With less than a week to go for the final showdown between President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden for the US election 2020,&nbsp;more than 70 million people have cast their&nbsp;ballots.

Raising worries about conceivable elector terrorising, Trump has been encouraging his allies to go the surveys and "watch cautiously".

The Republican presidential candidate has been telling his supporters that his re-election campaign will have people&nbsp;watching&nbsp;the&nbsp;polls "like crazy" on November 3.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-american-voters-make-history-more-than-70-million-cast-ballots-338468">American voters make history; more than 70 million cast ballots</a>

"Both law enforcement and yourselves and everybody," he told a large crowd at an airport in Londonderry near the city of Manchester.

Republicans are mobilising thousands of volunteers to watch early voting sites and ballot drop boxes leading up to November's election, part of an effort to find evidence to back up Trump's unsubstantiated complaints about widespread voter fraud.

Some voting-rights activists are concerned such encounters could escalate in a tense year that has seen armed militias face off against protesters in the nation's streets.

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/who-will-be-americas-future-us-election-2020-new-york-direct-338147/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Here's the historical backdrop of "survey viewing" and how the training may take on new importance in the midst of a flood in mail balloting prodded by the coronavirus pandemic and Republican President Donald Trump's unconfirmed cases that mail casting a ballot is filled with misrepresentation.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-how-are-votes-counted-in-the-presidential-election-335422" hreflang="en">US election 2020: How are votes counted in the presidential election?</a>

WHAT IS POLL WATCHING?&nbsp;

Survey watchers are essential for US&nbsp;races going back to the eighteenth century, with their exercises constrained by state laws and nearby principles. Individuals from the two players watch out for the democratic - and one another - to ensure things go easily.&nbsp;

State laws call eyewitnesses inside surveying places various things and appoint them various jobs. In certain spots, the survey "watchers" are not quite the same as "challengers," who can call attention to individuals they speculate aren't legitimate electors. In different states, survey watchers additionally do the difficult.&nbsp;

Then again different principles set limits on how close hardliner allies can remain outside surveying places, as they attempt to prepare to uphold for their applicants with signs, flyers, and other promoting.&nbsp;

Grumblings about excessively forceful survey watchers are normal. In some cases, spectators have utilized the capacity to challenge electors' capabilities in manners that oppress minorities, which has brought about some court activities to end those practices.&nbsp;

In a 1999 city political decision in Hamtramck, Michigan, for instance, challengers from a city bunch called "Residents for a Better Hamtramck" tested 40 Arab-Americans who had "brown complexion and particularly Arabic names," who were then constrained by political decision authorities to make a vow to demonstrate they were residents, as indicated by a US&nbsp;Equity Department assent order. The city consented to gather information laborers, and a government inspector was selected to regulate city decisions through 2003.&nbsp;

In 1981, a Republican activity put outfitted men in regalia decorated with "Voting form Security Task Force" outside surveying places in generally minority territories during a New Jersey state political decision. After that episode, the RNC consented to an assent order that restricted its polling form security tasks.&nbsp;

That declaration terminated in 2018 after a government judge declined Democratic endeavors to reestablish it.&nbsp;

This year points the principal official political race in almost forty years in which the RNC can take part in polling form security exercises without earlier audit and endorsement.&nbsp;

WHAT ARE THE RULES?&nbsp;

Guidelines on who can "watch" casting a ballot and the forces allowed these eyewitnesses, change from state to state. In Pennsylvania, for instance, survey watchers can watch the political decision - checking turnout and casting ballot machines - and furthermore challenge electors by taking their interests to political decision authorities. Nonetheless, these challenges for the most part are banished from collaborating straightforwardly with citizens, or from making meritless difficulties that hinder casting a ballot.&nbsp;

Capabilities for survey laborers likewise change. They regularly should be enrolled citizens; in certain states, they should be affirmed ahead of time by political race authorities. North Carolina necessitates that survey laborers be of "acceptable good character."&nbsp;

Eyewitnesses likewise are allowed by law in states that lead races generally via mail. In Oregon, for instance, the law says gatherings and competitors can support eyewitnesses to watch political race laborers open voting forms and tally them, however, these screens must carry on such that "won't meddle with an organized system."&nbsp;

Allies of gatherings and up-and-comers may remain outside surveying stations with flags and other political promoting, an action known as "electioneering." But that additionally is dependent upon laws that fluctuate from state to state.&nbsp;

For the most part, these supporters must keep specific good ways from the passage, so as not to pester or scare electors.&nbsp;

In Ohio, the fringe is 100 feet, and it should be set apart by two little American banners. In Florida and Georgia, the limit is 150 feet.&nbsp;

WHAT IS DIFFERENT ABOUT THIS YEAR?&nbsp;

The COVID-19 pandemic methods uncommon quantities of Americans will cast a ballot via mail and not face to face in 2020.&nbsp;

President Trump has made unwarranted cases that these polling forms will be polluted by extortion. His mission is trying to select a huge number of volunteers to search for anomalies,&nbsp;for example, individuals dropping off more than one voting form in states like Pennsylvania where that, by and large, isn't permitted.&nbsp;

This exertion is trying democratic laws planned around the face to face balloting on Election Day, political race specialists said. There is no rulebook for screens attempting to enter early surveying destinations, or conceivably testing citizens in open who are attempting to drop off their polling forms, said Terry Madonna, a political theory teacher at Franklin and Marshall College in Pennsylvania.&nbsp;

This current fall's political race will be the first in almost 40 years where the Republican National Committee will be free from an assent order that confined its capacity to take part in facilitated survey watching exercises. Leftists are worried that could open the entryway for Republicans to take part in a similar sort of elector terrorizing that brought about the assent order in any case in the mid-1980s.

ARE GUNS ALLOWED?&nbsp;

In a year that has seen equipped civilian armies stand up to protestors, some democratic rights advocates are anxious about the arrival of firearm hauling bunches appearing outside surveying places.&nbsp;

Some landmark states, including Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Wisconsin, and Virginia, are purported open-convey states where residents can convey firearms straightforwardly in broad daylight. There are no laws on the books in those states unequivocally denying individuals from conveying guns into surveying places.&nbsp;

All things considered, state and government laws make it unlawful for anybody to attempt to scare citizens.&nbsp;

Casting a ballot rights associations to state they will have a large number of legal counselors remaining by who might mediate with nearby authorities or look for court requests to stop such movement.

With less than a week to go for the final showdown between President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden for the US election 2020, more than 70 million people have cast their ballots.

With less than a week to go for the final showdown between President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden for the US election 2020, more than 70 million people have cast their ballots. Raising worries about conceivable elector terrorising, Trump has been encouraging his allies to go the surveys and "watch cautiously". The Republican presidential candidate has been telling his supporters that his re-election campaign will have people watching the polls "like crazy" on November 3. Also read: American voters make history; more than 70 million cast ballots "Both law enforcement and yourselves and everybody," he told a large crowd at an airport in Londonderry near the city of Manchester. Republicans are mobilising thousands of volunteers to watch early voting sites and ballot drop boxes leading up to November's election, part of an effort to find evidence to back up Trump's unsubstantiated complaints about widespread voter fraud. Some voting-rights activists are concerned such encounters could escalate in a tense year that has seen armed militias face off against protesters in the nation's streets. Here's the historical backdrop of "survey viewing" and how the training may take on new importance in the midst of a flood in mail balloting prodded by the coronavirus pandemic and Republican President Donald Trump's unconfirmed cases that mail casting a ballot is filled with misrepresentation. Also read: US election 2020: How are votes counted in the presidential election? WHAT IS POLL WATCHING? Survey watchers are essential for US races going back to the eighteenth century, with their exercises constrained by state laws and nearby principles. Individuals from the two players watch out for the democratic - and one another - to ensure things go easily. State laws call eyewitnesses inside surveying places various things and appoint them various jobs. In certain spots, the survey "watchers" are not quite the same as "challengers," who can call attention to individuals they speculate aren't legitimate electors. In different states, survey watchers additionally do the difficult. Then again different principles set limits on how close hardliner allies can remain outside surveying places, as they attempt to prepare to uphold for their applicants with signs, flyers, and other promoting. Grumblings about excessively forceful survey watchers are normal. In some cases, spectators have utilized the capacity to challenge electors' capabilities in manners that oppress minorities, which has brought about some court activities to end those practices. In a 1999 city political decision in Hamtramck, Michigan, for instance, challengers from a city bunch called "Residents for a Better Hamtramck" tested 40 Arab-Americans who had "brown complexion and particularly Arabic names," who were then constrained by political decision authorities to make a vow to demonstrate they were residents, as indicated by a US Equity Department assent order. The city consented to gather information laborers, and a government inspector was selected to regulate city decisions through 2003. In 1981, a Republican activity put outfitted men in regalia decorated with "Voting form Security Task Force" outside surveying places in generally minority territories during a New Jersey state political decision. After that episode, the RNC consented to an assent order that restricted its polling form security tasks. That declaration terminated in 2018 after a government judge declined Democratic endeavors to reestablish it. This year points the principal official political race in almost forty years in which the RNC can take part in polling form security exercises without earlier audit and endorsement. WHAT ARE THE RULES? Guidelines on who can "watch" casting a ballot and the forces allowed these eyewitnesses, change from state to state. In Pennsylvania, for instance, survey watchers can watch the political decision - checking turnout and casting ballot machines - and furthermore challenge electors by taking their interests to political decision authorities. Nonetheless, these challenges for the most part are banished from collaborating straightforwardly with citizens, or from making meritless difficulties that hinder casting a ballot. Capabilities for survey laborers likewise change. They regularly should be enrolled citizens; in certain states, they should be affirmed ahead of time by political race authorities. North Carolina necessitates that survey laborers be of "acceptable good character." Eyewitnesses likewise are allowed by law in states that lead races generally via mail. In Oregon, for instance, the law says gatherings and competitors can support eyewitnesses to watch political race laborers open voting forms and tally them, however, these screens must carry on such that "won't meddle with an organized system." Allies of gatherings and up-and-comers may remain outside surveying stations with flags and other political promoting, an action known as "electioneering." But that additionally is dependent upon laws that fluctuate from state to state. For the most part, these supporters must keep specific good ways from the passage, so as not to pester or scare electors. In Ohio, the fringe is 100 feet, and it should be set apart by two little American banners. In Florida and Georgia, the limit is 150 feet. WHAT IS DIFFERENT ABOUT THIS YEAR? The COVID-19 pandemic methods uncommon quantities of Americans will cast a ballot via mail and not face to face in 2020. President Trump has made unwarranted cases that these polling forms will be polluted by extortion. His mission is trying to select a huge number of volunteers to search for anomalies, for example, individuals dropping off more than one voting form in states like Pennsylvania where that, by and large, isn't permitted. This exertion is trying democratic laws planned around the face to face balloting on Election Day, political race specialists said. There is no rulebook for screens attempting to enter early surveying destinations, or conceivably testing citizens in open who are attempting to drop off their polling forms, said Terry Madonna, a political theory teacher at Franklin and Marshall College in Pennsylvania. This current fall's political race will be the first in almost 40 years where the Republican National Committee will be free from an assent order that confined its capacity to take part in facilitated survey watching exercises. Leftists are worried that could open the entryway for Republicans to take part in a similar sort of elector terrorizing that brought about the assent order in any case in the mid-1980s. ARE GUNS ALLOWED? In a year that has seen equipped civilian armies stand up to protestors, some democratic rights advocates are anxious about the arrival of firearm hauling bunches appearing outside surveying places. Some landmark states, including Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Wisconsin, and Virginia, are purported open-convey states where residents can convey firearms straightforwardly in broad daylight. There are no laws on the books in those states unequivocally denying individuals from conveying guns into surveying places. All things considered, state and government laws make it unlawful for anybody to attempt to scare citizens. Casting a ballot rights associations to state they will have a large number of legal counselors remaining by who might mediate with nearby authorities or look for court requests to stop such movement.

US election 2020: The history and rules of poll watching

Social media company&nbsp;Twitter&nbsp;Inc on Monday flagged a tweet by US&nbsp;President Donald Trump about mail-in ballots, adding a disclaimer describing the post's content as "disputed" and potentially misleading.

"Big problems and discrepancies with Mail-In Ballots all over the USA. Must have a final total on November 3rd", Trump tweeted late on Monday, with the tweet giving no evidence for his assertion.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
Big problems and discrepancies with Mail In Ballots all over the USA. Must have final total on November 3rd.
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) <a href="https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1320873664296804354?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 26, 2020</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

"Some or all of the content shared in this Tweet is disputed and might be misleading about how to participate in an election or another civic process",&nbsp;Twitter's disclaimer said. The disclaimer included a link to a page highlighting how mail voting was legal and safe.

<img alt="Trump" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="764bcdd7-6892-4f0b-ae9d-8d5fc8037ff4" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Capture_4.PNG" />

Many states have expanded early voting and the use of mail-in ballots ahead of the Nov. 3 election, as some Americans try to avoid crowded polls during the coronavirus pandemic.

Trump has repeatedly attacked mail-in voting, claiming without evidence that it will lead to widespread fraud. Democrats have argued it is a safe and reliable alternative to in-person voting.

Twitter&nbsp;has also previously flagged posts from Trump, including a tweet earlier this month in which Trump claimed he was immune to the coronavirus, with the social media company saying the tweet had made "misleading health claims".

Social media company Twitter Inc on Monday flagged a tweet by US President Donald Trump about mail-in ballots, adding a disclaimer describing the post's content as "disputed" and potentially misleading.

Social media company Twitter Inc on Monday flagged a tweet by US President Donald Trump about mail-in ballots, adding a disclaimer describing the post's content as "disputed" and potentially misleading. "Big problems and discrepancies with Mail-In Ballots all over the USA. Must have a final total on November 3rd", Trump tweeted late on Monday, with the tweet giving no evidence for his assertion. Big problems and discrepancies with Mail In Ballots all over the USA. Must have final total on November 3rd. — Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) October 26, 2020 × "Some or all of the content shared in this Tweet is disputed and might be misleading about how to participate in an election or another civic process", Twitter's disclaimer said. The disclaimer included a link to a page highlighting how mail voting was legal and safe. Many states have expanded early voting and the use of mail-in ballots ahead of the Nov. 3 election, as some Americans try to avoid crowded polls during the coronavirus pandemic. Trump has repeatedly attacked mail-in voting, claiming without evidence that it will lead to widespread fraud. Democrats have argued it is a safe and reliable alternative to in-person voting. Twitter has also previously flagged posts from Trump, including a tweet earlier this month in which Trump claimed he was immune to the coronavirus, with the social media company saying the tweet had made "misleading health claims".

Twitter flags Trump tweet on mail-in ballots over 'disputed' content

The Second Presidential Debate2020 brought much needed relief for American voters. But was it successful in influencing the pool of undecided voters? WION reports

Americans react to final Trump-Biden showdown | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

Violence broke out at a 'Jews for Trump' rally in New York, after Anti-Trump protesters clashed with the supporters. Eggs were hurled at Donald Trump's lawyers & ex-mayor Rudy Giuliani. WION reports

Pro & Anti-Trump protesters clash | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

The campaign for the US presidential election has entered its final week.

With one week to go until Election Day, 66 million Americans -- wary of the health dangers of crowded polling booths, and energised by a race framed as critical to the future of the country -- have already voted.

The number of early ballots far surpasses the total of 58 million pre-election votes in 2016.

On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump was hopscotching across the Midwest and will be visiting the crucial battleground state of Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, Nebraska, Arizona and Nevada in the coming days. His Democratic challenger Joe Biden was campaigning in the once reliably Republican state of Georgia, and was further scheduled to travel to Georgia, Atlanta and Warm Springs.

Biden is also slated to hold a socially distanced drive-in car rally in Atlanta, Georgia's largest city. Trump defeated Hillary Clinton by five points in Georgia in 2016 but polls have him running neck-in-neck with Biden in the Peach State.

Biden campaign has high hopes of switching Georgia from Red to Blue and also winning the two US Senate seats up for grabs.

Trump was to finish the day with a campaign rally in Omaha, Nebraska, in a sign that he expects a potentially tight White House race where every Electoral College vote counts.

Ahead of Trump's visit to Michigan, the Biden campaign lashed out at his handling of the coronavirus pandemic which has left more than 225,000 people dead in the United States.

"President Trump's mismanagement of this pandemic has devastated Michigan," it said.&nbsp;

"Cases are surging, hundreds of thousands are out of work, and there's no end in sight.

"Eight months into this crisis, he still has no plan to get the virus under control, no interest in listening to the scientists, and no ability to lead our country through this moment," the Biden campaign said.&nbsp;

"With one week left until the election, Michiganders can finally put an end to the chaos, failure, and division that has defined Donald Trump's presidency."

Election tracking website RealClearPolitics has Biden up 7.6 points in an average of national polls and leading Trump by nine points in Michigan.&nbsp;

Trump dismissed the polls in a tweet on Tuesday and accused the media of focussing on the Covid-19 pandemic to hurt his chances for reelection.

"The Real Polls are now saying that I am WINNING!" he said.

"Until November 4th., Fake News Media is going full on Covid, Covid, Covid. We are rounding the turn," he said.

Trump also touted the confirmation of his latest Supreme Court nominee, Amy Coney Barrett, as a landmark victory for conservatives.

"This is a momentous day for America, for the United States Constitution and for the fair and impartial rule of law," he said at the swearing-in ceremony of the 48-year-old Barrett Monday night.

But amid this, the shooting of another Black man in Philadelphia catalysed into protests overnight. The White House said meanwhile that it was closely following the situation.

The Philadelphia shooting was the latest to spark anger in the United States, which has seen a wave of protests for racial justice since the police killing of George Floyd in May in Minnesota.

Trump has focussed on the unrest to bolster his claims to be the "law-and-order" candidate in his election battle against Biden.

(with inputs)

The campaign for the US presidential election has entered its final week. With one week to go until Election Day, 66 million Americans -- wary of the health dangers of crowded polling booths, and energised by a race framed as critical to the future of the country -- have already voted.

The campaign for the US presidential election has entered its final week. With one week to go until Election Day, 66 million Americans -- wary of the health dangers of crowded polling booths, and energised by a race framed as critical to the future of the country -- have already voted. The number of early ballots far surpasses the total of 58 million pre-election votes in 2016. On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump was hopscotching across the Midwest and will be visiting the crucial battleground state of Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, Nebraska, Arizona and Nevada in the coming days. His Democratic challenger Joe Biden was campaigning in the once reliably Republican state of Georgia, and was further scheduled to travel to Georgia, Atlanta and Warm Springs. Biden is also slated to hold a socially distanced drive-in car rally in Atlanta, Georgia's largest city. Trump defeated Hillary Clinton by five points in Georgia in 2016 but polls have him running neck-in-neck with Biden in the Peach State. Biden campaign has high hopes of switching Georgia from Red to Blue and also winning the two US Senate seats up for grabs. Trump was to finish the day with a campaign rally in Omaha, Nebraska, in a sign that he expects a potentially tight White House race where every Electoral College vote counts. Ahead of Trump's visit to Michigan, the Biden campaign lashed out at his handling of the coronavirus pandemic which has left more than 225,000 people dead in the United States. "President Trump's mismanagement of this pandemic has devastated Michigan," it said. "Cases are surging, hundreds of thousands are out of work, and there's no end in sight. "Eight months into this crisis, he still has no plan to get the virus under control, no interest in listening to the scientists, and no ability to lead our country through this moment," the Biden campaign said. "With one week left until the election, Michiganders can finally put an end to the chaos, failure, and division that has defined Donald Trump's presidency." Election tracking website RealClearPolitics has Biden up 7.6 points in an average of national polls and leading Trump by nine points in Michigan. Trump dismissed the polls in a tweet on Tuesday and accused the media of focussing on the Covid-19 pandemic to hurt his chances for reelection. "The Real Polls are now saying that I am WINNING!" he said. "Until November 4th., Fake News Media is going full on Covid, Covid, Covid. We are rounding the turn," he said. Trump also touted the confirmation of his latest Supreme Court nominee, Amy Coney Barrett, as a landmark victory for conservatives. "This is a momentous day for America, for the United States Constitution and for the fair and impartial rule of law," he said at the swearing-in ceremony of the 48-year-old Barrett Monday night. But amid this, the shooting of another Black man in Philadelphia catalysed into protests overnight. The White House said meanwhile that it was closely following the situation. The Philadelphia shooting was the latest to spark anger in the United States, which has seen a wave of protests for racial justice since the police killing of George Floyd in May in Minnesota. Trump has focussed on the unrest to bolster his claims to be the "law-and-order" candidate in his election battle against Biden. (with inputs)

Campaigning for US presidential election enters final week

US President Donald Trump's iconic gold-trimmed 1989 Sikorsky S-76B&nbsp;helicopter worth $875,000&nbsp;is up for <a href="https://www.controller.com/listings/for-sale/sikorsky/turbine-helicopters/7">sale</a>.

