention of Nehru to the threat expansionist China, warning against pursuing its entry into the UN, without quid-pro-quo, but Nehru seemed to be living in his own world, so far as China was concerned. Patel advise came “in view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet”. “There would probably be a threat in the UNO virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean War”, Patel warned in his letter to Nehru, “We must determine our attitude on this question also.” Nehru went ahead with his bull-headed stubbornness, his miscalculations driven by his inexplicably adamant and unreasonable approach, which ended up creating and complicating India-China border problem and allowed it to drift into an unfortunate war. He bungled Kashmir in 1947-48 by refusing the military advice of its generals to clear the state of invaders, and internationalised the issue by sending it to the UN. The Panchsheel in 1954 and the Indus Water Treaty in 1960, with zero reciprocity, amounted to massive giveaways. After signing the Panchsheel agreement with China in 1954 and helping Chou Enlai to emerge into the limelight in Bandung in 1955, Nehru’s starry-eyed phase of “Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” blissfully glossed over the real divergence of interests between the two countries at that time. India exploded a bomb in 1974, but instead of declaring weapons status, it declared its intent to stay non-nuclear and left itself vulnerable to external pressures to disarm. Nehru’s idealistic shenanigans were fatal, to say the least. Patel was strongly against the reference of Kashmir to the UN and preferred ‘timely action’ on the ground. Because of this reference, the issue no longer remained an internal affair, but snowballed into an international issue in the UNSC, enabling Pakistan to rake it up every now and then. If the grand old party is willing to own up the role of Indian National Congress in liberating India from the British rule all to itself, it must also be willing to accept that many of the pathogens still afflicting India are bequeathed to India by Nehru. Cosying up to China is one of them. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress's barb at Narendra Modi government's China diplomacy shows historical ignorance

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest. The second has leaders who have been long-time rebels waiting for the right occasion to jump ship. The third group consists of politicians that latch on to current developments other than purely political as a reason to leave their parties, even though politics remains a consideration.&nbsp;

In the present context, the first classification would feature a host of figures from all sides — for instance, sitting BJP Member of Parliament Shyama Charan Gupta, who crossed over to the Samajwadi Party after he realised that he would not get the ticket from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The second group has the likes of Kirti Azad, who for months as a sitting MP from the BJP, had criticised the party and its leadership on a variety of issues; and ‘Jay’ Panda, who came over to the BJP from the Biju Janata Dal after spending several months condemning his original party while remaining there.&nbsp;

Prominent in the third category is Tom Vadakkan, until recently a senior Congress leader, a one-time aide to Sonia Gandhi and vociferous supporter of the dynasty. He recently joined the BJP, saying he had been deeply upset by the Congress’s response to the Pulwama attack and the air strikes which were conducted inside Pakistani territory. This group also boasts of politicians from the Trinamool Congress who have migrated to the BJP, angry with West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee over her politics and the manner she has responded to issues of national security.&nbsp;

But there is a fourth classification too, which is unique in the sense that, so far, there is only one person in this list. A few days ago, senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader Danish Ali quit his party and joined the Bahujan Samaj Party. What makes the switchover stand out is his claim that he had the blessing of the senior-most JD (S) leaders, HD Deve Gowda and Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy, for his action. It is difficult to digest this contention, not just because it is unbelievable that the leadership of a party he quits would consent to his joining a different party.&nbsp;

Kumaraswamy’s remark that Danish Ali’s move was a “thoughtful political decision taken by JD (S) and BSP to win more seats in the Lok Sabha election” must be taken with a pinch of salt.&nbsp;

Only a few weeks ago, the BSP had pulled out of the coalition regime in Karnataka led by the JD(S), causing embarrassment to the JD(S). How will it help the party if Danish Ali works to expand the BSP’s based in the state where the JD(S) is already struggling to keep the alliance with the Congress going? As JD(S) leader, Danish Ali had played a significant role in getting his party and the Congress together to foil the BJP’s chances of forming a government in Karnataka after the last election had resulted in a hung Assembly. Only days before he announced his departure from the JD(S), he had met Congress president Rahul Gandhi to sort out the alliance frictions. &nbsp;

The fact is that, despite these optics, Danish Ali had begun to nurse misgivings about the Congress. He must have been as frustrated as the senior JD(S) leadership with the conduct of the senior alliance partner. HD Kumaraswamy may have reconciled to drinking the “poison” of the alliance, but Danish Ali perhaps felt choked enough to not endure the situation any further. His decision to join the BSP was more out of compulsion than choice. He could obviously not go to the Congress, and he would have been a misfit in the BJP. The Samajwadi Party had even a smaller presence in Karnataka than the BSP. Moreover, unlike the BSP, the SP was more inclined in favour of Congress. &nbsp; 
 
It is being said by him and his supporters that the development should be seen as Danish Ali’s attempt to strengthen the hands of anti-Narendra Modi forces. It is difficult to understand this line of reasoning. He brings nothing on the table for the BSP in Karnataka, not to speak of Uttar Pradesh. He is a lightweight politician in any case, and for BSP chief Mayawati, he would have mere optical value. It is possible that Danish Ali is now looking for a new place of work — Uttar Pradesh, which he has suddenly remembered is his birthplace. There is speculation that the BSP could offer him the ticket from one of the ’safer’ constituencies in the state, possibly Amroha. If that is the case, it more honestly explains Danish Ali’s decision.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest.

