<p><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-is-all-about-stability-versus-vulnerability-pm-modi-200614">The 2019 Lok Sabha elections</a> are to be held in seven phases starting April 11.&nbsp;The announcement was made Sunday by Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The polling dates over the seven phases are April 11, April 18, April 23, May 6, May 12, and May 19. All votes will be counted on May 23.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Arora said Sunday that 91 constituencies would go to the polls in the&nbsp;first phase, 97 in the second,&nbsp;115 in the&nbsp;third, 71 in the&nbsp;fourth, 51 in the&nbsp;fifth, 59 in the sixth, and 59 in the&nbsp;seventh and last phase.</p>

<p>He added that assembly polls would be held along with the Lok Sabha polls in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/LokSabhaElection2019?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#LokSabhaElection2019</a>: Phase1 polling in- Andhra, Arunachal, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal, Kerala, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Punjab, Sikkim, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Andaman&amp;Nicobar, Dadra&amp;Nagar Haveli, Daman&amp;Diu, Lakshadweep, Delhi, Puducherry, Chandigarh, Uttarakhand. <a href="https://t.co/oyPRgeUAMK">pic.twitter.com/oyPRgeUAMK</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1104719122032545794?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 10, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Sunil Arora, Chief Election Commissioner: Total electorate in this Lok Sabha elections will be 900 million, of which 15 million voters are in the 18-19 age group. <a href="https://t.co/LyqvJtu3gQ">pic.twitter.com/LyqvJtu3gQ</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1104710119978196992?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 10, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>It had been speculated that simultaneous&nbsp;polls would also be held in Jammu and Kashmir. Elections, after the dissolution of the state assembly, have to be held in the state before the end of May but Arora said Sunday that polls would not be held in J&amp;K along with the Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Arora said Sunday that 900 million people would be eligible to vote in 2019, with 15 million of them being in the age group of 18 to 19 years.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Arora added that a total of 10 lakh polling booths would be put up for the elections (an increase of 1 lakh from the 2014 elections) and that VVPAT machines (used to detect election fraud) would be housed in all polling booths.</p>

<p>Arora added Sunday that the model code of conduct was now in effect.</p>

<p>Among other things, the code bars the government from announcing policy decisions.&nbsp;</p>

<p>After the chief election commissioner's announcement, Prime Minister Narendra Modi wished "all political parties and candidates the very best for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections".&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Wishing all political parties and candidates the very best for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.<br />
<br />
We may belong to different parties but our aim must be the same- the development of India and empowerment of every Indian!</p>
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/1104723091245027333?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 10, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">The last five years have shown that with the blessings and participation of 130 crore Indians, what was earlier deemed impossible has now become possible.<br />
<br />
2019 polls are about a spirit of confidence and positivity with which India is fulfilling the aspirations of its people.</p>
— Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/1104723275190394889?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 10, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>He tweeted that "we may belong to different parties but our aim must be the same — the development of India and empowerment of every Indian!"</p>


The 2019 Lok Sabha elections are to be held in seven phases starting April 11. The announcement was made Sunday by Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora. The polling dates over the seven phases are April 11, April 18, April 23, May 6, May 12, and May 19.

The 2019 Lok Sabha elections are to be held in seven phases starting April 11. The announcement was made Sunday by Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora. The polling dates over the seven phases are April 11, April 18, April 23, May 6, May 12, and May 19. All votes will be counted on May 23. Arora said Sunday that 91 constituencies would go to the polls in the first phase, 97 in the second, 115 in the third, 71 in the fourth, 51 in the fifth, 59 in the sixth, and 59 in the seventh and last phase. He added that assembly polls would be held along with the Lok Sabha polls in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. #LokSabhaElection2019: Phase1 polling in- Andhra, Arunachal, Goa, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal, Kerala, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Punjab, Sikkim, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, Andaman&Nicobar, Dadra&Nagar Haveli, Daman&Diu, Lakshadweep, Delhi, Puducherry, Chandigarh, Uttarakhand. pic.twitter.com/oyPRgeUAMK — ANI (@ANI) March 10, 2019 × Sunil Arora, Chief Election Commissioner: Total electorate in this Lok Sabha elections will be 900 million, of which 15 million voters are in the 18-19 age group. pic.twitter.com/LyqvJtu3gQ — ANI (@ANI) March 10, 2019 × It had been speculated that simultaneous polls would also be held in Jammu and Kashmir. Elections, after the dissolution of the state assembly, have to be held in the state before the end of May but Arora said Sunday that polls would not be held in J&K along with the Lok Sabha elections. Arora said Sunday that 900 million people would be eligible to vote in 2019, with 15 million of them being in the age group of 18 to 19 years. Arora added that a total of 10 lakh polling booths would be put up for the elections (an increase of 1 lakh from the 2014 elections) and that VVPAT machines (used to detect election fraud) would be housed in all polling booths. Arora added Sunday that the model code of conduct was now in effect. Among other things, the code bars the government from announcing policy decisions. After the chief election commissioner's announcement, Prime Minister Narendra Modi wished "all political parties and candidates the very best for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections". Wishing all political parties and candidates the very best for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. We may belong to different parties but our aim must be the same- the development of India and empowerment of every Indian! — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 10, 2019 × The last five years have shown that with the blessings and participation of 130 crore Indians, what was earlier deemed impossible has now become possible. 2019 polls are about a spirit of confidence and positivity with which India is fulfilling the aspirations of its people. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 10, 2019 × He tweeted that "we may belong to different parties but our aim must be the same — the development of India and empowerment of every Indian!"

Lok Sabha polls to be held in seven phases from April 11, results on May 23

<p>The general elections in the country will be held on time, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/opinions/women-electorate-to-play-an-important-role-in-lok-sabha-elections-2019-197199">Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora</a> said Friday, amid tensions between India-Pakistan.</p>

<p>The CEC is in the Uttar Pradesh capital for the past two days to review poll preparations in the state.</p>

<p>"The election in the country will be held on time," Arora told reporters here when asked about the poll schedule in the wake of tensions between the two countries.</p>

<p>He said as per a new notification of the commission, candidates will have to give details of their properties abroad, besides those in the country.</p>

<p>"The I-T department will look into it and, if any, discrepancies are found then it will be uploaded on the Election Commission (EC) website and strict action will be initiated," the CEC said.</p>

<p>When asked about the EC's stand on inflammatory speeches, Arora said in his review meetings, he tried to find out the status of such cases lodged during previous elections.</p>

<p>"Whatever the EC has found, I have apprised about its intentions to the chief secretary and the DGP, who assured that strict action will be taken in such cases," he said.</p>

<p>The commission is committed to holding free and fair polls, and will promptly act on any complaint regarding this, the CEC said.</p>

<p>"The C-Vigil app will be launched soon so that any citizen, whose name will be kept secret, can register his poll related complaints. Besides this, we will constitute committees to keep an eye on social media," he said.</p>

<p>In all the 1,63,331 polling centres, VVPAT machines will be used this time, he said.</p>


The general elections in the country will be held on time, Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora said Friday, amid tensions between India-Pakistan. The CEC is in the Uttar Pradesh capital for the past two days to review poll preparations in the state.

The general elections in the country will be held on time, Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora said Friday, amid tensions between India-Pakistan. The CEC is in the Uttar Pradesh capital for the past two days to review poll preparations in the state. "The election in the country will be held on time," Arora told reporters here when asked about the poll schedule in the wake of tensions between the two countries. He said as per a new notification of the commission, candidates will have to give details of their properties abroad, besides those in the country. "The I-T department will look into it and, if any, discrepancies are found then it will be uploaded on the Election Commission (EC) website and strict action will be initiated," the CEC said. When asked about the EC's stand on inflammatory speeches, Arora said in his review meetings, he tried to find out the status of such cases lodged during previous elections. "Whatever the EC has found, I have apprised about its intentions to the chief secretary and the DGP, who assured that strict action will be taken in such cases," he said. The commission is committed to holding free and fair polls, and will promptly act on any complaint regarding this, the CEC said. "The C-Vigil app will be launched soon so that any citizen, whose name will be kept secret, can register his poll related complaints. Besides this, we will constitute committees to keep an eye on social media," he said. In all the 1,63,331 polling centres, VVPAT machines will be used this time, he said.

General elections will be held on time: Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora

<p>The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. &nbsp;</p>

<p>AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head.<br />
<br />
The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change!&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em></p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>


The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea. In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed. The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government. The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader. But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister. Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

With setbacks from Supreme Court and Congress, the road ahead is tough for Aam Aadmi Party

<p>On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. &nbsp;Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party.</p>

<p>On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today.</p>

<p>As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” &nbsp;</p>

<p>The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi <em>mahagathbandhan</em>.</p>

<p>Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both.</p>

<p>Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the <em>mahagathbandhan</em> ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front.</p>

<p>As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside.</p>

<p>Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker.&nbsp;</p>

<p>With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress.</p>

<p>Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh <em>gathbandhan</em> could determine his future.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-mayawati-holds-the-key-to-2019-2714388">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>

<p><br />
&nbsp;</p>


On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party. On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house. The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today. As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them. Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3. The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged. But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening. The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote. Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan. Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place. Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan. Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both. Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front. As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside. Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker. With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress. Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Mayawati holds the key to 2019

<p>The hue and cry around EVMs has by now become a regular feature. The latest controversy involves a sensational claim of a live demonstration of hacking by an Indian cybersecurity expert based in the US in London that never happened. A promised earthquake turned out to be a damp squib.</p>

<p>The supposed “expert” introduced himself as one Syed Shuja, an ex-employee of ECIL, Hyderabad, who claimed to be a member of the team which designed the EVMs. His sensational claim was that he discovered a way which made hacking possible. He went on to say that the 2014 general elections was entirely rigged.</p>

<p>Even the recent state assembly elections would have been rigged but for the counteraction by Shuja and his team. He claimed that a senior BJP leader and a Karnataka journalist who knew about the rigging were killed, besides his own teammates whose murders were covered up as incidents in a communal riot. He said he survived and escaped to the US where he sought political asylum.</p>

<p>These sound like bizarre claims but can be independently verified. One hopes that the agencies concerned would be doing their job. The fact is that “live demonstration” of EVM hacking never happened. But the controversy was revived yet again.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This is by no means a standalone incident. There is a long history of claims and counter-claims. Every political party at some time or the other has raised doubts without any evidence whatsoever. The usual call is to return to ballot papers.&nbsp;</p>

<p>To force the hands of the Election Commission to return to ballot papers, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), in 2010, put up more than 64 candidates in 12 by-elections on the Telangana issue as the EVMs cannot take more than 64 candidates. After scrutiny, six constituencies were left with over 64 candidates, where perforce elections had to be conducted with paper ballots. An equal number used EVMs. In a way, this was a great opportunity to test the relative merits and demerits of the two systems of voting.&nbsp;</p>

<p>While EVM results were out in four hours, ballot papers took 40 hours, with a lot of invalid votes coming in. The results from both the systems were exactly the same.</p>

<p>Interestingly, on that occasion, the BJP was opposing the EVM and the Congress defending it! Since the 2014 elections, all parties have been accusing the BJP of misusing EVMs to win elections without producing any evidence. Hence the song remains the same, only the singers change every couple of years.</p>

<p>The ECI, on the other hand, has confidently challenged all conspiracy theorists to try their hands on its EVMs to show that these can be hacked. Till date no political party has accepted the challenge.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The previous occasion when the demand for ballot papers had reached such a high pitch was in 2010, in the wake of BJP’s hype about hackability of the machines. The ECI had called an all-party meeting where consensus was reached that voter verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT) was the ultimate solution. We accepted the demand and asked the two EVM manufacturing companies to design VVPAT machines.</p>

<p>The independent committee of five IIT professors was asked to oversee the entire technology and process. After a series of trials, the VVPAT was initially tried in Nagaland in 2012 and later in several other states. Since 2017, every state election has been held with these printer-attached machines. Voter chits generated by these machines have been crosschecked in 1,500 booths. All of them tallied. That should have ended the controversy.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Recurrent controversy creates doubts in public minds about the electoral system that has stood the test of time. Lack of public trust in the system is dangerous for democracy. It must be addressed effectively and quickly. Many parties are demanding that a reasonable percentage of VVPAT machines should be counted for public confidence. Let EC examine this demand and arrive at a scientific sample size in consultation with statistical experts so that the controversy is put to rest once for all.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Instead of appearing rigid, the Commission may convene an all-party meeting, yet again, as the basic concern is serious and the stakes are very high. My experience in dealing with political parties is that if we have an open dialogue with them to explain our stand, they always see reason and a consensus does evolve. Giving it another shot, urgently, would be worth its while.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


The hue and cry around EVMs has by now become a regular feature. The latest controversy involves a sensational claim of a live demonstration of hacking by an Indian cybersecurity expert based in the US in London that never happened.

The hue and cry around EVMs has by now become a regular feature. The latest controversy involves a sensational claim of a live demonstration of hacking by an Indian cybersecurity expert based in the US in London that never happened. A promised earthquake turned out to be a damp squib. The supposed “expert” introduced himself as one Syed Shuja, an ex-employee of ECIL, Hyderabad, who claimed to be a member of the team which designed the EVMs. His sensational claim was that he discovered a way which made hacking possible. He went on to say that the 2014 general elections was entirely rigged. Even the recent state assembly elections would have been rigged but for the counteraction by Shuja and his team. He claimed that a senior BJP leader and a Karnataka journalist who knew about the rigging were killed, besides his own teammates whose murders were covered up as incidents in a communal riot. He said he survived and escaped to the US where he sought political asylum. These sound like bizarre claims but can be independently verified. One hopes that the agencies concerned would be doing their job. The fact is that “live demonstration” of EVM hacking never happened. But the controversy was revived yet again. This is by no means a standalone incident. There is a long history of claims and counter-claims. Every political party at some time or the other has raised doubts without any evidence whatsoever. The usual call is to return to ballot papers. To force the hands of the Election Commission to return to ballot papers, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), in 2010, put up more than 64 candidates in 12 by-elections on the Telangana issue as the EVMs cannot take more than 64 candidates. After scrutiny, six constituencies were left with over 64 candidates, where perforce elections had to be conducted with paper ballots. An equal number used EVMs. In a way, this was a great opportunity to test the relative merits and demerits of the two systems of voting. While EVM results were out in four hours, ballot papers took 40 hours, with a lot of invalid votes coming in. The results from both the systems were exactly the same. Interestingly, on that occasion, the BJP was opposing the EVM and the Congress defending it! Since the 2014 elections, all parties have been accusing the BJP of misusing EVMs to win elections without producing any evidence. Hence the song remains the same, only the singers change every couple of years. The ECI, on the other hand, has confidently challenged all conspiracy theorists to try their hands on its EVMs to show that these can be hacked. Till date no political party has accepted the challenge. The previous occasion when the demand for ballot papers had reached such a high pitch was in 2010, in the wake of BJP’s hype about hackability of the machines. The ECI had called an all-party meeting where consensus was reached that voter verifiable paper audit trail (VVPAT) was the ultimate solution. We accepted the demand and asked the two EVM manufacturing companies to design VVPAT machines. The independent committee of five IIT professors was asked to oversee the entire technology and process. After a series of trials, the VVPAT was initially tried in Nagaland in 2012 and later in several other states. Since 2017, every state election has been held with these printer-attached machines. Voter chits generated by these machines have been crosschecked in 1,500 booths. All of them tallied. That should have ended the controversy. Recurrent controversy creates doubts in public minds about the electoral system that has stood the test of time. Lack of public trust in the system is dangerous for democracy. It must be addressed effectively and quickly. Many parties are demanding that a reasonable percentage of VVPAT machines should be counted for public confidence. Let EC examine this demand and arrive at a scientific sample size in consultation with statistical experts so that the controversy is put to rest once for all. Instead of appearing rigid, the Commission may convene an all-party meeting, yet again, as the basic concern is serious and the stakes are very high. My experience in dealing with political parties is that if we have an open dialogue with them to explain our stand, they always see reason and a consensus does evolve. Giving it another shot, urgently, would be worth its while. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Recurring EVM controversy