The luxurious, leather-seated, gold and African mahogany-trimmed helicopter belonging to Trump that featured in&nbsp;the opening sequence of US President Donald Trump’s hit show “The Apprentice”, is being sold at $2,800,000.

The sale comes after reports that&nbsp;Trump’s billion-dollar campaign has lost its 'cash advantage'.

<img alt="Trump" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="f9a108fe-add8-4125-8412-f6f287b69d4a" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/102511940-Trump1.jpg" />

In picture: Inside Donald Trump's private helicopter&nbsp;Boeing 757 (Source: International Jet Interiors)

The chopper that featured in CNBC’s “Secret Lives of the Super Rich” in a section titled “Pimp My Chopper”.

According to the ad, the aircraft has logged roughly 6,259 hours of flight time. However, one major feature has&nbsp;been removed: the big “TRUMP” logo painted on the chopper’s tail section.

The Republican presidential candidate&nbsp;also used the chopper as part of his campaign, giving kids helicopter rides at the 2015 Iowa State Fair, a major venue for presidential candidates during the primary races where they are expected to make stump speeches to small crowds, press the flesh with would-be voters and do generally endearing things like downing corn dogs for a scrutinizing mainstream media.

The New York Times reported in April 2016,&nbsp;as Trump’s campaign for president was gaining real steam, that he owned&nbsp;two other choppers of the same make.

US President Donald Trump's iconic gold-trimmed 1989 Sikorsky S-76B helicopter worth $875,000 is up for sale. The luxurious, leather-seated, gold and African mahogany-trimmed helicopter belonging to Trump that featured in the opening sequence of US President Donald Trump’s hit show “The Apprentice”, is being sold at $2,800,000.

US President Donald Trump's iconic gold-trimmed 1989 Sikorsky S-76B helicopter worth $875,000 is up for sale. The luxurious, leather-seated, gold and African mahogany-trimmed helicopter belonging to Trump that featured in the opening sequence of US President Donald Trump’s hit show “The Apprentice”, is being sold at $2,800,000. The sale comes after reports that Trump’s billion-dollar campaign has lost its 'cash advantage'. In picture: Inside Donald Trump's private helicopter Boeing 757 (Source: International Jet Interiors) The chopper that featured in CNBC’s “Secret Lives of the Super Rich” in a section titled “Pimp My Chopper”. According to the ad, the aircraft has logged roughly 6,259 hours of flight time. However, one major feature has been removed: the big “TRUMP” logo painted on the chopper’s tail section. The Republican presidential candidate also used the chopper as part of his campaign, giving kids helicopter rides at the 2015 Iowa State Fair, a major venue for presidential candidates during the primary races where they are expected to make stump speeches to small crowds, press the flesh with would-be voters and do generally endearing things like downing corn dogs for a scrutinizing mainstream media. The New York Times reported in April 2016, as Trump’s campaign for president was gaining real steam, that he owned two other choppers of the same make.

US President Donald Trump's gold-trimmed helicopter is up for sale

At a 2018 groundbreaking ceremony for a Foxconn plant in Wisconsin, President Donald Trump declared that the factory would be the “eighth wonder of the world” — a $10 billion hub that would hire 13,000 workers to make flat-screen televisions in America’s heartland.

This month, Wisconsin denied Foxconn tax subsidies for failing to make good on its investment plans. The company has hired less than a quarter of the 2,080 workers it was expected to employ last year and invested just $300 million, rather than the expected $3.3 billion, according to a report from Wisconsin’s Division of Executive Budget and Finance.

The Foxconn plant, the report said, appears to be primarily used for storage and is “off track to be considered a viable manufacturing facility.” Innovation centers that the Taiwanese company was supposed to open across the state sit empty.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/judge-rejects-us-request-to-shield-trump-from-rape-accusers-defamation-lawsuit-338376" hreflang="en">Judge rejects US request to shield Trump from rape accuser's defamation lawsuit</a>

Foxconn’s failure to create the kind of factory powerhouse that Trump described demonstrates how the president’s promise of an American manufacturing renaissance has not always resulted in the pledged jobs or economic investment. Trump has threatened companies like General Motors, Harley-Davidson and Carrier with backbreaking taxes and boycotts if they moved manufacturing abroad, often cajoling job promises out of those firms. But in many cases, those pledges went unfulfilled once Trump’s attention shifted elsewhere and market realities could not be ignored.

At the first presidential debate in September, Trump claimed that he had brought back 700,000 factory jobs after the Obama administration neglected the sector. Jobs did increase during the first three years of his term, though not to the degree he suggested: Manufacturing employment rose by just under 500,000 jobs. Through August, employment in the sector had fallen by more than 200,000 from when Trump took office, as a wave of plant closures and the pandemic recession took a toll.

“The president likes to fly in and make a show of being involved and showing that he got something going,” said Matthew Jewell, a science and engineering professor at the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire, who was hoping that his students might find jobs at one of Foxconn’s nearby innovation centers that sit vacant. “It was frustrating for us.”

Those unfulfilled promises may matter little to Trump’s supporters, who see the president’s corporate jawboning and manufacturing rhetoric as evidence that he is fighting hard for American workers. Most polls continue to show Trump having an edge over Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee, when it comes to managing the economy.

In some ways, Trump’s efforts to revitalize American manufacturing have been undercut by his own policies. His 2017 tax cuts jump-started investment and led many companies to promise new jobs. But his trade fights with China, Europe, Canada and Mexico proved a drag on the economy, as the United States imposed levies on its biggest trading partners, prompting retaliatory taxes on American goods. Trump’s tariffs on foreign steel and aluminum and $360 billion worth of Chinese goods have weighed particularly hard on the manufacturing sector, which fell into recession last year. The coronavirus pandemic has since upended the economy entirely, erasing the “blue-collar boom” that Trump administration officials had been promoting.

Last month, Trump invited Steve Burns, the chief executive of Lordstown Motors, to the White House to herald the company’s new electric pickup truck. The visit was intended to celebrate Trump’s role as a jobs savior. In 2019, he successfully compelled General Motors to sell a plant in Lordstown, Ohio, that it was planning to shutter to Lordstown Motors, an upstart car manufacturer. The plan was meant to avert about 1,600 layoffs.

The Ohio Tax Credit Authority said it was requiring GM to repay $28 million in tax credits and invest $12 million in the Mahoning Valley because of its decision to close the Lordstown assembly factory. It was awarded the tax credits in 2008 on the condition that it would employ 3,700 workers in the city for 20 years.

After the sale, some of the General Motors employees took jobs at other plants, but the Lordstown Motors factory currently employs only about 50 engineers. Burns has said that he plans to hire 600 more workers next year and then ramp up staffing significantly in 2022.

Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, said the new company was a welcome development but criticized Trump for not doing more to protect workers at the original GM plant, which produced the Chevrolet Cruze. Many of that plant’s workers have been forced to commute to other states for new jobs, and it remains unclear what kind of wages will be offered at the GM factory once it gets up and running. He said Trump’s attention had already shifted, leaving workers to hope the jobs materialize.

“He comes in with his bluster and makes promises but then the workers have to fend for themselves,” Brown said in an interview.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/how-trump-and-bolsonaro-broke-latin-americas-covid-19-defenses-338261" hreflang="en">How Trump and Bolsonaro broke Latin America’s COVID-19 defenses</a>

Trump’s powers of persuasion have at times had only a partial effect. In 2016, before he took office, Trump pressured United Technologies, the parent company of the heating and cooling giant Carrier, to keep an Indianapolis factory open and not move the jobs to Mexico. With a mix of threats and incentives, the company agreed to keep the plant open, saving more than 700 jobs. However, in 2017 and 2018 Carrier cut about 500 jobs from that factory, moving those roles to Mexico.

In other instances, companies have ignored Trump’s demands. The president lashed out at Harley-Davidson two years ago when it announced it would move some of its manufacturing overseas to avoid tariffs that Europe imposed on American products in retaliation for the president’s steel and aluminum tariffs. The president called for a boycott of the company, threatened it with new taxes and accused it of “surrender.” Struggling financially, the motorcycle company moved ahead with plans to build a plant in Thailand and close a factory in Kansas City, Missouri.

But by last year, Trump appeared to have let go of his grudge. After Harley-Davidson reported falling profits because of European tariffs, Trump said on Twitter: “So unfair to U.S. We will reciprocate.” No further action has been taken.

During the 2020 presidential race, Trump has looked past the unintended consequences of many of his economic policies, boasting instead that he created the strongest economy in history. In the president's campaign messaging, even some of his advertisements overlook the challenges that he has created for sectors he was trying to save, such as steel.

Trump imposed steep tariffs on global steel imports early on in his term, temporarily raising prices and helping American manufacturers. But as global demand for steel slowed as a result of rising prices, the industry was left with a hangover. A September ad, reported earlier by Vice News, showed an image of Trump wearing a hard hat during a 2018 visit to a U.S. Steel mill in Illinois. The same mill announced plans to furlough about 700 workers this year, and the Pittsburgh-based company said in May that it would reduce its workforce by 2,700 overall as losses mounted.

The president has had some success intervening to project jobs when the government is directly involved. In August, Trump fired board members of the Tennessee Valley Authority, a federally owned corporation that provides electricity across the Southeast, after it announced plans to outsource more than 100 technology jobs to contractors in other countries. The president assailed the authority’s chief executive for being overpaid and warned of more firings before the utility reversed course.

Peter Navarro, the director of the White House’s Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, argued that Trump’s threats of tariffs have succeeded in compelling companies to keep jobs in the United States. He also contended that Democratic policies of tightening regulation on the energy industry and potential cuts to spending on the military would hurt the workers these industries support.

“In a Biden world, these jobs will be gone,” Navarro said in an interview.

As for Foxconn, Navarro said that the company was helping the United States compete in a sector that had been dominated by China and dismissed the company’s failure to meet its 2019 investment targets, instead blaming the coronavirus for the delay. “The CCP Virus has slowed everything down,” he said, referring to the Chinese Communist Party.

Foxconn said last week that it remained committed to Wisconsin but did not offer details of how it would move forward.

&nbsp;

(END OPTIONAL TRIM.)

In an interview with a Milwaukee television station last week, Trump insisted that — if he is reelected — Foxconn would fulfill its promises to the state.

“They will do what I tell them to do,” Trump said. “They will do what’s supposed to be done.”

At a 2018 groundbreaking ceremony for a Foxconn plant in Wisconsin, President Donald Trump declared that the factory would be the “eighth wonder of the world” — a $10 billion hub that would hire 13,000 workers to make flat-screen televisions in America’s heartland.

At a 2018 groundbreaking ceremony for a Foxconn plant in Wisconsin, President Donald Trump declared that the factory would be the “eighth wonder of the world” — a $10 billion hub that would hire 13,000 workers to make flat-screen televisions in America’s heartland. This month, Wisconsin denied Foxconn tax subsidies for failing to make good on its investment plans. The company has hired less than a quarter of the 2,080 workers it was expected to employ last year and invested just $300 million, rather than the expected $3.3 billion, according to a report from Wisconsin’s Division of Executive Budget and Finance. The Foxconn plant, the report said, appears to be primarily used for storage and is “off track to be considered a viable manufacturing facility.” Innovation centers that the Taiwanese company was supposed to open across the state sit empty. Also read: Judge rejects US request to shield Trump from rape accuser's defamation lawsuit Foxconn’s failure to create the kind of factory powerhouse that Trump described demonstrates how the president’s promise of an American manufacturing renaissance has not always resulted in the pledged jobs or economic investment. Trump has threatened companies like General Motors, Harley-Davidson and Carrier with backbreaking taxes and boycotts if they moved manufacturing abroad, often cajoling job promises out of those firms. But in many cases, those pledges went unfulfilled once Trump’s attention shifted elsewhere and market realities could not be ignored. At the first presidential debate in September, Trump claimed that he had brought back 700,000 factory jobs after the Obama administration neglected the sector. Jobs did increase during the first three years of his term, though not to the degree he suggested: Manufacturing employment rose by just under 500,000 jobs. Through August, employment in the sector had fallen by more than 200,000 from when Trump took office, as a wave of plant closures and the pandemic recession took a toll. “The president likes to fly in and make a show of being involved and showing that he got something going,” said Matthew Jewell, a science and engineering professor at the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire, who was hoping that his students might find jobs at one of Foxconn’s nearby innovation centers that sit vacant. “It was frustrating for us.” Those unfulfilled promises may matter little to Trump’s supporters, who see the president’s corporate jawboning and manufacturing rhetoric as evidence that he is fighting hard for American workers. Most polls continue to show Trump having an edge over Joe Biden, the Democratic nominee, when it comes to managing the economy. In some ways, Trump’s efforts to revitalize American manufacturing have been undercut by his own policies. His 2017 tax cuts jump-started investment and led many companies to promise new jobs. But his trade fights with China, Europe, Canada and Mexico proved a drag on the economy, as the United States imposed levies on its biggest trading partners, prompting retaliatory taxes on American goods. Trump’s tariffs on foreign steel and aluminum and $360 billion worth of Chinese goods have weighed particularly hard on the manufacturing sector, which fell into recession last year. The coronavirus pandemic has since upended the economy entirely, erasing the “blue-collar boom” that Trump administration officials had been promoting. Last month, Trump invited Steve Burns, the chief executive of Lordstown Motors, to the White House to herald the company’s new electric pickup truck. The visit was intended to celebrate Trump’s role as a jobs savior. In 2019, he successfully compelled General Motors to sell a plant in Lordstown, Ohio, that it was planning to shutter to Lordstown Motors, an upstart car manufacturer. The plan was meant to avert about 1,600 layoffs. The Ohio Tax Credit Authority said it was requiring GM to repay $28 million in tax credits and invest $12 million in the Mahoning Valley because of its decision to close the Lordstown assembly factory. It was awarded the tax credits in 2008 on the condition that it would employ 3,700 workers in the city for 20 years. After the sale, some of the General Motors employees took jobs at other plants, but the Lordstown Motors factory currently employs only about 50 engineers. Burns has said that he plans to hire 600 more workers next year and then ramp up staffing significantly in 2022. Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, said the new company was a welcome development but criticized Trump for not doing more to protect workers at the original GM plant, which produced the Chevrolet Cruze. Many of that plant’s workers have been forced to commute to other states for new jobs, and it remains unclear what kind of wages will be offered at the GM factory once it gets up and running. He said Trump’s attention had already shifted, leaving workers to hope the jobs materialize. “He comes in with his bluster and makes promises but then the workers have to fend for themselves,” Brown said in an interview. Also read: How Trump and Bolsonaro broke Latin America’s COVID-19 defenses Trump’s powers of persuasion have at times had only a partial effect. In 2016, before he took office, Trump pressured United Technologies, the parent company of the heating and cooling giant Carrier, to keep an Indianapolis factory open and not move the jobs to Mexico. With a mix of threats and incentives, the company agreed to keep the plant open, saving more than 700 jobs. However, in 2017 and 2018 Carrier cut about 500 jobs from that factory, moving those roles to Mexico. In other instances, companies have ignored Trump’s demands. The president lashed out at Harley-Davidson two years ago when it announced it would move some of its manufacturing overseas to avoid tariffs that Europe imposed on American products in retaliation for the president’s steel and aluminum tariffs. The president called for a boycott of the company, threatened it with new taxes and accused it of “surrender.” Struggling financially, the motorcycle company moved ahead with plans to build a plant in Thailand and close a factory in Kansas City, Missouri. But by last year, Trump appeared to have let go of his grudge. After Harley-Davidson reported falling profits because of European tariffs, Trump said on Twitter: “So unfair to U.S. We will reciprocate.” No further action has been taken. During the 2020 presidential race, Trump has looked past the unintended consequences of many of his economic policies, boasting instead that he created the strongest economy in history. In the president's campaign messaging, even some of his advertisements overlook the challenges that he has created for sectors he was trying to save, such as steel. Trump imposed steep tariffs on global steel imports early on in his term, temporarily raising prices and helping American manufacturers. But as global demand for steel slowed as a result of rising prices, the industry was left with a hangover. A September ad, reported earlier by Vice News, showed an image of Trump wearing a hard hat during a 2018 visit to a U.S. Steel mill in Illinois. The same mill announced plans to furlough about 700 workers this year, and the Pittsburgh-based company said in May that it would reduce its workforce by 2,700 overall as losses mounted. The president has had some success intervening to project jobs when the government is directly involved. In August, Trump fired board members of the Tennessee Valley Authority, a federally owned corporation that provides electricity across the Southeast, after it announced plans to outsource more than 100 technology jobs to contractors in other countries. The president assailed the authority’s chief executive for being overpaid and warned of more firings before the utility reversed course. Peter Navarro, the director of the White House’s Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy, argued that Trump’s threats of tariffs have succeeded in compelling companies to keep jobs in the United States. He also contended that Democratic policies of tightening regulation on the energy industry and potential cuts to spending on the military would hurt the workers these industries support. “In a Biden world, these jobs will be gone,” Navarro said in an interview. As for Foxconn, Navarro said that the company was helping the United States compete in a sector that had been dominated by China and dismissed the company’s failure to meet its 2019 investment targets, instead blaming the coronavirus for the delay. “The CCP Virus has slowed everything down,” he said, referring to the Chinese Communist Party. Foxconn said last week that it remained committed to Wisconsin but did not offer details of how it would move forward. (END OPTIONAL TRIM.) In an interview with a Milwaukee television station last week, Trump insisted that — if he is reelected — Foxconn would fulfill its promises to the state. “They will do what I tell them to do,” Trump said. “They will do what’s supposed to be done.”

Trump’s manufacturing promises disappoint as economy sours

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/donald-trumps-pick-amy-coney-barrett-sworn-in-as-supreme-court-justice-at-white-house-338166">Donald Trump's pick Amy Coney Barrett sworn in as Supreme Court Justice at White House</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/09/27/161880-amy-coney-barrett.jpg?itok=uvySTIh8" />

President Donald Trump’s pick for the US Apex Court Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as Supreme Court Justice in a ceremony at the White House late on Monday."I know you will make us all very, very proud," US President Donald Trump said at the swearing-in ceremony.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/wont-forget-silence-of-some-states-says-france-after-teachers-beheading-338170">Won’t forget ‘silence’ of some states, says France after teacher’s beheading</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/10/22/166193-untitled-design-13.jpg?itok=q7nzhki6" />

French Minister for Foreign Affairs Jean-Yves Le Drian criticised Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan for not having expressed any condemnation or solidarity following the beheading of French history teacher Samuel Paty, who murdered for showing cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed in class.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/head-of-us-military-academy-resigns-amid-systemic-racism-probe-338163">Head of US military academy resigns amid ‘systemic racism’ probe&nbsp;</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/10/27/166788-us-general.JPG?itok=EQosRnKG" />

The superintendent of a top US military academy resigned from his post-Monday after the Virginia governor ordered an investigation into accusations of systemic racism at the school.