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest. The second has leaders who have been long-time rebels waiting for the right occasion to jump ship. The third group consists of politicians that latch on to current developments other than purely political as a reason to leave their parties, even though politics remains a consideration. In the present context, the first classification would feature a host of figures from all sides — for instance, sitting BJP Member of Parliament Shyama Charan Gupta, who crossed over to the Samajwadi Party after he realised that he would not get the ticket from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The second group has the likes of Kirti Azad, who for months as a sitting MP from the BJP, had criticised the party and its leadership on a variety of issues; and ‘Jay’ Panda, who came over to the BJP from the Biju Janata Dal after spending several months condemning his original party while remaining there. Prominent in the third category is Tom Vadakkan, until recently a senior Congress leader, a one-time aide to Sonia Gandhi and vociferous supporter of the dynasty. He recently joined the BJP, saying he had been deeply upset by the Congress’s response to the Pulwama attack and the air strikes which were conducted inside Pakistani territory. This group also boasts of politicians from the Trinamool Congress who have migrated to the BJP, angry with West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee over her politics and the manner she has responded to issues of national security. But there is a fourth classification too, which is unique in the sense that, so far, there is only one person in this list. A few days ago, senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader Danish Ali quit his party and joined the Bahujan Samaj Party. What makes the switchover stand out is his claim that he had the blessing of the senior-most JD (S) leaders, HD Deve Gowda and Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy, for his action. It is difficult to digest this contention, not just because it is unbelievable that the leadership of a party he quits would consent to his joining a different party. Kumaraswamy’s remark that Danish Ali’s move was a “thoughtful political decision taken by JD (S) and BSP to win more seats in the Lok Sabha election” must be taken with a pinch of salt. Only a few weeks ago, the BSP had pulled out of the coalition regime in Karnataka led by the JD(S), causing embarrassment to the JD(S). How will it help the party if Danish Ali works to expand the BSP’s based in the state where the JD(S) is already struggling to keep the alliance with the Congress going? As JD(S) leader, Danish Ali had played a significant role in getting his party and the Congress together to foil the BJP’s chances of forming a government in Karnataka after the last election had resulted in a hung Assembly. Only days before he announced his departure from the JD(S), he had met Congress president Rahul Gandhi to sort out the alliance frictions. The fact is that, despite these optics, Danish Ali had begun to nurse misgivings about the Congress. He must have been as frustrated as the senior JD(S) leadership with the conduct of the senior alliance partner. HD Kumaraswamy may have reconciled to drinking the “poison” of the alliance, but Danish Ali perhaps felt choked enough to not endure the situation any further. His decision to join the BSP was more out of compulsion than choice. He could obviously not go to the Congress, and he would have been a misfit in the BJP. The Samajwadi Party had even a smaller presence in Karnataka than the BSP. Moreover, unlike the BSP, the SP was more inclined in favour of Congress. It is being said by him and his supporters that the development should be seen as Danish Ali’s attempt to strengthen the hands of anti-Narendra Modi forces. It is difficult to understand this line of reasoning. He brings nothing on the table for the BSP in Karnataka, not to speak of Uttar Pradesh. He is a lightweight politician in any case, and for BSP chief Mayawati, he would have mere optical value. It is possible that Danish Ali is now looking for a new place of work — Uttar Pradesh, which he has suddenly remembered is his birthplace. There is speculation that the BSP could offer him the ticket from one of the ’safer’ constituencies in the state, possibly Amroha. If that is the case, it more honestly explains Danish Ali’s decision. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: The curious case of political switchovers

Finance Minister Arun Jaitley Sunday exuded confidence that people will make the right choice in the forthcoming general elections by electing a stable government rather than 'mahamilawat gathbandhan', which is being envisaged as a road to disaster.

The mahamilawat gathbandhan, which has leaders and political parties of different ideologies, can only promise political instability, said Jaitley in his seventh blog on 'Agenda 2019'.

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Agenda 2019 – Part – 7 : Mahamilawat or Gathbandhan – A Race to the Bottom <a href="https://t.co/w9L9LCIp0w">https://t.co/w9L9LCIp0w</a>
— Chowkidar Arun Jaitley (@arunjaitley) <a href="https://twitter.com/arunjaitley/status/1107211543018651649?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 17, 2019</a></blockquote>
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"At the cusp of history, India and Indians have a choice to make. Are they electing a six month Government or a five year Government? Are they choosing between a tried, tested and a performing leader or a chaotic crowd of non-leaders?

"Is India looking at a Government which accelerates growth, development and poverty alleviation or is it looking for a Government made by persons who excel only at self-enrichment? I am confident that aspirational people of an evolving society will make the right choice," said Jaitley who is also the head of the publicity wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Mahamilawat gathbandhan, being formed with the objective of ousting Prime Minister Narendra Modi, "is a road to disaster. It is a race to the bottom," said the minister.

Jaitley said while in the NDA government, the last word belonged to the Prime Minister, there is a "tug of war" on the issue of leader in the coalition proposed by the opposition parties, including Congress, BSP, SP, TMC, and TDP.

"Four people have clearly indicated their desire to be Prime Ministers - Shri Rahul Gandhi, Behan Mayawati, Mamata Didi and Shri Sharad Pawar. Each desires to expand his or her own base and reduce that of the competitor," the minister said in the blog.

He further said that the gathbandhan unquestionably promises only political instability.

Such non-ideological alliances have only lasted for a few months, he said while citing examples of governments headed by Chaudhary Charan Singh, V P Singh, Chandrasekhar, H D Deve Gowda and I K Gujral, which did not last full term.

"Who would want to invest in India in an environment of political instability? Would even Indian investors prefer to go outside and look for more stable countries for investment? Where there is instability, there is corruption.

"People with brief political opportunities make the best of them. This is the experience of the past," said the senior BJP leader.

Jaitley further said federalism in India is inherent both geographically and constitutionally.

The Constitution defines 'India' i.E. 'Bharat ? a Union of States'. 
The states must be fiscally strong. This is the essence of Indian federalism.

Equally, if not more important, is the fact that for India to be a Union of States, there must be a strong Union, he said, adding if there is no strong Union, both India and India's federalism will stand to suffer.

"Let there be absolute clarity. India is a Union of States. It is not a Confederation of States. That is the fundamental difference between NDA and the UPA. This is also the fundamental flaw in this idea of the federal front," he said.

He said the framers of the Constitution had a vision and they were men of wisdom.

When prominent areas like defence, sovereignty, security of India, foreign policy and eventually the war against terror were maintained as primary responsibility of the Union Government, can India be ever defended without a strong Union? he wondered.

"There can be no 'federal front' without a strong Central party," Jaitley said, adding that in the both the NDA governments the nucleus of the coalition was a large party.

"There was no completion for leadership. The last word belonged to the Prime Minister. That is how the two Governments functioned. There was clarity in terms of policy and the Government had the capacity to take difficult decisions and deliver," he said.

The minister further said that today we have reached a situation where India grows faster than others in the world.

