<p>Not many relationships in international politics make headlines like China-India relations often do. The chronicle of the transient year 2017 suggests that China-India relations continued to struggle to thrive, even though this relationship commanded plenty of promises and pledges. Best remembered as the &ldquo;year of Doklam&rdquo;, 2017 witnessed Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping pledging a &ldquo;forward-looking constructive&rdquo; bilateral relationship.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>During the September Xiamen BRICS summit, both the leaders tried to overcome the setback that the relationship has faced in recent times. How will this envisioned &ldquo;constructive&rdquo; China-India relationship that aims to have a &ldquo;forward-looking&rdquo; spirit unfold in 2018?&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Fundamentally speaking, a &ldquo;forward-looking constructive&rdquo; relationship would imply that the two countries manage to handle their differences, including the age-old boundary dispute while fostering an engaging economic partnership that will enhance their bilateral and global relationship.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The official media transcript after the Xiamen BRICS summit stated that the established intergovernmental mechanisms between China and India are supposed to play a stronger role to this effect. Their common pledge to scrutinise neoliberal ideas, uphold the structure of a multipolar world order, and reform the global order in favour of the developing world are all indicators of a constructive forward-looking relationship.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The pledge to have a &ldquo;forward-looking&rdquo; and &ldquo;constructive&rdquo; relationship is, however, not entirely a new proposition. Both sides have used similar phrasing in the past to offer a &ldquo;political&rdquo; guidance to their relationship, which is often marred by a range of conflicts &ndash; boundary to geopolitics. Indeed, the proposition to have a &ldquo;constructive&rdquo; relationship is part and parcel of their &ldquo;developmental partnership&rdquo;, which was officially instituted during President Xi Jinping&rsquo;s visit to India in September 2014.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The core essence of this &ldquo;developmental partnership&rdquo; was to guide China-India relations through a stronger economic engagement. The economic engagement has been nurtured under a number of bilateral mechanisms, such as the Joint Economic Group (JEG), Strategic Economic Dialogue and Financial Dialogue to name just a few. These have acted as stabilisers, preventing the relationship from going on a conflict path.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Consequently, bilateral trade, seen often as a &lsquo;stable variable&rsquo; in China-India relations, witnessed a steady rise over the last one decade amidst the rising border tensions and mutual mistrust. From a meagre US$10 billion in 2004, the bilateral trade has expanded to reach around $71 billion by 2017.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>in the recent past, however, a subtle change is noticed in the pattern of relationship. Bilateral trade and institutional dialogue have become extraneous to a stable bilateral relationship.&nbsp; In fact, bilateral trade has been constant around $70 billion for last few years without showing much improvement. The trade imbalance between the two sides is expanding, much to China&rsquo;s favour, creating an increasing discord among the Indian business community.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Additionally, the institutional mechanisms look obsolete to address the rising differences between the two countries. Even frequent leadership meetings have offered little to push ahead their envisioned &ldquo;developmental partnership&rdquo;. For example, before their meeting at the Xiamen BRICS summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping met during the SCO summit in Astana and the G-20 summit in Hamburg in 2017. These meetings, however, could not generate necessary maturity on both sides so as not to engage in an episode like the Doklam stand-off.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Besides, India&rsquo;s decision not to participate in China&rsquo;s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) meeting held in Beijing in May 2017 spiralled their geopolitical differences into the international limelight. The two and a half months&rsquo; long Doklam stand-off damaged further the residual goodwill that their relationship had accomplished over the years, making 2017 the defining year for China-India relations.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>This changing treatise in China-India relations sufficiently indicates that the relationship would be thorny in 2018 and ahead. The official longing might be to carve out an &ldquo;upward trajectory&rdquo; in China-India relations, but fostering such a relationship in the current practical circumstances would be difficult to foresee. Three specific developments explain why China-India relations might continue to struggle to thrive even though there might be a temporary improvement in their overall relationship.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>First, foreign policy passages in both China and India are witnessing constant changes which might point to a more &ldquo;state-centric&rdquo; non-accommodative approach towards each other. After the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), China aims to push ahead it&rsquo;s national security ambitions, in terms of exploiting resource opportunities, expand the country&rsquo;s power base, and exhibit China&rsquo;s leadership both in Asia and beyond.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Xi Jinping sees the next few years as a &ldquo;period of strategic opportunities&rdquo; for China and India as a &lsquo;limited Asian power&rsquo; only.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>On the other hand, New Delhi&rsquo;s foreign policy, under an &ldquo;India first&rdquo; approach,&nbsp; seeks to engage more with big powers while having a focus on Asia and Asian neighbours. Currently, India&rsquo;s prime targets are resource exploration and increasing India&rsquo;s outreach in Asia. This would bring the Chinese and Indian foreign policy into a point of contestation than engagement.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Second, even though the scope and potential of greater China-India economic engagement are bigger today, still the differing approaches in the promotion of a &ldquo;developmental partnership&rdquo; would be the main barrier between them. China wants to pursue a more purposeful international economic engagement which will facilitate Chinese economic growth. The induction of the BRI into the revised CPC Constitution at the 19th National Congress points to that. This might create friction in the Sino-Indian relations since India is yet to endorse China&rsquo;s BRI.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The usual China-India &ldquo;sister-city&rdquo; and &ldquo;sister-province&rdquo; level engagements have been one of the most promising aspects of their bilateral relationship over the last one decade. But from Beijing&rsquo;s perspective, the &ldquo;sister-city&rdquo; and &ldquo;sister-province&rdquo; level engagements are today seen as an integral part of China&rsquo;s BRI scheme, which India may see as antithetical to its national interest. Besides, it is not clear how China would like to address India&rsquo;s economic concerns on the rising trade imbalance and would situate it in the overall relationship framework.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Third, China-India differences in the Asia-Pacific region is another new complicated chapter that would not be supportive of their bilateral relations. Beijing seems to be keen on following an intensive maritime strategy not only to protect its interests but also to expedite overseas maritime presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Many democratic countries, including the United States, Japan and India are not in favour of China&#39;s expansion in the IOR.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Beijing under Xi Jinping is emerging fast as a &ldquo;trading nation&rdquo; and the new focus is to expedite its maritime trading routes in the IOR. That would bring Indian maritime interests into contestation. India&rsquo;s S-A-G-A-R (Security and Growth for All Region) initiative under Prime Minister Narendra Modi equally emphasises on the maritime economy and marine resources which would emerge as a matter of contest between the Chinese and Indian interests in the IOR.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>China aims to configure a bipolar world, sharing the &quot;major&quot; power platform with the United States. China wants to shun the existing &ldquo;status quo&rdquo;&nbsp; and emerge as a &ldquo;revisionist&rdquo; power. This would significantly influence China-India relations.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;Contrasting bilateral perspectives come as a major impediment to a working relationship between India and China today. Just like 2017, the year 2018, therefore, might equally witness conflicting trends between India and China, overriding their cooperative trends.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).</em></p>


China wants to shun the existing ?status quo? and emerge as a ?revisionist? power which would significantly influence China-India relations.

Not many relationships in international politics make headlines like China-India relations often do. The chronicle of the transient year 2017 suggests that China-India relations continued to struggle to thrive, even though this relationship commanded plenty of promises and pledges. Best remembered as the “year of Doklam”, 2017 witnessed Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping pledging a “forward-looking constructive” bilateral relationship. During the September Xiamen BRICS summit, both the leaders tried to overcome the setback that the relationship has faced in recent times. How will this envisioned “constructive” China-India relationship that aims to have a “forward-looking” spirit unfold in 2018? Fundamentally speaking, a “forward-looking constructive” relationship would imply that the two countries manage to handle their differences, including the age-old boundary dispute while fostering an engaging economic partnership that will enhance their bilateral and global relationship. The official media transcript after the Xiamen BRICS summit stated that the established intergovernmental mechanisms between China and India are supposed to play a stronger role to this effect. Their common pledge to scrutinise neoliberal ideas, uphold the structure of a multipolar world order, and reform the global order in favour of the developing world are all indicators of a constructive forward-looking relationship. The pledge to have a “forward-looking” and “constructive” relationship is, however, not entirely a new proposition. Both sides have used similar phrasing in the past to offer a “political” guidance to their relationship, which is often marred by a range of conflicts – boundary to geopolitics. Indeed, the proposition to have a “constructive” relationship is part and parcel of their “developmental partnership”, which was officially instituted during President Xi Jinping’s visit to India in September 2014. The core essence of this “developmental partnership” was to guide China-India relations through a stronger economic engagement. The economic engagement has been nurtured under a number of bilateral mechanisms, such as the Joint Economic Group (JEG), Strategic Economic Dialogue and Financial Dialogue to name just a few. These have acted as stabilisers, preventing the relationship from going on a conflict path. Consequently, bilateral trade, seen often as a ‘stable variable’ in China-India relations, witnessed a steady rise over the last one decade amidst the rising border tensions and mutual mistrust. From a meagre US$10 billion in 2004, the bilateral trade has expanded to reach around $71 billion by 2017. in the recent past, however, a subtle change is noticed in the pattern of relationship. Bilateral trade and institutional dialogue have become extraneous to a stable bilateral relationship. In fact, bilateral trade has been constant around $70 billion for last few years without showing much improvement. The trade imbalance between the two sides is expanding, much to China’s favour, creating an increasing discord among the Indian business community. Additionally, the institutional mechanisms look obsolete to address the rising differences between the two countries. Even frequent leadership meetings have offered little to push ahead their envisioned “developmental partnership”. For example, before their meeting at the Xiamen BRICS summit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping met during the SCO summit in Astana and the G-20 summit in Hamburg in 2017. These meetings, however, could not generate necessary maturity on both sides so as not to engage in an episode like the Doklam stand-off. Besides, India’s decision not to participate in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) meeting held in Beijing in May 2017 spiralled their geopolitical differences into the international limelight. The two and a half months’ long Doklam stand-off damaged further the residual goodwill that their relationship had accomplished over the years, making 2017 the defining year for China-India relations. This changing treatise in China-India relations sufficiently indicates that the relationship would be thorny in 2018 and ahead. The official longing might be to carve out an “upward trajectory” in China-India relations, but fostering such a relationship in the current practical circumstances would be difficult to foresee. Three specific developments explain why China-India relations might continue to struggle to thrive even though there might be a temporary improvement in their overall relationship. First, foreign policy passages in both China and India are witnessing constant changes which might point to a more “state-centric” non-accommodative approach towards each other. After the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC), China aims to push ahead it’s national security ambitions, in terms of exploiting resource opportunities, expand the country’s power base, and exhibit China’s leadership both in Asia and beyond. Xi Jinping sees the next few years as a “period of strategic opportunities” for China and India as a ‘limited Asian power’ only. On the other hand, New Delhi’s foreign policy, under an “India first” approach, seeks to engage more with big powers while having a focus on Asia and Asian neighbours. Currently, India’s prime targets are resource exploration and increasing India’s outreach in Asia. This would bring the Chinese and Indian foreign policy into a point of contestation than engagement. Second, even though the scope and potential of greater China-India economic engagement are bigger today, still the differing approaches in the promotion of a “developmental partnership” would be the main barrier between them. China wants to pursue a more purposeful international economic engagement which will facilitate Chinese economic growth. The induction of the BRI into the revised CPC Constitution at the 19th National Congress points to that. This might create friction in the Sino-Indian relations since India is yet to endorse China’s BRI. The usual China-India “sister-city” and “sister-province” level engagements have been one of the most promising aspects of their bilateral relationship over the last one decade. But from Beijing’s perspective, the “sister-city” and “sister-province” level engagements are today seen as an integral part of China’s BRI scheme, which India may see as antithetical to its national interest. Besides, it is not clear how China would like to address India’s economic concerns on the rising trade imbalance and would situate it in the overall relationship framework. Third, China-India differences in the Asia-Pacific region is another new complicated chapter that would not be supportive of their bilateral relations. Beijing seems to be keen on following an intensive maritime strategy not only to protect its interests but also to expedite overseas maritime presence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). Many democratic countries, including the United States, Japan and India are not in favour of China's expansion in the IOR. Beijing under Xi Jinping is emerging fast as a “trading nation” and the new focus is to expedite its maritime trading routes in the IOR. That would bring Indian maritime interests into contestation. India’s S-A-G-A-R (Security and Growth for All Region) initiative under Prime Minister Narendra Modi equally emphasises on the maritime economy and marine resources which would emerge as a matter of contest between the Chinese and Indian interests in the IOR. China aims to configure a bipolar world, sharing the "major" power platform with the United States. China wants to shun the existing “status quo” and emerge as a “revisionist” power. This would significantly influence China-India relations. Contrasting bilateral perspectives come as a major impediment to a working relationship between India and China today. Just like 2017, the year 2018, therefore, might equally witness conflicting trends between India and China, overriding their cooperative trends. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