&nbsp;

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Donald Trump's pick Amy Coney Barrett sworn in as Supreme Court Justice at White House President Donald Trump’s pick for the US Apex Court Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as Supreme Court Justice in a ceremony at the White House late on Monday.

Donald Trump's pick Amy Coney Barrett sworn in as Supreme Court Justice at White House President Donald Trump’s pick for the US Apex Court Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as Supreme Court Justice in a ceremony at the White House late on Monday."I know you will make us all very, very proud," US President Donald Trump said at the swearing-in ceremony. Won’t forget ‘silence’ of some states, says France after teacher’s beheading French Minister for Foreign Affairs Jean-Yves Le Drian criticised Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan for not having expressed any condemnation or solidarity following the beheading of French history teacher Samuel Paty, who murdered for showing cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed in class. Head of US military academy resigns amid ‘systemic racism’ probe The superintendent of a top US military academy resigned from his post-Monday after the Virginia governor ordered an investigation into accusations of systemic racism at the school.

Morning news brief: Macron's war against 'radical Islam', US election and more

A federal judge on Tuesday rejected a U.S. government request to drop Donald Trump as a defendant in a defamation lawsuit by a writer who said the president falsely denied raping her in a Manhattan department store a quarter century ago.

U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan in Manhattan refused to let the government substitute itself for Trump as a defendant in former Elle magazine columnist E. Jean Carroll`s lawsuit.

Kaplan`s decision is a defeat for Trump, because dropping him as a defendant would have shielded him from liability and likely doomed Carroll`s defamation claim.

Acting at the behest of Attorney General William Barr, the Department of Justice has argued that Trump acted in his official capacity when denying Carroll`s accusations, and therefore could not be sued personally for defamation.

But the judge said Trump was not an "employee of the government" entitled to be shielded from Carroll`s claims under the Federal Tort Claims Act.

Kaplan also said Trump did not make his statements within the scope of his "employment" as president.

The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Carroll`s lawyers did not immediately respond to similar requests.

A federal judge on Tuesday rejected a U.S. government request to drop Donald Trump as a defendant in a defamation lawsuit by a writer who said the president falsely denied raping her in a Manhattan department store a quarter century ago.

A federal judge on Tuesday rejected a U.S. government request to drop Donald Trump as a defendant in a defamation lawsuit by a writer who said the president falsely denied raping her in a Manhattan department store a quarter century ago. U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan in Manhattan refused to let the government substitute itself for Trump as a defendant in former Elle magazine columnist E. Jean Carroll`s lawsuit. Kaplan`s decision is a defeat for Trump, because dropping him as a defendant would have shielded him from liability and likely doomed Carroll`s defamation claim. Acting at the behest of Attorney General William Barr, the Department of Justice has argued that Trump acted in his official capacity when denying Carroll`s accusations, and therefore could not be sued personally for defamation. But the judge said Trump was not an "employee of the government" entitled to be shielded from Carroll`s claims under the Federal Tort Claims Act. Kaplan also said Trump did not make his statements within the scope of his "employment" as president. The Justice Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Carroll`s lawyers did not immediately respond to similar requests.

Judge rejects US request to shield Trump from rape accuser's defamation lawsuit

The White House is celebrating Halloween, Donald Trump is signing pumpkins, New Yorkers are clashing over ideologies & Borat Sagdiyev has turned political. WION's Palki Sharma gets you the latest updates from US Election 2020.

Gravitas: Why is Borat trending in America?

The US President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump</a> has expressed his opinion about the controversial&nbsp;Borat Sagdiyev character, claiming he was never a fan of the actor-producer&nbsp;Sacha Baron Cohen.

Trump has often faced criticism for his style of leadership, and that is similar to the style portrayed by&nbsp;Sacha Baron Cohen. A few weeks before the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election</a>, a clip from the British comedian's new movie put Trump's&nbsp;lawyer Rudy Giuliani in a tough spot in which he is on screen in a "faked" interview with a woman and can be seen indulging in flirting (and more).

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-why-is-borat-trending-in-america-338156/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Talking about the clip and Cohen, Trump said he always found Cohen to be a "creepy guy".

Recalling an incident from 15 years ago, Trump told few journalists aboard Air Force One&nbsp;that "years ago, you know, he tried to scam me. And I was the only one who said no way. That's a phony guy. And I don't find him funny."

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/entertainment/borat-bounces-back-just-ahead-of-us-elections-337006">Also read|&nbsp;Borat bounces back just ahead of US elections</a>

However, the president did not provide any further details about his encounter with Cohen.&nbsp;

In a 2003 interview, Baron Cohen -- playing the wannabe gangster Ali G -- pitched a business venture to Trump: special gloves for eating ice cream.

Cohen has also indirectly taken a hit at Trump by jokingly lashing out at the media and calling them&nbsp;&nbsp;"fake news media" — a term used a lot by President Trump.

Giuliani,&nbsp;however, has declined these allegations claiming he was only "tucking in my shirt after taking off the recording equipment. At no time before, during, or after the interview was I ever inappropriate."

The US President Donald Trump has expressed his opinion about the controversial Borat Sagdiyev character, claiming he was never a fan of the actor-producer Sacha Baron Cohen.

The US President Donald Trump has expressed his opinion about the controversial Borat Sagdiyev character, claiming he was never a fan of the actor-producer Sacha Baron Cohen. Trump has often faced criticism for his style of leadership, and that is similar to the style portrayed by Sacha Baron Cohen. A few weeks before the US election, a clip from the British comedian's new movie put Trump's lawyer Rudy Giuliani in a tough spot in which he is on screen in a "faked" interview with a woman and can be seen indulging in flirting (and more). Talking about the clip and Cohen, Trump said he always found Cohen to be a "creepy guy". Recalling an incident from 15 years ago, Trump told few journalists aboard Air Force One that "years ago, you know, he tried to scam me. And I was the only one who said no way. That's a phony guy. And I don't find him funny." Also read| Borat bounces back just ahead of US elections However, the president did not provide any further details about his encounter with Cohen. In a 2003 interview, Baron Cohen -- playing the wannabe gangster Ali G -- pitched a business venture to Trump: special gloves for eating ice cream. Cohen has also indirectly taken a hit at Trump by jokingly lashing out at the media and calling them "fake news media" — a term used a lot by President Trump. Giuliani, however, has declined these allegations claiming he was only "tucking in my shirt after taking off the recording equipment. At no time before, during, or after the interview was I ever inappropriate."

Donald Trump calls Borat actor, Sacha Baron Cohen, 'creepy' and 'phony guy'

President Donald Trump’s pick for the US Apex Court Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as Supreme Court Justice in a ceremony at the White House late on Monday.

"I know you will make us all very, very proud," US President Donald Trump said at the swearing-in ceremony.

Earlier on Monday, the US Senate confirmed Judge Amy Coney Barrett's nomination to be a Supreme Court justice by a 52-48 vote, strictly along partisan lines, filling the vacancy left by the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-judiciary-committee-approves-amy-coney-barrett-nomination-for-supreme-court-337328/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Justice Clarence Thomas administered the first of two required oaths to Barrett on the South Lawn of the White House a short time later with Trump looking on.

"It’s a privilege to be asked to serve my country in this office and I stand here tonight truly honoured and humbled. Thanks also to the Senate for giving its consent to my appointment. I am grateful for the confidence you had expressed in me," Barrett said after taking the oath late on Monday.

(With inputs from agencies)

President Donald Trump’s pick for the US Apex Court Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as Supreme Court Justice in a ceremony at the White House late on Monday. "I know you will make us all very, very proud," US President Donald Trump said at the swearing-in ceremony.

President Donald Trump’s pick for the US Apex Court Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as Supreme Court Justice in a ceremony at the White House late on Monday. "I know you will make us all very, very proud," US President Donald Trump said at the swearing-in ceremony. Earlier on Monday, the US Senate confirmed Judge Amy Coney Barrett's nomination to be a Supreme Court justice by a 52-48 vote, strictly along partisan lines, filling the vacancy left by the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Justice Clarence Thomas administered the first of two required oaths to Barrett on the South Lawn of the White House a short time later with Trump looking on. "It’s a privilege to be asked to serve my country in this office and I stand here tonight truly honoured and humbled. Thanks also to the Senate for giving its consent to my appointment. I am grateful for the confidence you had expressed in me," Barrett said after taking the oath late on Monday. (With inputs from agencies)

Donald Trump's pick Amy Coney Barrett sworn in as Supreme Court Justice at White House

The coronavirus was gathering lethal speed when President Donald Trump met his Brazilian counterpart, Jair Bolsonaro, on March 7 for dinner at Mar-a-Lago. Bolsonaro had canceled trips that week to Italy, Poland and Hungary, and Brazil’s health minister had urged him to stay away from Florida, too.

But Bolsonaro insisted, eager to burnish his image as the “Trump of the Tropics.” His grinning aides posed at the president’s resort in green “Make Brazil Great Again” hats. Trump declared he was “not concerned at all” before walking Bolsonaro around the club shaking hands.

Twenty-two people in Bolsonaro’s delegation tested positive for the virus after returning to Brazil, yet he was not alarmed. Trump had shared a cure, Bolsonaro told advisers: a box of the anti-malaria drug hydroxychloroquine, the unproven treatment that Trump was then promoting as a remedy for COVID-19.

“He said the trip was wonderful, that they had a great time, that life was normal at Mar-a-Lago, everything was cured, and that hydroxychloroquine was the medicine that was supposed to be used,” recalled the health minister, Luiz Henrique Mandetta, who was fired by Bolsonaro the next month for opposing reliance on the drug.

“From that time on, it was very hard to get him to take the science seriously.”

The Mar-a-Lago dinner, which would become infamous for spreading infection, cemented a partnership between Trump and Bolsonaro rooted in a shared disregard for the virus. But even before the dinner, the two presidents had waged an ideological campaign that would undermine Latin America’s ability to respond to COVID-19.

Together, the two men, fierce opponents of Latin America’s leftists, took aim at Cuba’s great pride: the doctors it sends around the world. Trump and Bolsonaro drove 10,000 Cuban doctors and nurses out of impoverished areas of Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia and El Salvador. Many left without being replaced only months before the pandemic arrived.

Then, the two leaders attacked the international agency most capable of fighting the virus — the Pan-American Health Organization, or PAHO — citing its involvement with the Cuban medical program. With help from Bolsonaro, Trump nearly bankrupted the agency by withholding promised funding at the height of the outbreak, to an extent not previously disclosed.

And with help from Trump, Bolsonaro has made hydroxychloroquine the centerpiece of Brazil’s pandemic response, despite a medical consensus that the drug is ineffective and even dangerous. The Food and Drug Administration warned last April against most uses of the drug to treat COVID-19. A month later, Trump announced after a phone call with Bolsonaro that the United States would send Brazil 2 million doses.

Weak health systems and overcrowded cities made Latin America inherently vulnerable. But by driving out doctors, blocking assistance, and pushing false cures, Trump and Bolsonaro made a bad situation worse, dismantling defenses.

Now Latin America, with a third of the world’s deaths, has suffered more acutely from COVID-19 than any other region.

The two most powerful leaders in the Americas, Trump and Bolsonaro are both ardent nationalists defiant of mainstream science. Both have put economic growth and short-term politics ahead of public health warnings. Both are deeply hostile to the region’s leftist governments — especially in Cuba, a cause that helps Trump with Cuban American voters in the swing state of Florida.

“In their zeal to get rid of the Cuban doctors, the Trump administration has punished every country in the hemisphere, and without question that has meant more COVID cases, and more COVID deaths,” said Mark L. Schneider, a former head of strategic planning for PAHO who was a State Department official in the Clinton administration. “It is outrageous.”

Smaller, less powerful countries like Ecuador felt the pain. Ecuador acceded to U.S. pressure and sent home nearly 400 Cuban health care workers shortly before the pandemic. Then the country also suffered from the Trump administration’s freeze on funding for the health organization, which hampered its ability to provide emergency supplies and technical support.

“No one from the Pan-American Health Organization was here, and we felt their absence,” said Dr. Washington Alemán, a senior infectious disease specialist and a former deputy health minister in Ecuador, who diagnosed the country’s first confirmed case of COVID-19. “The support was not like it used to be in previous years, in previous epidemics.”

Previous Republican and Democratic administrations have almost all regarded the public health of Latin America as of urgent national interest, because infectious diseases can spread easily between South and North America.

‘Bread From Heaven’

Jair Bolsonaro roared into power in Brazil in October 2018, styling himself as a Trumpian populist, speaking favorably of “dictatorship,” and accusing his country’s left-leaning establishment of taking lessons from communist Cuba. He promised to expel more than 8,000 Cuban medical workers.

A predecessor had invited the Cubans five years earlier to help care for more than 60 million people, mostly in small communities in the Amazon basin, many of whom had never before seen a doctor. Academic studies reported high levels of patient satisfaction and reduced infant mortality rates. PAHO oversaw the Cuban doctors in Brazil and promoted their work as a model; the Obama administration raised no objection.

For decades, Cuba has sent medical workers to fill holes in health systems in Latin America and beyond. Cuba paid the doctors as much as $900 a month compared with the $50 a month they might earn at home. But Havana charged their host governments much more — about $4,300 a month for each doctor in Brazil — and pocketed the difference. Cuba called the program humanitarian; critics, noting that Cuba limited the freedom of the doctors, called it forced labor and human trafficking.

During Bolsonaro’s fiery election campaign, a newspaper disclosed 6-year-old diplomatic cables suggesting that Brazilian officials had routed payments for the program through the health organization in part to avoid a debate in the Brazilian Congress over dealing with Cuba.

Bolsonaro accused the health organization of abetting “modern-day slavery” and vowed to get rid of the doctors. Cuba recalled them even before he was sworn in.

Roughly 6,500 miles away, in Miami, Tony Costa saw a rare opportunity.

An 80-year-old veteran of the aborted Bay of Pigs invasion, Costa has spent decades working to topple the communist leadership in Havana. When he connected the allegations of Cuban forced labor with the Washington-based PAHO, he knew he had something that would captivate Congress and the White House.

“This is like bread from heaven!” he recalled thinking.

Costa soon discovered Ramona Matos Rodríguez, a Cuban doctor who had defected to Miami from a mission to Brazil, and helped her become the lead plaintiff in a lawsuit accusing PAHO of forced labor and human trafficking.

In a court filing, lawyers for the organization said the allegations were “grossly inaccurate” and “bear almost no resemblance to reality.” Experts say the lawsuit is at best a long shot, but, in politics, it made an impact.

Citing the accusations, the State Department pressured Ecuador, Bolivia and El Salvador until they expelled more than 1,000 Cuban medical workers last year.

But the bigger blows hit the Pan-American Health Organization.

The Trump administration focused intensely on the organization’s ties to Cuba, even though its involvement with the Cuban doctors had ended about a year earlier, when they left Brazil. The U.S. stopped paying its annual dues of $110 million, more than half the agency’s core budget. Bolsonaro’s government also froze payment of its $24 million in dues.

By the end of 2019, the agency faced a funding crisis. It had sharply reduced international travel, frozen hiring and cut contracts for the medical consultants who do most of its hands-on work.

Within six weeks, COVID-19 began seeping into Latin America.

Bodies on the Streets

Perched on Ecuador’s southern coast, Guayaquil is a busy port city surrounded by hillsides covered in slums.

Bella Lamilla, 70, arrived from Spain on Feb. 15, to visit her nearby birthplace. But while there, she developed pneumonia.

Ecuador had no labs with the supplies or capacity to test for the coronavirus, but Lamilla’s family happened to take her to a private clinic that employs Alemán, the former deputy health minister. He used his contacts to get a sample sent to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta.

She became Ecuador’s first confirmed case on the night of Feb. 29. Within two weeks, every intensive care unit in the city was overwhelmed.

Doctors in Guayaquil say that more hands-on advice from PAHO might have helped detect the virus much sooner, before it had penetrated the city so deeply.

More direct support from PAHO consultants “could have prevented not only that mistake but many others,” Alemán said.

During past disease outbreaks, local doctors credit PAHO with procuring supplies or rushing in skilled consultants to provide face-to-face technical help to laboratories and hospitals.

The agency’s officials say that this time they faced special challenges. Testing materials and protective equipment became scarce globally. By late March, shutdowns of commercial air travel made it difficult to deploy experts.

But the funding crisis caused by Trump’s freeze also loomed large, even as leaders tried to compensate by shifting resources to prioritize COVID-19 response.

The forced departure of 400 Cuban medical workers from the country did not help, either. At the Martha de Roldós Health Center on the outskirts of Guayaquil, the director, Hugo Duarte, said two Cubans had to leave months before the pandemic.

Ecuadorean doctors would have been just as good, he said, if the Health Ministry had paid enough to fill the vacancies. But the loss had strained the clinic, especially when he was sickened for weeks.

“People were falling dead on the sidewalk, just outside the health center,” Duarte said.

Dubious Medical Advice

As the epidemic was exploding in Ecuador, Bolsonaro returned to Brazil from Mar-a-Lago. He quickly summoned Nise Yamaguchi, a São Paulo oncologist who had become a prominent champion of hydroxychloroquine.

Yamaguchi told the president that the outbreak left no time for the kind of clinical trials other doctors were waiting for.

Brazil had been known for one of the strongest public health systems in Latin America for fighting infectious diseases. But when two health ministers refused to support the drug, Bolsonaro replaced them with a loyal military officer, while Yamaguchi became his most trusted adviser.

Ignoring a medical consensus, Brazil’s Health Ministry still provides free hydroxychloroquine to anyone with COVID-19. And critics say Bolsonaro’s promotion of the drug, coupled with his refusal to wear a mask or socially distance, has undermined public health.

Brazil has suffered more than 157,000 deaths from COVID-19, a total second only to the United States.

The coronavirus was gathering lethal speed when President Donald Trump met his Brazilian counterpart, Jair Bolsonaro, on March 7 for dinner at Mar-a-Lago. Bolsonaro had canceled trips that week to Italy, Poland and Hungary, and Brazil’s health minister had urged him to stay away from Florida, too.