"The essential pre-requisite for accelerating our movement in this direction is that India must have political stability, a clear policy direction, a strong and decisive leadership. If we falter on any one of these, we will be letting down our own people and future generations. India cannot afford lost opportunities at this stage," he said.

About 900 million Indians would start voting from April 11 to elect the next government in a seven-phased election. The votes are scheduled to be counted on May 23.&nbsp;

Finance Minister Arun Jaitley Sunday exuded confidence that people will make the right choice in the forthcoming general elections by electing a stable government rather than 'mahamilawat gathbandhan', which is being envisaged as a road to disaster.

Finance Minister Arun Jaitley Sunday exuded confidence that people will make the right choice in the forthcoming general elections by electing a stable government rather than 'mahamilawat gathbandhan', which is being envisaged as a road to disaster. The mahamilawat gathbandhan, which has leaders and political parties of different ideologies, can only promise political instability, said Jaitley in his seventh blog on 'Agenda 2019'. Agenda 2019 – Part – 7 : Mahamilawat or Gathbandhan – A Race to the Bottom https://t.co/w9L9LCIp0w — Chowkidar Arun Jaitley (@arunjaitley) March 17, 2019 × "At the cusp of history, India and Indians have a choice to make. Are they electing a six month Government or a five year Government? Are they choosing between a tried, tested and a performing leader or a chaotic crowd of non-leaders? "Is India looking at a Government which accelerates growth, development and poverty alleviation or is it looking for a Government made by persons who excel only at self-enrichment? I am confident that aspirational people of an evolving society will make the right choice," said Jaitley who is also the head of the publicity wing of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Mahamilawat gathbandhan, being formed with the objective of ousting Prime Minister Narendra Modi, "is a road to disaster. It is a race to the bottom," said the minister. Jaitley said while in the NDA government, the last word belonged to the Prime Minister, there is a "tug of war" on the issue of leader in the coalition proposed by the opposition parties, including Congress, BSP, SP, TMC, and TDP. "Four people have clearly indicated their desire to be Prime Ministers - Shri Rahul Gandhi, Behan Mayawati, Mamata Didi and Shri Sharad Pawar. Each desires to expand his or her own base and reduce that of the competitor," the minister said in the blog. He further said that the gathbandhan unquestionably promises only political instability. Such non-ideological alliances have only lasted for a few months, he said while citing examples of governments headed by Chaudhary Charan Singh, V P Singh, Chandrasekhar, H D Deve Gowda and I K Gujral, which did not last full term. "Who would want to invest in India in an environment of political instability? Would even Indian investors prefer to go outside and look for more stable countries for investment? Where there is instability, there is corruption. "People with brief political opportunities make the best of them. This is the experience of the past," said the senior BJP leader. Jaitley further said federalism in India is inherent both geographically and constitutionally. The Constitution defines 'India' i.E. 'Bharat ? a Union of States'. The states must be fiscally strong. This is the essence of Indian federalism. Equally, if not more important, is the fact that for India to be a Union of States, there must be a strong Union, he said, adding if there is no strong Union, both India and India's federalism will stand to suffer. "Let there be absolute clarity. India is a Union of States. It is not a Confederation of States. That is the fundamental difference between NDA and the UPA. This is also the fundamental flaw in this idea of the federal front," he said. He said the framers of the Constitution had a vision and they were men of wisdom. When prominent areas like defence, sovereignty, security of India, foreign policy and eventually the war against terror were maintained as primary responsibility of the Union Government, can India be ever defended without a strong Union? he wondered. "There can be no 'federal front' without a strong Central party," Jaitley said, adding that in the both the NDA governments the nucleus of the coalition was a large party. "There was no completion for leadership. The last word belonged to the Prime Minister. That is how the two Governments functioned. There was clarity in terms of policy and the Government had the capacity to take difficult decisions and deliver," he said. The minister further said that today we have reached a situation where India grows faster than others in the world. "The essential pre-requisite for accelerating our movement in this direction is that India must have political stability, a clear policy direction, a strong and decisive leadership. If we falter on any one of these, we will be letting down our own people and future generations. India cannot afford lost opportunities at this stage," he said. About 900 million Indians would start voting from April 11 to elect the next government in a seven-phased election. The votes are scheduled to be counted on May 23.

People will make the right choice in upcoming elections: Arun Jaitley

&nbsp;Imagine a cricket match in which the fielding team gets a wicket off the very first ball - and that too a run-out because the two batsmen don't know how to run between the wickets.&nbsp;

That's what Delhi's political scene is looking like now. On the very first day after the Election Commission of India announced general elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has found the going good in the capital city thanks to a poor understanding between its main rivals.

With Congress president Rahul Gandhi formally asking his party cadre to win all the seven Lok Sabha seats in the capital, a triangular fight between itself, the BJP and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is confirmed to a point where I believe the lotus-wallahs have a clear upper hand for several reasons.&nbsp;

Unless there is some late change of mood, and a pinhole exists for a mutually agreeable arrangement as some reports speculate, the advantage is clearly with the BJP.

So what happened to the grand plan to unseat the BJP in a 'Mahagatbandhan' - a grand alliance? In Delhi at least, it has fallen a victim to narrow egos that do not sit easily with claims that Modi's defeat is so important that everyone else has to close ranks.&nbsp;

While you can apportion blame between both the Congress and AAP, the Congress must take a higher share because it had every reason to swallow a bit of its 133-year-old pride as modern India's oldest political grouping.

In Lucknow, they say the old nawabs were so courteous to each other that they would say 'pehle aap' (you first) repeatedly to the other when a horsecart arrived that the cart would leave without either of them. In Delhi, we have a 'pehle aap' culture of a different variety, with much the same result.

The Congress, it seems, wanted the AAP to make the first move in what might have been an alliance. 'Pehle AAP', it seemed to say. But the AAP went ahead and announced candidates for six seats in Delhi without much ado (If there were any backroom talks, we are not quite aware). For Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, putting the AAP first has become his own variant. 'Pehle AAP,' as it were.&nbsp;

The result of all this is a triangular contest in which the BJP is set to be the gainer. Given the fact that there is a widespread belief that Modi is the front-runner, but faces an anti-incumbency factor in which the BJP on its own may not get a clear majority in the Lok Sabha like it did last time, every seat counts for those who want to - or claim to want to - unseat him. With seven seats tilting towards the BJP, the grand alliance of the opposition has gotten off to a not-so-grand start in the national capital.