<p>Priyanka Gandhi Vadra's political debut as the Congress party's general secretary for eastern Uttar Pradesh is, as Prashant Kishor put it, one of the most awaited entries in Indian politics. It has created an unprecedented buzz and was the top trend worldwide on social media. That should make people in the party feel good. The question is what good will it do to the party's fortunes in the coming General Election. Equally important is the question: Why now?</p>

<p>As of now, no one knows whether and how her arrival on the scene will help the Congress party, hurt its principal opponent the BJP or harm the chances of friendly rivals like the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party. If the last of the Gandhis to take the plunge succeeds and the Congress ends up with a score or more Lok Sabha seats in UP besides becoming the main prop of a new government, then pundits and charlatans alike would hold forth on the success formula that did the trick. That is always after the results, never before.</p>

<p>On the other hand are those who believe that Priyanka's entry will wreck the SP-BSP alliance's chances of sweeping UP and boost the BJP's prospects, thereby ensuring the return of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.</p>

<p>Common to those rooting for her and the Cassandras is their view of Priyanka as a game changer. When, in fact, she may be not the game changer, but the game.</p>

<p>Seeing her as a game changer means speculating on the basis of outcomes which are unknowable at this stage. On the other hand, viewing her as the game could help one understand what considerations may have gone into the family's decision to launch her now.</p>

<p>The Congress party's sole aim is to increase its numbers in the Lok Sabha, regardless of whether this is achieved at the expense of the BJP, the SP-BSP alliance or any other party. Splitting the opposition vote has never held back any non-BJP party in electoral contests – every party is in the election, first and foremost, for itself. Thus, there is no reason for the Congress to give precedence to the interests and prospects of the SP-BSP alliance.</p>

<p>In UP, as elsewhere, the Congress party has hit rock-bottom. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the party won two seats and its vote share was 7.5 per cent. And, Rahul Gandhi did not win by a flattering margin in Amethi. The BJP's vote share was 42 per cent and the SP and BSP together accounted for 41 per cent. The assembly elections of 2017 saw the Congress fare even worse – its vote share fell further to 6.2 per cent whereas the SP-BSP together managed 44.2 per cent against the BJP's 39.47 per cent.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The SP's poor showing in the assembly election was blamed on its alliance with the Congress. This made the SP embrace Mayawati's BSP, leaving the Congress to fend for itself as a bit player in a state that elects 80 members to the Lok Sabha.</p>

<p>In the event, the Congress had little choice but to raise the stakes stupendously and go for broke. Which is exactly what it has done. Electoral necessity requires that it cast the BJP as its main enemy. Survival demands that it take votes from whoever else it can. After its recent victories in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, there is no way the Congress can afford to be on the back foot. Any sign of being marginalised, even if by allies, could weaken its governments in Karnataka, Rajasthan and MP.</p>

<p>Two, Congressmen being what they are have always looked to a vote-getter from the family to get them elected, with the party having no base, grassroots cadres and organisational structures in many parts of the country.</p>

<p>Three, while it is all very well to say that the non-BJP parties would decide their Prime Minister after the elections, the Congress has to project itself as the main challenger to the BJP. As matters stand and it became evident at the opposition's Kolkata rally, Rahul is not accorded any precedence over Mayawati and Mamata Banerjee.</p>

<p>With Sonia Gandhi retiring, the party would be bereft of a woman leader. This is a fraught deficiency in a party where, after Jawaharlal Nehru, it is two women – Sonia and Indira Gandhi – who were its most powerful leaders for long periods in the last 50 years. After Nehru, it is only under Sonia that the Congress got elected for two full terms. And, in history, Indira as a leader who won a war and split an 'enemy country' would occupy more pages than even Nehru.</p>

<p>These, among other considerations, left Priyanka as the only game the Congress could have played in the hope of a hawa turning the electoral tide.<br />
<br />
<br />
<em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


Priyanka Gandhi Vadra's political debut as the Congress party's general secretary for eastern Uttar Pradesh is, as Prashant Kishor put it, one of the most awaited entries in Indian politics.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra's political debut as the Congress party's general secretary for eastern Uttar Pradesh is, as Prashant Kishor put it, one of the most awaited entries in Indian politics. It has created an unprecedented buzz and was the top trend worldwide on social media. That should make people in the party feel good. The question is what good will it do to the party's fortunes in the coming General Election. Equally important is the question: Why now? As of now, no one knows whether and how her arrival on the scene will help the Congress party, hurt its principal opponent the BJP or harm the chances of friendly rivals like the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party. If the last of the Gandhis to take the plunge succeeds and the Congress ends up with a score or more Lok Sabha seats in UP besides becoming the main prop of a new government, then pundits and charlatans alike would hold forth on the success formula that did the trick. That is always after the results, never before. On the other hand are those who believe that Priyanka's entry will wreck the SP-BSP alliance's chances of sweeping UP and boost the BJP's prospects, thereby ensuring the return of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Common to those rooting for her and the Cassandras is their view of Priyanka as a game changer. When, in fact, she may be not the game changer, but the game. Seeing her as a game changer means speculating on the basis of outcomes which are unknowable at this stage. On the other hand, viewing her as the game could help one understand what considerations may have gone into the family's decision to launch her now. The Congress party's sole aim is to increase its numbers in the Lok Sabha, regardless of whether this is achieved at the expense of the BJP, the SP-BSP alliance or any other party. Splitting the opposition vote has never held back any non-BJP party in electoral contests – every party is in the election, first and foremost, for itself. Thus, there is no reason for the Congress to give precedence to the interests and prospects of the SP-BSP alliance. In UP, as elsewhere, the Congress party has hit rock-bottom. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the party won two seats and its vote share was 7.5 per cent. And, Rahul Gandhi did not win by a flattering margin in Amethi. The BJP's vote share was 42 per cent and the SP and BSP together accounted for 41 per cent. The assembly elections of 2017 saw the Congress fare even worse – its vote share fell further to 6.2 per cent whereas the SP-BSP together managed 44.2 per cent against the BJP's 39.47 per cent. The SP's poor showing in the assembly election was blamed on its alliance with the Congress. This made the SP embrace Mayawati's BSP, leaving the Congress to fend for itself as a bit player in a state that elects 80 members to the Lok Sabha. In the event, the Congress had little choice but to raise the stakes stupendously and go for broke. Which is exactly what it has done. Electoral necessity requires that it cast the BJP as its main enemy. Survival demands that it take votes from whoever else it can. After its recent victories in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, there is no way the Congress can afford to be on the back foot. Any sign of being marginalised, even if by allies, could weaken its governments in Karnataka, Rajasthan and MP. Two, Congressmen being what they are have always looked to a vote-getter from the family to get them elected, with the party having no base, grassroots cadres and organisational structures in many parts of the country. Three, while it is all very well to say that the non-BJP parties would decide their Prime Minister after the elections, the Congress has to project itself as the main challenger to the BJP. As matters stand and it became evident at the opposition's Kolkata rally, Rahul is not accorded any precedence over Mayawati and Mamata Banerjee. With Sonia Gandhi retiring, the party would be bereft of a woman leader. This is a fraught deficiency in a party where, after Jawaharlal Nehru, it is two women – Sonia and Indira Gandhi – who were its most powerful leaders for long periods in the last 50 years. After Nehru, it is only under Sonia that the Congress got elected for two full terms. And, in history, Indira as a leader who won a war and split an 'enemy country' would occupy more pages than even Nehru. These, among other considerations, left Priyanka as the only game the Congress could have played in the hope of a hawa turning the electoral tide. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Priyanka ko Vanakkam

<p>The Election Commission of India (ECI) is leaving no stone unturned to make sure that every eligible citizen casts their vote in the upcoming Chhattisgarh Assembly elections, even if the number of electors is in single digits.</p>

<p>One such case has come to the fore in Bharatpur-Sonhat Assembly constituency. In polling booth number 143 in Sherandandh village of the constituency, there are only four voters, out of which three are from the same family.</p>

<p>District Election Officer NK Dugga said the polling party will reach there a day before polls and set a tent for voters.</p>

<p>To reach Sherandandh, a forest village, the ECI team will have to go an extra mile through rocky mountains for five to six kilometres and cross a river. The village, which is dependent on Panchayat Chandha, is situated around 15 km from the main road.</p>

<p>Due to the unavailability of proper roads, the election officials will be reaching the booth a day before the voting.</p>

<p>In Chhattisgarh, voting will be held in two phases. In the first phase, voting will be held in 18 constituencies in the southern part of the state on November 12, while the second phase of elections will be held on November 20.</p>

<p>Counting of votes for both the phases will take place on December 11.</p>


The Election Commission of India (ECI) is leaving no stone unturned to make sure that every eligible citizen casts their vote in the upcoming Chhattisgarh Assembly elections, even if the number of electors is in single digits.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) is leaving no stone unturned to make sure that every eligible citizen casts their vote in the upcoming Chhattisgarh Assembly elections, even if the number of electors is in single digits. One such case has come to the fore in Bharatpur-Sonhat Assembly constituency. In polling booth number 143 in Sherandandh village of the constituency, there are only four voters, out of which three are from the same family. District Election Officer NK Dugga said the polling party will reach there a day before polls and set a tent for voters. To reach Sherandandh, a forest village, the ECI team will have to go an extra mile through rocky mountains for five to six kilometres and cross a river. The village, which is dependent on Panchayat Chandha, is situated around 15 km from the main road. Due to the unavailability of proper roads, the election officials will be reaching the booth a day before the voting. In Chhattisgarh, voting will be held in two phases. In the first phase, voting will be held in 18 constituencies in the southern part of the state on November 12, while the second phase of elections will be held on November 20. Counting of votes for both the phases will take place on December 11.

This Chhattisgarh village has only 4 voters

<p>A case has been registered against Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) candidate Narayan Tripathi on Tuesday for alleged violation of the Model Code of Conduct in the poll-bound state of Madhya Pradesh.</p>

<p>Tripathi had gone to file his nomination carrying a fee of Rs 10,000 in the form of Re 1 coins in a metal pot covered with a piece of red cloth, which, he claimed ,to have collected from the public as their blessings.</p>

<p>The metal pot in which Tripathi was carrying the coins looked similar to an urn used to carry the funeral ash, which allegedly has a religious implication.</p>

<p>Satna Returning Officer and Sub-Divisional Magistrate Maihar HK Dhurve considered the gesture as a violation of the Model Code of Conduct and registered a case against Tripathi under Section 125 A of the Representation of the People Act.</p>

<p>However, Tripathi said that an issue is being unnecessarily blown out of proportion by the Congress. "Congress is creating an issue out of this. I have not flouted any code of conduct," he claimed.</p>

<p>Tripathi carried his nomination fee in a total of 12 metal pots.</p>


A case has been registered against Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) candidate Narayan Tripathi on Tuesday for alleged violation of the Model Code of Conduct in the poll-bound state of Madhya Pradesh.

A case has been registered against Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) candidate Narayan Tripathi on Tuesday for alleged violation of the Model Code of Conduct in the poll-bound state of Madhya Pradesh. Tripathi had gone to file his nomination carrying a fee of Rs 10,000 in the form of Re 1 coins in a metal pot covered with a piece of red cloth, which, he claimed ,to have collected from the public as their blessings. The metal pot in which Tripathi was carrying the coins looked similar to an urn used to carry the funeral ash, which allegedly has a religious implication. Satna Returning Officer and Sub-Divisional Magistrate Maihar HK Dhurve considered the gesture as a violation of the Model Code of Conduct and registered a case against Tripathi under Section 125 A of the Representation of the People Act. However, Tripathi said that an issue is being unnecessarily blown out of proportion by the Congress. "Congress is creating an issue out of this. I have not flouted any code of conduct," he claimed. Tripathi carried his nomination fee in a total of 12 metal pots.

MP Polls: BJP candidate carries coins in metal pot, case registered

<p>Shortly after returning to India, Minister of State for External Affairs MJ Akbar on Sunday released a detailed statement over sexual harassment allegations against him describing them as "false and fabricated." According to reports, the minister is set to take legal action against accusations made against him.</p>

<p>In his statement, Akbar asked why such allegations were levelled against him just before the general elections?</p>

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Lies do not have legs, but they do contain poison, which can be whipped into a frenzy. This is deeply distressing. I will be taking appropriate legal action: <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MJAkbar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MJAkbar</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1051416803317026816?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>"Why has this storm risen a few months before a general election? Is there an agenda? You be the judge. These false, baseless and wild allegations have caused irreparable damage to my reputation and goodwill," he told the media.&nbsp;</p>

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
<p dir="ltr" lang="en">The allegations of misconduct made against me are false and fabricated, spiced up by innuendo and malice. I could not reply earlier as I was on an official tour abroad: <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MJAkbar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MJAkbar</a> (file pic) <a href="https://t.co/dRE0qXMiCW">pic.twitter.com/dRE0qXMiCW</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1051415837289123840?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>He further added that he could not respond to the "false and fabricated" allegations as he was "on an official tour abroad."</p>

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
<p dir="ltr" lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MJAkbar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MJAkbar</a> to take legal action against accusations made against him of sexual assault, releases detailed statement. <a href="https://t.co/HZcJJubNIM">pic.twitter.com/HZcJJubNIM</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1051415981728440320?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>"Accusation without evidence has become a viral fever among some sections. Whatever be the case, now that I have returned, my lawyers will look into these wild and baseless allegations in order to decide our future course of legal action," Akbar noted.&nbsp;</p>

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Accusation without evidence has become a viral fever among some sections. Whatever be the case, now that I have returned, my lawyers will look into these wild and baseless allegations in order to decide our future course of legal action: <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MJAkbar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MJAkbar</a> (file pic) <a href="https://t.co/AVrkfSVA87">pic.twitter.com/AVrkfSVA87</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1051416327431344128?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
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<p>"Lies do not have legs, but they do contain poison, which can be whipped into a frenzy. This is deeply distressing. I will be taking appropriate legal action," he stated.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Here is what Akbar stated further:</p>

<p><em>Priya Ramani began this campaign a year ago with a magazine article. She did not, however, name me as she knew it was an incorrect story. When asked recently why she had not named me, she replied, in a tweet, “Never named him because he didn't 'do' anything."</em></p>

<p><em>If I didn't do anything, where and what is the story? There's no story. But a sea of innuendo, speculation and abusive diatribe has been built around something that never happened. Some are total, unsubstantiated hearsay; others confirm, on the record, that I didn’t do anything</em></p>

<p><em>Shutapa Paul states, “The man never laid a hand on me.” Shuma Raha says, “I must clarify, however, that he didn’t actually ‘do’ anything”. One woman, Anju Bharti, went to the absurd extent of claiming I was partying in a swimming pool. I do not know how to swim</em></p>

<p><em>Another accusation was made repeatedly by Ms Ghazala Wahab, in an effort to damage my reputation. She claimed that she had been molested in office, 21 years ago. This &nbsp;is 16 years before I entered public life, and when I was in media</em></p>

<p><em>The only office where I worked with Ghazala Wahab was that of The Asian Age. A part of the editorial team then worked out of a small hall. At the time concerned, I had a very tiny cubicle, patched together by plywood and glass. Others had tables and chairs two feet away</em></p>

<p><em>It is utterly bizarre to believe that anything could have happened in that tiny space, and, moreover, that no one else in the vicinity would come to know, in the midst of a working day. These allegations are false, motivated and baseless.</em></p>

<p><em>Pertinent to remember Ms Ramani and Ms Wahab kept working with me even after these alleged incidents; clearly establishes they had no apprehension and discomfort. The reason why they remained silent for decades is very apparent, as Ms Ramani has herself stated, I never did anything.</em></p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Pertinent to remember Ms Ramani&amp;Ms Wahab kept working with me even after these alleged incidents; clearly establishes they had no apprehension&amp;discomfort. Reason why they remained silent for decades is very apparent,as Ms Ramani has herself stated, I never did anything: <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MJAkbar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MJAkbar</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1051420314662592514?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>There has been a growing clamour for his sacking after at least eight women have accused him of sexual assault and harassment from when he was a newspaper editor.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The latest charge came on Friday from the US-based journalist Majlie de Puy Kamp who said Akbar forcibly kissed her — she had he put his tongue into her mouth — on her last day in office when she was interning with the Asian Age.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Shutapa Paul states, “The man never laid a hand on me.”Shuma Raha says, “I must clarify, however, that he didn’t actually ‘do’ anything”.One woman, Anju Bharti, went to the absurd extent of claiming I was partying in a swimming pool. I do not know how to swim: <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MJAkbar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MJAkbar</a> (file pic) <a href="https://t.co/Cl0etymt6P">pic.twitter.com/Cl0etymt6P</a></p>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1051419418008391680?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>PTI quoted party sources earlier as saying <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/minister-mj-akbar-to-return-today-pm-modi-to-take-final-call-on-his-continuance-sources-171362">Prime Minister Narendra Modi would take the final call on Akbar's continuance</a> as junior foreign minister.</p>


Shortly after returning to India, Minister of State for External Affairs MJ Akbar on Sunday released a detailed statement over sexual harassment allegations against him describing them as "false and fabricated.