The coronavirus was gathering lethal speed when President Donald Trump met his Brazilian counterpart, Jair Bolsonaro, on March 7 for dinner at Mar-a-Lago. Bolsonaro had canceled trips that week to Italy, Poland and Hungary, and Brazil’s health minister had urged him to stay away from Florida, too. But Bolsonaro insisted, eager to burnish his image as the “Trump of the Tropics.” His grinning aides posed at the president’s resort in green “Make Brazil Great Again” hats. Trump declared he was “not concerned at all” before walking Bolsonaro around the club shaking hands. Twenty-two people in Bolsonaro’s delegation tested positive for the virus after returning to Brazil, yet he was not alarmed. Trump had shared a cure, Bolsonaro told advisers: a box of the anti-malaria drug hydroxychloroquine, the unproven treatment that Trump was then promoting as a remedy for COVID-19. “He said the trip was wonderful, that they had a great time, that life was normal at Mar-a-Lago, everything was cured, and that hydroxychloroquine was the medicine that was supposed to be used,” recalled the health minister, Luiz Henrique Mandetta, who was fired by Bolsonaro the next month for opposing reliance on the drug. “From that time on, it was very hard to get him to take the science seriously.” The Mar-a-Lago dinner, which would become infamous for spreading infection, cemented a partnership between Trump and Bolsonaro rooted in a shared disregard for the virus. But even before the dinner, the two presidents had waged an ideological campaign that would undermine Latin America’s ability to respond to COVID-19. Together, the two men, fierce opponents of Latin America’s leftists, took aim at Cuba’s great pride: the doctors it sends around the world. Trump and Bolsonaro drove 10,000 Cuban doctors and nurses out of impoverished areas of Brazil, Ecuador, Bolivia and El Salvador. Many left without being replaced only months before the pandemic arrived. Then, the two leaders attacked the international agency most capable of fighting the virus — the Pan-American Health Organization, or PAHO — citing its involvement with the Cuban medical program. With help from Bolsonaro, Trump nearly bankrupted the agency by withholding promised funding at the height of the outbreak, to an extent not previously disclosed. And with help from Trump, Bolsonaro has made hydroxychloroquine the centerpiece of Brazil’s pandemic response, despite a medical consensus that the drug is ineffective and even dangerous. The Food and Drug Administration warned last April against most uses of the drug to treat COVID-19. A month later, Trump announced after a phone call with Bolsonaro that the United States would send Brazil 2 million doses. Weak health systems and overcrowded cities made Latin America inherently vulnerable. But by driving out doctors, blocking assistance, and pushing false cures, Trump and Bolsonaro made a bad situation worse, dismantling defenses. Now Latin America, with a third of the world’s deaths, has suffered more acutely from COVID-19 than any other region. The two most powerful leaders in the Americas, Trump and Bolsonaro are both ardent nationalists defiant of mainstream science. Both have put economic growth and short-term politics ahead of public health warnings. Both are deeply hostile to the region’s leftist governments — especially in Cuba, a cause that helps Trump with Cuban American voters in the swing state of Florida. “In their zeal to get rid of the Cuban doctors, the Trump administration has punished every country in the hemisphere, and without question that has meant more COVID cases, and more COVID deaths,” said Mark L. Schneider, a former head of strategic planning for PAHO who was a State Department official in the Clinton administration. “It is outrageous.” Smaller, less powerful countries like Ecuador felt the pain. Ecuador acceded to U.S. pressure and sent home nearly 400 Cuban health care workers shortly before the pandemic. Then the country also suffered from the Trump administration’s freeze on funding for the health organization, which hampered its ability to provide emergency supplies and technical support. “No one from the Pan-American Health Organization was here, and we felt their absence,” said Dr. Washington Alemán, a senior infectious disease specialist and a former deputy health minister in Ecuador, who diagnosed the country’s first confirmed case of COVID-19. “The support was not like it used to be in previous years, in previous epidemics.” Previous Republican and Democratic administrations have almost all regarded the public health of Latin America as of urgent national interest, because infectious diseases can spread easily between South and North America. ‘Bread From Heaven’ Jair Bolsonaro roared into power in Brazil in October 2018, styling himself as a Trumpian populist, speaking favorably of “dictatorship,” and accusing his country’s left-leaning establishment of taking lessons from communist Cuba. He promised to expel more than 8,000 Cuban medical workers. A predecessor had invited the Cubans five years earlier to help care for more than 60 million people, mostly in small communities in the Amazon basin, many of whom had never before seen a doctor. Academic studies reported high levels of patient satisfaction and reduced infant mortality rates. PAHO oversaw the Cuban doctors in Brazil and promoted their work as a model; the Obama administration raised no objection. For decades, Cuba has sent medical workers to fill holes in health systems in Latin America and beyond. Cuba paid the doctors as much as $900 a month compared with the $50 a month they might earn at home. But Havana charged their host governments much more — about $4,300 a month for each doctor in Brazil — and pocketed the difference. Cuba called the program humanitarian; critics, noting that Cuba limited the freedom of the doctors, called it forced labor and human trafficking. During Bolsonaro’s fiery election campaign, a newspaper disclosed 6-year-old diplomatic cables suggesting that Brazilian officials had routed payments for the program through the health organization in part to avoid a debate in the Brazilian Congress over dealing with Cuba. Bolsonaro accused the health organization of abetting “modern-day slavery” and vowed to get rid of the doctors. Cuba recalled them even before he was sworn in. Roughly 6,500 miles away, in Miami, Tony Costa saw a rare opportunity. An 80-year-old veteran of the aborted Bay of Pigs invasion, Costa has spent decades working to topple the communist leadership in Havana. When he connected the allegations of Cuban forced labor with the Washington-based PAHO, he knew he had something that would captivate Congress and the White House. “This is like bread from heaven!” he recalled thinking. Costa soon discovered Ramona Matos Rodríguez, a Cuban doctor who had defected to Miami from a mission to Brazil, and helped her become the lead plaintiff in a lawsuit accusing PAHO of forced labor and human trafficking. In a court filing, lawyers for the organization said the allegations were “grossly inaccurate” and “bear almost no resemblance to reality.” Experts say the lawsuit is at best a long shot, but, in politics, it made an impact. Citing the accusations, the State Department pressured Ecuador, Bolivia and El Salvador until they expelled more than 1,000 Cuban medical workers last year. But the bigger blows hit the Pan-American Health Organization. The Trump administration focused intensely on the organization’s ties to Cuba, even though its involvement with the Cuban doctors had ended about a year earlier, when they left Brazil. The U.S. stopped paying its annual dues of $110 million, more than half the agency’s core budget. Bolsonaro’s government also froze payment of its $24 million in dues. By the end of 2019, the agency faced a funding crisis. It had sharply reduced international travel, frozen hiring and cut contracts for the medical consultants who do most of its hands-on work. Within six weeks, COVID-19 began seeping into Latin America. Bodies on the Streets Perched on Ecuador’s southern coast, Guayaquil is a busy port city surrounded by hillsides covered in slums. Bella Lamilla, 70, arrived from Spain on Feb. 15, to visit her nearby birthplace. But while there, she developed pneumonia. Ecuador had no labs with the supplies or capacity to test for the coronavirus, but Lamilla’s family happened to take her to a private clinic that employs Alemán, the former deputy health minister. He used his contacts to get a sample sent to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta. She became Ecuador’s first confirmed case on the night of Feb. 29. Within two weeks, every intensive care unit in the city was overwhelmed. Doctors in Guayaquil say that more hands-on advice from PAHO might have helped detect the virus much sooner, before it had penetrated the city so deeply. More direct support from PAHO consultants “could have prevented not only that mistake but many others,” Alemán said. During past disease outbreaks, local doctors credit PAHO with procuring supplies or rushing in skilled consultants to provide face-to-face technical help to laboratories and hospitals. The agency’s officials say that this time they faced special challenges. Testing materials and protective equipment became scarce globally. By late March, shutdowns of commercial air travel made it difficult to deploy experts. But the funding crisis caused by Trump’s freeze also loomed large, even as leaders tried to compensate by shifting resources to prioritize COVID-19 response. The forced departure of 400 Cuban medical workers from the country did not help, either. At the Martha de Roldós Health Center on the outskirts of Guayaquil, the director, Hugo Duarte, said two Cubans had to leave months before the pandemic. Ecuadorean doctors would have been just as good, he said, if the Health Ministry had paid enough to fill the vacancies. But the loss had strained the clinic, especially when he was sickened for weeks. “People were falling dead on the sidewalk, just outside the health center,” Duarte said. Dubious Medical Advice As the epidemic was exploding in Ecuador, Bolsonaro returned to Brazil from Mar-a-Lago. He quickly summoned Nise Yamaguchi, a São Paulo oncologist who had become a prominent champion of hydroxychloroquine. Yamaguchi told the president that the outbreak left no time for the kind of clinical trials other doctors were waiting for. Brazil had been known for one of the strongest public health systems in Latin America for fighting infectious diseases. But when two health ministers refused to support the drug, Bolsonaro replaced them with a loyal military officer, while Yamaguchi became his most trusted adviser. Ignoring a medical consensus, Brazil’s Health Ministry still provides free hydroxychloroquine to anyone with COVID-19. And critics say Bolsonaro’s promotion of the drug, coupled with his refusal to wear a mask or socially distance, has undermined public health. Brazil has suffered more than 157,000 deaths from COVID-19, a total second only to the United States.

How Trump and Bolsonaro broke Latin America’s COVID-19 defenses

With exactly one week to go for the US election 2020,&nbsp;Dave Wasserman, the polling guru who forecasted Republican candidate Donald Trump's 2016 win, is betting on Democratic&nbsp;candidate Joe Biden this time.

Wasserman believes that while polls are more stable in comparison to four years ago, President Trump is underperforming and though the race may tighten in the upcoming week, his path looks increasingly difficult.

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-election-2020-opinion-polls-show-joe-biden-holding-substantial-lead-337842/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Democratic presidential challenger Joe Biden leads President Donald Trump by a solid margin in Wisconsin and maintains a narrower advantage in Pennsylvania with just over a week until November 3.

<img alt="Trump" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="9d39d742-f6eb-4801-a174-3455da9357a2" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Capture%208256_0.PNG" />

Wasserman has predicts that&nbsp;six states,&nbsp;Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Florida and Arizona,&nbsp;will play critical roles in deciding whether Trump wins a second term in office or if Biden ousts him.

He highlighted the possibility of&nbsp;the race getting&nbsp;closer to where it was in September, which was when Biden had an average lead of more like 7 or 8 points than 10.&nbsp;

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/who-will-be-americas-future-us-election-2020-new-york-direct-338147/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Trump does not have a lot of margin for error&nbsp;as Biden has a much more stable lead in comparison to Hillary Clinton for years ago.

Biden's lead increased in October after Trump, who faced criticism for downplaying coronavirus pandemic as a ''flu'' and a ''hoax'', himself contracted the novel virus.

As COVID-19 hits swing states, Biden and Trump showed sharp contrast. While Trump said America was turning the corner in the fight against COVID-19 and mocked Biden's more cautious campaigning style. Biden&nbsp;warned that the cold months ahead could be even harsher due to a resurgence of the virus, which has killed more people in the United States than anywhere else and is on the rise in several battleground states.

Wasserman says that in 2016, polls chronically undersampled Trump’s base of support, and that led a lot of the media astray. And the polls are far from perfect in US election 2020 as well as&nbsp;there’s a lot of disagreement between online polls and live-interview polls.

With exactly one week to go for the US election 2020, Dave Wasserman, the polling guru who forecasted Republican candidate Donald Trump's 2016 win, is betting on Democratic candidate Joe Biden this time.

With exactly one week to go for the US election 2020, Dave Wasserman, the polling guru who forecasted Republican candidate Donald Trump's 2016 win, is betting on Democratic candidate Joe Biden this time. Wasserman believes that while polls are more stable in comparison to four years ago, President Trump is underperforming and though the race may tighten in the upcoming week, his path looks increasingly difficult. Democratic presidential challenger Joe Biden leads President Donald Trump by a solid margin in Wisconsin and maintains a narrower advantage in Pennsylvania with just over a week until November 3. Wasserman has predicts that six states, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Florida and Arizona, will play critical roles in deciding whether Trump wins a second term in office or if Biden ousts him. He highlighted the possibility of the race getting closer to where it was in September, which was when Biden had an average lead of more like 7 or 8 points than 10. Trump does not have a lot of margin for error as Biden has a much more stable lead in comparison to Hillary Clinton for years ago. Biden's lead increased in October after Trump, who faced criticism for downplaying coronavirus pandemic as a ''flu'' and a ''hoax'', himself contracted the novel virus. As COVID-19 hits swing states, Biden and Trump showed sharp contrast. While Trump said America was turning the corner in the fight against COVID-19 and mocked Biden's more cautious campaigning style. Biden warned that the cold months ahead could be even harsher due to a resurgence of the virus, which has killed more people in the United States than anywhere else and is on the rise in several battleground states. Wasserman says that in 2016, polls chronically undersampled Trump’s base of support, and that led a lot of the media astray. And the polls are far from perfect in US election 2020 as well as there’s a lot of disagreement between online polls and live-interview polls.

US election 2020: Polling guru who forecasted Donald Trump's 2016 win, reveals this year's winner

In the last gasp on the campaign season, Donald Trump is barreling across the country with back-to-back rallies. With just 8 days to US Election 2020, Will Trump's 2016 political strategies work?

Will Trump's 2016 strategies work? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

With a steady lead in polls & a massive cash advantage, Joe Biden & Kamala Harris are carefully surveying the states & strategizing their moves. Just 8 days to US Election 2020, should Joe Biden go big or play it safe post 2016 lessons?

Who will be America's future? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

In the midst of a polarised election in the history of America, SCOTUS is going through a parallel reality. Final confirmation vote on Amy Coney Barrett is on the horizon with choosing a Supreme Court Justice so close to US Election 2020. WION reports

Final vote for judge Barrett's confirmation | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

With a bit of rejiggering, President Trump & Melania Trump played host to super heroes, unicorns, princesses & even a miniature version of themselves. The south portico at White House was decorated with shades of autumn & Pumpkins. WION brings you the highlights from The HALLOWEEN CELEBRATION

White House hosts Halloween | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

Two children dressed up as US President Donald Trump and his wife Melania at a Halloween event at the White House on Sunday.

They thoroughly enjoyed their mini lookalikes -- as far as the smiles on the faces of the president and first lady go, and posed for a photo with the pair.

The boy's costume included a blonde wig, a black suit, and a red tie, while the little girl wore a white gown.

This year's event took place with extra precautions due to the coronavirus, according to the White House, including a limited guest capacity, required mask-wearing, and social distancing.

A few hours prior to his Halloween bash, Trump was signing pumpkins at an orchard in the state of Maine.

"It'll be on ebay tonight," Trump joked as he autographed them.

Meanwhile, in New York city, a different kind of Halloween was seen altogether -- one that has gripped the whole of United States this entire summer.

There were protests and violence on the streets of New York -- a skirmish broke out between supporters and opponents of Donald Trump on Sunday afternoon.

It began as a virbal dispute, and soon turned physical. There were punches thrown -- eggs were hurled and expletives were yelled.

All of this happened in the heart of Times Square.

Clashes also happened a few miles away in Brooklyn.

But despite all this, many people voted -- hoping to ensure that the US is united once again.

Two children dressed up as US President Donald Trump and his wife Melania at a Halloween event at the White House on Sunday. They thoroughly enjoyed their mini lookalikes -- as far as the smiles on the faces of the president and first lady go, and posed for a photo with the pair.

Two children dressed up as US President Donald Trump and his wife Melania at a Halloween event at the White House on Sunday. They thoroughly enjoyed their mini lookalikes -- as far as the smiles on the faces of the president and first lady go, and posed for a photo with the pair. The boy's costume included a blonde wig, a black suit, and a red tie, while the little girl wore a white gown. This year's event took place with extra precautions due to the coronavirus, according to the White House, including a limited guest capacity, required mask-wearing, and social distancing. A few hours prior to his Halloween bash, Trump was signing pumpkins at an orchard in the state of Maine. "It'll be on ebay tonight," Trump joked as he autographed them. Meanwhile, in New York city, a different kind of Halloween was seen altogether -- one that has gripped the whole of United States this entire summer. There were protests and violence on the streets of New York -- a skirmish broke out between supporters and opponents of Donald Trump on Sunday afternoon. It began as a virbal dispute, and soon turned physical. There were punches thrown -- eggs were hurled and expletives were yelled. All of this happened in the heart of Times Square. Clashes also happened a few miles away in Brooklyn. But despite all this, many people voted -- hoping to ensure that the US is united once again.

Children dress as Trump, his wife at White House Halloween event

EAST STROUDSBURG, Pa. — Like nearly half of all the eligible voters in her county in 2016, Keyana Fedrick did not vote.

Four years later, politics has permeated her corner of northeastern Pennsylvania. Someone sawed a hole in a large Trump sign near one of her jobs. The election office in her county is so overwhelmed with demand that it took over the coroner’s office next door. Her parents, both Democrats born in the 1950s, keep telling her she should vote for Joe Biden. Anything is better than President Donald Trump, they say.

But Fedrick, who works two jobs, at a hotel and at a department store, does not trust either of the two main political parties, because nothing in her 31 years of life has led her to believe that she could. She says they abandon voters like “a bad mom or dad who promises to come and see you, and I’m sitting outside with my bags packed and they never show up.”

That is why Fedrick does not regret her decision in 2016 to skip the voting booth. In fact, she plans to repeat it again this year — something that she and a friend have started to hide from people they know.

“We said we’re just going to lie, like ‘Oh yeah, I voted,” she said. “I don’t feel like getting crucified for what I think.”

As the presidential campaign reaches its final week, early-voting turnout in a number of states has been higher than last time, mail-in ballot requests are surging and some are predicting the highest turnout in many decades. But if history is any indication, a significant portion of Americans will not participate, a signal of distrust and disillusionment with the political system that spans the partisan divide.

Voting is fundamentally an act of hope. But since the 1960s, between a third and a half of eligible voters have stayed home during presidential elections, one of the lowest rates among America’s developed peers. Since the early 1900s, the high point for presidential turnout was in 1960, when 63.8% of eligible adults voted, according to the United States Elections Project that tracks voting data back to 1789. Most recently, the highest peak was in 2008, when 61.6% turned out.

An analysis of Census Bureau survey data from the 2016 election shows a deep class divide: Americans who did not vote were more likely to be poor, less likely to have a college degree, and more likely to be a single parent than the people who voted. They were also less likely to be in the labor force.

The data give a comprehensive look at who voted and who did not, and while no two elections are the same, it points to patterns for why some people are more likely to vote than others.

Not voting has been a feature of the American political landscape for decades. But with razor slim margins in a number of swing states last time, nonvoters have taken on an outsize importance: Even a small victory in converting some of them may tip the scales.

Consider Pennsylvania. More than 3.5 million eligible voters in the state did not cast ballots for president in the 2016 election, a number that dwarfed Trump’s slender margin of 44,292. Monroe County, the Pocono Mountain vacation spot where Fedrick lives, is a microcosm of the state. About 56,000 eligible adults stayed home, more than 100 times Hillary Clinton’s 532-vote margin of victory.

In interviews in Monroe County this month, some of the people who did not vote in 2016 said they planned to vote this year. The stakes were too high to miss it, they said.

“I never thought I’d be bothered with this crap, but now it really counts,” said Jack Breglia, 49, a retired tow truck driver in Kunkletown, Pennsylvania. He could not remember the last time he voted but said he planned to vote for Trump this time.

But many others said they would not. They expressed a profound distrust of politics and doubted their vote would have an effect. They felt a sense of foreboding about the country and saw politics as one of the main forces doing the threatening. Many were not particularly partisan and said they shrank from people who were.

“I try to avoid it because it gets angry and nasty,” said Susan Miller, 42, a waitress at Compton’s Pancake House in Stroudsburg, who said she had voted once in her life, for Barack Obama in 2008.

One predictor of political engagement is growing up in a family that talked about politics. Miller did not. And she is so sick of the one person in her life who is loudly insisting that she vote — an aunt who supports Trump — that she has started simply pretending that she will.

Like many people interviewed for this article, Miller was scrambling to pay rent and buy groceries. Monroe County’s unemployment rate stood at around 13% in August, as the pandemic bit into the county’s tourism industry. Her tips have fallen by half and she is now working for Instacart to make up the difference. Two close relatives have died of COVID-19.

“Politics? It’s the least of my worries,” she said.

She said she would vote again “if the right person came in.”

But Biden is not that person, she said. Miller said she had not watched any of the debates or kept up with the candidates.

“I’m just trying to make it through,” she said.

In recent decades, richer, more educated people are far more likely to vote. In the 2016 analysis, about three quarters of those living in households earning at least $150,000 voted, compared with less than half of those in households earning less than $25,000. About 76% of college graduates voted, compared with 52% of people with just a high school degree.

Marriage mattered, too: Just 45% of single women who had children and were eligible to vote cast ballots compared with 70% of married mothers.

Jennifer Martin, 46, a single mother waiting in line in her car at the Pleasant Valley Ecumenical Network food pantry in Sciota, Pennsylvania, said last time she voted she was in her 20s. Politics, she said, has little relevance to her life. The two political parties seemed about the same.