Opinion: 'Year of Doklam' points to a conflicting China-India relation in 2018

<p>An opinion piece in a Chinese daily has described China`s ties with India as still being fragile, especially after troops of both countries were engaged in a military stand-off near the trilateral boundary that they share with Bhutan on the Doklam Plateau.</p>

<p>The opinion piece further rubs in the fact that Beijing exhibited its prowess and strength and emphatically sent out a message in the neighbourhood that it could not be messed around with when it came to its sovereignty over the territory.</p>

<p>&quot;This summer witnessed the Doklam standoff between China and India. The two sides eventually resolved the crisis peacefully. Yet the incident exposed how fragile Sino-Indian ties are, while indicating (at the same time) Chinese capability to push back provocations from other nations (Read India) through its own strength,&quot; says the opinion piece in the state-run Global Times.</p>

<p>Doklam or Zhoglam (in Standard Tibetan), known as Donglang in Chinese is an area with a plateau and a valley, lying between Tibet&#39;s Chumbi Valley to the north, Bhutan&#39;s Ha Valley to the east and India&#39;s Sikkim state to the west.</p>

<p>In June 2017, a military standoff occurred between China and India as China attempted to extend a road on the Doklam Plateau southwards near the Doka La pass and Indian troops moved in to prevent the Chinese.</p>

<p>India claimed to have acted on behalf of Bhutan, with which it has a &#39;special relationship&#39;. Bhutan also then formally objected to China&#39;s road construction in a disputed area.</p>

<p>On August 28, 2017, it was announced that India and China had mutually agreed to a speedy disengagement on the Doklam Plateau, bringing to an end to the military face-off that lasted for close to three months.</p>

<p>The Chinese foreign ministry, however, sidestepped the question of whether Beijing would continue the road construction.</p>

<p>Latest reports and satellite images of the area indicate that China is continuing with road construction activity on its side of the trilateral boundary.</p>

<p>&quot;Needless to say, the neighbourhood around China is the most complex one among major powers. Without stability in the region surrounding the country, the Global Times simultaneously adds that &quot;it is (would be) impossible for Beijing to take its strategic initiative around the world.</p>

<p>&quot;Describing China as a rising power, the daily says that &quot;China is getting to know better how to adapt to its surrounding nations. Although individual problems and crisis had at time been troublesome, the strategic stability following the emergence of China has increased.&quot;</p>

<p>On tensions related to the South China Sea, it says that the year 2017 has seen an improvement in Beijing&#39;s ties with the ASEAN and this momentum being maintained and sustained with the help of a framework for establishing a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea.</p>

<p>&quot;Beijing&#39;s diplomatic efforts have played a significant role in cooling troubled waters. The rise of China is a fact..Tensions in the South China Sea have tested relevant nations in this regard and consensus concerning those questions has been accumulated..The biggest challenge in China`s periphery in 2017 is the situation on the Korean Peninsula. The almost uncontrollable confrontation between Washington and Pyongyang mirrored the limitations of China`s ability to shape the landscape around it,&quot; the Global Times opines.&quot;</p>

<p>Yet 2017 tells us that emerging China has the resources to solve and control the problems even as they increase.</p>

<p>The self-healing ability of crisis in our neighbourhood is also growing stronger.</p>

<p>The biggest driving force for solving China`s problems on its periphery is development. As long as Beijing keeps its strong development momentum, China will be able to implement ever greater strategic initiatives,&quot; the opinion piece concludes.</p>


Beijing exhibited its prowess and strength and emphatically sent out a message in the neighbourhood that it could not be messed around with when it came to its sovereignty over the territory

An opinion piece in a Chinese daily has described China`s ties with India as still being fragile, especially after troops of both countries were engaged in a military stand-off near the trilateral boundary that they share with Bhutan on the Doklam Plateau. The opinion piece further rubs in the fact that Beijing exhibited its prowess and strength and emphatically sent out a message in the neighbourhood that it could not be messed around with when it came to its sovereignty over the territory. "This summer witnessed the Doklam standoff between China and India. The two sides eventually resolved the crisis peacefully. Yet the incident exposed how fragile Sino-Indian ties are, while indicating (at the same time) Chinese capability to push back provocations from other nations (Read India) through its own strength," says the opinion piece in the state-run Global Times. Doklam or Zhoglam (in Standard Tibetan), known as Donglang in Chinese is an area with a plateau and a valley, lying between Tibet's Chumbi Valley to the north, Bhutan's Ha Valley to the east and India's Sikkim state to the west. In June 2017, a military standoff occurred between China and India as China attempted to extend a road on the Doklam Plateau southwards near the Doka La pass and Indian troops moved in to prevent the Chinese. India claimed to have acted on behalf of Bhutan, with which it has a 'special relationship'. Bhutan also then formally objected to China's road construction in a disputed area. On August 28, 2017, it was announced that India and China had mutually agreed to a speedy disengagement on the Doklam Plateau, bringing to an end to the military face-off that lasted for close to three months. The Chinese foreign ministry, however, sidestepped the question of whether Beijing would continue the road construction. Latest reports and satellite images of the area indicate that China is continuing with road construction activity on its side of the trilateral boundary. "Needless to say, the neighbourhood around China is the most complex one among major powers. Without stability in the region surrounding the country, the Global Times simultaneously adds that "it is (would be) impossible for Beijing to take its strategic initiative around the world. "Describing China as a rising power, the daily says that "China is getting to know better how to adapt to its surrounding nations. Although individual problems and crisis had at time been troublesome, the strategic stability following the emergence of China has increased." On tensions related to the South China Sea, it says that the year 2017 has seen an improvement in Beijing's ties with the ASEAN and this momentum being maintained and sustained with the help of a framework for establishing a Code of Conduct for the South China Sea. "Beijing's diplomatic efforts have played a significant role in cooling troubled waters. The rise of China is a fact..Tensions in the South China Sea have tested relevant nations in this regard and consensus concerning those questions has been accumulated..The biggest challenge in China`s periphery in 2017 is the situation on the Korean Peninsula. The almost uncontrollable confrontation between Washington and Pyongyang mirrored the limitations of China`s ability to shape the landscape around it," the Global Times opines." Yet 2017 tells us that emerging China has the resources to solve and control the problems even as they increase. The self-healing ability of crisis in our neighbourhood is also growing stronger. The biggest driving force for solving China`s problems on its periphery is development. As long as Beijing keeps its strong development momentum, China will be able to implement ever greater strategic initiatives," the opinion piece concludes.

Doklam exposed fragility of ties with India, says Chinese daily

<p>India and China will hold the next round of border talks here on Friday, the first after the 73-day-long military standoff between the two countries in Doklam in summer months.</p>

<p>Issuing a brief statement today, the external affairs ministry said at the invitation of Ajit Doval, the National Security Adviser and the Special Representative on the boundary question, Yang Jiechi, State Councillor and China&#39;s Special Representative on the issue will visit India on December 22 to hold the 20th SR-level meeting.</p>

<p>Ahead of the talks, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told a media briefing that this SR meeting is not only a high-level channel for the border issue discussion but also the platform for strategic communication.</p>

<p>&quot;In 2017, China-India relations have maintained a good momentum generally but the Dokalam incident posed a major test for the two countries. We should learn lessons from this incident to avoid any further conflict of this kind in the future,&quot; Hua said.<br />
Chinese and Indian troops were locked in the border standoff from June 16 when Indian soldiers stopped Chinese personnel from building a key road close to India&#39;s &#39;chicken&#39;s neck&#39; corridor.</p>

<p>On August 28, India announced the &quot;disengagement&quot; between the soldiers of the two countries.</p>

<p>The road was being built by China in an area also claimed by Bhutan.&nbsp;</p>


The talks will be held in Delhi on Friday

India and China will hold the next round of border talks here on Friday, the first after the 73-day-long military standoff between the two countries in Doklam in summer months. Issuing a brief statement today, the external affairs ministry said at the invitation of Ajit Doval, the National Security Adviser and the Special Representative on the boundary question, Yang Jiechi, State Councillor and China's Special Representative on the issue will visit India on December 22 to hold the 20th SR-level meeting. Ahead of the talks, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told a media briefing that this SR meeting is not only a high-level channel for the border issue discussion but also the platform for strategic communication. "In 2017, China-India relations have maintained a good momentum generally but the Dokalam incident posed a major test for the two countries. We should learn lessons from this incident to avoid any further conflict of this kind in the future," Hua said. Chinese and Indian troops were locked in the border standoff from June 16 when Indian soldiers stopped Chinese personnel from building a key road close to India's 'chicken's neck' corridor. On August 28, India announced the "disengagement" between the soldiers of the two countries. The road was being built by China in an area also claimed by Bhutan.