Shortly after returning to India, Minister of State for External Affairs MJ Akbar on Sunday released a detailed statement over sexual harassment allegations against him describing them as "false and fabricated." According to reports, the minister is set to take legal action against accusations made against him. In his statement, Akbar asked why such allegations were levelled against him just before the general elections? Lies do not have legs, but they do contain poison, which can be whipped into a frenzy. This is deeply distressing. I will be taking appropriate legal action: #MJAkbar — ANI (@ANI) October 14, 2018 × "Why has this storm risen a few months before a general election? Is there an agenda? You be the judge. These false, baseless and wild allegations have caused irreparable damage to my reputation and goodwill," he told the media. The allegations of misconduct made against me are false and fabricated, spiced up by innuendo and malice. I could not reply earlier as I was on an official tour abroad: #MJAkbar (file pic) pic.twitter.com/dRE0qXMiCW — ANI (@ANI) October 14, 2018 × He further added that he could not respond to the "false and fabricated" allegations as he was "on an official tour abroad." #MJAkbar to take legal action against accusations made against him of sexual assault, releases detailed statement. pic.twitter.com/HZcJJubNIM — ANI (@ANI) October 14, 2018 × "Accusation without evidence has become a viral fever among some sections. Whatever be the case, now that I have returned, my lawyers will look into these wild and baseless allegations in order to decide our future course of legal action," Akbar noted. Accusation without evidence has become a viral fever among some sections. Whatever be the case, now that I have returned, my lawyers will look into these wild and baseless allegations in order to decide our future course of legal action: #MJAkbar (file pic) pic.twitter.com/AVrkfSVA87 — ANI (@ANI) October 14, 2018 × "Lies do not have legs, but they do contain poison, which can be whipped into a frenzy. This is deeply distressing. I will be taking appropriate legal action," he stated. Here is what Akbar stated further: Priya Ramani began this campaign a year ago with a magazine article. She did not, however, name me as she knew it was an incorrect story. When asked recently why she had not named me, she replied, in a tweet, “Never named him because he didn't 'do' anything." If I didn't do anything, where and what is the story? There's no story. But a sea of innuendo, speculation and abusive diatribe has been built around something that never happened. Some are total, unsubstantiated hearsay; others confirm, on the record, that I didn’t do anything Shutapa Paul states, “The man never laid a hand on me.” Shuma Raha says, “I must clarify, however, that he didn’t actually ‘do’ anything”. One woman, Anju Bharti, went to the absurd extent of claiming I was partying in a swimming pool. I do not know how to swim Another accusation was made repeatedly by Ms Ghazala Wahab, in an effort to damage my reputation. She claimed that she had been molested in office, 21 years ago. This is 16 years before I entered public life, and when I was in media The only office where I worked with Ghazala Wahab was that of The Asian Age. A part of the editorial team then worked out of a small hall. At the time concerned, I had a very tiny cubicle, patched together by plywood and glass. Others had tables and chairs two feet away It is utterly bizarre to believe that anything could have happened in that tiny space, and, moreover, that no one else in the vicinity would come to know, in the midst of a working day. These allegations are false, motivated and baseless. Pertinent to remember Ms Ramani and Ms Wahab kept working with me even after these alleged incidents; clearly establishes they had no apprehension and discomfort. The reason why they remained silent for decades is very apparent, as Ms Ramani has herself stated, I never did anything. Pertinent to remember Ms Ramani&Ms Wahab kept working with me even after these alleged incidents; clearly establishes they had no apprehension&discomfort. Reason why they remained silent for decades is very apparent,as Ms Ramani has herself stated, I never did anything: #MJAkbar — ANI (@ANI) October 14, 2018 × There has been a growing clamour for his sacking after at least eight women have accused him of sexual assault and harassment from when he was a newspaper editor. The latest charge came on Friday from the US-based journalist Majlie de Puy Kamp who said Akbar forcibly kissed her — she had he put his tongue into her mouth — on her last day in office when she was interning with the Asian Age. Shutapa Paul states, “The man never laid a hand on me.”Shuma Raha says, “I must clarify, however, that he didn’t actually ‘do’ anything”.One woman, Anju Bharti, went to the absurd extent of claiming I was partying in a swimming pool. I do not know how to swim: #MJAkbar (file pic) pic.twitter.com/Cl0etymt6P — ANI (@ANI) October 14, 2018 × PTI quoted party sources earlier as saying Prime Minister Narendra Modi would take the final call on Akbar's continuance as junior foreign minister.

'Why this storm just before general elections?' MJ Akbar issues statement, moves for legal action

<p>Intensifying allegations of military interference threaten to cast a shadow over Pakistan's general election on July 25, a historic event that will mark only the country's second ever democratic transition of power.</p>

<p>On Friday the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) party handed over to a technocratic caretaker administration after completing a full five-year term, another democratic milestone.</p>

<p>But as campaigning begins, tensions between the civilian politicians and the powerful military, which has ruled for about half of Pakistan's history since independence in 1947, are running high.</p>

<p>Four PML-N lawmakers told Reuters they had received threats and pressure to switch allegiance to rival parties, while newspapers are awash with accusations of military "engineering" and journalists and media houses complain of growing censorship.</p>

<p>"It is a chipping away. It's behind the scenes, under the covers, below the radar," PML-N's outgoing Privatisation Minister Daniyal Aziz told Reuters, using typically coded language to hint at meddling by the generals without naming them.</p>

<p>The military, which strongly denies interfering in politics, did not respond to a Reuters request for comment.</p>

<p>The political tensions come at a time of growing economic instability in the nuclear-armed nation of 208 million people. Islamabad's rapidly depleting currency reserves and a widening current account deficit have prompted many analysts to predict the next government will need to seek the country's second International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout since 2013.</p>

<p>PML-N founder Nawaz Sharif was ousted by the Supreme Court as prime minister in July and now faces corruption charges, events he has described as "pre-poll rigging" aimed at denying his party another term. He has cast the campaign as a battle to protect the "sanctity of the vote".</p>

<p><strong>ANTI-CORRUPTION PLATFORM</strong></p>

<p>PML-N's main challenge is expected to come from the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party led by cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan, who is betting his anti-corruption message will propel him to power.</p>

<p>Khan has denied the generals have thrown their weight behind PTI, and accuses Sharif of hiding behind such allegations to avoid accountability.</p>

<p>Also read: <a href="Pak court allows ex-foreign minister Khawaja Asif to contest elections">Pak court allows ex-foreign minister Khawaja Asif to contest elections</a></p>

<p>In a statement, the PTI this week said: "Any deliberate or unconscious effort to compromise the sanctity of ballot could cause irreparable damage to national interests".</p>

<p>But analysts and Western diplomats who spoke to Reuters said the military was squeezing PML-N ahead of polls.</p>

<p>"This kind of interference has always been there, but this time it is so naked that everyone is seeing it and everyone is talking about it," said Ijaz Khan, a retired international relations professor at Peshawar University.&nbsp</p>

<p>A "Pre-Election Assessment Report" published this week by an independent think-tank, Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT), deemed the pre-poll process to have been "unfair overall" in the 12 months before the election was called last week.</p>

<p>PILDAT said "surreptitious muzzling" of the media, a rise in bias from the military establishment and a "perceived partisanship in judicial and political accountability have nearly eroded the prospects of a free and fair election in 2018".</p>

<p>Pakistan's biggest TV channel, Geo, went off air for several weeks in April and only returned after its executives struck a deal with the military over their coverage of Sharif, two executives told Reuters.</p>

<p>Distribution of Dawn, the biggest English-language newspaper in the country, has been suspended from some military cantonment areas in several cities, a senior Dawn executive told Reuters. Many prominent columnists have put out statements about their work being censored, often by their own editors.</p>

<p><strong>MENACING PHONE CALLS</strong></p>

<p>A frequent complaint by Sharif, whose second term as prime minister was ended by a bloodless army coup in 1999, is that PML-N lawmakers are being intimidated.</p>

<p>Four PML-N lawmakers from the Punjab province described to Reuters a similar pattern of strange calls and visits from unknown men who would pretend to be well-wishers, but then make clear to them it would be in their interest to ditch Sharif.</p>

<p>None of the lawmakers wished to be identified. One recounted a recent, seemingly random, encounter with a man claiming to be a supporter that ended with the well-wisher telling him: "Your boss is a traitor. Traitors have no future in this country".</p>

<p>Three of the lawmakers are sticking with PML-N but one has defected to PTI. All four said they believed the calls were from intelligence agents, though they did not have any proof. Reuters could not independently corroborate the events they described.</p>

<p>In the last few months at least 15 National Assembly PML-N lawmakers have left the party, mostly to join PTI. PML-N officials say most were politicians who won their seats as independents in 2013 and joined PML-N afterwards.</p>

<p>Khan has dismissed PML-N accusations the lawmakers were pressured into switching sides, but predicted in a recent meeting with foreign media that many more would follow. He believes such defections will be vital to gaining a foothold in Punjab, long a PML-N stronghold that returns 141 of the 272 directly contested seats in the National Assembly.</p>

<p><strong>IN THE DOCK</strong></p>

<p>Several senior PML-N figures are currently facing court cases after a flurry of charges against them.</p>

<p>Among them, Sharif could be jailed for 14 years before the polls in a corruption trial he calls a "witch hunt", while Aziz, the former privatisation minister, is facing contempt of court charges that could bar him from standing in the election.</p>

<p>The judiciary has denied targeting, or favouring, any political party, and rejects allegations from PML-N of collusion with the military to weaken the party.</p>

<p>The Election Commision of Pakistan's code of conduct for the pre-poll campaign period is shaping up to be the next battleground.</p>

<p>Proposed new rules would prohibit anyone from criticising the military and the judiciary, while also banning politicians from talking about what they have achieved in government.</p>

<p>With PML-N's electoral campaign built around touting mega infrastructure projects and defending civilian rule, the party is no doubt who this would hurt the most.</p>


Newspapers are awash with accusations of military 'engineering' and journalists and media houses complain of growing censorship. The elections are scheduled to take place on June 25

Intensifying allegations of military interference threaten to cast a shadow over Pakistan's general election on July 25, a historic event that will mark only the country's second ever democratic transition of power. On Friday the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) party handed over to a technocratic caretaker administration after completing a full five-year term, another democratic milestone. But as campaigning begins, tensions between the civilian politicians and the powerful military, which has ruled for about half of Pakistan's history since independence in 1947, are running high. Four PML-N lawmakers told Reuters they had received threats and pressure to switch allegiance to rival parties, while newspapers are awash with accusations of military "engineering" and journalists and media houses complain of growing censorship. "It is a chipping away. It's behind the scenes, under the covers, below the radar," PML-N's outgoing Privatisation Minister Daniyal Aziz told Reuters, using typically coded language to hint at meddling by the generals without naming them. The military, which strongly denies interfering in politics, did not respond to a Reuters request for comment. The political tensions come at a time of growing economic instability in the nuclear-armed nation of 208 million people. Islamabad's rapidly depleting currency reserves and a widening current account deficit have prompted many analysts to predict the next government will need to seek the country's second International Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout since 2013. PML-N founder Nawaz Sharif was ousted by the Supreme Court as prime minister in July and now faces corruption charges, events he has described as "pre-poll rigging" aimed at denying his party another term. He has cast the campaign as a battle to protect the "sanctity of the vote". ANTI-CORRUPTION PLATFORM PML-N's main challenge is expected to come from the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party led by cricketer-turned-politician Imran Khan, who is betting his anti-corruption message will propel him to power. Khan has denied the generals have thrown their weight behind PTI, and accuses Sharif of hiding behind such allegations to avoid accountability. Also read: Pak court allows ex-foreign minister Khawaja Asif to contest elections In a statement, the PTI this week said: "Any deliberate or unconscious effort to compromise the sanctity of ballot could cause irreparable damage to national interests". But analysts and Western diplomats who spoke to Reuters said the military was squeezing PML-N ahead of polls. "This kind of interference has always been there, but this time it is so naked that everyone is seeing it and everyone is talking about it," said Ijaz Khan, a retired international relations professor at Peshawar University. A "Pre-Election Assessment Report" published this week by an independent think-tank, Pakistan Institute of Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT), deemed the pre-poll process to have been "unfair overall" in the 12 months before the election was called last week. PILDAT said "surreptitious muzzling" of the media, a rise in bias from the military establishment and a "perceived partisanship in judicial and political accountability have nearly eroded the prospects of a free and fair election in 2018". Pakistan's biggest TV channel, Geo, went off air for several weeks in April and only returned after its executives struck a deal with the military over their coverage of Sharif, two executives told Reuters. Distribution of Dawn, the biggest English-language newspaper in the country, has been suspended from some military cantonment areas in several cities, a senior Dawn executive told Reuters. Many prominent columnists have put out statements about their work being censored, often by their own editors. MENACING PHONE CALLS A frequent complaint by Sharif, whose second term as prime minister was ended by a bloodless army coup in 1999, is that PML-N lawmakers are being intimidated. Four PML-N lawmakers from the Punjab province described to Reuters a similar pattern of strange calls and visits from unknown men who would pretend to be well-wishers, but then make clear to them it would be in their interest to ditch Sharif. None of the lawmakers wished to be identified. One recounted a recent, seemingly random, encounter with a man claiming to be a supporter that ended with the well-wisher telling him: "Your boss is a traitor. Traitors have no future in this country". Three of the lawmakers are sticking with PML-N but one has defected to PTI. All four said they believed the calls were from intelligence agents, though they did not have any proof. Reuters could not independently corroborate the events they described. In the last few months at least 15 National Assembly PML-N lawmakers have left the party, mostly to join PTI. PML-N officials say most were politicians who won their seats as independents in 2013 and joined PML-N afterwards. Khan has dismissed PML-N accusations the lawmakers were pressured into switching sides, but predicted in a recent meeting with foreign media that many more would follow. He believes such defections will be vital to gaining a foothold in Punjab, long a PML-N stronghold that returns 141 of the 272 directly contested seats in the National Assembly. IN THE DOCK Several senior PML-N figures are currently facing court cases after a flurry of charges against them. Among them, Sharif could be jailed for 14 years before the polls in a corruption trial he calls a "witch hunt", while Aziz, the former privatisation minister, is facing contempt of court charges that could bar him from standing in the election. The judiciary has denied targeting, or favouring, any political party, and rejects allegations from PML-N of collusion with the military to weaken the party. The Election Commision of Pakistan's code of conduct for the pre-poll campaign period is shaping up to be the next battleground. Proposed new rules would prohibit anyone from criticising the military and the judiciary, while also banning politicians from talking about what they have achieved in government. With PML-N's electoral campaign built around touting mega infrastructure projects and defending civilian rule, the party is no doubt who this would hurt the most.