Even otherwise, the BJP is on strong ground in Delhi. With memories of the Pulwama attack in Kashmir and anti-terror airstrikes by the Indian Air Force in Pakistani territory fresh in public memory, Modi has already made national security a major poll plank. There is no state, I believe, that buys this plank more than Delhi. As the capital region, national issues are close to its heart. Delhi also is arguably the least affected by caste politics by Indian standards. Given the BJP's tendency to appeal above caste divides, that is another advantage for the BJP.

The Congress is a bruised party. Its own internal tensions between Delhi party leaders Sheila Dixit and Ajay Maken is part of the capital's political folklore. It does not help that the AAP is sitting in power in the local government and has been energetically working towards raising its profile. Its passion and energy can be seen everywhere as if it has put behind the bad vibes it acquired when senior leaders like Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav found themselves out of the group in an unseemly turn of events.

AAP has truly revolutionised education and healthcare in Delhi with visible administrative interventions by its government. Kejriwal and his deputy, Manish Sisodia, have also perfected the dubious art of hyping up achievements. I expect AAP to be BJP's main challenger because it also has built up considerable goodwill among teeming migrants from eastern UP and Bihar.

The Congress is no doubt strong in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, but it cannot expect a simple rebound vote to help it in Delhi, given AAP's inspired, though chequered, rule over the city. There are no rabbits that I can see coming out of Rahul Gandhi's magical hat.

At the national level, if the Lok Sabha break-up throws up a pleasant surprise for the opposition (which I do not rule out), Delhi's seats may turn up to be more crucial than it appears now. The Congress seems to want to brazen it out there despite the sensitivity of the situation. It seems to confuse memories of the past with the imperatives of the present.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/each-seat-matters-but-congress-aap-have-gifted-advantage-to-bjp-in-delhi-in-2019-lok-sabha-elections-2187208.html">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Imagine a cricket match in which the fielding team gets a wicket off the very first ball - and that too a run-out because the two batsmen don't know how to run between the wickets.

Imagine a cricket match in which the fielding team gets a wicket off the very first ball - and that too a run-out because the two batsmen don't know how to run between the wickets. That's what Delhi's political scene is looking like now. On the very first day after the Election Commission of India announced general elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has found the going good in the capital city thanks to a poor understanding between its main rivals. With Congress president Rahul Gandhi formally asking his party cadre to win all the seven Lok Sabha seats in the capital, a triangular fight between itself, the BJP and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is confirmed to a point where I believe the lotus-wallahs have a clear upper hand for several reasons. Unless there is some late change of mood, and a pinhole exists for a mutually agreeable arrangement as some reports speculate, the advantage is clearly with the BJP. So what happened to the grand plan to unseat the BJP in a 'Mahagatbandhan' - a grand alliance? In Delhi at least, it has fallen a victim to narrow egos that do not sit easily with claims that Modi's defeat is so important that everyone else has to close ranks. While you can apportion blame between both the Congress and AAP, the Congress must take a higher share because it had every reason to swallow a bit of its 133-year-old pride as modern India's oldest political grouping. In Lucknow, they say the old nawabs were so courteous to each other that they would say 'pehle aap' (you first) repeatedly to the other when a horsecart arrived that the cart would leave without either of them. In Delhi, we have a 'pehle aap' culture of a different variety, with much the same result. The Congress, it seems, wanted the AAP to make the first move in what might have been an alliance. 'Pehle AAP', it seemed to say. But the AAP went ahead and announced candidates for six seats in Delhi without much ado (If there were any backroom talks, we are not quite aware). For Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, putting the AAP first has become his own variant. 'Pehle AAP,' as it were. The result of all this is a triangular contest in which the BJP is set to be the gainer. Given the fact that there is a widespread belief that Modi is the front-runner, but faces an anti-incumbency factor in which the BJP on its own may not get a clear majority in the Lok Sabha like it did last time, every seat counts for those who want to - or claim to want to - unseat him. With seven seats tilting towards the BJP, the grand alliance of the opposition has gotten off to a not-so-grand start in the national capital. Even otherwise, the BJP is on strong ground in Delhi. With memories of the Pulwama attack in Kashmir and anti-terror airstrikes by the Indian Air Force in Pakistani territory fresh in public memory, Modi has already made national security a major poll plank. There is no state, I believe, that buys this plank more than Delhi. As the capital region, national issues are close to its heart. Delhi also is arguably the least affected by caste politics by Indian standards. Given the BJP's tendency to appeal above caste divides, that is another advantage for the BJP. The Congress is a bruised party. Its own internal tensions between Delhi party leaders Sheila Dixit and Ajay Maken is part of the capital's political folklore. It does not help that the AAP is sitting in power in the local government and has been energetically working towards raising its profile. Its passion and energy can be seen everywhere as if it has put behind the bad vibes it acquired when senior leaders like Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav found themselves out of the group in an unseemly turn of events. AAP has truly revolutionised education and healthcare in Delhi with visible administrative interventions by its government. Kejriwal and his deputy, Manish Sisodia, have also perfected the dubious art of hyping up achievements. I expect AAP to be BJP's main challenger because it also has built up considerable goodwill among teeming migrants from eastern UP and Bihar. The Congress is no doubt strong in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, but it cannot expect a simple rebound vote to help it in Delhi, given AAP's inspired, though chequered, rule over the city. There are no rabbits that I can see coming out of Rahul Gandhi's magical hat. At the national level, if the Lok Sabha break-up throws up a pleasant surprise for the opposition (which I do not rule out), Delhi's seats may turn up to be more crucial than it appears now. The Congress seems to want to brazen it out there despite the sensitivity of the situation. It seems to confuse memories of the past with the imperatives of the present. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

2019 Lok Sabha elections: Congress and AAP have gifted advantage to BJP in Delhi

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee Thursday met Trinamool Congress candidates and advised them about strategies of campaigning for the Lok Sabha election.

The TMC supremo urged them to inform the people about the "achievements" of her government in the past seven years and to campaign about the "failures" of the Narendra Modi regime.