A recent study found that people like Martin who do not follow politics closely have different concerns from those who do. For example, they say that low hourly wages are among the most important problems facing the country. For hard partisans, who are more likely to vote, the issue barely registers.

“I work at a day care where they pay their workers nothing,” she said. “That’s why I have to come to places like this to feed my family.”

Might the election change things?

“I’m not interested in it,” she said.

Fedrick was one of those who stayed away in 2016, but not because she was not following the news. She has become increasingly angry at the American political system, which she believes is tilted against Black people like her and people who are poor.

She grew up in Newark, New Jersey, whose failing schools and violent streets prompted her parents — an art teacher and a city bus driver — to move to East Stroudsburg when she was 12.

College was a stretch financially. She said she has tried twice for associate degrees, but has not finished either. She ended up with $5,000 in debt. At 31, she is still living with her mother.

Her father, who grew up in rural Georgia in the 1960s, keeps telling her things have gotten better. Government can be responsive, even if it is slow. Voting matters.

She sees no evidence of progress. Minimum wage has been stuck for more than a decade and the problems of police violence against Black people, joblessness and incarceration only seem to get worse.

“We need to break up with the system,” she said. “This system wasn’t designed for us to win.”

Just 47% of African Americans under 30 voted in 2016, compared with nearly 70% of those over 65, a pattern of youth disenchantment common to Americans of all races and ethnicities

Many interviewed in Monroe County said they felt their vote did not matter, pointing to the contested 2000 presidential election and to Trump losing the popular vote. Some said they thought powerful insiders were the ones who really decided.

“We love you and we wish you good luck,” said Fannie Sanchez, 44, a New York-born daughter of Columbian immigrants, of voters. People who do not vote “already saw that there’s something being maneuvered back there. We just unplug ourselves.”

Sanchez is part of a demographic that also had low turnout in 2016: American-born Hispanics. She said in 2008 she swallowed her cynicism and cast the first vote in her life, for Obama.

“I had to just close my eyes and say, ‘If this is fake, I don’t care. I want to be part of this.’”

But she did not vote for him again. Politicians are noisy, but ultimately of no use.

“They rent space in my brain and they frustrate me, but in the end, they do what they want anyway,” she said.

The sheer toxicity of politics is also having an effect. Kyle Marsh, 23, an operations manager for a beer wholesaler, is not particularly political, but most around him are. His mother, a nurse, is furious at Trump. His friends are angry, too. On Instagram recently, one said, “imagine being dumb enough to vote for the worst person in history?” The post made him uncomfortable: He has a friend who likes Trump. But he kept quiet.

“Do you know how many friends I’d lose if I say something?” he said. Voting means being part of the outrage. That is why he will opt out.

Others see a reason to vote this time. Latoya Garrison, a single mother who works nights at a factory putting safety seals on cosmetics, did not vote in 2016. But the coronavirus changed her mind this time. Her tips waitressing at the Roasted Tomato dwindled to $30 a day, and this fall, a social services agency helped her pay rent.

“I’m looking for who is more into controlling this virus, so we can go back to normal,” she said. “I don’t care about anything else.”

The week before last, she voted by mail for Biden.

EAST STROUDSBURG, Pa. — Like nearly half of all the eligible voters in her county in 2016, Keyana Fedrick did not vote. Four years later, politics has permeated her corner of northeastern Pennsylvania.

EAST STROUDSBURG, Pa. — Like nearly half of all the eligible voters in her county in 2016, Keyana Fedrick did not vote. Four years later, politics has permeated her corner of northeastern Pennsylvania. Someone sawed a hole in a large Trump sign near one of her jobs. The election office in her county is so overwhelmed with demand that it took over the coroner’s office next door. Her parents, both Democrats born in the 1950s, keep telling her she should vote for Joe Biden. Anything is better than President Donald Trump, they say. But Fedrick, who works two jobs, at a hotel and at a department store, does not trust either of the two main political parties, because nothing in her 31 years of life has led her to believe that she could. She says they abandon voters like “a bad mom or dad who promises to come and see you, and I’m sitting outside with my bags packed and they never show up.” That is why Fedrick does not regret her decision in 2016 to skip the voting booth. In fact, she plans to repeat it again this year — something that she and a friend have started to hide from people they know. “We said we’re just going to lie, like ‘Oh yeah, I voted,” she said. “I don’t feel like getting crucified for what I think.” As the presidential campaign reaches its final week, early-voting turnout in a number of states has been higher than last time, mail-in ballot requests are surging and some are predicting the highest turnout in many decades. But if history is any indication, a significant portion of Americans will not participate, a signal of distrust and disillusionment with the political system that spans the partisan divide. Voting is fundamentally an act of hope. But since the 1960s, between a third and a half of eligible voters have stayed home during presidential elections, one of the lowest rates among America’s developed peers. Since the early 1900s, the high point for presidential turnout was in 1960, when 63.8% of eligible adults voted, according to the United States Elections Project that tracks voting data back to 1789. Most recently, the highest peak was in 2008, when 61.6% turned out. An analysis of Census Bureau survey data from the 2016 election shows a deep class divide: Americans who did not vote were more likely to be poor, less likely to have a college degree, and more likely to be a single parent than the people who voted. They were also less likely to be in the labor force. The data give a comprehensive look at who voted and who did not, and while no two elections are the same, it points to patterns for why some people are more likely to vote than others. Not voting has been a feature of the American political landscape for decades. But with razor slim margins in a number of swing states last time, nonvoters have taken on an outsize importance: Even a small victory in converting some of them may tip the scales. Consider Pennsylvania. More than 3.5 million eligible voters in the state did not cast ballots for president in the 2016 election, a number that dwarfed Trump’s slender margin of 44,292. Monroe County, the Pocono Mountain vacation spot where Fedrick lives, is a microcosm of the state. About 56,000 eligible adults stayed home, more than 100 times Hillary Clinton’s 532-vote margin of victory. In interviews in Monroe County this month, some of the people who did not vote in 2016 said they planned to vote this year. The stakes were too high to miss it, they said. “I never thought I’d be bothered with this crap, but now it really counts,” said Jack Breglia, 49, a retired tow truck driver in Kunkletown, Pennsylvania. He could not remember the last time he voted but said he planned to vote for Trump this time. But many others said they would not. They expressed a profound distrust of politics and doubted their vote would have an effect. They felt a sense of foreboding about the country and saw politics as one of the main forces doing the threatening. Many were not particularly partisan and said they shrank from people who were. “I try to avoid it because it gets angry and nasty,” said Susan Miller, 42, a waitress at Compton’s Pancake House in Stroudsburg, who said she had voted once in her life, for Barack Obama in 2008. One predictor of political engagement is growing up in a family that talked about politics. Miller did not. And she is so sick of the one person in her life who is loudly insisting that she vote — an aunt who supports Trump — that she has started simply pretending that she will. Like many people interviewed for this article, Miller was scrambling to pay rent and buy groceries. Monroe County’s unemployment rate stood at around 13% in August, as the pandemic bit into the county’s tourism industry. Her tips have fallen by half and she is now working for Instacart to make up the difference. Two close relatives have died of COVID-19. “Politics? It’s the least of my worries,” she said. She said she would vote again “if the right person came in.” But Biden is not that person, she said. Miller said she had not watched any of the debates or kept up with the candidates. “I’m just trying to make it through,” she said. In recent decades, richer, more educated people are far more likely to vote. In the 2016 analysis, about three quarters of those living in households earning at least $150,000 voted, compared with less than half of those in households earning less than $25,000. About 76% of college graduates voted, compared with 52% of people with just a high school degree. Marriage mattered, too: Just 45% of single women who had children and were eligible to vote cast ballots compared with 70% of married mothers. Jennifer Martin, 46, a single mother waiting in line in her car at the Pleasant Valley Ecumenical Network food pantry in Sciota, Pennsylvania, said last time she voted she was in her 20s. Politics, she said, has little relevance to her life. The two political parties seemed about the same. A recent study found that people like Martin who do not follow politics closely have different concerns from those who do. For example, they say that low hourly wages are among the most important problems facing the country. For hard partisans, who are more likely to vote, the issue barely registers. “I work at a day care where they pay their workers nothing,” she said. “That’s why I have to come to places like this to feed my family.” Might the election change things? “I’m not interested in it,” she said. Fedrick was one of those who stayed away in 2016, but not because she was not following the news. She has become increasingly angry at the American political system, which she believes is tilted against Black people like her and people who are poor. She grew up in Newark, New Jersey, whose failing schools and violent streets prompted her parents — an art teacher and a city bus driver — to move to East Stroudsburg when she was 12. College was a stretch financially. She said she has tried twice for associate degrees, but has not finished either. She ended up with $5,000 in debt. At 31, she is still living with her mother. Her father, who grew up in rural Georgia in the 1960s, keeps telling her things have gotten better. Government can be responsive, even if it is slow. Voting matters. She sees no evidence of progress. Minimum wage has been stuck for more than a decade and the problems of police violence against Black people, joblessness and incarceration only seem to get worse. “We need to break up with the system,” she said. “This system wasn’t designed for us to win.” Just 47% of African Americans under 30 voted in 2016, compared with nearly 70% of those over 65, a pattern of youth disenchantment common to Americans of all races and ethnicities Many interviewed in Monroe County said they felt their vote did not matter, pointing to the contested 2000 presidential election and to Trump losing the popular vote. Some said they thought powerful insiders were the ones who really decided. “We love you and we wish you good luck,” said Fannie Sanchez, 44, a New York-born daughter of Columbian immigrants, of voters. People who do not vote “already saw that there’s something being maneuvered back there. We just unplug ourselves.” Sanchez is part of a demographic that also had low turnout in 2016: American-born Hispanics. She said in 2008 she swallowed her cynicism and cast the first vote in her life, for Obama. “I had to just close my eyes and say, ‘If this is fake, I don’t care. I want to be part of this.’” But she did not vote for him again. Politicians are noisy, but ultimately of no use. “They rent space in my brain and they frustrate me, but in the end, they do what they want anyway,” she said. The sheer toxicity of politics is also having an effect. Kyle Marsh, 23, an operations manager for a beer wholesaler, is not particularly political, but most around him are. His mother, a nurse, is furious at Trump. His friends are angry, too. On Instagram recently, one said, “imagine being dumb enough to vote for the worst person in history?” The post made him uncomfortable: He has a friend who likes Trump. But he kept quiet. “Do you know how many friends I’d lose if I say something?” he said. Voting means being part of the outrage. That is why he will opt out. Others see a reason to vote this time. Latoya Garrison, a single mother who works nights at a factory putting safety seals on cosmetics, did not vote in 2016. But the coronavirus changed her mind this time. Her tips waitressing at the Roasted Tomato dwindled to $30 a day, and this fall, a social services agency helped her pay rent. “I’m looking for who is more into controlling this virus, so we can go back to normal,” she said. “I don’t care about anything else.” The week before last, she voted by mail for Biden.

They did not vote in 2016. Why they plan on skipping the election again

By early October, even people inside the White House believed President Donald Trump’s reelection campaign needed a desperate rescue mission. So three men allied with the president gathered at a house in McLean, Virginia, to launch one.

The host was Arthur Schwartz, a New York public relations man close to Trump’s eldest son, Donald Jr. The guests were a White House lawyer, Eric Herschmann, and a former deputy White House counsel, Stefan Passantino, according to two people familiar with the meeting.

Herschmann knew the subject matter they were there to discuss. He had represented Trump during the impeachment trial early this year, and he tried to deflect allegations against the president in part by pointing to Hunter Biden’s work in Ukraine. More recently, he has been working on the White House payroll with a hazy portfolio, listed as “a senior adviser to the president,” and remains close to Jared Kushner.

The three had pinned their hopes for reelecting the president on a fourth guest, a straight-shooting Wall Street Journal White House reporter named Michael Bender. They delivered the goods to him there: a cache of emails detailing Hunter Biden’s business activities, and, on speaker phone, a former business partner of Hunter Biden’s named Tony Bobulinski. Bobulinski was willing to go on the record in The Journal with an explosive claim: that Joe Biden, the former vice president, had been aware of, and profited from, his son’s activities. The Trump team left believing that The Journal would blow the thing open and their excitement was conveyed to the president.

The Journal had seemed to be the perfect outlet for a story the Trump advisers believed could sink Biden’s candidacy. Its small-c conservatism in reporting means the work of its news pages carries credibility across the industry. And its readership leans further right than other big news outlets. Its Washington bureau chief, Paul Beckett, recently remarked at a virtual gathering of Journal reporters and editors that while he knows that the paper often delivers unwelcome news to the many Trump supporters who read it, The Journal should protect its unique position of being trusted across the political spectrum, two people familiar with the remarks said.

As the Trump team waited with excited anticipation for a Journal exposé, the newspaper did its due diligence: Bender and Beckett handed the story off to a well-regarded China correspondent, James Areddy, and a Capitol Hill reporter who had followed the Hunter Biden story, Andrew Duehren. Areddy interviewed Bobulinski. They began drafting an article.

Then things got messy. Without warning his notional allies, Rudy Giuliani, the former New York mayor and now a lawyer for Trump, burst onto the scene with the tabloid version of the McLean crew’s carefully laid plot. Giuliani delivered a cache of documents of questionable provenance — but containing some of the same emails — to The New York Post, a sister publication to The Journal in Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp. Giuliani had been working with the former Trump aide Steve Bannon, who also began leaking some of the emails to favored right-wing outlets. Giuliani’s complicated claim that the emails came from a laptop Hunter Biden had abandoned, and his refusal to let some reporters examine the laptop, cast a pall over the story — as did The Post’s reporting, which alleged but could not prove that Joe Biden had been involved in his son’s activities.

While the Trump team was clearly jumpy, editors in The Journal’s Washington bureau were wrestling with a central question: Could the documents, or Bobulinski, prove that Joe Biden was involved in his son’s lobbying? Or was this yet another story of the younger Biden trading on his family’s name — a perfectly good theme, but not a new one or one that needed urgently to be revealed before the election.

Trump and his allies expected the Journal story to appear Monday, Oct. 19, according to Bannon. That would be late in the campaign, but not too late — and could shape that week’s news cycle heading into the crucial final debate last Thursday. An “important piece” in The Journal would be coming soon, Trump told aides on a conference call that day.

His comment was not appreciated inside The Journal.

“The editors didn’t like Trump’s insinuation that we were being teed up to do this hit job,” a Journal reporter who wasn’t directly involved in the story told me. But the reporters continued to work on the draft as the Thursday debate approached, indifferent to the White House’s frantic timeline.

Finally, Bobulinski got tired of waiting.

“He got spooked about whether they were going to do it or not,” Bannon said.

At 7:35 Wednesday evening, Bobulinski emailed an on-the-record, 684-word statement making his case to a range of news outlets. Breitbart News published it in full. He appeared the next day in Nashville, Tennessee, to attend the debate as Trump’s surprise guest, and less than two hours before the debate was to begin, he read a six-minute statement to the press, detailing his allegations that the former vice president had involvement in his son’s business dealings.

When Trump stepped on stage, the president acted as though the details of the emails and the allegations were common knowledge. “You’re the big man, I think. I don’t know, maybe you’re not,” he told Biden at some point, a reference to an ambiguous sentence from the documents.

As the debate ended, The Wall Street Journal published a brief item, just the stub of Areddy and Duehren’s reporting. The core of it was that Bobulinski had failed to prove the central claim. “Corporate records reviewed by The Wall Street Journal show no role for Joe Biden,” The Journal reported.

Asked about The Journal’s handling of the story, the editor-in-chief, Matt Murray, said the paper did not discuss its newsgathering. “Our rigorous and trusted journalism speaks for itself,” Murray said in an emailed statement.

And if you’d been watching the debate, but hadn’t been obsessively watching Fox News or reading Breitbart, you would have had no idea what Trump was talking about. The story the Trump team hoped would upend the campaign was fading fast.

The Gatekeepers Return

The McLean group's failed attempt to sway the election is partly just another story revealing the chaotic, threadbare quality of the Trump operation — a far cry from the coordinated “disinformation” machinery feared by liberals.

But it’s also about a larger shift in the American media, one in which the gatekeepers appear to have returned after a long absence.

It has been a disorienting couple of decades, after all. It all began when The Drudge Report, Gawker and the blogs started telling you what stodgy old newspapers and television networks wouldn’t. Then social media brought floods of content pouring over the old barricades.

By 2015, the old gatekeepers had entered a kind of crisis of confidence, believing they couldn’t control the online news cycle any better than King Canute could control the tides. Television networks all but let Donald Trump take over as executive producer that summer and fall. In October 2016, Julian Assange and James Comey seemed to drive the news cycle more than the major news organizations. Many figures in old media and new bought into the idea that in the new world, readers would find the information they wanted to read — and therefore, decisions by editors and producers, about whether to cover something and how much attention to give it, didn’t mean much.

But the past two weeks have proved the opposite: that the old gatekeepers, like The Journal, can still control the agenda. It turns out there is a big difference between WikiLeaks and establishment media coverage of WikiLeaks, a difference between a Trump tweet and an article about it, even between an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal suggesting Joe Biden had done bad things, and a news article that didn’t reach that conclusion.

Perhaps the most influential media document of the past four years is a chart by a co-director of the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard, Yochai Benkler. The study showed that a dense new right-wing media sphere had emerged — and that the mainstream news “revolved around the agenda that the right-wing media sphere set.”

Bannon had known this, too. He described his strategy as “anchor left, pivot right,” and even as he ran Breitbart News, he worked to place attacks on Hillary Clinton in mainstream outlets. The validating power of those outlets was clear when The New York Times and Washington Post were given early access in the spring of 2015 to the book “Clinton Cash,” an investigation of the Clinton family’s blurring of business, philanthropic and political interests by writer Peter Schweizer.

Schweizer is still around this cycle. But you won’t find his work in mainstream outlets. He’s over on Breitbart, with a couple of Hunter Biden stories this month.

And the fact that Bobulinski emerged not in the pages of the widely respected Journal but in a statement to Breitbart was essentially Bannon’s nightmare, and Benkler’s fondest wish. And a broad array of mainstream outlets, unpersuaded that Hunter Biden’s doings tie directly to the former vice president, have largely kept the story off their front pages, and confined to skeptical explanations of what Trump and his allies are claiming about his opponent.

“SO USA TODAY&nbsp;DIDN’T WANT TO RUN MY HUNTER BIDEN COLUMN THIS WEEK,” conservative writer Glenn Reynolds complained Oct. 20, posting the article instead to his blog. Trump himself hit a wall when he tried to push the Hunter Biden narrative onto CBS News.

“This is ‘60 Minutes,’ and we can’t put on things we can’t verify,” Lesley Stahl told him. Trump then did more or less the same thing as Reynolds, posting a video of his side of the interview to his own blog, Facebook.

The media’s control over information, of course, is not as total as it used to be. The people who own printing presses and broadcast towers can’t actually stop you from reading leaked emails or unproven theories about Joe Biden’s knowledge of his son’s business. But what Benkler’s research showed was that the elite outlets’ ability to set the agenda endured in spite of social media.

We should have known it, of course. Many of our readers, screaming about headlines on Twitter, did. And Trump knew it all along — one way to read his endless attacks on the establishment media is as an expression of obsession, a form of love. This week, you can hear howls of betrayal from people who have for years said the legacy media was both utterly biased and totally irrelevant.

“For years, we’ve respected and even revered the sanctified position of the free press,” wrote Dana Loesch, a right-wing commentator not particularly known for her reverence of legacy media, expressing frustration that the Biden story was not getting attention. “Now that free press points its digital pen at your throat when you question their preferences.”