Allegations of Army interference cast shadow over Pakistan general election

<p>Around 278,000 Malaysians cast their ballots on Saturday for the country's general elections scheduled for May 9.</p>

<p>About 300,000 people registered for early voting, according to Malaysia's Election Commission.</p>

<p>Police officers, military personnel, their spouses, and some journalists comprise the majority of early voters, who choose to cast their ballots early because they'll be working on the day of the general election.</p>

<p>The votes cast on Saturday will be kept safe until they're counted on May 9.</p>

<p>The Malaysian Parliament was dissolved on April 7, and candidates were officially nominated on April 28, kicking off the 11-day campaign period.</p>

<p>The general election will see the ruling coalition of Barisan Nasional, led by Najib Razak, facing a challenge from the opposition pact led by the 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad.</p>


The votes cast on Saturday will be kept safe until they're counted on May 9

Around 278,000 Malaysians cast their ballots on Saturday for the country's general elections scheduled for May 9. About 300,000 people registered for early voting, according to Malaysia's Election Commission. Police officers, military personnel, their spouses, and some journalists comprise the majority of early voters, who choose to cast their ballots early because they'll be working on the day of the general election. The votes cast on Saturday will be kept safe until they're counted on May 9. The Malaysian Parliament was dissolved on April 7, and candidates were officially nominated on April 28, kicking off the 11-day campaign period. The general election will see the ruling coalition of Barisan Nasional, led by Najib Razak, facing a challenge from the opposition pact led by the 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad.

Early voting begins for Malaysia's general elections

<p>As Bangladesh gears up for the general elections to be held in December this year experts are fearing that hardline forces in the country have started gaining ground in a bid to remove the current moderate Government in Dhaka.</p>

<p>The Khalida Zia-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), in alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamic fundamentalist groups, are making attempts to vote out the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League.</p>

<p>Experts believe that the Jamaat-e-Islami has committed war crimes during the 1971 Liberation War and killed three million people in the name of Islam.</p>

<p>Around 500,000 women were reportedly violated by the Pakistan Army and their collaborators Shahriar Kabir, a Dhaka-based journalist and human rights activist, said, "The rise of Islamic militancy, terrorism in the name of Islam that is being perpetrated by the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Hifazat-e-Islam, and backed by the BNP, one of the largest political parties of Bangladesh.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Because of the BNP, the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Hifazat-e-Islam, as well as other fundamentalist and extremist groups, have become so violent and we have seen their violence starting from February 2013.</p>

<p>Experts sitting offshore are also concerned over the growing alliance of the BNP and Islamic fundamentalists as they believe the perpetrators of 1971 are still stronger than pro-liberation forces.</p>

<p>Rohan Gunaratna, an international terrorism expert based in Singapore said, "The Jamaat-e-Islami ideology has formed the seabed, the foundation for the emergence of extremist and terrorist groups in Bangladesh.&nbsp;</p>

<p>If not for the Jamaat-e-Islami, so many people would not have been radicalised and we have seen the emergence of JMB (Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh), HuJI-B, the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami Bangladesh and a number of other groups.</p>

<p>"The rise of Islamic forces in Bangladesh not only affects the common people in the country but also raises concerns for the fragile neighbourhood BNP-Jamaat-led coalition governments in the past had provided shelter, funds and training to secessionist insurgent groups of northeastern India.</p>

<p>A BNP return to power would mean New Delhi facing a difficult government in Dhaka which in the past has permitted terror groups to operate freely from its soil&nbsp;</p>


Bangladesh's general elections to be held in December this year

As Bangladesh gears up for the general elections to be held in December this year experts are fearing that hardline forces in the country have started gaining ground in a bid to remove the current moderate Government in Dhaka. The Khalida Zia-led Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), in alliance with Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamic fundamentalist groups, are making attempts to vote out the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League. Experts believe that the Jamaat-e-Islami has committed war crimes during the 1971 Liberation War and killed three million people in the name of Islam. Around 500,000 women were reportedly violated by the Pakistan Army and their collaborators Shahriar Kabir, a Dhaka-based journalist and human rights activist, said, "The rise of Islamic militancy, terrorism in the name of Islam that is being perpetrated by the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Hifazat-e-Islam, and backed by the BNP, one of the largest political parties of Bangladesh. Because of the BNP, the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Hifazat-e-Islam, as well as other fundamentalist and extremist groups, have become so violent and we have seen their violence starting from February 2013. Experts sitting offshore are also concerned over the growing alliance of the BNP and Islamic fundamentalists as they believe the perpetrators of 1971 are still stronger than pro-liberation forces. Rohan Gunaratna, an international terrorism expert based in Singapore said, "The Jamaat-e-Islami ideology has formed the seabed, the foundation for the emergence of extremist and terrorist groups in Bangladesh. If not for the Jamaat-e-Islami, so many people would not have been radicalised and we have seen the emergence of JMB (Jamaatul Mujahideen Bangladesh), HuJI-B, the Harkat-ul-Jihad-al Islami Bangladesh and a number of other groups. "The rise of Islamic forces in Bangladesh not only affects the common people in the country but also raises concerns for the fragile neighbourhood BNP-Jamaat-led coalition governments in the past had provided shelter, funds and training to secessionist insurgent groups of northeastern India. A BNP return to power would mean New Delhi facing a difficult government in Dhaka which in the past has permitted terror groups to operate freely from its soil

As Bangladesh gears up for elections experts fear rise in hardline groups

<p>There is state of political upheaval these days in the nation. Narendra Modi is standing tall and firm and he has sent ripples of insecurity among all political parties. Leaders are worried about their future. There is state of panic among parties opposed to BJP and everybody is willing to go to any extent to secure his political future.</p>

<p>Sworn enemies are coming close and burying the hatchet deep. Just now, eternal die-hard enemies the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party joined hands for Gorakhpur & Phulpur by-elections.</p>

<p>Ideologies and official party lines have gone for a toss. Raj Thackeray and Sharad Pawar are exploring each other for a possible tie-up. More bizarre is the fact that Trinamool Congress chief and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee called on Uddhav Thackeray when she visited Mumbai recently. This is ground-breaking as both parties have ideologies which are diametrically opposite to each other, literally.</p>

<p>Regional satraps have their own ambitions. Everybody is trying to become the anti-Modi crusader.</p>

<p>But it is very much visible that in all this jugglery Congress is going to be the biggest loser in days to come. It was so very well manifested in the recent Phulpur & Gorakhpur bypolls. In Phulpur and Gorakhpur during general elections in 2014, Congress begged a six per cent and four per cent votes. Forty five months down the line, in the recent bypolls, when there was a mass shifting of votes from the BJP's share, Congress's vote share further plummeted to an unbelievable two and & 2.6 per cent respectively.</p>

<p>So even if we consider a case where voters get alienated from BJP, they don't see Congress as an option.</p>

<p>The game of politics is simple. You need to keep some compelling reason alive for voters to vote for you. This compelling reason is of two types - either you generate a feeling among voters on macro-level i.e. on the broad national level, or you should have the grip on the votes due to regional reasons.</p>

<p>Take the case of BJP. BJP commands vote on both the accounts. People believe that BJP is a strong organisation with strong central leadership and thus it succeeds. Moreover, since BJP has strong regional presence and leadership (like UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Madhya Paradesh CM Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Chhattisgarh CM Raman Singh) and in most part of India BJP connects with voters well on regional issues/sentiments, it commands votes on this aspect too.</p>

<p>Regional parties like Shiv Sena, Trinamool Congress, Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Telugu Desam Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal will keep floating for the time to come as they somehow or other will keep a connection on the ground with their understanding of the regional issues and their strong cadre at the grassroot level.</p>

<p>Congress fails miserably on both the accounts. They at this point in time, are far from being a national alternative under the almost non-existence central leadership. Over the years, weak leadership at the top has also resulted in steep depletion of its cadre across the nation. Barring Punjab, Rajasthan and to an extent Karnataka, Congress has completely lost base on the ground. The loss has gone to an extent and to a point that it is now more or less irreversible.</p>

<p>In this scenario, a united front under the leadership of Congress (read Rahul Gandhi) is highly improbable. Regional parties know the political acumen and patronage of Rahul Gandhi and simply shy away from any association with them. Taking a cue from the SP-Congress tie-up last year in UP assembly poll, regional parties now realise that any association with Congress will only weaken their regional selling points among voters. The crux is that regional parties may be interested to shake hand with anybody, but Congress.</p>

<p>So the way politics is going on these days and the way regional parties are trying to keep themselves afloat amid the Modi wave, it is likely that Congress will be left alone in the race and votes will get polarised towards BJP and regional parties in days to come.</p>

<p>It is high time that Congress leadership smells the coffee before it gets too late. By answering the questions of gatherings in Singapore and Malaysia, the Congress president will not garner support back home. He needs to make his party relevant for those who really matter i.e. Indian voters.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


Even if voters get alienated from BJP, they don't see Congress as an option.

There is state of political upheaval these days in the nation. Narendra Modi is standing tall and firm and he has sent ripples of insecurity among all political parties. Leaders are worried about their future. There is state of panic among parties opposed to BJP and everybody is willing to go to any extent to secure his political future. Sworn enemies are coming close and burying the hatchet deep. Just now, eternal die-hard enemies the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party joined hands for Gorakhpur & Phulpur by-elections. Ideologies and official party lines have gone for a toss. Raj Thackeray and Sharad Pawar are exploring each other for a possible tie-up. More bizarre is the fact that Trinamool Congress chief and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee called on Uddhav Thackeray when she visited Mumbai recently. This is ground-breaking as both parties have ideologies which are diametrically opposite to each other, literally. Regional satraps have their own ambitions. Everybody is trying to become the anti-Modi crusader. But it is very much visible that in all this jugglery Congress is going to be the biggest loser in days to come. It was so very well manifested in the recent Phulpur & Gorakhpur bypolls. In Phulpur and Gorakhpur during general elections in 2014, Congress begged a six per cent and four per cent votes. Forty five months down the line, in the recent bypolls, when there was a mass shifting of votes from the BJP's share, Congress's vote share further plummeted to an unbelievable two and & 2.6 per cent respectively. So even if we consider a case where voters get alienated from BJP, they don't see Congress as an option. The game of politics is simple. You need to keep some compelling reason alive for voters to vote for you. This compelling reason is of two types - either you generate a feeling among voters on macro-level i.e. on the broad national level, or you should have the grip on the votes due to regional reasons. Take the case of BJP. BJP commands vote on both the accounts. People believe that BJP is a strong organisation with strong central leadership and thus it succeeds. Moreover, since BJP has strong regional presence and leadership (like UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Madhya Paradesh CM Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Chhattisgarh CM Raman Singh) and in most part of India BJP connects with voters well on regional issues/sentiments, it commands votes on this aspect too. Regional parties like Shiv Sena, Trinamool Congress, Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Telugu Desam Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal will keep floating for the time to come as they somehow or other will keep a connection on the ground with their understanding of the regional issues and their strong cadre at the grassroot level. Congress fails miserably on both the accounts. They at this point in time, are far from being a national alternative under the almost non-existence central leadership. Over the years, weak leadership at the top has also resulted in steep depletion of its cadre across the nation. Barring Punjab, Rajasthan and to an extent Karnataka, Congress has completely lost base on the ground. The loss has gone to an extent and to a point that it is now more or less irreversible. In this scenario, a united front under the leadership of Congress (read Rahul Gandhi) is highly improbable. Regional parties know the political acumen and patronage of Rahul Gandhi and simply shy away from any association with them. Taking a cue from the SP-Congress tie-up last year in UP assembly poll, regional parties now realise that any association with Congress will only weaken their regional selling points among voters. The crux is that regional parties may be interested to shake hand with anybody, but Congress. So the way politics is going on these days and the way regional parties are trying to keep themselves afloat amid the Modi wave, it is likely that Congress will be left alone in the race and votes will get polarised towards BJP and regional parties in days to come. It is high time that Congress leadership smells the coffee before it gets too late. By answering the questions of gatherings in Singapore and Malaysia, the Congress president will not garner support back home. He needs to make his party relevant for those who really matter i.e. Indian voters. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: In current anti-Modi rhetoric by regional parties, Congress tends to be the biggest loser

<p>There is state of political upheaval these days in the nation. Narendra Modi is standing tall and firm and he has sent ripples of insecurity among all political parties. Leaders are worried about their future. There is state of panic among parties opposed to BJP and everybody is willing to go to any extent to secure his political future.</p>

<p>Sworn enemies are coming close and burying the hatchet deep. Just now, eternal die-hard enemies the Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party joined hands for Gorakhpur &amp; Phulpur by-elections.</p>

<p>Ideologies and official party lines have gone for a toss. Raj Thackeray and Sharad Pawar are exploring each other for a possible tie-up. More bizarre is the fact that Trinamool Congress chief and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee called on Uddhav Thackeray when she visited Mumbai recently. This is ground-breaking as both parties have ideologies which are diametrically opposite to each other, literally.</p>

<p>Regional satraps have their own ambitions. Everybody is trying to become the anti-Modi crusader.</p>

<p>But it is very much visible that in all this jugglery Congress is going to be the biggest loser in days to come. It was so very well manifested in the recent Phulpur &amp; Gorakhpur bypolls. In Phulpur and Gorakhpur during general elections in 2014, Congress begged a six per cent and four per cent votes. Forty five months down the line, in the recent bypolls, when there was a mass shifting of votes from the BJP&#39;s share, Congress&#39;s vote share further plummeted to an unbelievable two and &amp; 2.6 per cent respectively.</p>

<p>So even if we consider a case where voters get alienated from BJP, they don&#39;t see Congress as an option.</p>

<p>The game of politics is simple. You need to keep some compelling reason alive for voters to vote for you. This compelling reason is of two types - either you generate a feeling among voters on macro-level i.e. on the broad national level, or you should have the grip on the votes due to regional reasons.</p>

<p>Take the case of BJP. BJP commands vote on both the accounts. People believe that BJP is a strong organisation with strong central leadership and thus it succeeds. Moreover, since BJP has strong regional presence and leadership (like UP chief minister Yogi Adityanath, Madhya Paradesh CM Shivraj Singh Chouhan and Chhattisgarh CM Raman Singh) and in most part of India BJP connects with voters well on regional issues/sentiments, it commands votes on this aspect too.</p>

<p>Regional parties like Shiv Sena, Trinamool Congress, Samajwadi Party, Bahujan Samaj Party, Telugu Desam Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal will keep floating for the time to come as they somehow or other will keep a connection on the ground with their understanding of the regional issues and their strong cadre at the grassroot level.</p>

<p>Congress fails miserably on both the accounts. They at this point in time, are far from being a national alternative under the almost non-existence central leadership. Over the years, weak leadership at the top has also resulted in steep depletion of its cadre across the nation. Barring Punjab, Rajasthan and to an extent Karnataka, Congress has completely lost base on the ground. The loss has gone to an extent and to a point that it is now more or less irreversible.</p>

<p>In this scenario, a united front under the leadership of Congress (read Rahul Gandhi) is highly improbable. Regional parties know the political acumen and patronage of Rahul Gandhi and simply shy away from any association with them. Taking a cue from the SP-Congress tie-up last year in UP assembly poll, regional parties now realise that any association with Congress will only weaken their regional selling points among voters. The crux is that regional parties may be interested to shake hand with anybody, but Congress.</p>

<p>So the way politics is going on these days and the way regional parties are trying to keep themselves afloat amid the Modi wave, it is likely that Congress will be left alone in the race and votes will get polarised towards BJP and regional parties in days to come.</p>

<p>It is high time that Congress leadership smells the coffee before it gets too late. By answering the questions of gatherings in Singapore and Malaysia, the Congress president will not garner support back home. He needs to make his party relevant for those who really matter i.e. Indian voters.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


<p>Former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan today said reforms are likely to be put on the shelf till the next general elections but expressed hope that the country will move up to a &quot;higher plane of growth&quot; thereafter.</p>

<p>Rajan also raised concerns about employment generation, saying India&#39;s 7.5 per cent growth will not be able create good jobs for the 12 million people coming into the labour market every year.</p>

<p>The next general elections are scheduled in early 2019.</p>

<p>&quot;I think to some extent, reforms will be put on the shelf till the next election. But post-election, if we can accelerate this pace of reform, there&#39;s no reason why in two or three years we couldn&#39;t move up to a higher plane of growth,&quot; he said in an interview to CNBC.</p>

<p>Rajan, who is currently a professor of finance at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, further said India can move up from the 7.5 per cent growth, which is not enough to employ the 12 million people coming to the labour force every year in good jobs.</p>

<p>&quot;We can move up to maybe 10 per cent, provide some kind of source of demand for the work. We can do that but I think we need to work on it,&quot; he observed.</p>

<p>Rajan noted that reforms are happening in India but more slowly than one would wish.</p>

<p>&quot;That&#39;s potentially the cost of getting political agreement,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Noting that the world has become less receptive to exports, Rajan said,&quot; So if India becomes a manufacturing giant overnight, who&#39;s going to buy its stuff? So, India needs to think about its pathway of growth, it will be different from China&#39;s.&quot;&nbsp;</p>


Rajan, who is currently a professor of finance at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, further said India can move up from the 7.5 per cent growth, which is not enough to employ the 12 million people coming to the labour force every year in good jobs.