India, China to hold first border talks after Doklam

<p>The Army is totally geared up to face any situation in the Doklam sector and any mischief will be dealt with &quot;properly&quot;, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of Lieutenant general&nbsp;Abhay Krishna of the Eastern Command said on Saturday.</p>

<p>He was asked about China reportedly stationing its troops in Doklam, where the two countries were locked in a standoff for over two months earlier this year after the Chinese army tried to build a road in the area claimed by Indian-ally Bhutan.</p>

<p>India feared the road if completed, would allow China to cut off its access to its northeastern states. The standoff ended in September after the two countries mutually agreed to withdraw their troops from the area.</p>

<p>Stating that he would not name anyone specifically, Lt&nbsp;Gen&nbsp;Krishna said the Indian Army is in high spirits and ready to take on any mischief.</p>

<p>&quot;We are totally prepared, geared up; let anybody do any mischief and he will get it back nice and proper,&quot; he told reporters here.</p>

<p>Lt&nbsp;Gen&nbsp;Krishna was speaking at the Eastern Command headquartered at Fort William here after a wreath-laying ceremony on &#39;Vijay Diwas&#39; to commemorate India&#39;s victory over Pakistan in 1971, which led to the liberation of Bangladesh.</p>

<p>The road building effort by China and presence of its troops at the tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan had led to an eyeball-to-eyeball face-off between New Delhi and Beijing for 73 days from June 16.</p>

<p>Reports have said that China still has troops stationed a few hundred metres from the tri-junction in Dokalam sector.</p>

<p>Asked if the reports were verified, Lt Gen Krishna said a lot has been stated about them and he has nothing more to add.</p>

<p>&quot;The Indian Army is always in very high spirits, we are always ready to take on any mischief by anybody. I am not going to name anybody specifically.</p>

<p>&quot;Territorial integrity is ingrained in our blood and for that, we will go to any extent to ensure the territorial integrity,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Asked if India was prepared for a two-front war, Lt Gen Krishna said the country was &quot;undoubtedly&quot; ready for any eventuality.</p>


Reports have said that China still has troops stationed a few hundred metres from the tri-junction in Doklam sector

The Army is totally geared up to face any situation in the Doklam sector and any mischief will be dealt with "properly", General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of Lieutenant general Abhay Krishna of the Eastern Command said on Saturday. He was asked about China reportedly stationing its troops in Doklam, where the two countries were locked in a standoff for over two months earlier this year after the Chinese army tried to build a road in the area claimed by Indian-ally Bhutan. India feared the road if completed, would allow China to cut off its access to its northeastern states. The standoff ended in September after the two countries mutually agreed to withdraw their troops from the area. Stating that he would not name anyone specifically, Lt Gen Krishna said the Indian Army is in high spirits and ready to take on any mischief. "We are totally prepared, geared up; let anybody do any mischief and he will get it back nice and proper," he told reporters here. Lt Gen Krishna was speaking at the Eastern Command headquartered at Fort William here after a wreath-laying ceremony on 'Vijay Diwas' to commemorate India's victory over Pakistan in 1971, which led to the liberation of Bangladesh. The road building effort by China and presence of its troops at the tri-junction between India, China and Bhutan had led to an eyeball-to-eyeball face-off between New Delhi and Beijing for 73 days from June 16. Reports have said that China still has troops stationed a few hundred metres from the tri-junction in Dokalam sector. Asked if the reports were verified, Lt Gen Krishna said a lot has been stated about them and he has nothing more to add. "The Indian Army is always in very high spirits, we are always ready to take on any mischief by anybody. I am not going to name anybody specifically. "Territorial integrity is ingrained in our blood and for that, we will go to any extent to ensure the territorial integrity," he said. Asked if India was prepared for a two-front war, Lt Gen Krishna said the country was "undoubtedly" ready for any eventuality.

Army totally geared up to face any situation in Doklam: Top official

<p>Even as political pundits in <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/trump-modi-enjoy-anti-establishment-posturing-china-daily-22805">India predicted a win for the BJP in </a>Gujarat, China&#39;s state-run newspaper Global Times said if the BJP wins an overwhelming victory in Gujarat, the Modi administration may &quot;take more radical approaches to economic reform&quot;.</p>

<p>China should take a close look <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/born-of-chaos-india-lumbers-amid-turmoil-says-china-daily-21017">at the BJP&#39;s Gujarat campaign, the newspaper</a> asserted, observing that companies doing business in &quot;India should prepare for possible changes in economic policy.&quot;</p>

<p>However, a loss for the BJP in Gujarat would be the biggest setback yet for the economic reforms initiated by the Modi administration, the newspaper said.</p>

<p>&quot;Modi&#39;s BJP is making serious efforts to avoid electoral losses in Gujarat, where Modi served for 13 years as chief minister before he was sworn in as prime minister in 2014,&quot; the newspaper noted.&nbsp;</p>

<p>On a cautious note ahead of the Gujarat poll results, the newspaper said: &quot;It&#39;s possible that voters in other Indian states might be influenced by a BJP loss in Gujarat and Modi&#39;s economic reforms might then be abandoned halfway.&quot;</p>

<p>The newspaper said a loss in Gujarat would trigger a &quot;domino effect&quot; in India.</p>

<p>The newspaper said in its Op-ed page that people doubt that the &quot;reforms can bring enough benefits to the country&#39;s small businesses and ordinary people,&quot; adding,&quot; the Indian government must find a way to make the reforms gain public support.&quot;</p>

<p>The newspaper also cautioned against &quot;possible volatility in India&#39;s financial markets next week after the results are announced.&quot;</p>

<p>&quot;Modi&#39;s &quot;Make in India&quot; campaign and his economic reforms such as the goods and services tax(GST) have to some extent been seen as a continuation of the so-called &quot;Gujarat model of development&quot;,&quot; the Global Times said.</p>

<p>The newspaper declared that the Gujarat election may be a &quot;litmus test&quot; for Indian voters&#39; attitude toward PM Modi&#39;s reform agenda.</p>


China should take a close look at the BJP's Gujarat campaign, the newspaper asserted.

Even as political pundits in India predicted a win for the BJP in Gujarat, China's state-run newspaper Global Times said if the BJP wins an overwhelming victory in Gujarat, the Modi administration may "take more radical approaches to economic reform". China should take a close look at the BJP's Gujarat campaign, the newspaper asserted, observing that companies doing business in "India should prepare for possible changes in economic policy." However, a loss for the BJP in Gujarat would be the biggest setback yet for the economic reforms initiated by the Modi administration, the newspaper said. "Modi's BJP is making serious efforts to avoid electoral losses in Gujarat, where Modi served for 13 years as chief minister before he was sworn in as prime minister in 2014," the newspaper noted. On a cautious note ahead of the Gujarat poll results, the newspaper said: "It's possible that voters in other Indian states might be influenced by a BJP loss in Gujarat and Modi's economic reforms might then be abandoned halfway." The newspaper said a loss in Gujarat would trigger a "domino effect" in India. The newspaper said in its Op-ed page that people doubt that the "reforms can bring enough benefits to the country's small businesses and ordinary people," adding," the Indian government must find a way to make the reforms gain public support." The newspaper also cautioned against "possible volatility in India's financial markets next week after the results are announced." "Modi's "Make in India" campaign and his economic reforms such as the goods and services tax(GST) have to some extent been seen as a continuation of the so-called "Gujarat model of development"," the Global Times said. The newspaper declared that the Gujarat election may be a "litmus test" for Indian voters' attitude toward PM Modi's reform agenda.

Big win in Gujarat may lead Modi to take 'radical' approach to economic reforms: China daily

<p>The Doklam stand-off had put severe pressure on bilateral relations between New Delhi and Beijing, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his Indian counterpart Sushma Swaraj during a meeting, a statement from China said.</p>

<p>He added that lessons should be learnt from the episode so that &#39;such incidents are not repeated&#39;. The statement added that Wang had brought up the 73-day stand-off between the Indian and the Chinese troops in the Donglang (Doklam) sector near the Sikkim border in June, during a bilateral meeting with External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj in New Delhi, on Monday.</p>

<p>Swaraj had then said at a press briefing that she and Wang had spoken about strengthening mutual trust to develop better understanding. The statement, published in Mandarin, said, &quot;The viciousness caused by the cross-border infiltration of the Indian border guards put bilateral relations under severe pressure. The matter was finally settled peacefully through diplomatic means, reflecting the maturing of bilateral relations. India-China ties maintained their momentum of development as a whole in 2017. Both sides have made efforts in this regard. But they (the efforts) were not very satisfactory. However, lessons should be learned and (such incidents) should be avoided again.&quot;</p>

<p>&quot;With mutual trust, the specific problems are expected to be resolved on the basis of mutual understanding and mutual accommodation,&quot; he added.</p>

<p>Wang&#39;s visit to New Delhi was the first by a top Chinese official to India after the Doklam stand-off.</p>

<p>He further said, &quot;Without mutual trust, individual problems will continue to overflow and erode the overall situation of bilateral relations. To this end, both sides should strengthen strategic communication at all levels, restore the established dialogue mechanism, deepen pragmatic cooperation in various fields, and at the same time control the existing differences and safeguard peace and tranquillity in the border areas.&quot;</p>

<p>Wang also called on President Ram Nath Kovind and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval.</p>

<p>The Dokalam stand-off came to an end on August 28 after the two sides agreed to withdraw their respective troops from the Doklam plateau and the Chinese troops stopped building a key road close to India&#39;s corridor.</p>

<p>The road was being built by China in an area also claimed by Bhutan. India had objected to the construction highlighting its security concerns. Besides this, Chinese state-run Xinhua news agency also quoted Wang as saying, &quot;Sino-Indian relations are at a crucial moment when both sides need to make right choice on the future of the bilateral relations.&quot;</p>


The Doklam stand-off had put severe pressure on bilateral relations between New Delhi and Beijing, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his Indian counterpart Sushma Swaraj during a meeting, a statement from China said.