"Didi (Banerjee) gave us details about various modes of campaigning and the issues that need to be raised," said a TMC candidate after the meeting at Banerjee's residence.

All the candidates were briefed on how to take on the BJP in their respective constituencies, the candidate said.

Banerjee yesterday released the list of candidates for all the 42 Lok Sabha seats in the state, dropping 10 sitting MPs and bringing in 18 new faces.

The list, which is a mix of seasoned political players and greenhorns, has 17 women candidates, five more than the last elections.

West Bengal goes to seven-phase polls beginning April 11.

Of the 42 seats in the state, TMC had won 34 in the 2014 Lok Sabha election.&nbsp;

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee Thursday met Trinamool Congress candidates and advised them about strategies of campaigning for the Lok Sabha election.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee Thursday met Trinamool Congress candidates and advised them about strategies of campaigning for the Lok Sabha election. The TMC supremo urged them to inform the people about the "achievements" of her government in the past seven years and to campaign about the "failures" of the Narendra Modi regime. "Didi (Banerjee) gave us details about various modes of campaigning and the issues that need to be raised," said a TMC candidate after the meeting at Banerjee's residence. All the candidates were briefed on how to take on the BJP in their respective constituencies, the candidate said. Banerjee yesterday released the list of candidates for all the 42 Lok Sabha seats in the state, dropping 10 sitting MPs and bringing in 18 new faces. The list, which is a mix of seasoned political players and greenhorns, has 17 women candidates, five more than the last elections. West Bengal goes to seven-phase polls beginning April 11. Of the 42 seats in the state, TMC had won 34 in the 2014 Lok Sabha election.

Mamata briefs party candidates about strategies of campaigning

JD(S) patriarch H D Deve Gowda Wednesday turned emotional and said he was pained by allegations of dynasty politics against him.

The former prime minister's emotional response was to growing criticism of his family's alleged dynasty politics with JD(S) fielding both his grandsons Nikil Kumaraswamy and Prajwal Revanna from party bastions of Mandya and Hassan respectively for the Lok Sabha polls.

"...So many allegations, from the morning in the media (they talk about) Deve Gowda, Revanna, Kumaraswamy and their sons," Gowda said as he broke down at an event in Hassan to launch the poll campaign of PrajwalRevanna.

Prajwal, son of Gowda's elder son and PWD Minister H D Revanna, is Congress-JDS coalition's candidate from Hassan.

Seeing Gowda wiping tears and speaking in a heavy voice, JD(S) supporters gathered at the event requested him to calm down.

BJP has hit out at Deve Gowda, by calling the emotional episode as "drama".

The event also witnessed both Prajwal and his father Revanna too getting emotional.

Prajwal broke down as Gowda declared him as the candidate and Revanna while MLA Balakrishna was speaking about Gowda not contesting from Hassan this time.

Later speaking to reporters, Gowda said, he was pained by controversy in Mandya against his other grandson and chief minister H D Kumaraswamy's son Nikhil's candidature.

He said, "It was the decision of JD(S) leaders to field Nikil from Mandya. I had not announced. I'm deeply pained, they are saying Nikhil Go Back..." 
"...I will go to Mandya... Let them shout go back... for whom I fought in the last 60 years, I will place everything before the people of Mandya," he added.

The opposition is simmering against Nikhil's candidature in Mandya, as many who claim to be JD(S) supporters have hit out at the party leadership for sidelining loyal party workers to favour someone from their family despite not being actively involved in party activities.

A social media campaign titled "Go back Nikhil" had gained momentum in Mandya a couple of days ago to oppose the "dynasty politics" of the Deve Gowda family.

BJP said: "First Drama for the 2019 elections begins now," as it tweeted videos of Gowda and family getting emotional at the Hassan event.

"If "CRYING" was an art Sri. @H_D_Devegowda &amp; his family would hold the record for mastering the "Art Of Crying" to constantly fool people for decades. Matter of the fact isBefore elections Deve Gowda &amp; his family cries. After elections people who vote this family cries," it said in another tweet.

Chief Minister Kumaraswamy is also prone to sentimental outbursts over coalition troubles.

"Emotions are my weakness. It is in my blood. It is very difficult to control," Kumaraswamy had said last month.

With tears trickling down his cheeks, Kumaraswamy had said in July last year that he was not happy being the chief minister and "I have swallowed poison like Lord Vishakantha (Shiva)."&nbsp;

JD(S) patriarch H D Deve Gowda Wednesday turned emotional and said he was pained by allegations of dynasty politics against him. The former prime minister's emotional response was to growing criticism of his family's alleged dynasty politics with JD(S) fielding both his grandsons Nikil Kumaraswamy and Prajwal Revanna from party bastions of Mandya and Hassan respectively for the Lok Sabha polls.

JD(S) patriarch H D Deve Gowda Wednesday turned emotional and said he was pained by allegations of dynasty politics against him. The former prime minister's emotional response was to growing criticism of his family's alleged dynasty politics with JD(S) fielding both his grandsons Nikil Kumaraswamy and Prajwal Revanna from party bastions of Mandya and Hassan respectively for the Lok Sabha polls. "...So many allegations, from the morning in the media (they talk about) Deve Gowda, Revanna, Kumaraswamy and their sons," Gowda said as he broke down at an event in Hassan to launch the poll campaign of PrajwalRevanna. Prajwal, son of Gowda's elder son and PWD Minister H D Revanna, is Congress-JDS coalition's candidate from Hassan. Seeing Gowda wiping tears and speaking in a heavy voice, JD(S) supporters gathered at the event requested him to calm down. BJP has hit out at Deve Gowda, by calling the emotional episode as "drama". The event also witnessed both Prajwal and his father Revanna too getting emotional. Prajwal broke down as Gowda declared him as the candidate and Revanna while MLA Balakrishna was speaking about Gowda not contesting from Hassan this time. Later speaking to reporters, Gowda said, he was pained by controversy in Mandya against his other grandson and chief minister H D Kumaraswamy's son Nikhil's candidature. He said, "It was the decision of JD(S) leaders to field Nikil from Mandya. I had not announced. I'm deeply pained, they are saying Nikhil Go Back..." "...I will go to Mandya... Let them shout go back... for whom I fought in the last 60 years, I will place everything before the people of Mandya," he added. The opposition is simmering against Nikhil's candidature in Mandya, as many who claim to be JD(S) supporters have hit out at the party leadership for sidelining loyal party workers to favour someone from their family despite not being actively involved in party activities. A social media campaign titled "Go back Nikhil" had gained momentum in Mandya a couple of days ago to oppose the "dynasty politics" of the Deve Gowda family. BJP said: "First Drama for the 2019 elections begins now," as it tweeted videos of Gowda and family getting emotional at the Hassan event. "If "CRYING" was an art Sri. @H_D_Devegowda & his family would hold the record for mastering the "Art Of Crying" to constantly fool people for decades. Matter of the fact isBefore elections Deve Gowda & his family cries. After elections people who vote this family cries," it said in another tweet. Chief Minister Kumaraswamy is also prone to sentimental outbursts over coalition troubles. "Emotions are my weakness. It is in my blood. It is very difficult to control," Kumaraswamy had said last month. With tears trickling down his cheeks, Kumaraswamy had said in July last year that he was not happy being the chief minister and "I have swallowed poison like Lord Vishakantha (Shiva)."