On the Other Side of the Gate

There’s something amusing — even a bit flattering — in such earnest protestations from a right-wing movement rooted in efforts to discredit the independent media. And this reassertion of control over information is what you’ve seen many journalists call for in recent years. At its best, it can also close the political landscape to a trendy new form of dirty tricks, as in France in 2017, where the media largely ignored a last-minute dump of hacked emails from President Emmanuel Macron’s campaign just before a legally mandated blackout period.

But I admit that I feel deep ambivalence about this revenge of the gatekeepers. I spent my career, before arriving at The Times in March, on the other side of the gate, lobbing information past it to a very online audience who I presumed had already seen the leak or the rumor, and seeing my job as helping to guide that audience through the thicket, not to close their eyes to it. “The media’s new and unfamiliar job is to provide a framework for understanding the wild, unvetted, and incredibly intoxicating information that its audience will &lt;em&gt;inevitably&lt;/em&gt; see — not to ignore it,” my colleague John Herrman (also now at The Times) and I wrote in 2013. In 2017, I made the decision to publish the unverified “Steele dossier,” in part on the grounds that gatekeepers were looking at it and influenced by it, but keeping it from their audience.

This fall, top media and tech executives were bracing to refight the last war — a foreign-backed hack-and-leak operation like WikiLeaks seeking to influence the election’s outcome. It was that hyper-vigilance that led Twitter to block links to The New York Post’s article about Hunter Biden — a frighteningly disproportionate response to a story that other news organizations were handling with care. The schemes of Herschmann, Passantino and Schwartz weren’t exactly WikiLeaks. But the special nervousness that many outlets, including this one, feel about the provenance of the Hunter Biden emails is, in many ways, the legacy of the WikiLeaks experience.

I’d prefer to put my faith in Murray and careful, professional journalists like him than in the social platforms’ product managers and executives. And I hope Americans relieved that the gatekeepers are reasserting themselves will also pay attention to who gets that power, and how centralized it is, and root for new voices to correct and challenge them.

By early October, even people inside the White House believed President Donald Trump’s reelection campaign needed a desperate rescue mission. So three men allied with the president gathered at a house in McLean, Virginia, to launch one.

By early October, even people inside the White House believed President Donald Trump’s reelection campaign needed a desperate rescue mission. So three men allied with the president gathered at a house in McLean, Virginia, to launch one. The host was Arthur Schwartz, a New York public relations man close to Trump’s eldest son, Donald Jr. The guests were a White House lawyer, Eric Herschmann, and a former deputy White House counsel, Stefan Passantino, according to two people familiar with the meeting. Herschmann knew the subject matter they were there to discuss. He had represented Trump during the impeachment trial early this year, and he tried to deflect allegations against the president in part by pointing to Hunter Biden’s work in Ukraine. More recently, he has been working on the White House payroll with a hazy portfolio, listed as “a senior adviser to the president,” and remains close to Jared Kushner. The three had pinned their hopes for reelecting the president on a fourth guest, a straight-shooting Wall Street Journal White House reporter named Michael Bender. They delivered the goods to him there: a cache of emails detailing Hunter Biden’s business activities, and, on speaker phone, a former business partner of Hunter Biden’s named Tony Bobulinski. Bobulinski was willing to go on the record in The Journal with an explosive claim: that Joe Biden, the former vice president, had been aware of, and profited from, his son’s activities. The Trump team left believing that The Journal would blow the thing open and their excitement was conveyed to the president. The Journal had seemed to be the perfect outlet for a story the Trump advisers believed could sink Biden’s candidacy. Its small-c conservatism in reporting means the work of its news pages carries credibility across the industry. And its readership leans further right than other big news outlets. Its Washington bureau chief, Paul Beckett, recently remarked at a virtual gathering of Journal reporters and editors that while he knows that the paper often delivers unwelcome news to the many Trump supporters who read it, The Journal should protect its unique position of being trusted across the political spectrum, two people familiar with the remarks said. As the Trump team waited with excited anticipation for a Journal exposé, the newspaper did its due diligence: Bender and Beckett handed the story off to a well-regarded China correspondent, James Areddy, and a Capitol Hill reporter who had followed the Hunter Biden story, Andrew Duehren. Areddy interviewed Bobulinski. They began drafting an article. Then things got messy. Without warning his notional allies, Rudy Giuliani, the former New York mayor and now a lawyer for Trump, burst onto the scene with the tabloid version of the McLean crew’s carefully laid plot. Giuliani delivered a cache of documents of questionable provenance — but containing some of the same emails — to The New York Post, a sister publication to The Journal in Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp. Giuliani had been working with the former Trump aide Steve Bannon, who also began leaking some of the emails to favored right-wing outlets. Giuliani’s complicated claim that the emails came from a laptop Hunter Biden had abandoned, and his refusal to let some reporters examine the laptop, cast a pall over the story — as did The Post’s reporting, which alleged but could not prove that Joe Biden had been involved in his son’s activities. While the Trump team was clearly jumpy, editors in The Journal’s Washington bureau were wrestling with a central question: Could the documents, or Bobulinski, prove that Joe Biden was involved in his son’s lobbying? Or was this yet another story of the younger Biden trading on his family’s name — a perfectly good theme, but not a new one or one that needed urgently to be revealed before the election. Trump and his allies expected the Journal story to appear Monday, Oct. 19, according to Bannon. That would be late in the campaign, but not too late — and could shape that week’s news cycle heading into the crucial final debate last Thursday. An “important piece” in The Journal would be coming soon, Trump told aides on a conference call that day. His comment was not appreciated inside The Journal. “The editors didn’t like Trump’s insinuation that we were being teed up to do this hit job,” a Journal reporter who wasn’t directly involved in the story told me. But the reporters continued to work on the draft as the Thursday debate approached, indifferent to the White House’s frantic timeline. Finally, Bobulinski got tired of waiting. “He got spooked about whether they were going to do it or not,” Bannon said. At 7:35 Wednesday evening, Bobulinski emailed an on-the-record, 684-word statement making his case to a range of news outlets. Breitbart News published it in full. He appeared the next day in Nashville, Tennessee, to attend the debate as Trump’s surprise guest, and less than two hours before the debate was to begin, he read a six-minute statement to the press, detailing his allegations that the former vice president had involvement in his son’s business dealings. When Trump stepped on stage, the president acted as though the details of the emails and the allegations were common knowledge. “You’re the big man, I think. I don’t know, maybe you’re not,” he told Biden at some point, a reference to an ambiguous sentence from the documents. As the debate ended, The Wall Street Journal published a brief item, just the stub of Areddy and Duehren’s reporting. The core of it was that Bobulinski had failed to prove the central claim. “Corporate records reviewed by The Wall Street Journal show no role for Joe Biden,” The Journal reported. Asked about The Journal’s handling of the story, the editor-in-chief, Matt Murray, said the paper did not discuss its newsgathering. “Our rigorous and trusted journalism speaks for itself,” Murray said in an emailed statement. And if you’d been watching the debate, but hadn’t been obsessively watching Fox News or reading Breitbart, you would have had no idea what Trump was talking about. The story the Trump team hoped would upend the campaign was fading fast. The Gatekeepers Return The McLean group's failed attempt to sway the election is partly just another story revealing the chaotic, threadbare quality of the Trump operation — a far cry from the coordinated “disinformation” machinery feared by liberals. But it’s also about a larger shift in the American media, one in which the gatekeepers appear to have returned after a long absence. It has been a disorienting couple of decades, after all. It all began when The Drudge Report, Gawker and the blogs started telling you what stodgy old newspapers and television networks wouldn’t. Then social media brought floods of content pouring over the old barricades. By 2015, the old gatekeepers had entered a kind of crisis of confidence, believing they couldn’t control the online news cycle any better than King Canute could control the tides. Television networks all but let Donald Trump take over as executive producer that summer and fall. In October 2016, Julian Assange and James Comey seemed to drive the news cycle more than the major news organizations. Many figures in old media and new bought into the idea that in the new world, readers would find the information they wanted to read — and therefore, decisions by editors and producers, about whether to cover something and how much attention to give it, didn’t mean much. But the past two weeks have proved the opposite: that the old gatekeepers, like The Journal, can still control the agenda. It turns out there is a big difference between WikiLeaks and establishment media coverage of WikiLeaks, a difference between a Trump tweet and an article about it, even between an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal suggesting Joe Biden had done bad things, and a news article that didn’t reach that conclusion. Perhaps the most influential media document of the past four years is a chart by a co-director of the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard, Yochai Benkler. The study showed that a dense new right-wing media sphere had emerged — and that the mainstream news “revolved around the agenda that the right-wing media sphere set.” Bannon had known this, too. He described his strategy as “anchor left, pivot right,” and even as he ran Breitbart News, he worked to place attacks on Hillary Clinton in mainstream outlets. The validating power of those outlets was clear when The New York Times and Washington Post were given early access in the spring of 2015 to the book “Clinton Cash,” an investigation of the Clinton family’s blurring of business, philanthropic and political interests by writer Peter Schweizer. Schweizer is still around this cycle. But you won’t find his work in mainstream outlets. He’s over on Breitbart, with a couple of Hunter Biden stories this month. And the fact that Bobulinski emerged not in the pages of the widely respected Journal but in a statement to Breitbart was essentially Bannon’s nightmare, and Benkler’s fondest wish. And a broad array of mainstream outlets, unpersuaded that Hunter Biden’s doings tie directly to the former vice president, have largely kept the story off their front pages, and confined to skeptical explanations of what Trump and his allies are claiming about his opponent. “SO USA TODAY DIDN’T WANT TO RUN MY HUNTER BIDEN COLUMN THIS WEEK,” conservative writer Glenn Reynolds complained Oct. 20, posting the article instead to his blog. Trump himself hit a wall when he tried to push the Hunter Biden narrative onto CBS News. “This is ‘60 Minutes,’ and we can’t put on things we can’t verify,” Lesley Stahl told him. Trump then did more or less the same thing as Reynolds, posting a video of his side of the interview to his own blog, Facebook. The media’s control over information, of course, is not as total as it used to be. The people who own printing presses and broadcast towers can’t actually stop you from reading leaked emails or unproven theories about Joe Biden’s knowledge of his son’s business. But what Benkler’s research showed was that the elite outlets’ ability to set the agenda endured in spite of social media. We should have known it, of course. Many of our readers, screaming about headlines on Twitter, did. And Trump knew it all along — one way to read his endless attacks on the establishment media is as an expression of obsession, a form of love. This week, you can hear howls of betrayal from people who have for years said the legacy media was both utterly biased and totally irrelevant. “For years, we’ve respected and even revered the sanctified position of the free press,” wrote Dana Loesch, a right-wing commentator not particularly known for her reverence of legacy media, expressing frustration that the Biden story was not getting attention. “Now that free press points its digital pen at your throat when you question their preferences.” On the Other Side of the Gate There’s something amusing — even a bit flattering — in such earnest protestations from a right-wing movement rooted in efforts to discredit the independent media. And this reassertion of control over information is what you’ve seen many journalists call for in recent years. At its best, it can also close the political landscape to a trendy new form of dirty tricks, as in France in 2017, where the media largely ignored a last-minute dump of hacked emails from President Emmanuel Macron’s campaign just before a legally mandated blackout period. But I admit that I feel deep ambivalence about this revenge of the gatekeepers. I spent my career, before arriving at The Times in March, on the other side of the gate, lobbing information past it to a very online audience who I presumed had already seen the leak or the rumor, and seeing my job as helping to guide that audience through the thicket, not to close their eyes to it. “The media’s new and unfamiliar job is to provide a framework for understanding the wild, unvetted, and incredibly intoxicating information that its audience will inevitably see — not to ignore it,” my colleague John Herrman (also now at The Times) and I wrote in 2013. In 2017, I made the decision to publish the unverified “Steele dossier,” in part on the grounds that gatekeepers were looking at it and influenced by it, but keeping it from their audience. This fall, top media and tech executives were bracing to refight the last war — a foreign-backed hack-and-leak operation like WikiLeaks seeking to influence the election’s outcome. It was that hyper-vigilance that led Twitter to block links to The New York Post’s article about Hunter Biden — a frighteningly disproportionate response to a story that other news organizations were handling with care. The schemes of Herschmann, Passantino and Schwartz weren’t exactly WikiLeaks. But the special nervousness that many outlets, including this one, feel about the provenance of the Hunter Biden emails is, in many ways, the legacy of the WikiLeaks experience. I’d prefer to put my faith in Murray and careful, professional journalists like him than in the social platforms’ product managers and executives. And I hope Americans relieved that the gatekeepers are reasserting themselves will also pay attention to who gets that power, and how centralized it is, and root for new voices to correct and challenge them.

Trump had one last story to sell. The Wall Street Journal wouldn’t buy it

Russian President Vladimir Putin has said that Joe Biden's son, Hunter did ''made very good money in Ukraine'' but Moscow is not aware of anything criminal about his&nbsp;past business.

Putin's rejection of US President&nbsp;Donald Trump's criticism of the Biden family business comes with almost a week to go for the US election 2020 on November 3.

Trump, who is trailing behind Biden in opinion polls, has used the debates to make accusations that&nbsp;Hunter Biden engaged in unethical practices in Ukraine. No evidence has been verified to support the allegations, and Joe Biden has called them false and discredited.

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-election-2020-opinion-polls-show-joe-biden-holding-substantial-lead-337842/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Putin, who has praised Trump in the past for saying he wanted better ties with Moscow, has said Russia will work with any US&nbsp;leader while noting what he called Joe Biden's "sharp anti-Russian rhetoric".

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/covid-hit-trump-team-slams-failure-biden-337891" hreflang="en">Covid-hit Trump team slams 'failure' Biden</a>

Putin&nbsp;appeared less friendly towards Trump in remarks broadcast by Russian state TV on Sunday. In what may be seen by some analysts as an attempt to try to curry favour with the Biden camp, he took the time to knock down what he made clear he regarded as false allegations from Trump about the Bidens.

"Yes, in Ukraine he (Hunter Biden) had or maybe still has a business, I don't know. It doesn't concern us. It concerns the Americans and the Ukrainians," said&nbsp;Putin.

"But well yes he had at least one company, which he practically headed up, and judging from everything he made good money. I don't see anything criminal about this, at least we don't know anything about this (being criminal)."

Putin&nbsp;also reacted with visible irritation when asked about comments Trump has made concerning&nbsp;Putin's ties to the former mayor of Moscow, and to an alleged payment made to Hunter Biden by the ex-mayor's widow.&nbsp;Putin&nbsp;said he knew nothing about the existence of any commercial relationship between Hunter and the woman. Joe Biden says the accusation about his son is not true.

US&nbsp;intelligence agencies concluded that Russia tried to interfere in the 2016 US&nbsp;presidential election to tilt the contest in Trump's favour, an allegation Moscow has denied.

Russia has also dismissed accusations by US&nbsp;intelligence agencies of trying to interfere with this year's election too.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has said that Joe Biden's son, Hunter did ''made very good money in Ukraine'' but Moscow is not aware of anything criminal about his past business.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has said that Joe Biden's son, Hunter did ''made very good money in Ukraine'' but Moscow is not aware of anything criminal about his past business. Putin's rejection of US President Donald Trump's criticism of the Biden family business comes with almost a week to go for the US election 2020 on November 3. Trump, who is trailing behind Biden in opinion polls, has used the debates to make accusations that Hunter Biden engaged in unethical practices in Ukraine. No evidence has been verified to support the allegations, and Joe Biden has called them false and discredited. Putin, who has praised Trump in the past for saying he wanted better ties with Moscow, has said Russia will work with any US leader while noting what he called Joe Biden's "sharp anti-Russian rhetoric". Also read: Covid-hit Trump team slams 'failure' Biden Putin appeared less friendly towards Trump in remarks broadcast by Russian state TV on Sunday. In what may be seen by some analysts as an attempt to try to curry favour with the Biden camp, he took the time to knock down what he made clear he regarded as false allegations from Trump about the Bidens. "Yes, in Ukraine he (Hunter Biden) had or maybe still has a business, I don't know. It doesn't concern us. It concerns the Americans and the Ukrainians," said Putin. "But well yes he had at least one company, which he practically headed up, and judging from everything he made good money. I don't see anything criminal about this, at least we don't know anything about this (being criminal)." Putin also reacted with visible irritation when asked about comments Trump has made concerning Putin's ties to the former mayor of Moscow, and to an alleged payment made to Hunter Biden by the ex-mayor's widow. Putin said he knew nothing about the existence of any commercial relationship between Hunter and the woman. Joe Biden says the accusation about his son is not true. US intelligence agencies concluded that Russia tried to interfere in the 2016 US presidential election to tilt the contest in Trump's favour, an allegation Moscow has denied. Russia has also dismissed accusations by US intelligence agencies of trying to interfere with this year's election too.

US election 2020: Vladimir Putin rejects Donald Trump's criticism of Hunter Biden's business

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-nine-days-before-election-day-us-exceeds-early-vote-total-for-all-of-2016-337906">US election 2020: Nine days before Election Day, US exceeds early vote total for all of 2016</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/09/05/158271-us-voting.jpg?itok=9MQqM01g" />

According to a survey of election officials in all 50 states and Washington, this is higher than the 57 million who voted early or by mail in 2016.

 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/after-imran-khan-recep-erdogan-doubles-down-in-backlash-against-macrons-islam-comments-337912">After Imran Khan, Recep Erdogan doubles down in backlash against Macron's Islam comments</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/09/17/160373-untitled-design-80.jpg?itok=OcIgxUID" /> 
 
The backlash against President Emmanuel Macron's comments on Islam intensified Sunday, with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan again urging him to have "mental checks" and protests in Muslim-majority nations.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/historic-treaty-to-prohibit-nuclear-weapons-to-enter-into-force-337907">'Historic' treaty to prohibit nuclear weapons to enter into force</a> 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/09/02/157737-untitled-design-73.jpg?itok=eC-MHjS_" />

The "historic" international treaty banning nuclear weapons has passed an important threshold and is all set to enter into force after 90 days. 
&nbsp;

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US election 2020: Nine days before Election Day, US exceeds early vote total for all of 2016 According to a survey of election officials in all 50 states and Washington, this is higher than the 57 million who voted early or by mail in 2016.

US election 2020: Nine days before Election Day, US exceeds early vote total for all of 2016 According to a survey of election officials in all 50 states and Washington, this is higher than the 57 million who voted early or by mail in 2016. After Imran Khan, Recep Erdogan doubles down in backlash against Macron's Islam comments The backlash against President Emmanuel Macron's comments on Islam intensified Sunday, with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan again urging him to have "mental checks" and protests in Muslim-majority nations. 'Historic' treaty to prohibit nuclear weapons to enter into force The "historic" international treaty banning nuclear weapons has passed an important threshold and is all set to enter into force after 90 days.

Morning news brief: US election, Macron's Islam comments and more

Israel and Sudan agreed to normalize ties in a U.S.-brokered deal on Friday, the White House said, ending decades of hostility as one of Africa’s largest countries joined a broader diplomatic realignment in the Middle East.

Israel and Sudan plan to begin economic relations

Exceeding the early vote total for all of 2016, more than 58.7 million Americans have voted so far. 
 
According to a survey of election officials in all 50 states and Washington, this is higher than the 57 million who voted early or by mail in 2016. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/covid-hit-trump-team-slams-failure-biden-337891">Also read: Covid-hit Trump team slams 'failure' Biden</a> 
 
Millions of Americans wary of crowded polling booths during the coronavirus pandemic and energized by an election fight that both President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden have framed as existential are smashing records for casting ballots, whether by mail or in person. 
 
The tally by the independent US Election Project, run by the University of Florida, said that as of Sunday more than 59 million people had voted so far. 
 
So far, Democrats -- who have encouraged early voting -- have been leading the way, but whether that means Biden can breathe easy remains to be seen. 
 