The Doklam stand-off had put severe pressure on bilateral relations between New Delhi and Beijing, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his Indian counterpart Sushma Swaraj during a meeting, a statement from China said. He added that lessons should be learnt from the episode so that 'such incidents are not repeated'. The statement added that Wang had brought up the 73-day stand-off between the Indian and the Chinese troops in the Donglang (Doklam) sector near the Sikkim border in June, during a bilateral meeting with External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj in New Delhi, on Monday. Swaraj had then said at a press briefing that she and Wang had spoken about strengthening mutual trust to develop better understanding. The statement, published in Mandarin, said, "The viciousness caused by the cross-border infiltration of the Indian border guards put bilateral relations under severe pressure. The matter was finally settled peacefully through diplomatic means, reflecting the maturing of bilateral relations. India-China ties maintained their momentum of development as a whole in 2017. Both sides have made efforts in this regard. But they (the efforts) were not very satisfactory. However, lessons should be learned and (such incidents) should be avoided again." "With mutual trust, the specific problems are expected to be resolved on the basis of mutual understanding and mutual accommodation," he added. Wang's visit to New Delhi was the first by a top Chinese official to India after the Doklam stand-off. He further said, "Without mutual trust, individual problems will continue to overflow and erode the overall situation of bilateral relations. To this end, both sides should strengthen strategic communication at all levels, restore the established dialogue mechanism, deepen pragmatic cooperation in various fields, and at the same time control the existing differences and safeguard peace and tranquillity in the border areas." Wang also called on President Ram Nath Kovind and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. The Dokalam stand-off came to an end on August 28 after the two sides agreed to withdraw their respective troops from the Doklam plateau and the Chinese troops stopped building a key road close to India's corridor. The road was being built by China in an area also claimed by Bhutan. India had objected to the construction highlighting its security concerns. Besides this, Chinese state-run Xinhua news agency also quoted Wang as saying, "Sino-Indian relations are at a crucial moment when both sides need to make right choice on the future of the bilateral relations."

Doklam stand-off put 'severe pressure' on ties with India: China

<p>From a strictly electoral perspective, the Scheduled Castes in Gujarat are not a very important factor. They constitute just seven per cent of the State&rsquo;s population. And since they are thinly spread across the State, their role in deciding the outcome of an election in the 182 Assembly seats is limited. Yet, their support is essential for both the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress for a different reason. The BJP&rsquo;s &#39;Sab ka saath, sab ka vikas&#39; slogan would sound ineffectual if the Scheduled Castes failed to vote for the party. The Congress&rsquo;s &lsquo;pro-poor&rsquo; image would take a beating if it could not win over this most marginalised section of society.</p>

<p>On the other hand, the Scheduled Tribes form 15 per cent of the State&rsquo;s population. This significant presence alongside the fact that they are largely concentrated in eastern Gujarat, gives them political leverage in, at least, 25 Assembly constituencies in the general category. Besides, they are also important for the &lsquo;inclusive development&rsquo;, a message the two main political rivals in the State have adopted to sound credible.</p>

<p>Taken together, the 22 per cent they represent is a formidable number. Add to it the number of reserved seats they share between themselves &mdash; 40 in all, with 13 Assembly constituencies reserved for Scheduled Castes and 27 for Scheduled Tribes &mdash; and it is evident that this taken together is crucial for any political party&rsquo;s prospects in the coming State election.</p>

<p>If this is true, there is another reality. It is that the two groups do not have a common leader who can optimally exploit the strength for political empowerment. Nor do the SC and ST groups have common concerns, other than the abstract desire to lead a life that has more of dignity and social justice. Political observers, and definitely political strategists, realise that sharply delineated issues and not generalities work in electoral campaigns.</p>

<p>The Scheduled Castes have, at least ostensibly, found a messiah in Jignesh Mevani. He came into the limelight after the Una incident in 2016, when a group of cow vigilantes professing Right-wing credentials attacked members of the &lsquo;low caste&rsquo; community. That turned him firmly against the BJP. Earlier, Mevani had led a number of protests demanding land rights for the Scheduled Castes, but in those days he had no political leaning &mdash; or at least he did not overtly display them. He positioned himself as a champion of the rights of the underprivileged and claimed to have no political ambition. But last month he filed his nomination from the Vadnagar reserved seat. The Congress has not fielded any candidate from the constituency though it has a sitting MLA from there, and has decided to back Mevani. The Scheduled Castes leader has also decided to support the Congress in its battle against the BJP.</p>

<p>While he has taken the political plunge, it may not be smooth sailing for him. Upset that a seat which their party has held has been given to a non-Congressman, many grassroots workers of the Congress are reportedly preparing to put a spanner in the works. The BJP is working overtime to exploit the situation to its benefit. In any case, his political relevance is only proportional to the percentage of Scheduled Castes population in the State, and the fact that he is involved in a contest of his own will curtail his ability to canvas for the Congress across the State.</p>

<p>There is a general perception that the Scheduled Castes in Gujarat have traditionally favoured the Congress. This is not borne out by the electoral result of the 2012 Assembly election. The BJP had then won in 10 of the 13 reserved constituencies. It remains to be seen whether, in the new context, the party retains the sway.</p>

<p>The Congress had performed better with the Scheduled Tribes. Of the 27 seats reserved for this group in 2012, the party had triumphed in 16. The BJP had secured 10 seats while one went to the Janata Dal (United) candidate, Chotubhai Vasava. In the 2007 Assembly election, there were 26 seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes, of which the Congress had won 16 and the BJP, nine; one seat had then too gone to the Janata Dal (United). The BJP&rsquo;s situation was worse in the 1998 election, when it could win only eight of the 26 seats.</p>

<p>The Bhil community is the single largest constituent of the Scheduled Tribes, forming an overwhelming 45 per cent. The other important sub-group is the Bhopa Rabari whose members are largely concentrated in north Gujarat. It is no surprise that the two national parties are putting everything they have to get the approval of these two communities especially and the Scheduled Tribes in general.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Congress is banking on the &lsquo;failure&rsquo; of successive BJP regimes in the State to effectively implement the Forest Rights Act of 2006, which was supposed to provide title deeds of land claimed by the tribals under this law. Although nearly 70 per cent of disputed claims forwarded under the Act have been settled in the State, Gujarat still lags behind other States in the matter. According to a Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs data, the Gujarat Government had managed to distribute land to just 38 per cent of the claimants. This is the record, the Congress has claimed, of the BJP regime and reflects the latter&rsquo;s neglect of tribal rights.</p>

<p>But the BJP is confident that the surge of tribal support it has seen since 1998 will continue. It has been pulling out all stops to win over the Scheduled Tribes. Only recently, a tribal museum opened in Surat with a grant of one crore rupees from the University Grants Commission. While speaking at a public meeting recently in Gujarat, Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed the contribution of tribal leaders in the country&rsquo;s freedom movement. He laid the foundation stone for a tribal museum close to the Sardar Sarovar dam in Narmada district, and promised more such museums across the country.</p>

<p>The BJP&rsquo;s push for tribal support has also to do with the Hardik Patel factor. Realising that some of the Patidar votes may migrate from its camp to the Congress, now supported by Patidar leader Hardik Patel, the BJP is keen to make up for the deficit through enhanced votes from the Scheduled Tribes. It has placed hopes in the work that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has been doing in the tribal belt of the State over the years. However, the Congress is in no mood to give up its advantage. If it can hold on to its support base among the Scheduled Tribes and Hardik Patel manages to deliver on his promise, the BJP could be at some disadvantage.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</em></p>


India and China usually withdraw troops as winter approaches, but this time China is reportedly retaining troops in the Doklam area

From a strictly electoral perspective, the Scheduled Castes in Gujarat are not a very important factor. They constitute just seven per cent of the State’s population. And since they are thinly spread across the State, their role in deciding the outcome of an election in the 182 Assembly seats is limited. Yet, their support is essential for both the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress for a different reason. The BJP’s 'Sab ka saath, sab ka vikas' slogan would sound ineffectual if the Scheduled Castes failed to vote for the party. The Congress’s ‘pro-poor’ image would take a beating if it could not win over this most marginalised section of society. On the other hand, the Scheduled Tribes form 15 per cent of the State’s population. This significant presence alongside the fact that they are largely concentrated in eastern Gujarat, gives them political leverage in, at least, 25 Assembly constituencies in the general category. Besides, they are also important for the ‘inclusive development’, a message the two main political rivals in the State have adopted to sound credible. Taken together, the 22 per cent they represent is a formidable number. Add to it the number of reserved seats they share between themselves — 40 in all, with 13 Assembly constituencies reserved for Scheduled Castes and 27 for Scheduled Tribes — and it is evident that this taken together is crucial for any political party’s prospects in the coming State election. If this is true, there is another reality. It is that the two groups do not have a common leader who can optimally exploit the strength for political empowerment. Nor do the SC and ST groups have common concerns, other than the abstract desire to lead a life that has more of dignity and social justice. Political observers, and definitely political strategists, realise that sharply delineated issues and not generalities work in electoral campaigns. The Scheduled Castes have, at least ostensibly, found a messiah in Jignesh Mevani. He came into the limelight after the Una incident in 2016, when a group of cow vigilantes professing Right-wing credentials attacked members of the ‘low caste’ community. That turned him firmly against the BJP. Earlier, Mevani had led a number of protests demanding land rights for the Scheduled Castes, but in those days he had no political leaning — or at least he did not overtly display them. He positioned himself as a champion of the rights of the underprivileged and claimed to have no political ambition. But last month he filed his nomination from the Vadnagar reserved seat. The Congress has not fielded any candidate from the constituency though it has a sitting MLA from there, and has decided to back Mevani. The Scheduled Castes leader has also decided to support the Congress in its battle against the BJP. While he has taken the political plunge, it may not be smooth sailing for him. Upset that a seat which their party has held has been given to a non-Congressman, many grassroots workers of the Congress are reportedly preparing to put a spanner in the works. The BJP is working overtime to exploit the situation to its benefit. In any case, his political relevance is only proportional to the percentage of Scheduled Castes population in the State, and the fact that he is involved in a contest of his own will curtail his ability to canvas for the Congress across the State. There is a general perception that the Scheduled Castes in Gujarat have traditionally favoured the Congress. This is not borne out by the electoral result of the 2012 Assembly election. The BJP had then won in 10 of the 13 reserved constituencies. It remains to be seen whether, in the new context, the party retains the sway. The Congress had performed better with the Scheduled Tribes. Of the 27 seats reserved for this group in 2012, the party had triumphed in 16. The BJP had secured 10 seats while one went to the Janata Dal (United) candidate, Chotubhai Vasava. In the 2007 Assembly election, there were 26 seats reserved for the Scheduled Tribes, of which the Congress had won 16 and the BJP, nine; one seat had then too gone to the Janata Dal (United). The BJP’s situation was worse in the 1998 election, when it could win only eight of the 26 seats. The Bhil community is the single largest constituent of the Scheduled Tribes, forming an overwhelming 45 per cent. The other important sub-group is the Bhopa Rabari whose members are largely concentrated in north Gujarat. It is no surprise that the two national parties are putting everything they have to get the approval of these two communities especially and the Scheduled Tribes in general. The Congress is banking on the ‘failure’ of successive BJP regimes in the State to effectively implement the Forest Rights Act of 2006, which was supposed to provide title deeds of land claimed by the tribals under this law. Although nearly 70 per cent of disputed claims forwarded under the Act have been settled in the State, Gujarat still lags behind other States in the matter. According to a Union Ministry of Tribal Affairs data, the Gujarat Government had managed to distribute land to just 38 per cent of the claimants. This is the record, the Congress has claimed, of the BJP regime and reflects the latter’s neglect of tribal rights. But the BJP is confident that the surge of tribal support it has seen since 1998 will continue. It has been pulling out all stops to win over the Scheduled Tribes. Only recently, a tribal museum opened in Surat with a grant of one crore rupees from the University Grants Commission. While speaking at a public meeting recently in Gujarat, Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed the contribution of tribal leaders in the country’s freedom movement. He laid the foundation stone for a tribal museum close to the Sardar Sarovar dam in Narmada district, and promised more such museums across the country. The BJP’s push for tribal support has also to do with the Hardik Patel factor. Realising that some of the Patidar votes may migrate from its camp to the Congress, now supported by Patidar leader Hardik Patel, the BJP is keen to make up for the deficit through enhanced votes from the Scheduled Tribes. It has placed hopes in the work that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has been doing in the tribal belt of the State over the years. However, the Congress is in no mood to give up its advantage. If it can hold on to its support base among the Scheduled Tribes and Hardik Patel manages to deliver on his promise, the BJP could be at some disadvantage. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