Deve Gowda, son, grandson turn emotional, BJP dubs it 'drama'

After days of hectic parleys, Congress and JD(S) have reached a seat-sharing agreement in Karnataka for the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections in the state.&nbsp;

News agency PTI quoting JD(S) sources said that Congress will contest 20 Lok Sabha seats while JD(S) eight under a deal finalised by the two ruling coalition partners Wednesday, the JDS said.

The seat sharing was hammered out at a meeting betweenCongress president Rahul Gandhi and JD(S) secretary general Danish Ali at Kochi in Kerala this evening, party sources said.

JD(S) will contest in Uttara Kannada, Chikkamagaluru, Shivamogga, Tumkur, Hassan, Mandya, Bengaluru North and Vijayapura, according to the sources.

During a recent meeting with Rahul Gandhi at Delhi, JD(S) supremo H D Deve Gowda had scaled down his party's demand and asked the national party to allot at least 10 out of the 28 Lok Sabha seats to his party.

JD(S) had earlier demanded that it be given 12 seats to contest.

JD(S) has already announced Gowda's grandsons Nikhil Kumaraswamy and Prajwal Revanna as candidates from the party bastions of Mandya and Hassan respectively.

While Nikhil is son of Chief Minister Kumaraswamy, Prajwal is the son of Gowda's elder son and PWD Minister H D Revanna.&nbsp;

(With inputs from PTI)

After days of hectic parleys, Congress and JD(S) have reached a seat-sharing agreement in Karnataka for the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections in the state. News agency PTI quoting JD(S) sources said that Congress will contest 20 Lok Sabha seats while JD(S) eight under a deal finalised by the two ruling coalition partners Wednesday, the JDS said.

After days of hectic parleys, Congress and JD(S) have reached a seat-sharing agreement in Karnataka for the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections in the state. News agency PTI quoting JD(S) sources said that Congress will contest 20 Lok Sabha seats while JD(S) eight under a deal finalised by the two ruling coalition partners Wednesday, the JDS said. The seat sharing was hammered out at a meeting betweenCongress president Rahul Gandhi and JD(S) secretary general Danish Ali at Kochi in Kerala this evening, party sources said. JD(S) will contest in Uttara Kannada, Chikkamagaluru, Shivamogga, Tumkur, Hassan, Mandya, Bengaluru North and Vijayapura, according to the sources. During a recent meeting with Rahul Gandhi at Delhi, JD(S) supremo H D Deve Gowda had scaled down his party's demand and asked the national party to allot at least 10 out of the 28 Lok Sabha seats to his party. JD(S) had earlier demanded that it be given 12 seats to contest. JD(S) has already announced Gowda's grandsons Nikhil Kumaraswamy and Prajwal Revanna as candidates from the party bastions of Mandya and Hassan respectively. While Nikhil is son of Chief Minister Kumaraswamy, Prajwal is the son of Gowda's elder son and PWD Minister H D Revanna. (With inputs from PTI)

Congress to contest 20 seats and JDS 8 in Lok Sabha polls

The BJP Wednesday urged the Election Commission to declare West Bengal as a "super sensitive state" to enure fair Lok Sabha polls there and demanded that central forces be deployed at all polling stations in the state.&nbsp;

A BJP delegation including Union ministers Ravi Shankar Prasad, Nirmala Sitharaman, J P Nadda and party's general secretaries Bhupender Yadav and Kailash Vijayvargiya met top officials of the poll body and apprised them of their demands.

Briefing the media after the meeting, Prasad said, "We have requested the Election Commission that the state of West Bengal should be declared as super-sensitive. And have also demanded that central forces should be deployed at all polling booths in the state."

He said the party has also requested the poll panel to transfer those police officers whose electoral impartiality is questionable as well as the withdrawal of former Kolkata Police Commissioner Rajeev Kumar from election duty.

The BJP is trying to make inroads into TMC's bastion state (West Bengal) which has 42 Lok Sabha seats. In 2014, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) won 34 seats, the Congress four, while the BJP and CPI(M) bagged two seats each from the state.

The state assumes importance for the saffron party as it aims to win a sizeable number of seats there.&nbsp;

The BJP delegation also alleged that Congress chief Rahul Gandhi broke the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) and complained to the poll panel regarding the same.

"The party has requested the Election Commission to take action against Rahul Gandhi for levelling unverified allegations against the prime minister yesterday in Ahmedabad, where the model code of conduct is already in effect," Prasad said.

The BJP Wednesday urged the Election Commission to declare West Bengal as a "super sensitive state" to enure fair Lok Sabha polls there and demanded that central forces be deployed at all polling stations in the state.