Trump for months has been claiming, without evidence that mail-in ballots lead to fraud and many Republicans are expected to vote on Election Day. 
 
With coronavirus cases spiking across the country, however, Michael McDonald -- a political science professor at the University of Florida who administers the Election Project -- warned that the strategy "looks all the riskier." 
 
"What if at least some of his voters decide not to vote? What if a polling place becomes unavailable or an election office shuts down?" he tweeted. 
 
The Election Project has predicted that turnout this year could top 150 million in total. Some 137 million ballots were cast in the 2016 election. 
 
Some states key to the 2020 outcome were also firmly on the path to breaking records, such as Texas, where the Election Project said Sunday that 80 per cent of the early 2016 vote had already turned out. 
 
"Folks, Texas still has in-person early voting until Friday, plus Election Day. No doubt Texas turnout will be above 2016. Question is, how much?" McDonald tweeted.

(With inputs from agencies)

Exceeding the early vote total for all of 2016, more than 58.7 million Americans have voted so far. According to a survey of election officials in all 50 states and Washington, this is higher than the 57 million who voted early or by mail in 2016.

Exceeding the early vote total for all of 2016, more than 58.7 million Americans have voted so far. According to a survey of election officials in all 50 states and Washington, this is higher than the 57 million who voted early or by mail in 2016. Also read: Covid-hit Trump team slams 'failure' Biden Millions of Americans wary of crowded polling booths during the coronavirus pandemic and energized by an election fight that both President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival Joe Biden have framed as existential are smashing records for casting ballots, whether by mail or in person. The tally by the independent US Election Project, run by the University of Florida, said that as of Sunday more than 59 million people had voted so far. So far, Democrats -- who have encouraged early voting -- have been leading the way, but whether that means Biden can breathe easy remains to be seen. Trump for months has been claiming, without evidence that mail-in ballots lead to fraud and many Republicans are expected to vote on Election Day. With coronavirus cases spiking across the country, however, Michael McDonald -- a political science professor at the University of Florida who administers the Election Project -- warned that the strategy "looks all the riskier." "What if at least some of his voters decide not to vote? What if a polling place becomes unavailable or an election office shuts down?" he tweeted. The Election Project has predicted that turnout this year could top 150 million in total. Some 137 million ballots were cast in the 2016 election. Some states key to the 2020 outcome were also firmly on the path to breaking records, such as Texas, where the Election Project said Sunday that 80 per cent of the early 2016 vote had already turned out. "Folks, Texas still has in-person early voting until Friday, plus Election Day. No doubt Texas turnout will be above 2016. Question is, how much?" McDonald tweeted. (With inputs from agencies)

US election 2020: Nine days before Election Day, US exceeds early vote total for all of 2016

WASHINGTON — Joe Biden's $2 trillion plan to fight global warming is the most ambitious climate policy proposed by a leading presidential candidate, a political lightning rod spotlighted Thursday night when the Democratic nominee acknowledged during a debate that it would “transition” the country “from the oil industry.”

But no one knows better than Biden, the former vice president, that it almost surely will not be enacted, even if his party secures the White House and the Senate. Thirty-six years in the Senate and the searing experience of watching the Obama administration’s less ambitious climate plan die a decade ago have taught him the art of the possible.

Still, a President Biden could have real impact: solar panels and wind turbines spread across the country’s mountains and prairies, electric charging stations nearly as ubiquitous as gas stations and a gradual decrease in the nation’s planet-warming greenhouse pollution.

“The oil industry pollutes significantly,” Biden said at the final presidential debate, adding, “it has to be replaced by renewable energy over time.”

Biden’s advisers insist that climate change is not just a political slogan. And on Capitol Hill, his team is already strategizing with Democratic leaders on how they can realistically turn at least some of those proposals into law.

“There are three things we have to do — climate, economic equality and democracy,” said Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., who would become the majority leader if his party wins control of the Senate. “All three are vital, and climate is not going to be the caboose.”

If Biden wins, he will face a dilemma he knows well — so much to do, and so little time. As a newly inaugurated vice president, he and Barack Obama dove first into passing an economic recovery bill in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, then focused on the Affordable Care Act. By the time that Congress moved to climate change, the White House’s political capital was exhausted.

Speaker Nancy Pelosi in 2010 forced the House to approve complicated legislation to cap carbon emissions, but that “cap and trade” bill never even came to a vote in the Senate. Its passage in the House helped sweep Democrats from power months later.

“The biggest factor in not getting climate change done in 2010 was health care,” said Phil Schiliro, who was Obama’s liaison to Congress at the time. “And this could happen again, with the other things that have to come first. The coronavirus is such an enormous wild card.”

If Biden wins the White House but Republicans hold Senate control, Biden’s loftiest climate pledges will certainly die.

In that scenario, “All Biden can try to do is cobble back together the Obama environmental agenda,” said Douglas Brinkley, a historian who focuses on presidents’ environmental legacies.

That would include, he said, rejoining the international Paris accords — the agreement between nations to fight climate change, which President Donald Trump is withdrawing from — and reinstating Obama-era climate regulations. And with a 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court, even that could be thwarted.

But even a narrow Democratic majority in the Senate would leave a President Biden with options. And this time around, Biden wants to do it differently, not with a stand-alone climate bill but by tucking climate measures into broader, popular legislation to insulate them from partisan attack.

Democrats’ initial pass would most likely come in an economic recovery package. The $787 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act passed in 2009, which Biden was responsible for putting in effect, included about $90 billion in clean energy infrastructure spending.

With Congress arguing over a coronavirus relief bill measured in trillions of dollars, that $90 billion total is “going to look very small,” said Sen. Edward Markey, D-Mass. “It’s going to be a big, big, big number that goes into that stimulus bill.”

An infrastructure bill, long promised by Trump, could follow and include language from Biden’s climate plan to promote construction of 500,000 electric vehicle charging stations and build 1.5 million new energy-efficient homes. It is also expected that a Biden White House would push aggressively for provisions to promote trains and high-speed rail.

“I will fight for a big, bold climate package,” Schumer said, “and as leader, will be focused on assembling a climate package that meets the scale and the scope of the problem.”

If those spending measures cannot secure enough Republican support to beat a filibuster, Schumer plans to use a budgetary procedure, called reconciliation, to muscle through climate spending and tax policy. Trump and President George W. Bush used reconciliation to pass their huge tax cuts, and Obama passed part of the Affordable Care Act using the rule.

More than a year ago, Schumer tasked Democrats on the Senate committees responsible for climate policy to begin crafting climate-related tax legislation that could be bundled into a larger budget bill. Such policies could include extending tax credits for wind and solar power or increasing royalties for oil and gas drilling on public lands. They could possibly include a tax on carbon dioxide emissions, although passage of such a measure would violate Biden’s pledge not to raise taxes on families with income below $400,000.

“Nothing is off the table,” Schumer said.

Many Republicans are expected to oppose those efforts, countering that they could harm the economy, but some gas-and-coal-state Democrats who balked at Obama’s cap-and-trade bill say they have shifted over the past decade as the politics and reality of climate change have grown more urgent.

“What’s changed is that it’s gotten worse,” said Sen. Jon Tester, D-Mont., who said in 2010 that he worried that Obama’s bill would harm his state’s agriculture and coal industries.

“We’re supposed to get our first frost tonight — in October, a month late,” Tester said, speaking by telephone from his farm in Big Sandy, Montana. “You really have to have your head buried in the sand not to see we’ve got a problem.”

Sen. Bob Casey, D-Pa., a Catholic, said his thinking had been shaped in part by Pope Francis’ 2015 encyclical, which calls for transformational change to stop climate change and environmental degradation.

“We can’t wait 10 more years,” he said. “I don’t think we can wait five years.”

Other coal-state Democrats are not there. Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who shot a copy of Obama’s climate bill in a campaign ad in 2010 and re-upped it in 2018, will play a key role in any climate debate, particularly if he becomes chairman of the Senate Energy Committee.

“I share Vice President Biden’s concern for tackling climate change,” Manchin wrote in an email, but added that major policy changes would not be accepted at face value. “The devil is in the details."

With so much legislative experience, Biden knows what he would be up against, but few would count him out.

“Joe Biden has proved throughout his career that he can bring people together to pass consequential legislation,” said Matt Hill, a spokesman for Biden.

Michael McKenna, who served as a liaison to Congress for Trump, compared a potential Biden administration to Bill Clinton’s negotiating team.

“They’d say, ‘Here’s what we can do,’ and then you start looking for the Venn diagram of what you could do and what they wanted,” said McKenna, a veteran energy lobbyist. Biden, he added, “gets the racket.”

But beyond spending and taxation, real policy changes cannot pass through reconciliation under Senate rules. They will need 60 votes and Republican support. One policy target is a “clean energy standard” — a law mandating a fast transition to zero-carbon electricity generation from wind, solar, hydro and nuclear power. That would go a long way toward ensuring that Biden meets his campaign pledge of eliminating planet-warming pollution from the electricity sector by 2035.

It would also be a tough sell.

“Not going to happen,” McKenna predicted. “The progressives are going to be disappointed.”

Other policy proposals that would need bipartisan support include the establishment of a new government research agency focused solely on solutions to climate change; a mandate for the federal government to purchase hybrid and electric vehicles; and a measure to promote the widespread use of farm equipment that captures planet-warming methane emissions from manure.

Some of the Senate Republicans that could be partners in such ventures are precisely the ones that Democrats need to lose in November if they are to capture the majority: Susan Collins of Maine and Cory Gardner of Colorado, for instance.

One Republican not up for reelection, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, has spoken of the harm that climate change has wreaked on her state.

“She will remain highly engaged in discussions about clean energy and climate change,” said a spokeswoman for Murkowski, Tonya Parrish.

The rest of the world will be watching.

“If we have Biden as president, and he will announce very quickly that he will rejoin Paris and do pieces of regulation that he can control — if he can only muster that, we should remember that those will have an impact,” said Laurence Tubiana, who served as France’s chief climate ambassador during the 2015 Paris negotiations.

But, she said, spending money and reinstating rules will not be enough to meet the emission reductions needed from the world’s largest economy, nor will that secure the global influence the United States once had. For that, she said, “it will be essential to have a law.”

But Republican filibusters would stand in the way.

There is another option: eliminating the legislative filibuster to pass a climate policy bill with a simple 51-vote majority.

Although the Senate has gotten rid of the filibuster for judicial and executive branch confirmations, leaders in both parties have opposed ending it for legislation, fearing the prospect of absolute majority rule.

But climate change might lead Democrats to take a step that has been considered unthinkable, some Democrats say.

“If Republicans still think climate change is a hoax and won’t play ball, and they take the ball and go back to their court, we’ll find other ways to proceed,” said Sen. Thomas Carper, D-Del., who will become chairman of the Senate environment committee if his party wins the Senate.

Biden has designated Carper his climate point man on Capitol Hill, and the two enjoy a decadeslong friendship from Delaware politics.

“Getting rid of the filibuster — that shouldn’t be the first thing we should lead with,” Carper said. “But Republicans should have in the back of their minds that it could come to that.” 
&nbsp;

WASHINGTON — Joe Biden's $2 trillion plan to fight global warming is the most ambitious climate policy proposed by a leading presidential candidate, a political lightning rod spotlighted Thursday night when the Democratic nominee acknowledged during a debate that it would “transition” the country “from the oil industry.

WASHINGTON — Joe Biden's $2 trillion plan to fight global warming is the most ambitious climate policy proposed by a leading presidential candidate, a political lightning rod spotlighted Thursday night when the Democratic nominee acknowledged during a debate that it would “transition” the country “from the oil industry.” But no one knows better than Biden, the former vice president, that it almost surely will not be enacted, even if his party secures the White House and the Senate. Thirty-six years in the Senate and the searing experience of watching the Obama administration’s less ambitious climate plan die a decade ago have taught him the art of the possible. Still, a President Biden could have real impact: solar panels and wind turbines spread across the country’s mountains and prairies, electric charging stations nearly as ubiquitous as gas stations and a gradual decrease in the nation’s planet-warming greenhouse pollution. “The oil industry pollutes significantly,” Biden said at the final presidential debate, adding, “it has to be replaced by renewable energy over time.” Biden’s advisers insist that climate change is not just a political slogan. And on Capitol Hill, his team is already strategizing with Democratic leaders on how they can realistically turn at least some of those proposals into law. “There are three things we have to do — climate, economic equality and democracy,” said Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., who would become the majority leader if his party wins control of the Senate. “All three are vital, and climate is not going to be the caboose.” If Biden wins, he will face a dilemma he knows well — so much to do, and so little time. As a newly inaugurated vice president, he and Barack Obama dove first into passing an economic recovery bill in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, then focused on the Affordable Care Act. By the time that Congress moved to climate change, the White House’s political capital was exhausted. Speaker Nancy Pelosi in 2010 forced the House to approve complicated legislation to cap carbon emissions, but that “cap and trade” bill never even came to a vote in the Senate. Its passage in the House helped sweep Democrats from power months later. “The biggest factor in not getting climate change done in 2010 was health care,” said Phil Schiliro, who was Obama’s liaison to Congress at the time. “And this could happen again, with the other things that have to come first. The coronavirus is such an enormous wild card.” If Biden wins the White House but Republicans hold Senate control, Biden’s loftiest climate pledges will certainly die. In that scenario, “All Biden can try to do is cobble back together the Obama environmental agenda,” said Douglas Brinkley, a historian who focuses on presidents’ environmental legacies. That would include, he said, rejoining the international Paris accords — the agreement between nations to fight climate change, which President Donald Trump is withdrawing from — and reinstating Obama-era climate regulations. And with a 6-3 conservative majority on the Supreme Court, even that could be thwarted. But even a narrow Democratic majority in the Senate would leave a President Biden with options. And this time around, Biden wants to do it differently, not with a stand-alone climate bill but by tucking climate measures into broader, popular legislation to insulate them from partisan attack. Democrats’ initial pass would most likely come in an economic recovery package. The $787 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act passed in 2009, which Biden was responsible for putting in effect, included about $90 billion in clean energy infrastructure spending. With Congress arguing over a coronavirus relief bill measured in trillions of dollars, that $90 billion total is “going to look very small,” said Sen. Edward Markey, D-Mass. “It’s going to be a big, big, big number that goes into that stimulus bill.” An infrastructure bill, long promised by Trump, could follow and include language from Biden’s climate plan to promote construction of 500,000 electric vehicle charging stations and build 1.5 million new energy-efficient homes. It is also expected that a Biden White House would push aggressively for provisions to promote trains and high-speed rail. “I will fight for a big, bold climate package,” Schumer said, “and as leader, will be focused on assembling a climate package that meets the scale and the scope of the problem.” If those spending measures cannot secure enough Republican support to beat a filibuster, Schumer plans to use a budgetary procedure, called reconciliation, to muscle through climate spending and tax policy. Trump and President George W. Bush used reconciliation to pass their huge tax cuts, and Obama passed part of the Affordable Care Act using the rule. More than a year ago, Schumer tasked Democrats on the Senate committees responsible for climate policy to begin crafting climate-related tax legislation that could be bundled into a larger budget bill. Such policies could include extending tax credits for wind and solar power or increasing royalties for oil and gas drilling on public lands. They could possibly include a tax on carbon dioxide emissions, although passage of such a measure would violate Biden’s pledge not to raise taxes on families with income below $400,000. “Nothing is off the table,” Schumer said. Many Republicans are expected to oppose those efforts, countering that they could harm the economy, but some gas-and-coal-state Democrats who balked at Obama’s cap-and-trade bill say they have shifted over the past decade as the politics and reality of climate change have grown more urgent. “What’s changed is that it’s gotten worse,” said Sen. Jon Tester, D-Mont., who said in 2010 that he worried that Obama’s bill would harm his state’s agriculture and coal industries. “We’re supposed to get our first frost tonight — in October, a month late,” Tester said, speaking by telephone from his farm in Big Sandy, Montana. “You really have to have your head buried in the sand not to see we’ve got a problem.” Sen. Bob Casey, D-Pa., a Catholic, said his thinking had been shaped in part by Pope Francis’ 2015 encyclical, which calls for transformational change to stop climate change and environmental degradation. “We can’t wait 10 more years,” he said. “I don’t think we can wait five years.” Other coal-state Democrats are not there. Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who shot a copy of Obama’s climate bill in a campaign ad in 2010 and re-upped it in 2018, will play a key role in any climate debate, particularly if he becomes chairman of the Senate Energy Committee. “I share Vice President Biden’s concern for tackling climate change,” Manchin wrote in an email, but added that major policy changes would not be accepted at face value. “The devil is in the details." With so much legislative experience, Biden knows what he would be up against, but few would count him out. “Joe Biden has proved throughout his career that he can bring people together to pass consequential legislation,” said Matt Hill, a spokesman for Biden. Michael McKenna, who served as a liaison to Congress for Trump, compared a potential Biden administration to Bill Clinton’s negotiating team. “They’d say, ‘Here’s what we can do,’ and then you start looking for the Venn diagram of what you could do and what they wanted,” said McKenna, a veteran energy lobbyist. Biden, he added, “gets the racket.” But beyond spending and taxation, real policy changes cannot pass through reconciliation under Senate rules. They will need 60 votes and Republican support. One policy target is a “clean energy standard” — a law mandating a fast transition to zero-carbon electricity generation from wind, solar, hydro and nuclear power. That would go a long way toward ensuring that Biden meets his campaign pledge of eliminating planet-warming pollution from the electricity sector by 2035. It would also be a tough sell. “Not going to happen,” McKenna predicted. “The progressives are going to be disappointed.” Other policy proposals that would need bipartisan support include the establishment of a new government research agency focused solely on solutions to climate change; a mandate for the federal government to purchase hybrid and electric vehicles; and a measure to promote the widespread use of farm equipment that captures planet-warming methane emissions from manure. Some of the Senate Republicans that could be partners in such ventures are precisely the ones that Democrats need to lose in November if they are to capture the majority: Susan Collins of Maine and Cory Gardner of Colorado, for instance. One Republican not up for reelection, Sen. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, has spoken of the harm that climate change has wreaked on her state. “She will remain highly engaged in discussions about clean energy and climate change,” said a spokeswoman for Murkowski, Tonya Parrish. The rest of the world will be watching. “If we have Biden as president, and he will announce very quickly that he will rejoin Paris and do pieces of regulation that he can control — if he can only muster that, we should remember that those will have an impact,” said Laurence Tubiana, who served as France’s chief climate ambassador during the 2015 Paris negotiations. But, she said, spending money and reinstating rules will not be enough to meet the emission reductions needed from the world’s largest economy, nor will that secure the global influence the United States once had. For that, she said, “it will be essential to have a law.” But Republican filibusters would stand in the way. There is another option: eliminating the legislative filibuster to pass a climate policy bill with a simple 51-vote majority. Although the Senate has gotten rid of the filibuster for judicial and executive branch confirmations, leaders in both parties have opposed ending it for legislation, fearing the prospect of absolute majority rule. But climate change might lead Democrats to take a step that has been considered unthinkable, some Democrats say. “If Republicans still think climate change is a hoax and won’t play ball, and they take the ball and go back to their court, we’ll find other ways to proceed,” said Sen. Thomas Carper, D-Del., who will become chairman of the Senate environment committee if his party wins the Senate. Biden has designated Carper his climate point man on Capitol Hill, and the two enjoy a decadeslong friendship from Delaware politics. “Getting rid of the filibuster — that shouldn’t be the first thing we should lead with,” Carper said. “But Republicans should have in the back of their minds that it could come to that.”

Biden pledges ambitious climate action. Here’s what he could actually do.