In winter, Chinese troops establish 'permanent base' at Doklam: Report

<p>President Xi Jinping&rsquo;s position before and after the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China has a very little direct impact on India. Notwithstanding Xi&#39;s boastful speeches to his captive audience&nbsp;at the conference, there is not much change in the stance and drivers steering China &ndash; India relations.</p>

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<h5>India is unlikely to join&nbsp;BRI or CPEC, even if he has included it in the Chinese constitution.</h5>
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<p>Evidently, there is no appreciable change in the areas of convergence and divergence in the national interest of two countries. India is unlikely to join&nbsp;Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or China&ndash;Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) even if Xi has included these in the Chinese constitution. These initiatives are seen as no worth to India and clearly as violating Indian sovereignty.</p>

<p>Rather, indirect factors may cause a major difference for India. For instance, some of our common neighbours may give in to the more aggressive &lsquo;Purse diplomacy&rsquo; of China or may even get coerced into accepting it. Maldives signing free-trade agreement (FTA) with China, land grabbing efforts of China in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Pakistan are few such examples affecting Indian security adversely, which India needs to work on.</p>

<p>With a greater possibility of facing an aggressive, unchecked Xi Jinping, India needs to work on enhancing hard as well as soft power. China&rsquo;s strategic leveraging of water sources by diverting it or flooding it (being upper riparian country) is a new threat to South Asia, which India needs to be prepared for.</p>

<p>When President Trump indicated his enthusiasm to work with India to improve capabilities of Indian military on the sidelines of the&nbsp;ASEAN summit, it has some positive message for India, because no nation has ever become a recognisable power in global history without a strong military. Besides ongoing efforts to strengthen Indian military, we also need to increase the pace of infrastructure development on the borders and Northeastern region.</p>

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<h5>India is better located to be the hub of global sea lanes with lesser choke points.</h5>
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<p>On the diplomatic side, we need to not only &lsquo;Act East&rsquo; but &lsquo;Act West&rsquo; also. India is better located to be the hub of global sea lanes with lesser choke points on either side, and is working towards this capability to provide an alternate model of global connectivity like Asia- Africa Growth Corridor connecting further West.</p>

<p>The inauguration of Chabahar port in Iran, with an opportunity to connect with Afghanistan, CAR, and further West carries the message that determined nations will find its way even if blocked by adversarial designs. If India could stand up to China to protect its strategic choices during Doklam episode, I am sure that it can do the same in future as well, on its own strength. Any leverage we derive from friendly countries/groupings/strategic partnerships/alliances should be treated as a bonus.</p>

<p>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</p>


If India could stand up to China to protect its strategic choices during Doklam issue then it can do the same in future as well, on its own strength

President Xi Jinping’s position before and after the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China has a very little direct impact on India. Notwithstanding Xi's boastful speeches to his captive audience at the conference, there is not much change in the stance and drivers steering China – India relations. India is unlikely to join BRI or CPEC, even if he has included it in the Chinese constitution. × Evidently, there is no appreciable change in the areas of convergence and divergence in the national interest of two countries. India is unlikely to join Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) even if Xi has included these in the Chinese constitution. These initiatives are seen as no worth to India and clearly as violating Indian sovereignty. Rather, indirect factors may cause a major difference for India. For instance, some of our common neighbours may give in to the more aggressive ‘Purse diplomacy’ of China or may even get coerced into accepting it. Maldives signing free-trade agreement (FTA) with China, land grabbing efforts of China in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Nepal and Pakistan are few such examples affecting Indian security adversely, which India needs to work on. With a greater possibility of facing an aggressive, unchecked Xi Jinping, India needs to work on enhancing hard as well as soft power. China’s strategic leveraging of water sources by diverting it or flooding it (being upper riparian country) is a new threat to South Asia, which India needs to be prepared for. When President Trump indicated his enthusiasm to work with India to improve capabilities of Indian military on the sidelines of the ASEAN summit, it has some positive message for India, because no nation has ever become a recognisable power in global history without a strong military. Besides ongoing efforts to strengthen Indian military, we also need to increase the pace of infrastructure development on the borders and Northeastern region. India is better located to be the hub of global sea lanes with lesser choke points. × On the diplomatic side, we need to not only ‘Act East’ but ‘Act West’ also. India is better located to be the hub of global sea lanes with lesser choke points on either side, and is working towards this capability to provide an alternate model of global connectivity like Asia- Africa Growth Corridor connecting further West. The inauguration of Chabahar port in Iran, with an opportunity to connect with Afghanistan, CAR, and further West carries the message that determined nations will find its way even if blocked by adversarial designs. If India could stand up to China to protect its strategic choices during Doklam episode, I am sure that it can do the same in future as well, on its own strength. Any leverage we derive from friendly countries/groupings/strategic partnerships/alliances should be treated as a bonus. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: What does Xi's autocratic position mean for India?

<p>The Chinese military&nbsp;Thursday hinted at maintaining a sizeable presence of its troops near the area of <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/doklam-standoff-army-takes-steps-for-swift-troop-movement-along-china-border-24993" target="_blank">Doklam standoff</a> during winter, asserting that the region is in <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/china-maintaining-sizeable-troops-near-dokalam-sources-21062" target="_blank">Chinese territory</a>.</p>

<p>Earlier, India and China<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/post-doklam-india-china-to-hold-track-two-meeting-23250" target="_blank"> resolved</a> the 73-day&nbsp;standoff on August 28 at Doklam area. This had happened after the People&#39;s Liberation Army (PLA) stopped building a strategic road close to India&#39;s narrow Chicken Neck area connecting to North-Eastern states. The area is also claimed by Bhutan.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>Watch:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/videos/indian-army-chief-wants-normalcy-in-doklam-6613" target="_blank">Indian army chief wants normalcy in Doklam</a></em></p>

<p>India objected to the road building by the PLA, saying that it endangered the security of the narrow corridor.</p>

<p>According to official accounts, both India and China in the past used to withdraw troops from the advanced regions of that area during&nbsp;winter.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Donglong (Doklam) is Chinese territory,&quot; Col Wu Qian, spokesman of the Chinese ministry of defence said today when asked about reports that PLA continues to maintain a sizeable number of troops close to the Doklam standoff area and doing away with the practice of vacating the place during winter.</p>

<p>&quot;Based on this principle we will decide on the deployment of troops on our own,&quot; he said without elaborating.</p>

<p>The continued presence of Chinese troops near Yatung area close to Doklam reportedly prompted India too to maintain its troops&#39; presence there.</p>

<p>While it is not clear whether the issue figured in the 10th round of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) talks between India and China here on November 17, officials said the meeting reviewed the situation in all sectors of India-China border and exchanged views on enhancing Confidence Building Measures (CBMS) and military contacts.</p>

<p>Asked whether the two sides made progress to establish hotlines between the two militaries to avert a crisis like Doklam, Wu said both sides are in touch on this issue.</p>

<p>He, however, clarified that the hotline can&#39;t be between the two military headquarters as China no longer has a military central office after the recent reforms.</p>

<p>At the WMCC meeting, the two sides discussed maintaining peace and stability and border exchanges, Wu said, adding that both sides will keep in contact with each other.<br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


India and China had earlier resolved the 73-day tense standoff on August 28 at Doklam

The Chinese military Thursday hinted at maintaining a sizeable presence of its troops near the area of Doklam standoff during winter, asserting that the region is in Chinese territory. Earlier, India and China resolved the 73-day standoff on August 28 at Doklam area. This had happened after the People's Liberation Army (PLA) stopped building a strategic road close to India's narrow Chicken Neck area connecting to North-Eastern states. The area is also claimed by Bhutan. Watch: Indian army chief wants normalcy in Doklam India objected to the road building by the PLA, saying that it endangered the security of the narrow corridor. According to official accounts, both India and China in the past used to withdraw troops from the advanced regions of that area during winter. "Donglong (Doklam) is Chinese territory," Col Wu Qian, spokesman of the Chinese ministry of defence said today when asked about reports that PLA continues to maintain a sizeable number of troops close to the Doklam standoff area and doing away with the practice of vacating the place during winter. "Based on this principle we will decide on the deployment of troops on our own," he said without elaborating. The continued presence of Chinese troops near Yatung area close to Doklam reportedly prompted India too to maintain its troops' presence there. While it is not clear whether the issue figured in the 10th round of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) talks between India and China here on November 17, officials said the meeting reviewed the situation in all sectors of India-China border and exchanged views on enhancing Confidence Building Measures (CBMS) and military contacts. Asked whether the two sides made progress to establish hotlines between the two militaries to avert a crisis like Doklam, Wu said both sides are in touch on this issue. He, however, clarified that the hotline can't be between the two military headquarters as China no longer has a military central office after the recent reforms. At the WMCC meeting, the two sides discussed maintaining peace and stability and border exchanges, Wu said, adding that both sides will keep in contact with each other.