Former RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan today said reforms are likely to be put on the shelf till the next general elections but expressed hope that the country will move up to a "higher plane of growth" thereafter. Rajan also raised concerns about employment generation, saying India's 7.5 per cent growth will not be able create good jobs for the 12 million people coming into the labour market every year. The next general elections are scheduled in early 2019. "I think to some extent, reforms will be put on the shelf till the next election. But post-election, if we can accelerate this pace of reform, there's no reason why in two or three years we couldn't move up to a higher plane of growth," he said in an interview to CNBC. Rajan, who is currently a professor of finance at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, further said India can move up from the 7.5 per cent growth, which is not enough to employ the 12 million people coming to the labour force every year in good jobs. "We can move up to maybe 10 per cent, provide some kind of source of demand for the work. We can do that but I think we need to work on it," he observed. Rajan noted that reforms are happening in India but more slowly than one would wish. "That's potentially the cost of getting political agreement," he said. Noting that the world has become less receptive to exports, Rajan said," So if India becomes a manufacturing giant overnight, who's going to buy its stuff? So, India needs to think about its pathway of growth, it will be different from China's."

Reforms unlikely till next general election: Raghuram Rajan

<p>Political obituaries are easy to write but political events are far more difficult to predict.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Political parties rebound from losses and state elections are not the key to understanding the prevalent mood in the country. The BJP misunderstood the verdict of the assembly elections and called early national elections, only to lose them to the UPA in 2004. Similarly,&nbsp; the AAP misunderstood its resurgence and failed terribly in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.</p>

<p>But that does not mean that verdicts have no meaning at all.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Byelections indicate a trend and if capitalised on, can turn into tsunamis. Whether it was the re-election of Indira Gandhi from Medak in 1980 or of VP Singh from Allahabad in 1987, those byelections demonstrated the mood of the nation and the complacency of a party in a particular area.</p>

<p>In one case, it foretold the return of Indira and in the other, showcased the unity of the Opposition and the undoing of the Congress. The former ended Indira&rsquo;s political isolation while the latter led to Rajiv Gandhi&rsquo;s isolation the numbers being with him.</p>

<p>The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/uttar-pradesh-bypolls-up-shocker-sp-wins-both-yogi-bastion-of-gorakhpur-and-phulpur-seat-35824" target="_blank">Gorakhpur byelection</a> points in this direction.</p>

<p>The incumbent government is getting politically isolated. Political isolation is often a prelude to intense electoral Opposition directed against an individual.</p>

<p>The first time such phenomena was witnessed in India was while Indira Gandhi was Prime Minister.</p>

<p>Already rattled by the call of total revolution and an adverse court judgement, Indira imposed the Emergency. It united the Opposition and from Congress vs the rest, the battle turned into Indira vs the rest. Similarly, Rajiv Gandhi too faced an onslaught from his former colleagues on the charge of corruption and the entire Opposition fell in line, turning that tussle into Rajiv Gandhi vs the rest.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The same phenomenon is being witnessed today.</p>

<p>In both cases, before the loss at the hustings, Indira and Rajiv were politically isolated and bereft of any sympathy or support outside their own parties. Both times, senior leaders of the Congress jumped ship and joined the Opposition. Despite having the numbers and their achievements, those governments became lame-duck ones. And Indira and Rajiv became the target&nbsp;of ridicule and caustic campaigns which eroded their gravitas in public life. The results&nbsp;were mandates which ousted them from power.</p>

<p>The incumbent government also faces the spectre of political isolation from not only the Opposition but also its own allies.</p>

<p>The problem stems from its strength and not its weakness. Its allies are worried the BJP has not participated in the&nbsp;give-and-take that is part of a coalition government. For the Opposition meanwhile, it is matter of survival. And in all of this, Prime Minister Modi stands alone.</p>

<p>The general election is still a year away and the ideological contradictions of regional parties that band together may repel the electorate. The electorate may even stay with the BJP because of the lack of an Opposition prime ministerial candidate matching Modi&rsquo;s stature but that does not belie the fact that the BJP stands alone today.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


The BJP stands alone today, isolated not only from the Opposition but also its own allies

Political obituaries are easy to write but political events are far more difficult to predict. Political parties rebound from losses and state elections are not the key to understanding the prevalent mood in the country. The BJP misunderstood the verdict of the assembly elections and called early national elections, only to lose them to the UPA in 2004. Similarly, the AAP misunderstood its resurgence and failed terribly in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. But that does not mean that verdicts have no meaning at all. Byelections indicate a trend and if capitalised on, can turn into tsunamis. Whether it was the re-election of Indira Gandhi from Medak in 1980 or of VP Singh from Allahabad in 1987, those byelections demonstrated the mood of the nation and the complacency of a party in a particular area. In one case, it foretold the return of Indira and in the other, showcased the unity of the Opposition and the undoing of the Congress. The former ended Indira’s political isolation while the latter led to Rajiv Gandhi’s isolation the numbers being with him. The Gorakhpur byelection points in this direction. The incumbent government is getting politically isolated. Political isolation is often a prelude to intense electoral Opposition directed against an individual. The first time such phenomena was witnessed in India was while Indira Gandhi was Prime Minister. Already rattled by the call of total revolution and an adverse court judgement, Indira imposed the Emergency. It united the Opposition and from Congress vs the rest, the battle turned into Indira vs the rest. Similarly, Rajiv Gandhi too faced an onslaught from his former colleagues on the charge of corruption and the entire Opposition fell in line, turning that tussle into Rajiv Gandhi vs the rest. The same phenomenon is being witnessed today. In both cases, before the loss at the hustings, Indira and Rajiv were politically isolated and bereft of any sympathy or support outside their own parties. Both times, senior leaders of the Congress jumped ship and joined the Opposition. Despite having the numbers and their achievements, those governments became lame-duck ones. And Indira and Rajiv became the target of ridicule and caustic campaigns which eroded their gravitas in public life. The results were mandates which ousted them from power. The incumbent government also faces the spectre of political isolation from not only the Opposition but also its own allies. The problem stems from its strength and not its weakness. Its allies are worried the BJP has not participated in the give-and-take that is part of a coalition government. For the Opposition meanwhile, it is matter of survival. And in all of this, Prime Minister Modi stands alone. The general election is still a year away and the ideological contradictions of regional parties that band together may repel the electorate. The electorate may even stay with the BJP because of the lack of an Opposition prime ministerial candidate matching Modi’s stature but that does not belie the fact that the BJP stands alone today.

Will Modi be able to beat what seems like impending political isolation?

<p>Enthused by his party&#39;s strong showing in the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/akhilesh-yadav-thanks-voters-and-mayawati-after-the-win-lashes-out-at-bjp-35830" target="_blank">Gorakhpur and Phulpur </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/akhilesh-yadav-thanks-voters-and-mayawati-after-the-win-lashes-out-at-bjp-35830" target="_blank">bypolls</a>, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav indicated today that his party was keen on burying its bitter rivalry with Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party saying sometimes &quot;past incidents have to be forgotten&quot;.</p>

<p>Yadav, whose party wrested both the high-profile seats from the ruling BJP with BSP&#39;s backing, claimed the victory margin of his candidates would have been larger, had paper ballots been used.</p>

<p>Speaking to reporters here, Yadav also said that his party&#39;s relations with Congress too continued to be good.</p>

<p>Yesterday, in a scene which seemed unimaginable only till the recent past, Yadav had rushed to the residence of the BSP supremo shortly after his candidates emerged victorious and thanked her.</p>

<p>&quot;Samajwadis always give due respect to all and that is why today we have good relations with all. People were recalling old incidents but sometimes they have to be forgotten,&quot; Yadav told mediapersons here.</p>

<p>The SP and the BSP, bitter foes of UP politics, have been at daggers drawn ever since the infamous state guest house case of 1995. In June 1995, Samajwadi Party workers, who were angry with Mayawati for withdrawing support to Mulayam Singh Yadav, had targeted the BSP chief who was present at the state guest house on Meera Bai Marg here.</p>

<p>Following SP&#39;s win in the bypolls, there has been much speculation about UP&#39;s two biggest regional parties joining hands to take on a formidable BJP in the 2019 general elections.</p>

<p>On ties with the Congress, with which SP had an electoral truck in the last Assembly elections, Yadav said the good relations would continue.</p>

<p>&quot;We both are young and together will have to find a way out to the problems facing the country. Rahul Gandhi has congratulated me as well as other senior leaders and I have thanked them all,&quot; Yadav said referring to the Congress chief.</p>

<p>To a volley of questions on the future course of action, the SP chief remarked, &quot;No one can say anything about the future.&quot;</p>

<p>When his attention was drawn to the Congress campaigning against his party in the by polls, the former chief minister stressed &quot;only those who forget old things are successful.&quot;</p>

<p>He said the previous SP government in Uttar Pradesh presented an example of development before the country.</p>

<p>Despite the victory of his candidates, Yadav raised questions about EVMs.</p>

<p>&quot;Had the EVMs worked smoothly and no time was wasted, the victory margin of Samajwadis would have been much bigger. In several of them (EVM machines), votes had already been cast (even before the process of polling began). We have complained about it and Election Commission should take note of it,&quot; he alleged.</p>

<p>The ballot system is the best way of voting as it helps people vent their anger, he said.</p>

<p>&quot;The entire anger of the voters could not come out through the EVMs, had the ballot been used the impact of the anger would have been clear,&quot; he stressed.&nbsp;</p>


'Samajwadis always give due respect to all and that is why today we have good relations with all. People were recalling old incidents but sometimes they have to be forgotten,' Yadav told reporters

Enthused by his party's strong showing in the Gorakhpur and Phulpur bypolls, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav indicated today that his party was keen on burying its bitter rivalry with Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party saying sometimes "past incidents have to be forgotten". Yadav, whose party wrested both the high-profile seats from the ruling BJP with BSP's backing, claimed the victory margin of his candidates would have been larger, had paper ballots been used. Speaking to reporters here, Yadav also said that his party's relations with Congress too continued to be good. Yesterday, in a scene which seemed unimaginable only till the recent past, Yadav had rushed to the residence of the BSP supremo shortly after his candidates emerged victorious and thanked her. "Samajwadis always give due respect to all and that is why today we have good relations with all. People were recalling old incidents but sometimes they have to be forgotten," Yadav told mediapersons here. The SP and the BSP, bitter foes of UP politics, have been at daggers drawn ever since the infamous state guest house case of 1995. In June 1995, Samajwadi Party workers, who were angry with Mayawati for withdrawing support to Mulayam Singh Yadav, had targeted the BSP chief who was present at the state guest house on Meera Bai Marg here. Following SP's win in the bypolls, there has been much speculation about UP's two biggest regional parties joining hands to take on a formidable BJP in the 2019 general elections. On ties with the Congress, with which SP had an electoral truck in the last Assembly elections, Yadav said the good relations would continue. "We both are young and together will have to find a way out to the problems facing the country. Rahul Gandhi has congratulated me as well as other senior leaders and I have thanked them all," Yadav said referring to the Congress chief. To a volley of questions on the future course of action, the SP chief remarked, "No one can say anything about the future." When his attention was drawn to the Congress campaigning against his party in the by polls, the former chief minister stressed "only those who forget old things are successful." He said the previous SP government in Uttar Pradesh presented an example of development before the country. Despite the victory of his candidates, Yadav raised questions about EVMs. "Had the EVMs worked smoothly and no time was wasted, the victory margin of Samajwadis would have been much bigger. In several of them (EVM machines), votes had already been cast (even before the process of polling began). We have complained about it and Election Commission should take note of it," he alleged. The ballot system is the best way of voting as it helps people vent their anger, he said. "The entire anger of the voters could not come out through the EVMs, had the ballot been used the impact of the anger would have been clear," he stressed.

Let bygones be bygones, says SP's Akhilesh on past rivalry with BSP. Speculation grows if they will join forces for 2019

<p>Nepal&#39;s Communist parties have secured a majority of seats in the upper house of parliament, the election commission said Thursday, paving the way for the leftist alliance to form the next government two months after historic general elections.</p>

<p>The alliance of the main Communist party and former Maoist rebels won a strong majority in the indirectly elected upper house, according to results announced Thursday.</p>

<p>The results of the national vote held late last year have not yet been confirmed, but an incomplete tally suggests the alliance also secured a majority in the directly elected lower house.</p>

<p>Last year&#39;s landmark elections capped Nepal&#39;s rocky 11-year transition from monarchy to federal democracy after a brutal civil war between Maoist guerrillas and the state.</p>

<p>The elections were the first under the country&#39;s new post-war constitution, which sets out a sweeping overhaul of the political system, devolving significant power from the centre to the seven provinces.</p>

<p>The final results were delayed by disagreements over how the new election rules in the constitution should be implemented.</p>

<p>But the alliance is on course to take a majority of seats in the lower house of parliament, elected through a mix of first-past-the-post and proportional representation.</p>

<p>&quot;We hope the wait for a new prime minister will now be over,&quot; the English-language Republica newspaper said in an editorial.</p>

<p>The leader of the Communist CPN-UML, K.P. Sharma Oli, is tipped to be the next prime minister.</p>

<p>During his last term in office, relations between Nepal and its traditional ally India reached a nadir, as the Communist leader cosied up to China.</p>

<p>New Delhi appears determined to redress that balance and sent its foreign minister Sushma Swaraj to Kathmandu last week on a charm offensive.</p>

<p>India nearly doubled its aid to Nepal in its latest annual budget.</p>

<p>India has always had strong influence over its small northern neighbour, but in recent years Beijing has vastly outspent it, investing in large-scale infrastructure projects in Nepal.</p>

<p>The upper house is chosen by an electoral college of provincial lawmakers and other locally elected officials.</p>


The alliance of the main Communist party and former Maoist rebels won a strong majority in the indirectly elected upper house, according to results announced Thursday.

Nepal's Communist parties have secured a majority of seats in the upper house of parliament, the election commission said Thursday, paving the way for the leftist alliance to form the next government two months after historic general elections. The alliance of the main Communist party and former Maoist rebels won a strong majority in the indirectly elected upper house, according to results announced Thursday. The results of the national vote held late last year have not yet been confirmed, but an incomplete tally suggests the alliance also secured a majority in the directly elected lower house. Last year's landmark elections capped Nepal's rocky 11-year transition from monarchy to federal democracy after a brutal civil war between Maoist guerrillas and the state. The elections were the first under the country's new post-war constitution, which sets out a sweeping overhaul of the political system, devolving significant power from the centre to the seven provinces. The final results were delayed by disagreements over how the new election rules in the constitution should be implemented. But the alliance is on course to take a majority of seats in the lower house of parliament, elected through a mix of first-past-the-post and proportional representation. "We hope the wait for a new prime minister will now be over," the English-language Republica newspaper said in an editorial. The leader of the Communist CPN-UML, K.P. Sharma Oli, is tipped to be the next prime minister. During his last term in office, relations between Nepal and its traditional ally India reached a nadir, as the Communist leader cosied up to China. New Delhi appears determined to redress that balance and sent its foreign minister Sushma Swaraj to Kathmandu last week on a charm offensive. India nearly doubled its aid to Nepal in its latest annual budget. India has always had strong influence over its small northern neighbour, but in recent years Beijing has vastly outspent it, investing in large-scale infrastructure projects in Nepal. The upper house is chosen by an electoral college of provincial lawmakers and other locally elected officials.