The BJP Wednesday urged the Election Commission to declare West Bengal as a "super sensitive state" to enure fair Lok Sabha polls there and demanded that central forces be deployed at all polling stations in the state. A BJP delegation including Union ministers Ravi Shankar Prasad, Nirmala Sitharaman, J P Nadda and party's general secretaries Bhupender Yadav and Kailash Vijayvargiya met top officials of the poll body and apprised them of their demands. Briefing the media after the meeting, Prasad said, "We have requested the Election Commission that the state of West Bengal should be declared as super-sensitive. And have also demanded that central forces should be deployed at all polling booths in the state." He said the party has also requested the poll panel to transfer those police officers whose electoral impartiality is questionable as well as the withdrawal of former Kolkata Police Commissioner Rajeev Kumar from election duty. The BJP is trying to make inroads into TMC's bastion state (West Bengal) which has 42 Lok Sabha seats. In 2014, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) won 34 seats, the Congress four, while the BJP and CPI(M) bagged two seats each from the state. The state assumes importance for the saffron party as it aims to win a sizeable number of seats there. The BJP delegation also alleged that Congress chief Rahul Gandhi broke the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) and complained to the poll panel regarding the same. "The party has requested the Election Commission to take action against Rahul Gandhi for levelling unverified allegations against the prime minister yesterday in Ahmedabad, where the model code of conduct is already in effect," Prasad said.

Declare West Bengal 'super sensitive' state: BJP to Election Commission

The Congress party has launched its pan-India campaign for the general elections by targetting the BJP and the Narendra Modi government by holding it responsible for all the problems of the country.

The ruling BJP has responded to the Congress attack by going on the offensive and questioning the Congress culture and pointing out how it has deviated from the path shown by Mahatma Gandhi and the freedom fighters who had sacrificed their all for the cause of the nation.

Addressing a Congress rally at Adalaj village of Gandhinagar district in Gujarat after a meeting of the Congress Working Committee on Tuesday, the newly appointed Congress National Congress general secretary of eastern UP, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, said that the government was not talking about the real issues while people were being divided and hatred was being spread. She also laid stress on the need for building awareness among the people. Equating awareness with patriotism, she said that if it is used as a weapon without harming anyone, the county will become strong.

On this occasion, Congress President Rahul Gandhi took a dig at Prime Minister Modi and the BJP led NDA Government at the Centre. He referred to the Goods and Services Tax (GST) as Gabbar Singh Tax equating it with the brute character by the same name in Sholay, the much acclaimed and popular Bollywood blockbuster.

Blunting the Congress tirade against him and the BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been quick in going into the overdrive mode and calling upon influencers from all fields, including politics, industry, sports, films and other walks of life to take the lead in spreading voter awareness and value of high voting. He has expressed the hope that these elections would witness the highest ever turnout in the history of Indian elections!"

Paying tributes to Gandhi ji and all those who had marched with him to Dandi, PM Modi has shared his thoughts on the Dandi March – especially the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi and his aversion to the Congress culture on his blog. Highlighting Mahatma Gandhi's concern for the poor, Modi has said that in all aspects of his government’s work, the guiding consideration is the welfare and progress of the deprived sections but sadly, the antithesis of Gandhian thought is the Congress culture.

Modi’s argument comes like a knockout punch vis-a-vis the main opposition when he says in a matter of fact manner: “Mahatma Gandhi was a firm believer in democracy. Ironically, Congress imposed Emergency and trampled over the democratic spirit. The Congress misused Article 356 several times. If they did not like a leader, that Government was dismissed. Always eager to promote dynastic culture, Congress has no regard for democratic values. Gandhi Ji had understood the Congress culture very well, which is why he wanted the Congress disbanded, especially after 1947.”

What Modi has pointed out on his blog is already a topic of discussion on social media and also in drawing room circles and among the commoners on the street. Modi’s stock has grown manifold particularly after the air strike against the Jaish-e-Mohammed terror camps in Pakistan in the wake of the Pulwama attack. The anti-terror operation inside Pakistani territory is being treated as a turning point in the war on terror and the Government of India’s strategy to handle the Kashmir crisis.

It’s advantage Modi and the BJP at this stage when campaigning is still picking up for the Lok Sabha elections, as the Congress refuses to come on the same page with the government of India on the crucial issue of terrorism and national security.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Congress party has launched its pan-India campaign for the general elections by targetting the BJP and the Narendra Modi government by holding it responsible for all the problems of the country.

The Congress party has launched its pan-India campaign for the general elections by targetting the BJP and the Narendra Modi government by holding it responsible for all the problems of the country. The ruling BJP has responded to the Congress attack by going on the offensive and questioning the Congress culture and pointing out how it has deviated from the path shown by Mahatma Gandhi and the freedom fighters who had sacrificed their all for the cause of the nation. Addressing a Congress rally at Adalaj village of Gandhinagar district in Gujarat after a meeting of the Congress Working Committee on Tuesday, the newly appointed Congress National Congress general secretary of eastern UP, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, said that the government was not talking about the real issues while people were being divided and hatred was being spread. She also laid stress on the need for building awareness among the people. Equating awareness with patriotism, she said that if it is used as a weapon without harming anyone, the county will become strong. On this occasion, Congress President Rahul Gandhi took a dig at Prime Minister Modi and the BJP led NDA Government at the Centre. He referred to the Goods and Services Tax (GST) as Gabbar Singh Tax equating it with the brute character by the same name in Sholay, the much acclaimed and popular Bollywood blockbuster. Blunting the Congress tirade against him and the BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been quick in going into the overdrive mode and calling upon influencers from all fields, including politics, industry, sports, films and other walks of life to take the lead in spreading voter awareness and value of high voting. He has expressed the hope that these elections would witness the highest ever turnout in the history of Indian elections!" Paying tributes to Gandhi ji and all those who had marched with him to Dandi, PM Modi has shared his thoughts on the Dandi March – especially the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi and his aversion to the Congress culture on his blog. Highlighting Mahatma Gandhi's concern for the poor, Modi has said that in all aspects of his government’s work, the guiding consideration is the welfare and progress of the deprived sections but sadly, the antithesis of Gandhian thought is the Congress culture. Modi’s argument comes like a knockout punch vis-a-vis the main opposition when he says in a matter of fact manner: “Mahatma Gandhi was a firm believer in democracy. Ironically, Congress imposed Emergency and trampled over the democratic spirit. The Congress misused Article 356 several times. If they did not like a leader, that Government was dismissed. Always eager to promote dynastic culture, Congress has no regard for democratic values. Gandhi Ji had understood the Congress culture very well, which is why he wanted the Congress disbanded, especially after 1947.” What Modi has pointed out on his blog is already a topic of discussion on social media and also in drawing room circles and among the commoners on the street. Modi’s stock has grown manifold particularly after the air strike against the Jaish-e-Mohammed terror camps in Pakistan in the wake of the Pulwama attack. The anti-terror operation inside Pakistani territory is being treated as a turning point in the war on terror and the Government of India’s strategy to handle the Kashmir crisis. It’s advantage Modi and the BJP at this stage when campaigning is still picking up for the Lok Sabha elections, as the Congress refuses to come on the same page with the government of India on the crucial issue of terrorism and national security. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

On the issues of ideology and national security, it’s advantage Narendra Modi and BJP all the way

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra officially started her career in active politics in February 2019, just a few months before general elections. Congress president Rahul Gandhi introduced her as general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But the question is: Will she be a lucky charm for Congress in Uttar Pradesh?