Doklam our territory: China on troop deployment near stand-off area in winter

<p>In the backdrop of the 73-day-long Dokalam standoff, the Army has decided to significantly ramp up road infrastructure along the Sino-India border and tasked its Corps of Engineers to vigorously work on it to <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/post-doklam-india-china-to-hold-track-two-meeting-23250">ensure swift movement of troops whenever necessary</a>.</p>

<p>Official sources said the Corps of Engineers (CoE) has already initiated a series of steps including placing orders for latest versions of various mountain cutting and road laying machines and equipment besides procuring assault tracks for fast movement of troops.</p>

<p>Th<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/working-with-india-to-take-ties-forward-after-doklam-china-20558">e sources said the Army headquarters ordered over 1,000 dual track mine detectors</a> to enhance Corps of Engineers&#39; mine detection capability.</p>

<p>Over 100 excavators with latest features are also being procured to increase the existing capability of the engineers to lay operational track along mountainous regions in Northern sector</p>

<p>The sources said over 50 short span bridges and a sizeable number of assault tracks for quick movement are also being procured to increase their mobility.</p>

<p>India and China share a 4,000-km-long border. The 237 year-old CoE provides key combat engineering support and maintains connectivity in key border regions for speedy movement of troops and artillery.</p>

<p>As per the plan, the Army engineers will initially lay roads in mountaineous terrains and if necessary they will be further strengthened by the Border Roads Organisation (BRO).</p>

<p>In 2005, the Border Road Organisation was asked to construct 73 roads in the strategically important regions along the Sino-India border but there has been huge delay in implementation of the project which has apparently left the Army unhappy.</p>

<p>They said enhancing infrastructure along the sensitive borders is part of the government&#39;s overall strategy to boost combat readiness of the armed forces.</p>

<p>The first company of CoE was raised in 1780 and the organisation celebrated its raising day on November 18.</p>

<p>The Army has been focusing on enhancing infrastructure along the Sino-India border following the Dokalam standoff.</p>

<p>Soon after the face-off ended, Army Chief Gen. Bipin Rawat had expressed serious concern over China&#39;s &quot;muscle flexing&quot; and said these conflicts can expand into an all out war.</p>

<p>Troops of India and China were locked in a 73-day-long standoff in Dokalam since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the building of a road in the disputed area by the Chinese Army. The face-off ended on August 28.</p>

<p>Recently, the Army has also finalised one of its biggest procurement plans for infantry modernisation under which a large number of light machine guns, battle carbines and assault rifles are being purchased at a cost of nearly Rs 40,000 crore.&nbsp;</p>


The army's corps of engineers has been tasked with the project

In the backdrop of the 73-day-long Dokalam standoff, the Army has decided to significantly ramp up road infrastructure along the Sino-India border and tasked its Corps of Engineers to vigorously work on it to ensure swift movement of troops whenever necessary. Official sources said the Corps of Engineers (CoE) has already initiated a series of steps including placing orders for latest versions of various mountain cutting and road laying machines and equipment besides procuring assault tracks for fast movement of troops. The sources said the Army headquarters ordered over 1,000 dual track mine detectors to enhance Corps of Engineers' mine detection capability. Over 100 excavators with latest features are also being procured to increase the existing capability of the engineers to lay operational track along mountainous regions in Northern sector The sources said over 50 short span bridges and a sizeable number of assault tracks for quick movement are also being procured to increase their mobility. India and China share a 4,000-km-long border. The 237 year-old CoE provides key combat engineering support and maintains connectivity in key border regions for speedy movement of troops and artillery. As per the plan, the Army engineers will initially lay roads in mountaineous terrains and if necessary they will be further strengthened by the Border Roads Organisation (BRO). In 2005, the Border Road Organisation was asked to construct 73 roads in the strategically important regions along the Sino-India border but there has been huge delay in implementation of the project which has apparently left the Army unhappy. They said enhancing infrastructure along the sensitive borders is part of the government's overall strategy to boost combat readiness of the armed forces. The first company of CoE was raised in 1780 and the organisation celebrated its raising day on November 18. The Army has been focusing on enhancing infrastructure along the Sino-India border following the Dokalam standoff. Soon after the face-off ended, Army Chief Gen. Bipin Rawat had expressed serious concern over China's "muscle flexing" and said these conflicts can expand into an all out war. Troops of India and China were locked in a 73-day-long standoff in Dokalam since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the building of a road in the disputed area by the Chinese Army. The face-off ended on August 28. Recently, the Army has also finalised one of its biggest procurement plans for infantry modernisation under which a large number of light machine guns, battle carbines and assault rifles are being purchased at a cost of nearly Rs 40,000 crore.

After Doklam, army starts process of ramping up roads along India-China border

<p>China&#39;s right-leaning<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/lanka-limits-chinas-role-in-hambantota-ports-deal-after-domestic-and-international-concerns-18277"> newspaper today raked up the Hambantota airport issue </a>in Sri Lanka, also known as &quot;emptiest airport in the world&quot;, asserting that it &quot;will not be easy for India to bring the airport to life&quot; and then use it to &quot;create jobs&quot;.</p>

<p>The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/nothing-against-india-says-namal-rajapaksa-22605">Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport in Mattala </a>near Hambantota opened in 2013 has become a bone of contention in Sri Lankan domestic politics.</p>

<p>Recently, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa&#39;s son Namal Rajapaksa demonstrated outside the Indian Consulate in Sri Lanka. In an exclusive interview to WION, Namal Rajapaksa had said that the government wanted India to build the Hambantota airport and the seaport nearby to China in order to &quot;balance India&quot; and keep regional &quot;geopolitical&quot; interests at bay.</p>

<p>China has been openly lobbying support for its OBOR project, it has already bagged rights to build &#39;Colombo Port City&#39; in the heart of the Sri Lankan capital in a deal worth $1.4 billion.</p>

<p>The Colombo Port City is the largest project between China and Sri Lanka under the China- proposed Belt and Road Initiative. China has invested millions of dollars in Sri Lanka&#39;s infrastructure.</p>

<p>&quot;A quick deal to buy an existing airport, instead of focusing on greenfield manufacturing investment that can generate sustained income, is a shortcut to increasing New Delhi&#39;s presence in Sri Lanka to counter China&#39;s influence,&quot; the Global Times said.</p>

<p>&quot;In addition to the Hambantota Port, China is setting up an industrial zone in Hambantota, which will likely transform the area into an important trading and logistics hub and attract massive investment,&quot; the newspaper said.</p>

<p>&quot;Both China and India have been stepping up infrastructure investment in Sri Lanka. Now it&#39;s time to consider how to expand the investment scope to energize the local economy in Sri Lanka,&quot; it said.</p>

<p>&quot;India and China must work together to tap the potential of manufacturing cooperation and establish sustainable relations with the island country,&quot; the newspaper concluded.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>


Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport in Mattala near Hambantota opened in 2013 has become a bone of contention in Sri Lankan domestic politics.

China's right-leaning newspaper today raked up the Hambantota airport issue in Sri Lanka, also known as "emptiest airport in the world", asserting that it "will not be easy for India to bring the airport to life" and then use it to "create jobs". The Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport in Mattala near Hambantota opened in 2013 has become a bone of contention in Sri Lankan domestic politics. Recently, former president Mahinda Rajapaksa's son Namal Rajapaksa demonstrated outside the Indian Consulate in Sri Lanka. In an exclusive interview to WION, Namal Rajapaksa had said that the government wanted India to build the Hambantota airport and the seaport nearby to China in order to "balance India" and keep regional "geopolitical" interests at bay. China has been openly lobbying support for its OBOR project, it has already bagged rights to build 'Colombo Port City' in the heart of the Sri Lankan capital in a deal worth $1.4 billion. The Colombo Port City is the largest project between China and Sri Lanka under the China- proposed Belt and Road Initiative. China has invested millions of dollars in Sri Lanka's infrastructure. "A quick deal to buy an existing airport, instead of focusing on greenfield manufacturing investment that can generate sustained income, is a shortcut to increasing New Delhi's presence in Sri Lanka to counter China's influence," the Global Times said. "In addition to the Hambantota Port, China is setting up an industrial zone in Hambantota, which will likely transform the area into an important trading and logistics hub and attract massive investment," the newspaper said. "Both China and India have been stepping up infrastructure investment in Sri Lanka. Now it's time to consider how to expand the investment scope to energize the local economy in Sri Lanka," it said. "India and China must work together to tap the potential of manufacturing cooperation and establish sustainable relations with the island country," the newspaper concluded.