Multiple reports claimed of Russian interference in the United States presidential election in 2016 and analysts say that Moscow is still trying its best to give Donald Trump another term despite the setback.&nbsp;

Russia was expecting better ties with the US when Trump was elected in 2016 as the relations during the term of Barack Obama were deteriorating.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="Has Trump team announced its surrender to the pandemic?">Has Trump team announced its surrender to the pandemic?</a>

US intelligence said Moscow in order to boost Trump campaign started attacking Democrats.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/kremlin-accuses-joe-biden-of-spreading-hatred-against-russia-with-threat-talk-338048">Kremlin accuses Joe Biden of spreading hatred against Russia with threat talk</a>

On Wednesday, US director of national intelligence accused Russia and Iran of getting US voter details and doing acts to influence public opinion in Nov. 3 election-- accusations the Kremlin rejected as "completely groundless."

Trump also raised eyebrows in 2018 when he said "I don't see any reason why it would be" Russia to meddle with US election.&nbsp;

However, since then, Washington took actions that were in odds with Moscow, including increasing military deployment in Syria and pulling out of centrepiece arms treaty.&nbsp;

In an interview in early October, Russian president complained that since the start of Trump's four-year rule, Russia has been sanctioned 46 times.

However, analysts believe that the screws will be tightened even more under Biden.&nbsp;

"After the usual rhetoric of the Democrats, which everybody heard in the past four years, it would be logical if they demanded tougher sanctions," said Alexander Baunov of the Carnegie Centre in Moscow, as reported by news agency AFP.&nbsp;

The Democrat-run Congress is also making things difficult for Moscow by imposing sanctions.

Analyst Alexander Shumilin of the Russian Academy of Sciences adds that Trump will be Moscow's preference as has shown "he is not ready to strengthen sanctions and even tried to soften them". 
&nbsp;

Multiple reports claimed of Russian interference in the United States presidential election in 2016 and analysts say that Moscow is still trying its best to give Donald Trump another term despite the setback.

Multiple reports claimed of Russian interference in the United States presidential election in 2016 and analysts say that Moscow is still trying its best to give Donald Trump another term despite the setback. Russia was expecting better ties with the US when Trump was elected in 2016 as the relations during the term of Barack Obama were deteriorating. Also read | Has Trump team announced its surrender to the pandemic? US intelligence said Moscow in order to boost Trump campaign started attacking Democrats. Also read | Kremlin accuses Joe Biden of spreading hatred against Russia with threat talk On Wednesday, US director of national intelligence accused Russia and Iran of getting US voter details and doing acts to influence public opinion in Nov. 3 election-- accusations the Kremlin rejected as "completely groundless." Trump also raised eyebrows in 2018 when he said "I don't see any reason why it would be" Russia to meddle with US election. However, since then, Washington took actions that were in odds with Moscow, including increasing military deployment in Syria and pulling out of centrepiece arms treaty. In an interview in early October, Russian president complained that since the start of Trump's four-year rule, Russia has been sanctioned 46 times. However, analysts believe that the screws will be tightened even more under Biden. "After the usual rhetoric of the Democrats, which everybody heard in the past four years, it would be logical if they demanded tougher sanctions," said Alexander Baunov of the Carnegie Centre in Moscow, as reported by news agency AFP. The Democrat-run Congress is also making things difficult for Moscow by imposing sanctions. Analyst Alexander Shumilin of the Russian Academy of Sciences adds that Trump will be Moscow's preference as has shown "he is not ready to strengthen sanctions and even tried to soften them".

Despite no favours, Russia still backs Trump as next US president, say analysts

The Kremlin Monday said US Democratic presidential challenger Joe Biden’s assessment of Russia as the biggest threat to US national security encouraged hatred against Russia.

Biden named Russia as Washington’s most serious global threat in an interview with CBS’s 60 Minutes on Sunday, while calling China the biggest competitor.

“Well, I think the biggest threat to America right now in terms of breaking up our security and our alliances is Russia,” Biden said.

In response, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on a conference call: “We absolutely do not agree."

“We can only regret that absolute hatred of the Russian Federation is spread in this way.”

The comments come just over a week before Biden faces Donald Trump in the Nov. 3 US presidential election. Biden is ahead in the polls.

Moscow’s ties with Washington sank to post-Cold War lows in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine. Biden was serving as vice president under President Barack Obama at the time.

Relations further soured after US intelligence agencies concluded that Russia tried to interfere in the 2016 US presidential election to tilt the contest in Trump’s favour, an allegation Moscow has denied.

Russia has also dismissed accusations by US intelligence agencies of trying to interfere with this year’s election.

Putin, who has praised Trump in the past for saying he wanted better ties with Moscow, has said Russia will work with any US leader, while noting what he called Joe Biden’s “sharp anti-Russian rhetoric”.

The Russian leader said on Sunday that he saw nothing criminal in past business ties with Ukraine or Russia developed by Biden’s son Hunter, marking out his disagreement with one of Trump’s attack lines in the US election.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-vladimir-putin-rejects-donald-trumps-criticism-of-hunter-bidens-business-337930">Also read | US election 2020: Vladimir Putin rejects Donald Trump's criticism of Hunter Biden's business</a>

The Kremlin Monday said US Democratic presidential challenger Joe Biden’s assessment of Russia as the biggest threat to US national security encouraged hatred against Russia.

The Kremlin Monday said US Democratic presidential challenger Joe Biden’s assessment of Russia as the biggest threat to US national security encouraged hatred against Russia. Biden named Russia as Washington’s most serious global threat in an interview with CBS’s 60 Minutes on Sunday, while calling China the biggest competitor. “Well, I think the biggest threat to America right now in terms of breaking up our security and our alliances is Russia,” Biden said. In response, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on a conference call: “We absolutely do not agree." “We can only regret that absolute hatred of the Russian Federation is spread in this way.” The comments come just over a week before Biden faces Donald Trump in the Nov. 3 US presidential election. Biden is ahead in the polls. Moscow’s ties with Washington sank to post-Cold War lows in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine. Biden was serving as vice president under President Barack Obama at the time. Relations further soured after US intelligence agencies concluded that Russia tried to interfere in the 2016 US presidential election to tilt the contest in Trump’s favour, an allegation Moscow has denied. Russia has also dismissed accusations by US intelligence agencies of trying to interfere with this year’s election. Putin, who has praised Trump in the past for saying he wanted better ties with Moscow, has said Russia will work with any US leader, while noting what he called Joe Biden’s “sharp anti-Russian rhetoric”. The Russian leader said on Sunday that he saw nothing criminal in past business ties with Ukraine or Russia developed by Biden’s son Hunter, marking out his disagreement with one of Trump’s attack lines in the US election. Also read | US election 2020: Vladimir Putin rejects Donald Trump's criticism of Hunter Biden's business

Kremlin accuses Joe Biden of spreading hatred against Russia with threat talk

The political bromance between Boris Johnson and Donald Trump leaves Britain and its transatlantic "special relationship" exposed if Joe Biden wins next week, just as the country needs all the friends it can get.

The UK is divorcing the European Union and looking to revitalise partnerships elsewhere,&nbsp;but has managed to antagonise President Trump's Democratic opponent over its Brexit plans for Northern Ireland.

French President Emmanuel Macron has at times also strived to keep Trump close. But the British prime minister is more closely associated with his fellow convention-shredding populist in Washington.

"There is a lot of frantic repositioning going on at the moment here in London by this administration in Britain," former Conservative finance minister George Osborne told CNN on Sunday.

"But I don't think Joe Biden will feel particularly warmly toward this British government, and they're going to have to work very hard to change that," he said.

Last December, as Johnson closed in on a general election victory, Biden showed his disdain in describing the Conservative politician as a "physical and emotional clone" of Trump.&nbsp;

The president has himself praised Johnson as "Britain('s) Trump", and the prime minister's own long trail of provocative comments has come back to haunt him.&nbsp;

Biden was vice president to Barack Obama when Johnson, in 2016, wrote that Obama was anti-UK owing to his "part-Kenyan" heritage and "ancestral dislike of the British Empire".

- Trump with better hair? -

That remark was highlighted recently on Twitter by Obama's deputy national security advisor, Ben Rhodes, who sees Johnson as Trump "with better hair" and a higher IQ. Many veterans of the Obama administration are likely to populate a Biden White House.

If elected, it will be up to Biden and his team to decide whether "to litigate and punish the past or focus on the future", according to Heather Conley, director of the Europe programme at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington.

"I am comforted that populists are chameleons: they take on the hue of the political moment. I trust should vice president Biden win, Mr Johnson's hue will change dramatically," she told AFP.

Trump's relationship with previous British prime minister Theresa May was awful. But he was effusive about the New York-born Johnson when the "tough" and "smart" former foreign secretary replaced her last year.&nbsp;

Johnson in turn has lauded Trump's "many, many good qualities", in marked contrast to the arm's-length mistrust displayed by others such as German Chancellor Angela Merkel.

Yet Britain, next year's president of the G7, remains far more aligned with France and Germany -- as well as Biden -- on climate change, Iran, Russia and collective defence under the NATO umbrella.

A post-Brexit US-UK trade deal is still a work in progress under Trump, who characteristically is said to be driving a hard bargain after slapping tariffs on Scottish whisky amid a wider spat with the EU.

- Voting for Reagan -

Conley said that Biden, as a "dedicated transatlanticist", was likely to resolve Trump's trade row with the EU and Britain, as part of a wider fence-mending policy if elected.

"But certainly issues related to Brexit are going to be addressed much differently in a Biden administration than the Brexit enthusiasm of the Trump administration -- and even that hasn't been easy going," the expert added.

The US-UK trade negotiation has been attracting close attention from Democrats, since Johnson in September introduced legislation that unilaterally strips Brussels of a role in regulating future trade between Northern Ireland and EU member Ireland.

Biden, who speaks passionately of his Irish roots, warned that the trade deal would be dead on arrival if Britain, via its Brexit policy, undermines Northern Ireland's Good Friday peace agreement.

In public, the British government refuses to take sides in the November 3 US election. But some Conservatives are showing no such reserve.

In 1992, Johnson's former finance minister Sajid Javid moved to New York to work as a banker. Writing in the Daily Telegraph last week, he reflected on hearing Ronald Reagan's final speech to the Republican convention that summer.

The former president appealed to "your best hopes, not your worst fears", Javid said.

"Only one of the candidates can credibly say the same. Britain is better off with Biden."

The political bromance between Boris Johnson and Donald Trump leaves Britain and its transatlantic "special relationship" exposed if Joe Biden wins next week, just as the country needs all the friends it can get.

The political bromance between Boris Johnson and Donald Trump leaves Britain and its transatlantic "special relationship" exposed if Joe Biden wins next week, just as the country needs all the friends it can get. The UK is divorcing the European Union and looking to revitalise partnerships elsewhere, but has managed to antagonise President Trump's Democratic opponent over its Brexit plans for Northern Ireland. French President Emmanuel Macron has at times also strived to keep Trump close. But the British prime minister is more closely associated with his fellow convention-shredding populist in Washington. "There is a lot of frantic repositioning going on at the moment here in London by this administration in Britain," former Conservative finance minister George Osborne told CNN on Sunday. "But I don't think Joe Biden will feel particularly warmly toward this British government, and they're going to have to work very hard to change that," he said. Last December, as Johnson closed in on a general election victory, Biden showed his disdain in describing the Conservative politician as a "physical and emotional clone" of Trump. The president has himself praised Johnson as "Britain('s) Trump", and the prime minister's own long trail of provocative comments has come back to haunt him. Biden was vice president to Barack Obama when Johnson, in 2016, wrote that Obama was anti-UK owing to his "part-Kenyan" heritage and "ancestral dislike of the British Empire". - Trump with better hair? - That remark was highlighted recently on Twitter by Obama's deputy national security advisor, Ben Rhodes, who sees Johnson as Trump "with better hair" and a higher IQ. Many veterans of the Obama administration are likely to populate a Biden White House. If elected, it will be up to Biden and his team to decide whether "to litigate and punish the past or focus on the future", according to Heather Conley, director of the Europe programme at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. "I am comforted that populists are chameleons: they take on the hue of the political moment. I trust should vice president Biden win, Mr Johnson's hue will change dramatically," she told AFP. Trump's relationship with previous British prime minister Theresa May was awful. But he was effusive about the New York-born Johnson when the "tough" and "smart" former foreign secretary replaced her last year. Johnson in turn has lauded Trump's "many, many good qualities", in marked contrast to the arm's-length mistrust displayed by others such as German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Yet Britain, next year's president of the G7, remains far more aligned with France and Germany -- as well as Biden -- on climate change, Iran, Russia and collective defence under the NATO umbrella. A post-Brexit US-UK trade deal is still a work in progress under Trump, who characteristically is said to be driving a hard bargain after slapping tariffs on Scottish whisky amid a wider spat with the EU. - Voting for Reagan - Conley said that Biden, as a "dedicated transatlanticist", was likely to resolve Trump's trade row with the EU and Britain, as part of a wider fence-mending policy if elected. "But certainly issues related to Brexit are going to be addressed much differently in a Biden administration than the Brexit enthusiasm of the Trump administration -- and even that hasn't been easy going," the expert added. The US-UK trade negotiation has been attracting close attention from Democrats, since Johnson in September introduced legislation that unilaterally strips Brussels of a role in regulating future trade between Northern Ireland and EU member Ireland. Biden, who speaks passionately of his Irish roots, warned that the trade deal would be dead on arrival if Britain, via its Brexit policy, undermines Northern Ireland's Good Friday peace agreement. In public, the British government refuses to take sides in the November 3 US election. But some Conservatives are showing no such reserve. In 1992, Johnson's former finance minister Sajid Javid moved to New York to work as a banker. Writing in the Daily Telegraph last week, he reflected on hearing Ronald Reagan's final speech to the Republican convention that summer. The former president appealed to "your best hopes, not your worst fears", Javid said. "Only one of the candidates can credibly say the same. Britain is better off with Biden."

Biden no lover of UK's 'Trump clone' Johnson

Looks like the Trump administration has finally announced its surrender to the Covid-19 pandemic.

"We are not going to control the pandemic. We are going to control the fact that we get vaccines, therapeutics and other mitigation areas," White House chief of staff Mark Meadows told CNN's Jake Tapper on "State of the Union" on Sunday.

The statement is being considered as an unconditional surrender from the Trump team by publications like CNN and The Washington Post.

The pandemic has so far claimed 230,000 US deaths -- a toll that rises by around 1,000 each day of Trump's inaction.

Trump, it's being said, chose at every moment the economy over trying to stop the spread of the coronavirus. And hence, the number of cases rose exponentially.

To this end, a CNN analysis says that Trump's team echoed his false belief that the choice was Covid versus the economy.

Trump's handling of the pandemic is one of the major issues the November 3 presidential vote is being contested on.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/covid-hit-trump-team-slams-failure-biden-337891">Also read |&nbsp;Covid-hit Trump team slams 'failure' Biden</a>

Just a day after the US recorded largest single day jump in coronavirus cases, Trump said it was 'foolish' to test for the deadly infection. He was speaking at election rally in Lumberton, North Carolina on Saturday.&nbsp;

In his speech, Trump again sought to blame huge number of coronavirus cases on testing.&nbsp;

“You know why we have cases? It’s because we test so much,” the president told his rally crowd. “In a lot of ways it’s good, and in a lot of ways it’s foolish.”&nbsp;

“If we tested half, cases would be half," Trump said.&nbsp;

In the past also, he has gone on record to say things like coronavirus was "just a flu". He later said the position he took at the start of the pandemic was to ensure that there was no panic in Americans.

His Democratic challenger Joe Biden has also accused Trump of surrendering to the pandemic.

In a statement released by his campaign, Biden seized on the above-mentioned&nbsp;comments, saying Meadows “stunningly admitted this morning that the administration has given up on even trying to control this pandemic, that they’ve given up on their basic duty to protect the American people.”

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/in-many-ways-its-foolish-to-test-for-coronavirus-says-donald-trump-in-us-election-rally-337762">Also read |&nbsp;In many ways it's 'foolish' to test for coronavirus, says Donald Trump in US election rally</a>

“This wasn’t a slip by Meadows, it was a candid acknowledgement of what President Trump’s strategy has clearly been from the beginning of this crisis: to wave the white flag of defeat and hope that by ignoring it, the virus would simply go away. It hasn’t, and it won’t,” Biden added.

The outbreak among Pence’s aides marked the latest White House COVID-19 cases, which have included Trump, first lady Melania Trump, their son, Barron, and numerous aides and associates. The president was hospitalised for three nights this month after contracting COVID-19.

Ahead of the presidential election, both campaigns are scrambling to make their closing arguments and win over the few still undecided voters.&nbsp;

Biden has maintained a stable lead of around 10 points in national polls, and narrower leads in battleground states like Florida that typically decide the winner of US presidential elections.

(with inputs)

Looks like the Trump administration has finally announced its surrender to the Covid-19 pandemic. "We are not going to control the pandemic. We are going to control the fact that we get vaccines, therapeutics and other mitigation areas," White House chief of staff Mark Meadows told CNN's Jake Tapper on "State of the Union" on Sunday.

Looks like the Trump administration has finally announced its surrender to the Covid-19 pandemic. "We are not going to control the pandemic. We are going to control the fact that we get vaccines, therapeutics and other mitigation areas," White House chief of staff Mark Meadows told CNN's Jake Tapper on "State of the Union" on Sunday. The statement is being considered as an unconditional surrender from the Trump team by publications like CNN and The Washington Post. The pandemic has so far claimed 230,000 US deaths -- a toll that rises by around 1,000 each day of Trump's inaction. Trump, it's being said, chose at every moment the economy over trying to stop the spread of the coronavirus. And hence, the number of cases rose exponentially. To this end, a CNN analysis says that Trump's team echoed his false belief that the choice was Covid versus the economy. Trump's handling of the pandemic is one of the major issues the November 3 presidential vote is being contested on. Also read | Covid-hit Trump team slams 'failure' Biden Just a day after the US recorded largest single day jump in coronavirus cases, Trump said it was 'foolish' to test for the deadly infection. He was speaking at election rally in Lumberton, North Carolina on Saturday. In his speech, Trump again sought to blame huge number of coronavirus cases on testing. “You know why we have cases? It’s because we test so much,” the president told his rally crowd. “In a lot of ways it’s good, and in a lot of ways it’s foolish.” “If we tested half, cases would be half," Trump said. In the past also, he has gone on record to say things like coronavirus was "just a flu". He later said the position he took at the start of the pandemic was to ensure that there was no panic in Americans. His Democratic challenger Joe Biden has also accused Trump of surrendering to the pandemic. In a statement released by his campaign, Biden seized on the above-mentioned comments, saying Meadows “stunningly admitted this morning that the administration has given up on even trying to control this pandemic, that they’ve given up on their basic duty to protect the American people.” Also read | In many ways it's 'foolish' to test for coronavirus, says Donald Trump in US election rally “This wasn’t a slip by Meadows, it was a candid acknowledgement of what President Trump’s strategy has clearly been from the beginning of this crisis: to wave the white flag of defeat and hope that by ignoring it, the virus would simply go away. It hasn’t, and it won’t,” Biden added. The outbreak among Pence’s aides marked the latest White House COVID-19 cases, which have included Trump, first lady Melania Trump, their son, Barron, and numerous aides and associates. The president was hospitalised for three nights this month after contracting COVID-19. Ahead of the presidential election, both campaigns are scrambling to make their closing arguments and win over the few still undecided voters. Biden has maintained a stable lead of around 10 points in national polls, and narrower leads in battleground states like Florida that typically decide the winner of US presidential elections. (with inputs)

Has Trump team announced its surrender to the pandemic?

U.S. President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania were in the spotlight outside the White House on Sunday night (October 25) to host families for a Halloween event -- when suddenly their miniature lookalikes came along and stole the show.

Mini Trump and Melania steal the show at White House Halloween

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