Priyanka Gandhi is very famous in Amethi and Rae Bareli; she had campaigned during the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha polls and Congress had won both the seats.

The eastern part of Uttar Pradesh accounts for 42 Lok Sabha seats from the sub-regions of Avadh and Purvanchal. In 2009, Congress won 21 seats in Uttar Pradesh and 15 of them were from east UP. In 2014, the tally was reduced to just two. So, Priyanka has a tough job at hand, especially because the region also includes Gorakhpur and Varanasi - the strongholds of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, respectively.

The 2014 Lok Sabha polls saw Congress getting 10 per cent of vote share in east Uttar Pradesh and winning just two seats - it's the pocket borough of Amethi and Rae Bareli.

Even if Congress's gamble pays off and Priyanka factor works for the party, it is not going to give a boost to the number of seats it won in last Lok Sabha elections. The reason is coming together of Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). With the SP-BSP combine at play in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, going by the last vote share, the BJP and its alliance partners are likely to get 37 seats, the SP, BSP and RLD 41, and Congress will remain at two.

If Congress gets two per cent more vote share and the SP-BSP combine loses out its two per cent, it will not translate into a seat for the INC. In fact, the SP-BSP loss is likely to benefit the BJP which can get 44 seats.

If there is a gain of three per cent to Congress and loss of three per cent to SP-BSP alliance, the beneficiary again will be BJP. This will increase its seats from 37 to 46 seats, SP-BSP alliance will get 33, and INC two.

The only scenario which can work for Congress is if Priyanka is able to garner 10 per cent more votes for the party. The Congress will then get four seats, but after coming together of SP and BSP, an upward swing of 10 per cent in favour of Congress looks nearly impossible.

If we look at the past, Priyanka had promised her mother Sonia Gandhi during the 2012 assembly election a perfect 10 in Rae Bareli and Amethi (both have five assembly constituencies each). But the party couldn't even win a single seat in Amethi.

Adding to the pressure is the SP-BSP alliance. In 2014 Lok Sabha polls, even though SP won just five seats and BSP failed to win a single seat, their combined vote share of 42.12 per cent was almost equal to 42.63 per cent of BJP which won 71 seats.

The political arithmetic, caste politics and alliance challenges make the going tough for Priyanka. The Congress is banking on her charisma to revive its fortunes in Uttar Pradesh. The poll bugle has been sounded, now it remains to be seen how she tackles the tough battle of eastern UP. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra officially started her career in active politics in February 2019, just a few months before general elections.

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra officially started her career in active politics in February 2019, just a few months before general elections. Congress president Rahul Gandhi introduced her as general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But the question is: Will she be a lucky charm for Congress in Uttar Pradesh? Priyanka Gandhi is very famous in Amethi and Rae Bareli; she had campaigned during the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha polls and Congress had won both the seats. The eastern part of Uttar Pradesh accounts for 42 Lok Sabha seats from the sub-regions of Avadh and Purvanchal. In 2009, Congress won 21 seats in Uttar Pradesh and 15 of them were from east UP. In 2014, the tally was reduced to just two. So, Priyanka has a tough job at hand, especially because the region also includes Gorakhpur and Varanasi - the strongholds of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, respectively. The 2014 Lok Sabha polls saw Congress getting 10 per cent of vote share in east Uttar Pradesh and winning just two seats - it's the pocket borough of Amethi and Rae Bareli. Even if Congress's gamble pays off and Priyanka factor works for the party, it is not going to give a boost to the number of seats it won in last Lok Sabha elections. The reason is coming together of Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). With the SP-BSP combine at play in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, going by the last vote share, the BJP and its alliance partners are likely to get 37 seats, the SP, BSP and RLD 41, and Congress will remain at two. If Congress gets two per cent more vote share and the SP-BSP combine loses out its two per cent, it will not translate into a seat for the INC. In fact, the SP-BSP loss is likely to benefit the BJP which can get 44 seats. If there is a gain of three per cent to Congress and loss of three per cent to SP-BSP alliance, the beneficiary again will be BJP. This will increase its seats from 37 to 46 seats, SP-BSP alliance will get 33, and INC two. The only scenario which can work for Congress is if Priyanka is able to garner 10 per cent more votes for the party. The Congress will then get four seats, but after coming together of SP and BSP, an upward swing of 10 per cent in favour of Congress looks nearly impossible. If we look at the past, Priyanka had promised her mother Sonia Gandhi during the 2012 assembly election a perfect 10 in Rae Bareli and Amethi (both have five assembly constituencies each). But the party couldn't even win a single seat in Amethi. Adding to the pressure is the SP-BSP alliance. In 2014 Lok Sabha polls, even though SP won just five seats and BSP failed to win a single seat, their combined vote share of 42.12 per cent was almost equal to 42.63 per cent of BJP which won 71 seats. The political arithmetic, caste politics and alliance challenges make the going tough for Priyanka. The Congress is banking on her charisma to revive its fortunes in Uttar Pradesh. The poll bugle has been sounded, now it remains to be seen how she tackles the tough battle of eastern UP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls: Analysing the battle of east UP and the Priyanka factor

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis.&nbsp;

Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot.&nbsp; 
 
In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest.&nbsp; 
 
In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. &nbsp; 
 
Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi.&nbsp; 
 
Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan.&nbsp;

The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there.&nbsp;

Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes.

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis. Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot. In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest. In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi. Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan. The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there. Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In victory or defeat, BJP responds to electoral outcomes more maturely

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