Won't be easy for India to bring Sri Lanka's Hambantota airport to life: China daily

<p>A day after India&#39;s defense <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/watch-nirmala-sitharaman-teaches-namaste-to-chinese-soldiers-21143">minister Nirmala Sitharaman visited Army posts in Arunachal Pradesh</a>, China said the visit by the minister&nbsp;to the &quot;disputed area&quot; is &quot;not conducive to peace and tranquillity&quot;&nbsp;in the region.</p>

<p>&quot;As to Indian defence minister visit to Arunachal Pradesh, you must be very clear about China&rsquo;s position,&quot; China&#39;s defense minister Hua Chunying said.</p>

<p>Last month, Nirmala Sitharaman had visited the Nathu La border post in Sikkim, 30 km from Doklam, where the Indian and Chinese armies were involved in a two-month standoff.</p>

<p>&ldquo;There is a dispute on the eastern section of the China-India boundary. So this visit by the Indian side to the disputed area is not conducive to the peace and tranquillity of the relevant region,&rdquo; Ms Hua said.</p>

<p>&ldquo;Hope India will work with China for the shared goal, seek a solution acceptable to both sides and accommodate our concerns in a balanced way,&rdquo; Hua added.</p>

<p>During her visit Nathu La border post, Sitharaman was seen saying &quot;namaste&quot; to a Chinese solidier which was widely appreciated by the Chinese authorities, coming just a month after the Doklam crisis.</p>

<p>A few months back, China had said it had the &quot;right&quot; to rename of six places in Arunachal Pradesh. China had announced that it had &quot;standardised&quot; official names for six places in the north-eastern state and termed the provocative move as a &quot;legitimate action&quot;.</p>

<p>Dalai Lama&#39;s visit to Arunachal had also irked Chinese authorities earlier. China had said Dalai Lama&#39;s visit would have &quot;negative impact&quot; on the settlement of the &quot;border dispute&quot;.<br />
&nbsp;</p>


Last month, Nirmala Sitharaman had visited the Nathu La border post in Sikkim, 30 km from Doklam

A day after India's defense minister Nirmala Sitharaman visited Army posts in Arunachal Pradesh, China said the visit by the minister to the "disputed area" is "not conducive to peace and tranquillity" in the region. "As to Indian defence minister visit to Arunachal Pradesh, you must be very clear about China’s position," China's defense minister Hua Chunying said. Last month, Nirmala Sitharaman had visited the Nathu La border post in Sikkim, 30 km from Doklam, where the Indian and Chinese armies were involved in a two-month standoff. “There is a dispute on the eastern section of the China-India boundary. So this visit by the Indian side to the disputed area is not conducive to the peace and tranquillity of the relevant region,” Ms Hua said. “Hope India will work with China for the shared goal, seek a solution acceptable to both sides and accommodate our concerns in a balanced way,” Hua added. During her visit Nathu La border post, Sitharaman was seen saying "namaste" to a Chinese solidier which was widely appreciated by the Chinese authorities, coming just a month after the Doklam crisis. A few months back, China had said it had the "right" to rename of six places in Arunachal Pradesh. China had announced that it had "standardised" official names for six places in the north-eastern state and termed the provocative move as a "legitimate action". Dalai Lama's visit to Arunachal had also irked Chinese authorities earlier. China had said Dalai Lama's visit would have "negative impact" on the settlement of the "border dispute".

Indian defense minister Sitharaman's visit to Arunachal not conducive to peace?in the region: China

<p>Chinese Consul General<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/post-doklam-india-china-to-hold-track-two-meeting-23250"> Ma Zhanwu said today that his country does not pose</a> a threat to any other nation, and &quot;certainly not India&quot;.</p>

<p>Speaking at the inaugural session <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/post-doklamindia-to-boost-infrastructure-along-india-china-border-22398">to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Cheena Bhavana</a> in Kolkata, the Consul General said: &quot;China-India relationship is not going to be a walk in the park. It is going to be difficult with ups and downs. However, we need to have confidence that we can do it.&quot;</p>

<p>&quot;We need to aim high. We need to have mutual trust. We need to hear from the other side as well,&quot; he added.</p>

<p>India and China were involved a long border standoff at Doklam for over two months which ended after both countries&nbsp;agreed to an &quot;expeditious disengagement of border personnel&quot;.</p>

<p>&quot;Our president had said China will never seek hegemony or engage in expansion, and will not pose any threat to anybody,&quot; Zhanwu insisted.</p>

<p>Even as the world focussed its attention on the Doklam crisis, India-China relations nosedived at the UN over Masood Azhar in the past year.</p>

<p>India has been insisting on designating Pak-based Jaish terrorist Masood Azhar a &quot;global terrorist&quot;, however, China has consistently blocked the move due to its close relations with Pakistan.</p>

<p>Describing China as a &quot;modern, prosperous, socialist and democratic&quot; country, Ma said it wants to make its relationship with India most vibrant, adding,&quot;We need to look at our immediate neighbours. This is true for both nations.&quot;</p>

<p>Zhanwu told the audience in Kolkata that&nbsp;the &quot;differences&quot; between the two countries were outweighed by their shared interest and trust.</p>


Zhanwu ?said the "differences" between the two countries were outweighed by their shared interest and trust.

Chinese Consul General Ma Zhanwu said today that his country does not pose a threat to any other nation, and "certainly not India". Speaking at the inaugural session to commemorate the 80th anniversary of Cheena Bhavana in Kolkata, the Consul General said: "China-India relationship is not going to be a walk in the park. It is going to be difficult with ups and downs. However, we need to have confidence that we can do it." "We need to aim high. We need to have mutual trust. We need to hear from the other side as well," he added. India and China were involved a long border standoff at Doklam for over two months which ended after both countries agreed to an "expeditious disengagement of border personnel". "Our president had said China will never seek hegemony or engage in expansion, and will not pose any threat to anybody," Zhanwu insisted. Even as the world focussed its attention on the Doklam crisis, India-China relations nosedived at the UN over Masood Azhar in the past year. India has been insisting on designating Pak-based Jaish terrorist Masood Azhar a "global terrorist", however, China has consistently blocked the move due to its close relations with Pakistan. Describing China as a "modern, prosperous, socialist and democratic" country, Ma said it wants to make its relationship with India most vibrant, adding,"We need to look at our immediate neighbours. This is true for both nations." Zhanwu told the audience in Kolkata that the "differences" between the two countries were outweighed by their shared interest and trust.

China-India relationship is not going to be a walk in the park: Chinese Consul General in India

<p>In a significant&nbsp;development <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/post-doklamindia-to-boost-infrastructure-along-india-china-border-22398">in the wake of Doklam border stand-off, China and India</a> have decided to hold &quot;Track Two&quot;&nbsp;meeting at Minjing resort hotel in the city of Cheng Du in China on November 3rd and 4th.</p>

<p>The Indian delegation led by<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/china-maintaining-sizeable-troops-near-dokalam-sources-21062"> former foreign secretary Shyam Saran would land in </a>China on November 2nd. The invitation for the &quot;Track Two&quot;&nbsp;was extended by China two weeks after the Doklam crisis.</p>

<p>Sources confirmed to WION&nbsp;that the task for this meeting is to understand both China and India in context of Xi and Modi, two powerful leaders of Asia who hold sway over their respective countries. The job of the participants would be to understand each other&#39;s concern.</p>

<p>Sources also said that both countries want to avoid a showdown like Doklam and to this end &quot;Track Two&quot;&nbsp;will have participation by PLA and military from the Chinese side. The idea is to know each other better and discuss contentious issues which cannot be developed outside the public eye. Issues ranging from belt and road project to terrorism would be discussed by the participants.</p>

<p>The issue of border dispute will be discussed between Chen Xiaogong and Jayadeva Ranade. Jayadeva Ranade is a&nbsp;member of the National Security Advisory Board and Chen is former Vice Commander of the Air Force of the PLA and member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.</p>

<p>Professor Madhav Nalapat, Director of Geo Politics will address the session of regional stability and terrorism. His Chinese counterpart would be Hu Shisheng. Hu is the Director of Institute of Contemporary International Relations.</p>

<p>This visit assumes importance as many on the Indian side believe that China wants to understand India&rsquo;s concern on the belt and road project.</p>

<p>Sources have also told WION that the thrust would be to ensure that in future a situation like Doklam doesn&rsquo;t arise and China gets to understand the Indian mind under Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s dispensation.</p>

<p>Dipankar Banerjee, the Director of Institute of Peace and Conflict in India and Ashok Kantha from Vivekananda Foundation will also attend the &quot;Track Two&quot; meeting.</p>


The visit assumes importance as many on the Indian side believe that China wants to understand India?s concern on the belt and road project.

In a significant development in the wake of Doklam border stand-off, China and India have decided to hold "Track Two" meeting at Minjing resort hotel in the city of Cheng Du in China on November 3rd and 4th. The Indian delegation led by former foreign secretary Shyam Saran would land in China on November 2nd. The invitation for the "Track Two" was extended by China two weeks after the Doklam crisis. Sources confirmed to WION that the task for this meeting is to understand both China and India in context of Xi and Modi, two powerful leaders of Asia who hold sway over their respective countries. The job of the participants would be to understand each other's concern. Sources also said that both countries want to avoid a showdown like Doklam and to this end "Track Two" will have participation by PLA and military from the Chinese side. The idea is to know each other better and discuss contentious issues which cannot be developed outside the public eye. Issues ranging from belt and road project to terrorism would be discussed by the participants. The issue of border dispute will be discussed between Chen Xiaogong and Jayadeva Ranade. Jayadeva Ranade is a member of the National Security Advisory Board and Chen is former Vice Commander of the Air Force of the PLA and member of the Foreign Affairs Committee. Professor Madhav Nalapat, Director of Geo Politics will address the session of regional stability and terrorism. His Chinese counterpart would be Hu Shisheng. Hu is the Director of Institute of Contemporary International Relations. This visit assumes importance as many on the Indian side believe that China wants to understand India’s concern on the belt and road project. Sources have also told WION that the thrust would be to ensure that in future a situation like Doklam doesn’t arise and China gets to understand the Indian mind under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s dispensation. Dipankar Banerjee, the Director of Institute of Peace and Conflict in India and Ashok Kantha from Vivekananda Foundation will also attend the "Track Two" meeting.

Post-Doklam, India to hold 'Track Two' meeting inside China

<p>Indian Army jawans are learning Chinese.&nbsp;</p>

<p>That &quot;secret&quot; was let out by union home minister Rajnath Singh on Tuesday.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Singh said the jawans were learning Chinese so as to be able to communicate with their counterparts across the border.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;If by chance there is a face-off, at least they can convey their message,&quot; ANI quoted him as saying.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Singh added that the Chinese language lessons were a part of basic training.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Indian and Chinese troops had recently faced off from each other on the Doklam plateau for 72 days.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The standoff had been sparked off by Chinese road-building activity in the region.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Doklam lies close to the trijunction where Bhutan, China, and India meet.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The area is held by Bhutan but China lays claim to it.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Bhutanese soldiers had tried to push back the Chinese troop when they noticed the road-building activity.&nbsp;</p>

<p>When they were unable&nbsp;to, they asked Indian troops for help -- leading to the protracted standoff.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Chinese and Indian troops finally stood down a few days before Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi left for the BRICS summit in China; the BRICS charter says the annual summit cannot go ahead should even one of the leaders of the BRICS nations -- Brazil, Russian, India, China, South Africa -- not attend.&nbsp;</p>


The 'secret' was let out by home minister Rajnath Singh

Indian Army jawans are learning Chinese. That "secret" was let out by union home minister Rajnath Singh on Tuesday. Singh said the jawans were learning Chinese so as to be able to communicate with their counterparts across the border. "If by chance there is a face-off, at least they can convey their message," ANI quoted him as saying. Singh added that the Chinese language lessons were a part of basic training. Indian and Chinese troops had recently faced off from each other on the Doklam plateau for 72 days. The standoff had been sparked off by Chinese road-building activity in the region. Doklam lies close to the trijunction where Bhutan, China, and India meet. The area is held by Bhutan but China lays claim to it. Bhutanese soldiers had tried to push back the Chinese troop when they noticed the road-building activity. When they were unable to, they asked Indian troops for help -- leading to the protracted standoff. The Chinese and Indian troops finally stood down a few days before Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi left for the BRICS summit in China; the BRICS charter says the annual summit cannot go ahead should even one of the leaders of the BRICS nations -- Brazil, Russian, India, China, South Africa -- not attend.