Nepal Communist parties poised to take power

<p>Following the talks in Cairo, the Palestinian factions, including rival groups Hamas and Fatah, have agreed to hold a general election by the end of 2018.</p>

<p>The call for elections was made in a joint statement at the end of two days of closed-door talks in Cairo attended by representatives of 13 leading political parties, several media reports said.</p>

<p>According to the statement, the factions deferred the choice of a final date for the elections to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.</p>

<p>The Egyptian-sponsored agreement is aimed at ending the 10-year rift between them and calls on Hamas to cede power in the Gaza Strip to the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority (PA) by December 1, ending 10 years of Hamas rule over the enclave.</p>

<p>Hamas and Fatah had signed a reconciliation deal in October after the former agreed to hand over administrative control of Gaza.</p>

<p>However, Hamas still remains in control of security in the Gaza Strip. In addition, it appointed a number of its own government officials.</p>

<p>The Palestinian Authority has been accused of avoiding its commitments to reconciliation by Hamas simultaneously.</p>

<p>Abbas said previously he would lift the sanctions upon assuming control of Gaza.</p>

<p>According to the reports, the last Palestinian parliamentary elections were in 2006 and there have been no presidential elections since 2005.</p>


The call for elections was made in a joint statement at the end of two days of closed-door talks in Cairo attended by representatives of 13 leading political parties

Following the talks in Cairo, the Palestinian factions, including rival groups Hamas and Fatah, have agreed to hold a general election by the end of 2018. The call for elections was made in a joint statement at the end of two days of closed-door talks in Cairo attended by representatives of 13 leading political parties, several media reports said. According to the statement, the factions deferred the choice of a final date for the elections to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. The Egyptian-sponsored agreement is aimed at ending the 10-year rift between them and calls on Hamas to cede power in the Gaza Strip to the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority (PA) by December 1, ending 10 years of Hamas rule over the enclave. Hamas and Fatah had signed a reconciliation deal in October after the former agreed to hand over administrative control of Gaza. However, Hamas still remains in control of security in the Gaza Strip. In addition, it appointed a number of its own government officials. The Palestinian Authority has been accused of avoiding its commitments to reconciliation by Hamas simultaneously. Abbas said previously he would lift the sanctions upon assuming control of Gaza. According to the reports, the last Palestinian parliamentary elections were in 2006 and there have been no presidential elections since 2005.

Palestinian factions agree to hold general elections

<p>Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen challenged the United States on Sunday to cut all aid after it announced it was ending funding for a general election next year in response to the dissolution of the main opposition party, media reported.</p>

<p>Hun Sen, the strongman who has ruled Cambodia for more than three decades, has taken a strident anti-American line in an increasingly tense run-up to a 2018 election that has included a crackdown on critics, rights groups and independent media.</p>

<p>The United States announced on Friday it was ending funding for the election, and promised more &quot;concrete steps&quot;, after the Supreme Court dissolved the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) at the request of the government, on the grounds it was plotting to seize power.</p>

<p>The party denied the accusation.</p>

<p>The pro-government Fresh News website reported that Hun Sen said in a speech to garment workers that he welcomed the US&nbsp;aid cut and urged it cut it all.</p>

<p>&quot;Samdech Techo Hun Sen confirmed that cutting US&nbsp;aid won&#39;t kill the government but will only kill a group of people who serve American policies,&quot; Fresh News reported, using Hun Sen&#39;s official title.</p>

<p>It did not identify the people suspected of serving US&nbsp;policies but added:</p>

<p>&quot;Hun Sen ... welcomes and encourages the US&nbsp;to cut all aid.&quot;</p>

<p>The US&nbsp;embassy in Phnom Penh did not respond to a request for comment.</p>

<p>In April, the US&nbsp;embassy announced a $1.8 million grant to assist local elections this year and next year&#39;s general election.</p>

<p><strong>CHINESE SUPPORT</strong></p>

<p>The US&nbsp;State Department said on its website that US&nbsp;assistance to Cambodia for programmes in health, education, governance, economic growth and clearing unexploded ordnance was worth more than $77.6 million in 2014.</p>

<p>However, Chinese support for big-ticket projects has allowed Hun Sen to brush off Western criticism of his crackdown on dissent.</p>

<p>China vastly outspends the United States in a country once destroyed by Cold War superpower rivalry, and its money goes on highly visible infrastructure projects and with no demands for political reform.</p>

<p>In September, authorities arrested the CNRP leader, Kem Sokha, and charged him with treason over what they said was a plot to take power with US&nbsp;help. He denied any such plot.</p>

<p>The US&nbsp;State Department called on Friday for Cambodia to release him and reverse the decision to ban his party. The court also banned 118 party members from politics for five years.</p>

<p>Police have begun to take down CNRP signs from their offices across the country.</p>

<p>Mu Sochua, a senior CNRP member who moved abroad shortly before the party was banned, said Hun Sen was jeopardizing foreign investment.</p>

<p>&quot;Foreign investors serious about investing in Cambodia won&#39;t be coming and are, or will be, looking at an exit if they can&#39;t compete with China&#39;s monopoly in Cambodia because Hun Sen needs to pay back favours to China,&quot; she said.</p>

<p>Western countries, which for decades supported Cambodia&#39;s emergence from war and isolation, have shown little appetite for sanctions in response to the crackdown, but the European Union has raised the possibility of Cambodia losing trade preferences.</p>

<p>Tariff-free access to Europe for Cambodian garments - and similar trade preferences in the United States - have helped Cambodia build a garment industry on low-cost labour. EU and US&nbsp;buyers take some 60 percent of Cambodia&#39;s exports.</p>


Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen challenged the United States on Sunday to cut all aid after it announced it was ending funding for a general election next year in response to the dissolution of the main opposition party, media reported

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen challenged the United States on Sunday to cut all aid after it announced it was ending funding for a general election next year in response to the dissolution of the main opposition party, media reported. Hun Sen, the strongman who has ruled Cambodia for more than three decades, has taken a strident anti-American line in an increasingly tense run-up to a 2018 election that has included a crackdown on critics, rights groups and independent media. The United States announced on Friday it was ending funding for the election, and promised more "concrete steps", after the Supreme Court dissolved the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) at the request of the government, on the grounds it was plotting to seize power. The party denied the accusation. The pro-government Fresh News website reported that Hun Sen said in a speech to garment workers that he welcomed the US aid cut and urged it cut it all. "Samdech Techo Hun Sen confirmed that cutting US aid won't kill the government but will only kill a group of people who serve American policies," Fresh News reported, using Hun Sen's official title. It did not identify the people suspected of serving US policies but added: "Hun Sen ... welcomes and encourages the US to cut all aid." The US embassy in Phnom Penh did not respond to a request for comment. In April, the US embassy announced a $1.8 million grant to assist local elections this year and next year's general election. CHINESE SUPPORT The US State Department said on its website that US assistance to Cambodia for programmes in health, education, governance, economic growth and clearing unexploded ordnance was worth more than $77.6 million in 2014. However, Chinese support for big-ticket projects has allowed Hun Sen to brush off Western criticism of his crackdown on dissent. China vastly outspends the United States in a country once destroyed by Cold War superpower rivalry, and its money goes on highly visible infrastructure projects and with no demands for political reform. In September, authorities arrested the CNRP leader, Kem Sokha, and charged him with treason over what they said was a plot to take power with US help. He denied any such plot. The US State Department called on Friday for Cambodia to release him and reverse the decision to ban his party. The court also banned 118 party members from politics for five years. Police have begun to take down CNRP signs from their offices across the country. Mu Sochua, a senior CNRP member who moved abroad shortly before the party was banned, said Hun Sen was jeopardizing foreign investment. "Foreign investors serious about investing in Cambodia won't be coming and are, or will be, looking at an exit if they can't compete with China's monopoly in Cambodia because Hun Sen needs to pay back favours to China," she said. Western countries, which for decades supported Cambodia's emergence from war and isolation, have shown little appetite for sanctions in response to the crackdown, but the European Union has raised the possibility of Cambodia losing trade preferences. Tariff-free access to Europe for Cambodian garments - and similar trade preferences in the United States - have helped Cambodia build a garment industry on low-cost labour. EU and US buyers take some 60 percent of Cambodia's exports.

Defiant Hun Sen tells US to cut all aid to Cambodia

<p>BJP&rsquo;s incessant attempts to check the feasibility to hold simultaneous state and general elections are worrisome. Modi has a knack of catching the opposition napping. More than the Congress and other opposition parties, it&rsquo;s the voters who should be worried about it since this is an attack on the fundamentals of our Constitution and voting rights.</p>

<p>If an Idea saves the government hundreds of thousands public exchequer and makes the process easier, save time and energy of those participating in election preparations, wouldn&rsquo;t it be a great one? Well, not really if it curtails the fundamental rights of the voters and the elected state assembly.</p>

<p>The Election commission of India&rsquo;s (ECI) assurance on Oct 5 to the Modi government that it was ready to hold simultaneous state and national polls by September 2018, may have come as a surprise to many but Prime Minister Modi and his government had given enough indications of this in last year or so. So much so, Mr Modi and BJP, along with the institutions, seems to have made up their mind to bring the idea into reality, much to the chagrin of the essential idea of democracy.</p>

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<p><strong>Modi&rsquo;s incessant pitch for simultaneous polls</strong></p>

<p>A month before ECI&rsquo;s assurance, on August 27, the NITI Ayog &mdash;India&rsquo;s planning commission released a report summarizing that all elections in India should happen in a free, fair and synchronized manner to ensure minimum &quot;campaign mode&quot; disruption to governance. Calling it in the &ldquo;National Interest,&quot; the commission had recommended forming an experts committee to work out an appropriate model and had urged Election Commission to set up the timeline for achieving this. Interestingly, within days of this report, the Vice-chairman Arvind Panagariya had resigned from the commission.</p>

<p>But NITI Ayog&rsquo;s report was totally in line with Prime minister Modi&rsquo;s pitch for holding the state and national elections together. Speaking in the Parliament in February in response to President Mukherjee&rsquo;s address, Mr Modi had spoken how the election expenditure of Rs 1,100 crore in 2009 Lok Sabha shot up four-fold to Rs 4,000 crore in 2014. While agreeing that the process may not be easy, Mr Modi had said, &ldquo;Few will lose some and others will lose more, but parties will have to come together to achieve this.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Ex-President Mr Pranab Mukherjee too, who Mr Modi fondly called a father figure, had supported the demand that the elections be held simultaneously. It appears that the Modi government has been doing extensive groundwork with various constitutional bodies to check the feasibility.</p>

<p><strong>Arguments in </strong><strong>favour</strong><strong> of the simultaneous polls</strong></p>

<p>The votaries of this idea have given two major advantages of making a &lsquo;one-time&rsquo; change in the process to synchronize the polls.&nbsp;</p>

<p>One, the huge cost of holding elections can be saved by holding polls together &mdash;since some of the state and national polls are just months apart. And two, there will be a continued focus on governance from the politicians than the &ldquo;disruptions of election campaigns&rdquo; and thereby reduced the time of model code of conduct that restricts the government schemes.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Take for instance the Maharashtra Assembly elections that took place in September 2014 right after the General elections of May 2014. The four-month gap, it is being argued that, resulted in huge loss of state exchequer.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Even former election commission Mr S. Y. Quraishi - was for this idea except that he thought the Constitutional amendment to effect this would not come easy.</p>

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<p><strong>Why joint election is a serious threat to Federalism and Voting rights</strong></p>

<p>Although the so-called benefits of simultaneous polls look extremely lucrative, a close look at the electoral process and democracy reveals that this is only a grave danger subtly served with sugar of convenience and cost saving.<br />
The election commission mentioned that six states including Gujarat are going to Poll next year. The simultaneous elections are possible only if the Loksabha Polls, due in 2019, are advanced by a year to 2018. Or Alternatively, terms of assemblies like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh are extended by one year (The term expires in March) and also to curtail the assemblies of the states such as Maharashtra and Haryana by few months in order to have joint elections along with Loksabha polls.</p>

<p>Renowned Supreme Court lawyer Karuna Nundy cautions against the curtailment of state assembly terms. &ldquo;There are state Governments whose term will extend beyond 2019. Those cannot be dissolved to align the State and Union elections unless this government and Parliament jump through some very unlikely constitutional hoops. For this reason, I don&#39;t believe this will happen, it&#39;ll be too strong a strike against federalism.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Ms Nundy&rsquo;s fear of strong strike against federalism is not unfounded. Although the center can use Article 356 to dismiss the elected state governments and impose President&#39;s rule under rare circumstances, curtailing the term for convenience would be very difficult to get across the parliament and legal hurdles.</p>

<p><strong>But what if the amendment gets passed? Will the common voter gain anything by using his voting rights </strong><strong>fewer</strong><strong> number of times? What about his choice of two different parties for state and national level?&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>In the Delhi Assembly elections of Feb 2015, it was reported that many BJP voters who voted for Modi in 2014 chose Aam Admi party to take care of Delhi. In a simultaneous election, Delhi would have seen BJP government both at the state and the center. Thus, restricting Voters changing choices based on performance.</p>

<p>Payal Gaikwad, Constitutional Expert and Supreme Court lawyer stresses on the right of voters to get multiple chances to decide best options. She says, &ldquo;Elections have always been a turning point in this country. The Constitution mentions that elections are to be held in every 5 years, in both, the centre and the state but was silent over that it should happen simultaneously. Periodical elections give chance to people, to assess the performance of the candidate as well as the party. In Bihar assembly polls in 2015, wherein people changed the mandate and voted BJP out of the state despite giving it full mandate in 2014 Loksabha elections&rdquo;</p>

<p>If it was not for separate elections, both Delhi, Bihar and Karnataka would have seen BJP governments in the state as well, given that Modi was riding on a strong wave. But the local issues, voters basic amenities would have been sidelined in presence of strong nationwide waves.</p>

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<p>Bihar and Delhi election debacles did help in giving a break to BJP&rsquo;s ambitious plan of an opposition-free country. It forced them to rethink their strategies.</p>

<p>Nitin Meshram, Supreme Court advocate strongly opposes any such move and criticisms the much-touted cost saving. He says, &ldquo;We are in a shared federalism. Expenses on state exchequer is a malicious propaganda to prevent the enrolling of democracy in the society. More mature voters who are difficult to be emotionally fooled.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Bahujan Samaj Party founder Kanshi Ram famously called for elections frequently. He maintained that he prefers majbur sarkar (weak government) and not a majboot sarkar (strong government) since he thought a weak government will do more for the people if it sees that elections are round the corner.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Nitin Meshram tends to agree to this. He says &ldquo; if the elections are held at once for both &nbsp;Parliament &amp; Assemblies, the political parties, their leaders &amp; elected representatives would become absolutely arrogant, unresponsive &amp; hostile to the common public. It will also ensure widespread &amp; massive corruption by the political parties, its leaders &amp; by government agents.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Is India the only democracy where separate elections happen in general elections and state elections? The United States, often juxtaposed with Indian Democracy, have mid-term elections for Senate and Congress. The elections take place for many Senators and Congressmen two years after the Presidential elections are done. This significantly changes the majority in Senate and house halfway through the President&#39;s term. An election setback helps the President review its policies and pay more attention to the internal issues. During his first term, President Obama lost the control of Senate and House but this acted as a reality check and the President and his party worked hard to get re-elected for the second term.</p>

<p>Whether its L.K. Advani asking people to vote for only National parties (even if it meant voting Congress), Mr Vajpayee setting up Constitution review committee or the party repeatedly asking to fix the five-year term for the state assemblies and Parliament, BJP has long wanted to do away with established Constitutional norms. But BJP&rsquo;s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy.</p>

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<p><strong>But why is BJP hell-bent on doing it this time?</strong></p>

<p>Well, the party has the majority in Loksabha and secured majority with regional parties so this is the best for it to go for any legislation. Also, after demonetisation, the BJP is best placed financially to fight elections at any time.</p>

<p>But the effects of anti-incumbency are now widely seen, with social media slowly turning against BJP and opposition trying to make a slow comeback, BJP may not want to give sufficient time for them to recover and may announce early general elections by &ldquo;sacrificing&rdquo; his coveted post for few months in the &ldquo;National Interest&rdquo;.</p>

<p>The simultaneous elections amendment will in effect mean fixing a five-year term for the governments. India&rsquo;s opposition parties must rise to this occasion and fight this inevitable attack on the fundamentals of the Constitution, Federalism and the basic rights of the voters. Their failure will lead India to a Political Autocracy in the guise of stability and maximum governance.</p>


Modi government persistent to hold General and State elections together to secure a five-year term

BJP’s incessant attempts to check the feasibility to hold simultaneous state and general elections are worrisome. Modi has a knack of catching the opposition napping. More than the Congress and other opposition parties, it’s the voters who should be worried about it since this is an attack on the fundamentals of our Constitution and voting rights. If an Idea saves the government hundreds of thousands public exchequer and makes the process easier, save time and energy of those participating in election preparations, wouldn’t it be a great one? Well, not really if it curtails the fundamental rights of the voters and the elected state assembly. The Election commission of India’s (ECI) assurance on Oct 5 to the Modi government that it was ready to hold simultaneous state and national polls by September 2018, may have come as a surprise to many but Prime Minister Modi and his government had given enough indications of this in last year or so. So much so, Mr Modi and BJP, along with the institutions, seems to have made up their mind to bring the idea into reality, much to the chagrin of the essential idea of democracy. Prime minister Modi pitch for holding the state and national elections together. × Modi’s incessant pitch for simultaneous polls A month before ECI’s assurance, on August 27, the NITI Ayog —India’s planning commission released a report summarizing that all elections in India should happen in a free, fair and synchronized manner to ensure minimum "campaign mode" disruption to governance. Calling it in the “National Interest," the commission had recommended forming an experts committee to work out an appropriate model and had urged Election Commission to set up the timeline for achieving this. Interestingly, within days of this report, the Vice-chairman Arvind Panagariya had resigned from the commission. But NITI Ayog’s report was totally in line with Prime minister Modi’s pitch for holding the state and national elections together. Speaking in the Parliament in February in response to President Mukherjee’s address, Mr Modi had spoken how the election expenditure of Rs 1,100 crore in 2009 Lok Sabha shot up four-fold to Rs 4,000 crore in 2014. While agreeing that the process may not be easy, Mr Modi had said, “Few will lose some and others will lose more, but parties will have to come together to achieve this.” Ex-President Mr Pranab Mukherjee too, who Mr Modi fondly called a father figure, had supported the demand that the elections be held simultaneously. It appears that the Modi government has been doing extensive groundwork with various constitutional bodies to check the feasibility. Arguments in favour of the simultaneous polls The votaries of this idea have given two major advantages of making a ‘one-time’ change in the process to synchronize the polls. One, the huge cost of holding elections can be saved by holding polls together —since some of the state and national polls are just months apart. And two, there will be a continued focus on governance from the politicians than the “disruptions of election campaigns” and thereby reduced the time of model code of conduct that restricts the government schemes. Take for instance the Maharashtra Assembly elections that took place in September 2014 right after the General elections of May 2014. The four-month gap, it is being argued that, resulted in huge loss of state exchequer. Even former election commission Mr S. Y. Quraishi - was for this idea except that he thought the Constitutional amendment to effect this would not come easy. The center can use Article 356 to dismiss the elected state governments and impose President's rule under rare circumstances. × Why joint election is a serious threat to Federalism and Voting rights Although the so-called benefits of simultaneous polls look extremely lucrative, a close look at the electoral process and democracy reveals that this is only a grave danger subtly served with sugar of convenience and cost saving. The election commission mentioned that six states including Gujarat are going to Poll next year. The simultaneous elections are possible only if the Loksabha Polls, due in 2019, are advanced by a year to 2018. Or Alternatively, terms of assemblies like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh are extended by one year (The term expires in March) and also to curtail the assemblies of the states such as Maharashtra and Haryana by few months in order to have joint elections along with Loksabha polls. Renowned Supreme Court lawyer Karuna Nundy cautions against the curtailment of state assembly terms. “There are state Governments whose term will extend beyond 2019. Those cannot be dissolved to align the State and Union elections unless this government and Parliament jump through some very unlikely constitutional hoops. For this reason, I don't believe this will happen, it'll be too strong a strike against federalism.” Ms Nundy’s fear of strong strike against federalism is not unfounded. Although the center can use Article 356 to dismiss the elected state governments and impose President's rule under rare circumstances, curtailing the term for convenience would be very difficult to get across the parliament and legal hurdles. But what if the amendment gets passed? Will the common voter gain anything by using his voting rights fewer number of times? What about his choice of two different parties for state and national level? In the Delhi Assembly elections of Feb 2015, it was reported that many BJP voters who voted for Modi in 2014 chose Aam Admi party to take care of Delhi. In a simultaneous election, Delhi would have seen BJP government both at the state and the center. Thus, restricting Voters changing choices based on performance. Payal Gaikwad, Constitutional Expert and Supreme Court lawyer stresses on the right of voters to get multiple chances to decide best options. She says, “Elections have always been a turning point in this country. The Constitution mentions that elections are to be held in every 5 years, in both, the centre and the state but was silent over that it should happen simultaneously. Periodical elections give chance to people, to assess the performance of the candidate as well as the party. In Bihar assembly polls in 2015, wherein people changed the mandate and voted BJP out of the state despite giving it full mandate in 2014 Loksabha elections” If it was not for separate elections, both Delhi, Bihar and Karnataka would have seen BJP governments in the state as well, given that Modi was riding on a strong wave. But the local issues, voters basic amenities would have been sidelined in presence of strong nationwide waves. BJP’s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy. × Bihar and Delhi election debacles did help in giving a break to BJP’s ambitious plan of an opposition-free country. It forced them to rethink their strategies. Nitin Meshram, Supreme Court advocate strongly opposes any such move and criticisms the much-touted cost saving. He says, “We are in a shared federalism. Expenses on state exchequer is a malicious propaganda to prevent the enrolling of democracy in the society. More mature voters who are difficult to be emotionally fooled.” Bahujan Samaj Party founder Kanshi Ram famously called for elections frequently. He maintained that he prefers majbur sarkar (weak government) and not a majboot sarkar (strong government) since he thought a weak government will do more for the people if it sees that elections are round the corner. Nitin Meshram tends to agree to this. He says “ if the elections are held at once for both Parliament & Assemblies, the political parties, their leaders & elected representatives would become absolutely arrogant, unresponsive & hostile to the common public. It will also ensure widespread & massive corruption by the political parties, its leaders & by government agents.” Is India the only democracy where separate elections happen in general elections and state elections? The United States, often juxtaposed with Indian Democracy, have mid-term elections for Senate and Congress. The elections take place for many Senators and Congressmen two years after the Presidential elections are done. This significantly changes the majority in Senate and house halfway through the President's term. An election setback helps the President review its policies and pay more attention to the internal issues. During his first term, President Obama lost the control of Senate and House but this acted as a reality check and the President and his party worked hard to get re-elected for the second term. Whether its L.K. Advani asking people to vote for only National parties (even if it meant voting Congress), Mr Vajpayee setting up Constitution review committee or the party repeatedly asking to fix the five-year term for the state assemblies and Parliament, BJP has long wanted to do away with established Constitutional norms. But BJP’s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy. The simultaneous elections amendment will in effect mean fixing a five-year term for the governments. × But why is BJP hell-bent on doing it this time? Well, the party has the majority in Loksabha and secured majority with regional parties so this is the best for it to go for any legislation. Also, after demonetisation, the BJP is best placed financially to fight elections at any time. But the effects of anti-incumbency are now widely seen, with social media slowly turning against BJP and opposition trying to make a slow comeback, BJP may not want to give sufficient time for them to recover and may announce early general elections by “sacrificing” his coveted post for few months in the “National Interest”. The simultaneous elections amendment will in effect mean fixing a five-year term for the governments. India’s opposition parties must rise to this occasion and fight this inevitable attack on the fundamentals of the Constitution, Federalism and the basic rights of the voters. Their failure will lead India to a Political Autocracy in the guise of stability and maximum governance.

Simultaneous elections: New reform or an inescapable attack on the constitution and basic voting rights?

<p>BJP&rsquo;s incessant attempts to check the feasibility to hold simultaneous state and general elections are worrisome. Prime Minister Modi has a knack of catching the Opposition napping. More than the Congress and other Opposition parties, it&rsquo;s the voters who should be worried about it since this is an attack on the fundamentals of our Constitution and voting rights.</p>

<p>If an idea saves the government hundreds of thousands public exchequer and makes the process easier, save time and energy of those participating in election preparations, wouldn&rsquo;t it be a great one?</p>

<p>Well, not really if it curtails the fundamental rights of the voters and the elected state assembly.</p>

<p>The Election Commission of India&rsquo;s (ECI) assurance on October 5 to the Modi government that it was ready to hold simultaneous state and national polls by September 2018 may have come as a surprise to many. However, Prime Minister Modi and his government had given enough indications of this in last year or so. So much so, Mr Modi and BJP, along with the institutions, seems to have made up their mind to bring the idea into reality, much to the chagrin of the essential idea of democracy.Mr Modi and BJP, along with the institutions, seems to have made up their mind to bring the idea into reality, much to the chagrin of the essential idea of democracy.</p>

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</blockquote>
</div>

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<p><strong>Modi&rsquo;s incessant pitch for simultaneous polls</strong></p>

<p>A month before ECI&rsquo;s assurance, on August 27, the NITI Ayog &mdash;India&rsquo;s planning commission released a report summarising that all elections in India should happen in a free, fair and synchronised manner to ensure minimum &quot;campaign mode&quot; disruption to governance. Calling it in the &ldquo;national interest,&quot; the commission had recommended forming an experts committee to work out an appropriate model and had urged Election Commission to set up the timeline for achieving this. Interestingly, within days of this report, the Vice-chairman Arvind Panagariya had resigned from the commission.</p>

<p>But NITI Ayog&rsquo;s report was totally in line with Prime minister Modi&rsquo;s pitch for holding the state and national elections together. Speaking in the Parliament in February in response to President Mukherjee&rsquo;s address, Mr Modi had spoken how the election expenditure of Rs 1,100 crore in 2009 Lok Sabha shot up four-fold to Rs 4,000 crore in 2014. While agreeing that the process may not be easy, Mr Modi had said, &ldquo;Few will lose some and others will lose more, but parties will have to come together to achieve this.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Ex-President Mr Pranab Mukherjee too, who Mr Modi fondly called a father figure, had supported the demand that the elections be held simultaneously. It appears that the Modi government has been doing extensive groundwork with various constitutional bodies to check the feasibility.</p>

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<p><strong>Arguments in favour</strong><strong> of the simultaneous polls</strong></p>

<p>The votaries of this idea have given two major advantages of making a &lsquo;one-time&rsquo; change in the process to synchronise the polls.&nbsp;</p>

<p>One, the huge cost of holding elections can be saved by holding polls together &mdash;since some of the state and national polls are just months apart. And two, there will be a continued focus on governance from the politicians rather than the &ldquo;disruptions of election campaigns&rdquo;. Also, it will reduce&nbsp;the time of model code of conduct that restricts the government schemes.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Take for instance the Maharashtra Assembly elections that took place in September 2014 right after the General elections of May 2014. The four-month gap, arguably, resulted in a huge loss of state exchequer.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Even former Election Commissioner&nbsp;Mr S. Y. Quraishi was in support of this idea except that he thought the constitutional amendment to effect this would not come easy.</p>

<p><strong>Why joint election is a serious threat to federalism and voting rights</strong></p>

<p>Although the so-called benefits of simultaneous polls look extremely lucrative, a close look at the electoral process and democracy reveals that this is only a grave danger subtly served with sugar of convenience and cost saving.</p>

<p>The Election Commission mentioned that six states, including Gujarat are going to the poll next year. The simultaneous elections are possible only if the Loksabha polls, due in 2019, are advanced by a year to 2018. Or alternatively, terms of assemblies in states like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh are extended by one year (The term expires in March) and also to curtail the assemblies of the states, such as Maharashtra and Haryana by few months in order to have joint elections along with Loksabha polls.</p>

<p>Renowned Supreme Court lawyer Karuna Nundy cautions against the curtailment of state assembly terms. &ldquo;There are state governments whose term will extend beyond 2019. Those cannot be dissolved to align the State and Union elections unless this government and Parliament jump through some very unlikely constitutional hoops. For this reason, I don&#39;t believe this will happen, it&#39;ll be too strong a strike against federalism.&rdquo;</p>

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<h5>If it was not for separate elections, both Delhi, Bihar and Karnataka would have seen BJP governments in the state as well, given that Modi was riding on a strong wave.</h5>
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<p>Ms Nundy&rsquo;s fear of strong strike against federalism is not unfounded. Although the center can use Article 356 to dismiss the elected state governments and impose President&#39;s rule under rare circumstances, curtailing the term for convenience would be very difficult to get across the parliament and legal hurdles.</p>

<p><strong>But what if the amendment gets passed? </strong></p>

<p>Will the common voter gain anything by using his voting rights a&nbsp;fewer number of times? What about his choice of two different parties for state and national level?&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the Delhi Assembly elections of February 2015, it was reported that many BJP voters who voted for Modi in 2014 chose Aam Admi party to take care of Delhi. In case of a simultaneous election, Delhi would have seen BJP government both at the state and the center. Thus, restricting voters changing choices based on performance.</p>

<p>Payal Gaikwad, constitutional expert and Supreme Court lawyer stresses on the right of voters to get multiple chances to decide best options. She says, &ldquo;Elections have always been a turning point in this country. The Constitution mentions that elections are to be held in every 5 years, in both, the centre and the state but was silent over that it should happen simultaneously. Periodical elections give chance to people, to assess the performance of the candidate as well as the party. In Bihar assembly polls in 2015, wherein people changed the mandate and voted BJP out of the state despite giving it full mandate in 2014 Loksabha elections&rdquo;</p>

<p>If it was not for separate elections, both Delhi, Bihar and Karnataka would have seen BJP governments in the state as well, given that Modi was riding on a strong wave. But the local issues and voters basic amenities would have been sidelined in presence of strong nationwide waves.</p>

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<h5>BJP&rsquo;s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy.</h5>
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<p>Bihar and Delhi election debacles did help in giving a break to BJP&rsquo;s ambitious plan of an opposition-free country. It forced them to rethink their strategies.</p>

<p>Nitin Meshram, Supreme Court advocate strongly opposes any such move and criticise the much-touted cost saving. He says, &ldquo;We are in a shared federalism. Expenses on state exchequer is a malicious propaganda to prevent the enrolling of democracy in the society. More mature voters who are difficult to be emotionally fooled.&rdquo;</p>

<p>Bahujan Samaj Party founder Kanshi Ram famously called for elections frequently. He maintained that he prefers majbur sarkar (weak government) and not a majboot sarkar (strong government) since he thought a weak government will do more for the people if it sees that elections are round the corner.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Nitin Meshram tends to agree to this. He says &ldquo; if the elections are held at once for both &nbsp;Parliament &amp; Assemblies, the political parties, their leaders &amp; elected representatives would become absolutely arrogant, unresponsive &amp; hostile to the common public. It will also ensure widespread and massive corruption by the political parties, its leaders and by government agents.&rdquo;</p>

<p><strong>Is India the only democracy where separate elections happen? </strong></p>

<p>The United States, often juxtaposed with Indian Democracy, have mid-term elections for Senate and Congress. The elections take place for many Senators and Congressmen two years after the Presidential elections are done. This significantly changes the majority in Senate and Congress halfway through the president&#39;s term. An election setback helps the president review its policies and pay more attention to the internal issues. During his first term, President Obama lost the control of Senate and House but this acted as a reality check and the president and his party worked hard to get re-elected for the second term.</p>

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<p>Whether its L.K. Advani asking people to vote for only national parties (even if it meant voting Congress), Mr Vajpayee setting up constitution review committee or the party repeatedly asking to fix the five-year term for the state assemblies and Parliament, BJP has long wanted to do away with established constitutional norms. But BJP&rsquo;s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy.</p>

<p><strong>But why is BJP hell-bent on doing it this time?</strong></p>

<p>Well, the party has the majority in Loksabha, so this is the best time for it to go for any legislation. Also, after demonetisation, the BJP is best placed financially to fight elections at any time.</p>

<p>But the effects of anti-incumbency are now widely seen, with social media slowly turning against BJP and the Opposition trying to make a slow comeback. BJP may not want to give sufficient time for them to recover and may announce early general elections.</p>

<p>The simultaneous election&nbsp;amendment will in effect mean fixing a five-year term for the governments. India&rsquo;s Opposition parties must rise to this occasion and fight this inevitable attack on the fundamentals of the Constitution, Federalism and the basic rights of the voters. Their failure will lead India to a political autocracy in the guise of stability and maximum governance.</p>


Periodical elections, rather than simultaneous elections in the center and the state, give chance to people to assess the performance of the candidate as well as the party.

BJP’s incessant attempts to check the feasibility to hold simultaneous state and general elections are worrisome. Prime Minister Modi has a knack of catching the Opposition napping. More than the Congress and other Opposition parties, it’s the voters who should be worried about it since this is an attack on the fundamentals of our Constitution and voting rights. If an idea saves the government hundreds of thousands public exchequer and makes the process easier, save time and energy of those participating in election preparations, wouldn’t it be a great one? Well, not really if it curtails the fundamental rights of the voters and the elected state assembly. The Election Commission of India’s (ECI) assurance on October 5 to the Modi government that it was ready to hold simultaneous state and national polls by September 2018 may have come as a surprise to many. However, Prime Minister Modi and his government had given enough indications of this in last year or so. So much so, Mr Modi and BJP, along with the institutions, seems to have made up their mind to bring the idea into reality, much to the chagrin of the essential idea of democracy.Mr Modi and BJP, along with the institutions, seems to have made up their mind to bring the idea into reality, much to the chagrin of the essential idea of democracy. Prime minister Modi pitch for holding the state and national elections together. × Modi’s incessant pitch for simultaneous polls A month before ECI’s assurance, on August 27, the NITI Ayog —India’s planning commission released a report summarising that all elections in India should happen in a free, fair and synchronised manner to ensure minimum "campaign mode" disruption to governance. Calling it in the “national interest," the commission had recommended forming an experts committee to work out an appropriate model and had urged Election Commission to set up the timeline for achieving this. Interestingly, within days of this report, the Vice-chairman Arvind Panagariya had resigned from the commission. But NITI Ayog’s report was totally in line with Prime minister Modi’s pitch for holding the state and national elections together. Speaking in the Parliament in February in response to President Mukherjee’s address, Mr Modi had spoken how the election expenditure of Rs 1,100 crore in 2009 Lok Sabha shot up four-fold to Rs 4,000 crore in 2014. While agreeing that the process may not be easy, Mr Modi had said, “Few will lose some and others will lose more, but parties will have to come together to achieve this.” Ex-President Mr Pranab Mukherjee too, who Mr Modi fondly called a father figure, had supported the demand that the elections be held simultaneously. It appears that the Modi government has been doing extensive groundwork with various constitutional bodies to check the feasibility. The huge cost of holding elections can be saved by holding polls together × Arguments in favour of the simultaneous polls The votaries of this idea have given two major advantages of making a ‘one-time’ change in the process to synchronise the polls. One, the huge cost of holding elections can be saved by holding polls together —since some of the state and national polls are just months apart. And two, there will be a continued focus on governance from the politicians rather than the “disruptions of election campaigns”. Also, it will reduce the time of model code of conduct that restricts the government schemes. Take for instance the Maharashtra Assembly elections that took place in September 2014 right after the General elections of May 2014. The four-month gap, arguably, resulted in a huge loss of state exchequer. Even former Election Commissioner Mr S. Y. Quraishi was in support of this idea except that he thought the constitutional amendment to effect this would not come easy. Why joint election is a serious threat to federalism and voting rights Although the so-called benefits of simultaneous polls look extremely lucrative, a close look at the electoral process and democracy reveals that this is only a grave danger subtly served with sugar of convenience and cost saving. The Election Commission mentioned that six states, including Gujarat are going to the poll next year. The simultaneous elections are possible only if the Loksabha polls, due in 2019, are advanced by a year to 2018. Or alternatively, terms of assemblies in states like Karnataka or Madhya Pradesh are extended by one year (The term expires in March) and also to curtail the assemblies of the states, such as Maharashtra and Haryana by few months in order to have joint elections along with Loksabha polls. Renowned Supreme Court lawyer Karuna Nundy cautions against the curtailment of state assembly terms. “There are state governments whose term will extend beyond 2019. Those cannot be dissolved to align the State and Union elections unless this government and Parliament jump through some very unlikely constitutional hoops. For this reason, I don't believe this will happen, it'll be too strong a strike against federalism.” If it was not for separate elections, both Delhi, Bihar and Karnataka would have seen BJP governments in the state as well, given that Modi was riding on a strong wave. × Ms Nundy’s fear of strong strike against federalism is not unfounded. Although the center can use Article 356 to dismiss the elected state governments and impose President's rule under rare circumstances, curtailing the term for convenience would be very difficult to get across the parliament and legal hurdles. But what if the amendment gets passed? Will the common voter gain anything by using his voting rights a fewer number of times? What about his choice of two different parties for state and national level? In the Delhi Assembly elections of February 2015, it was reported that many BJP voters who voted for Modi in 2014 chose Aam Admi party to take care of Delhi. In case of a simultaneous election, Delhi would have seen BJP government both at the state and the center. Thus, restricting voters changing choices based on performance. Payal Gaikwad, constitutional expert and Supreme Court lawyer stresses on the right of voters to get multiple chances to decide best options. She says, “Elections have always been a turning point in this country. The Constitution mentions that elections are to be held in every 5 years, in both, the centre and the state but was silent over that it should happen simultaneously. Periodical elections give chance to people, to assess the performance of the candidate as well as the party. In Bihar assembly polls in 2015, wherein people changed the mandate and voted BJP out of the state despite giving it full mandate in 2014 Loksabha elections” If it was not for separate elections, both Delhi, Bihar and Karnataka would have seen BJP governments in the state as well, given that Modi was riding on a strong wave. But the local issues and voters basic amenities would have been sidelined in presence of strong nationwide waves. BJP’s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy. × Bihar and Delhi election debacles did help in giving a break to BJP’s ambitious plan of an opposition-free country. It forced them to rethink their strategies. Nitin Meshram, Supreme Court advocate strongly opposes any such move and criticise the much-touted cost saving. He says, “We are in a shared federalism. Expenses on state exchequer is a malicious propaganda to prevent the enrolling of democracy in the society. More mature voters who are difficult to be emotionally fooled.” Bahujan Samaj Party founder Kanshi Ram famously called for elections frequently. He maintained that he prefers majbur sarkar (weak government) and not a majboot sarkar (strong government) since he thought a weak government will do more for the people if it sees that elections are round the corner. Nitin Meshram tends to agree to this. He says “ if the elections are held at once for both Parliament & Assemblies, the political parties, their leaders & elected representatives would become absolutely arrogant, unresponsive & hostile to the common public. It will also ensure widespread and massive corruption by the political parties, its leaders and by government agents.” Is India the only democracy where separate elections happen? The United States, often juxtaposed with Indian Democracy, have mid-term elections for Senate and Congress. The elections take place for many Senators and Congressmen two years after the Presidential elections are done. This significantly changes the majority in Senate and Congress halfway through the president's term. An election setback helps the president review its policies and pay more attention to the internal issues. During his first term, President Obama lost the control of Senate and House but this acted as a reality check and the president and his party worked hard to get re-elected for the second term. BJP’s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy. × Whether its L.K. Advani asking people to vote for only national parties (even if it meant voting Congress), Mr Vajpayee setting up constitution review committee or the party repeatedly asking to fix the five-year term for the state assemblies and Parliament, BJP has long wanted to do away with established constitutional norms. But BJP’s seriousness in taking the simultaneous elections idea to significant actionable level should worry the supporters of democracy. But why is BJP hell-bent on doing it this time? Well, the party has the majority in Loksabha, so this is the best time for it to go for any legislation. Also, after demonetisation, the BJP is best placed financially to fight elections at any time. But the effects of anti-incumbency are now widely seen, with social media slowly turning against BJP and the Opposition trying to make a slow comeback. BJP may not want to give sufficient time for them to recover and may announce early general elections. The simultaneous election amendment will in effect mean fixing a five-year term for the governments. India’s Opposition parties must rise to this occasion and fight this inevitable attack on the fundamentals of the Constitution, Federalism and the basic rights of the voters. Their failure will lead India to a political autocracy in the guise of stability and maximum governance.

Simultaneous elections: Reform or an attack on Constitution?

<p>Britain went to the polls on Thursday for a snap election called by Prime Minister Theresa May ahead of Brexit after a campaign shadowed by terrorism.</p>

<p>May called the vote in April, when opinion poll ratings for her and her centre-right Conservative party were sky high, presenting herself as the strong leader to take Britain into Brexit talks.</p>

<p>But Islamist attacks in London and Manchester have put her under pressure over her six years as interior minister, while campaign missteps have dented her reputation as a safe pair of hands.</p>

<p>Meanwhile opposition Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, an anti-war campaigner deemed unelectable by a majority of his own lawmakers, has run an energetic campaign, promising change and an end to austerity.</p>

<p>While May has been touring target seats around the country, delivering slogan-heavy speeches to small groups of hand-picked activists, Corbyn has drawn large crowds to open-air rallies.</p>

<p>Speaking to reporters on her plane during a final burst of campaigning on Wednesday, May insisted she had no regrets about calling the vote three years early.</p>

<p>&quot;I&#39;ve enjoyed the campaign,&quot; she said. &quot;There is a very clear choice for people when they come to vote.&quot;</p>

<p>Asked what would constitute success, the 60-year-old vicar&#39;s daughter said: &quot;I never predict election results.&quot;</p>

<p>Corbyn, a 68-year-old leftwinger who has never held ministerial office and defied the odds to win the Labour leadership two years ago, urged supporters in Glasgow to think big.</p>

<p>&quot;Wouldn&#39;t it be great if on Friday we woke up to... a Labour government that will be a government for all of our communities across the whole of the country,&quot; he said.</p>

<p><strong>&#39;Little confidence&#39;&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>It is the third time Britain has gone to the polls in two years, twice for a general election and once for the EU referendum, and voter fatigue appeared to be an issue among the early voters.</p>

<p>&quot;I don&#39;t think it has really been a campaign, we don&#39;t know anything about what they are going to do about Brexit, it&#39;s been pointless really,&quot; said Joe Kerney, 53, at a polling station in Hackney, east London.</p>

<p>&quot;I have little confidence in anybody,&quot; added voter Simon Bolton, 41. &quot;I think we lack quality in terms of who we can choose, it is very limited.&quot;</p>

<p>The election is May&#39;s first since taking office after Britons voted by 52 percent to leave the European Union.</p>

<p>May has accused Corbyn of being unprepared for negotiations set to begin on June 19, and unwilling to curb mass migration -- a key driver of the Brexit vote.</p>

<p>But her government&#39;s record on cutting funding for health and education have also featured strongly in the campaign, to the benefit of Labour.</p>

<p>The Conservatives were also damaged by a manifesto plan for elderly care that would see some pay more.</p>

<p>Then came the suicide bombing at a Manchester concert on May 22, which killed 22 people including seven children, followed by Saturday&#39;s knife and van attack in London, which left eight dead.</p>

<p>Campaigning was twice suspended in the aftermath of the attacks, which May blamed on &quot;evil&quot; Islamist ideology.</p>

<p>The Conservatives have always been strong on defence and security, and they have sought to exploit Corbyn&#39;s anti-nuclear stance and his alleged past support for Irish paramilitaries.</p>

<p>But May also faced uncomfortable questions over cuts to police numbers during her time as interior minister, amid accusations that the attackers in Manchester and London Bridge had slipped through the intelligence net.</p>

<p><strong>Security tightened&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>Security on voting day was reviewed following the London attack, with the city&#39;s Metropolitan Police force implementing a &quot;specialist and highly flexible operation&quot; which it said could be deployed as needed.</p>

<p>Polling stations, many located in schools and community centres, opened at 7:00am (0600 GMT) and will close at 10:00pm, with 49.6 million registered voters electing a total of 650 MPs to parliament.</p>

<p>Overall turnout in the 2015 general election was 66.4 percent.</p>

<p>An exit poll will give an indication of the outcome, although final results will not emerge until early Friday.</p>

<p>As the Conservatives and Labour trade blows, the smaller pro-European Liberal Democrats and the pro-Brexit UK Independence Party (UKIP) have failed to gain much traction.</p>


Britain went to the polls on Thursday for a snap election called by Prime Minister Theresa May ahead of Brexit after a campaign shadowed by terrorism.

Britain went to the polls on Thursday for a snap election called by Prime Minister Theresa May ahead of Brexit after a campaign shadowed by terrorism. May called the vote in April, when opinion poll ratings for her and her centre-right Conservative party were sky high, presenting herself as the strong leader to take Britain into Brexit talks. But Islamist attacks in London and Manchester have put her under pressure over her six years as interior minister, while campaign missteps have dented her reputation as a safe pair of hands. Meanwhile opposition Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, an anti-war campaigner deemed unelectable by a majority of his own lawmakers, has run an energetic campaign, promising change and an end to austerity. While May has been touring target seats around the country, delivering slogan-heavy speeches to small groups of hand-picked activists, Corbyn has drawn large crowds to open-air rallies. Speaking to reporters on her plane during a final burst of campaigning on Wednesday, May insisted she had no regrets about calling the vote three years early. "I've enjoyed the campaign," she said. "There is a very clear choice for people when they come to vote." Asked what would constitute success, the 60-year-old vicar's daughter said: "I never predict election results." Corbyn, a 68-year-old leftwinger who has never held ministerial office and defied the odds to win the Labour leadership two years ago, urged supporters in Glasgow to think big. "Wouldn't it be great if on Friday we woke up to... a Labour government that will be a government for all of our communities across the whole of the country," he said. 'Little confidence' It is the third time Britain has gone to the polls in two years, twice for a general election and once for the EU referendum, and voter fatigue appeared to be an issue among the early voters. "I don't think it has really been a campaign, we don't know anything about what they are going to do about Brexit, it's been pointless really," said Joe Kerney, 53, at a polling station in Hackney, east London. "I have little confidence in anybody," added voter Simon Bolton, 41. "I think we lack quality in terms of who we can choose, it is very limited." The election is May's first since taking office after Britons voted by 52 percent to leave the European Union. May has accused Corbyn of being unprepared for negotiations set to begin on June 19, and unwilling to curb mass migration -- a key driver of the Brexit vote. But her government's record on cutting funding for health and education have also featured strongly in the campaign, to the benefit of Labour. The Conservatives were also damaged by a manifesto plan for elderly care that would see some pay more. Then came the suicide bombing at a Manchester concert on May 22, which killed 22 people including seven children, followed by Saturday's knife and van attack in London, which left eight dead. Campaigning was twice suspended in the aftermath of the attacks, which May blamed on "evil" Islamist ideology. The Conservatives have always been strong on defence and security, and they have sought to exploit Corbyn's anti-nuclear stance and his alleged past support for Irish paramilitaries. But May also faced uncomfortable questions over cuts to police numbers during her time as interior minister, amid accusations that the attackers in Manchester and London Bridge had slipped through the intelligence net. Security tightened Security on voting day was reviewed following the London attack, with the city's Metropolitan Police force implementing a "specialist and highly flexible operation" which it said could be deployed as needed. Polling stations, many located in schools and community centres, opened at 7:00am (0600 GMT) and will close at 10:00pm, with 49.6 million registered voters electing a total of 650 MPs to parliament. Overall turnout in the 2015 general election was 66.4 percent. An exit poll will give an indication of the outcome, although final results will not emerge until early Friday. As the Conservatives and Labour trade blows, the smaller pro-European Liberal Democrats and the pro-Brexit UK Independence Party (UKIP) have failed to gain much traction.

In shadow of terror, Britons vote in key election

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