Indian Army jawans learning Chinese

<p>October 2017 marks the 55th anniversary of the Sino-Indian war of 1962, a conflict that left a lasting impression on the minds of Indian policy-makers, military men, academics and the general public. The 32-day war which saw a decisive defeat of the Indian army at the hands of the Chinese military served India with some hard lessons on foreign policy and border defenses.</p>

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<p>On October 20, 1962, the Chinese military launched a two-pronged attack on the Sino-Indian border, invading Ladakh in the west and the McMahon line in the east. After successfully fending off the Chinese for the initial few days, the Indian army was considerably outnumbered- with about 20,000 Indian troops facing 80,000 Chinese troops- resulting in a disastrous defeat for India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The causes of the India-China war were multi-pronged, but the processes of state-building post decolonisation contributed much to the deep mistrust between the two countries. The border conflict is a colonial legacy inherited by the two nations. The Ardagh-Johnson line in the NW Himalayas near Ladakh was negotiated between the Dogra empire of Jammu and Tibet through the treaty of 1842.</p>

<p>The McMahon line was an outcome of the Simla convention of 1914, which interestingly though was settled bilaterally between British India and Tibet as the sole Chinese representative backed out of the negotiations owing to differences regarding the position and status of the Inner-Outer Tibet boundary. In July 1914, after China withdrew from the negotiations, British Indian and Tibetan representatives formalised an agreement in the form of the Simla convention which fixed an international boundary north of Assam, also known as the McMahon Line.</p>

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<p>The colonial enterprise of demarcating boundaries is found to be lacking on knowledge of specificities- the regional geographies, land distribution patterns, cultural affiliations and traditional ties- and is therefore responsible for much of the present day interstate disputes in the decolonised countries.</p>

<p>The bilateral ties between India and China have also suffered the same fate. However, post decolonisation, the lack of any political will on both sides to resolve the boundaries further complicated matters. Between 1950 and 1962, state-building in the two countries was carried out on different ideological trajectories. While India, under the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, resolved to stay committed to liberal values as the ideological core of national security and foreign policies, China, under Mao Zedong, took a more realist stance on consolidating its territorial claims and strengthen its sovereignty.</p>

<p>The differences in the ideological dispositions of the two leaders made themselves evident in the series of meetings that Nehru had with Mao Zedong and Zhou en Lai. In one such meeting, held in 1954, Mao and Nehru took significantly opposing stands on the idea of war.</p>

<p>Mao remarked that war both benefited and harmed the nations that start them. &ldquo;...a tense situation would awaken the people and make them prepare to resist pressure.&rdquo; While Nehru felt that with the passing of every year, the chances of war were receding. During the same meeting, Mao had also indicated China&#39;s intentions of developing atomic bombs.</p>

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<p>This, while Nehru&#39;s passionate views on nuclear disarmament and ban on nuclear testing were well known. The clash of 1962 eventually personified the clash of two competing ideologies- the belief that liberalism could eventually trump realpolitik was unfounded and rested on a mistaken assumption that decolonisation had served similar lessons for different countries.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Five and a half decades later, both countries have achieved remarkable successes in the processes of state-building. While this has worked to subdue other contentious aspects of the relationship, it has also worked to create a bipolar regional order in South Asia, where each state now works to challenge the regional primacy of the other.</p>

<p>This has served to heighten tensions at the border, reflected in the increasing frequency of skirmishes witnessed over the years. As a structural consequence of its growth, China will grow from an assertive neighbour into an assertive world power. This will have important consequences for multilateral institutions and global norms, some of which will be rendered obsolete, others- transformed, while some new will be created.</p>

<p>In this scenario, and given the history of their conflictual relationship, India and China may increasingly find themselves at loggerheads. The two countries have seen very little cooperation at the global platforms, despite working under the common banner of &lsquo;developing nations&rsquo;. The recent showdown over India&rsquo;s NSG membership serves as an important case in point.</p>

<p>The frequency of such bilateral skirmishes playing out on multilateral forums will go up as the gap between China and India&rsquo;s growth rate increases. The window of collaboration over non-traditional issues such as energy security and climate change too is rapidly shrinking, given the pace at which China is achieving its developmental targets.</p>

<p>It may be underlined here, that as China joins the club of developed nations and great powers in a few years from now, the space for India&rsquo;s concerns will shrink while the dynamics of its multilateral negotiations will undergo significant transformation, in the face of increasing resistance offered by China. Thus, while the Sino-India war may still be a far-fetched idea, China&rsquo;s autocratic expansion and USA&rsquo;s retrenchment will see the two countries frequently battling it out in a rapidly changing global order.</p>

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<p>To counter this, India will need to deepen its strategic engagement with other countries in the region as well as the great powers, including the US. The India-US strategic partnership may work to take the edge off India-China bilateral ties. Further, the presence of the US as a key ally to India and Japan will work to stabilise the balance of power in the South and East Asian region. India&rsquo;s stronger alignment with other great powers, including the UK and the member nations of the EU, will provide India with the diplomatic and strategic clout at various multilateral forums.&nbsp;</p>

<p>To counter China&rsquo;s rise, India will need to resort to a calibrated mix of diplomatic and military solutions. Indian policy-makers will need to engage in effective scenario building and analyse the consequences of a China-led regional order and a China-dominated global order.</p>


India needs to reanalyse diplomatic and military solutions to counter China's growth

October 2017 marks the 55th anniversary of the Sino-Indian war of 1962, a conflict that left a lasting impression on the minds of Indian policy-makers, military men, academics and the general public. The 32-day war which saw a decisive defeat of the Indian army at the hands of the Chinese military served India with some hard lessons on foreign policy and border defenses. The processes of state-building post decolonisation contributed much to the deep mistrust between the two countries. × On October 20, 1962, the Chinese military launched a two-pronged attack on the Sino-Indian border, invading Ladakh in the west and the McMahon line in the east. After successfully fending off the Chinese for the initial few days, the Indian army was considerably outnumbered- with about 20,000 Indian troops facing 80,000 Chinese troops- resulting in a disastrous defeat for India. The causes of the India-China war were multi-pronged, but the processes of state-building post decolonisation contributed much to the deep mistrust between the two countries. The border conflict is a colonial legacy inherited by the two nations. The Ardagh-Johnson line in the NW Himalayas near Ladakh was negotiated between the Dogra empire of Jammu and Tibet through the treaty of 1842. The McMahon line was an outcome of the Simla convention of 1914, which interestingly though was settled bilaterally between British India and Tibet as the sole Chinese representative backed out of the negotiations owing to differences regarding the position and status of the Inner-Outer Tibet boundary. In July 1914, after China withdrew from the negotiations, British Indian and Tibetan representatives formalised an agreement in the form of the Simla convention which fixed an international boundary north of Assam, also known as the McMahon Line. Post decolonisation, the lack of any political will on both sides to resolve the boundaries further complicated matters. × The colonial enterprise of demarcating boundaries is found to be lacking on knowledge of specificities- the regional geographies, land distribution patterns, cultural affiliations and traditional ties- and is therefore responsible for much of the present day interstate disputes in the decolonised countries. The bilateral ties between India and China have also suffered the same fate. However, post decolonisation, the lack of any political will on both sides to resolve the boundaries further complicated matters. Between 1950 and 1962, state-building in the two countries was carried out on different ideological trajectories. While India, under the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, resolved to stay committed to liberal values as the ideological core of national security and foreign policies, China, under Mao Zedong, took a more realist stance on consolidating its territorial claims and strengthen its sovereignty. The differences in the ideological dispositions of the two leaders made themselves evident in the series of meetings that Nehru had with Mao Zedong and Zhou en Lai. In one such meeting, held in 1954, Mao and Nehru took significantly opposing stands on the idea of war. Mao remarked that war both benefited and harmed the nations that start them. “...a tense situation would awaken the people and make them prepare to resist pressure.” While Nehru felt that with the passing of every year, the chances of war were receding. During the same meeting, Mao had also indicated China's intentions of developing atomic bombs. The clash of 1962 eventually personified the clash of two competing ideologies. × This, while Nehru's passionate views on nuclear disarmament and ban on nuclear testing were well known. The clash of 1962 eventually personified the clash of two competing ideologies- the belief that liberalism could eventually trump realpolitik was unfounded and rested on a mistaken assumption that decolonisation had served similar lessons for different countries. Five and a half decades later, both countries have achieved remarkable successes in the processes of state-building. While this has worked to subdue other contentious aspects of the relationship, it has also worked to create a bipolar regional order in South Asia, where each state now works to challenge the regional primacy of the other. This has served to heighten tensions at the border, reflected in the increasing frequency of skirmishes witnessed over the years. As a structural consequence of its growth, China will grow from an assertive neighbour into an assertive world power. This will have important consequences for multilateral institutions and global norms, some of which will be rendered obsolete, others- transformed, while some new will be created. In this scenario, and given the history of their conflictual relationship, India and China may increasingly find themselves at loggerheads. The two countries have seen very little cooperation at the global platforms, despite working under the common banner of ‘developing nations’. The recent showdown over India’s NSG membership serves as an important case in point. The frequency of such bilateral skirmishes playing out on multilateral forums will go up as the gap between China and India’s growth rate increases. The window of collaboration over non-traditional issues such as energy security and climate change too is rapidly shrinking, given the pace at which China is achieving its developmental targets. It may be underlined here, that as China joins the club of developed nations and great powers in a few years from now, the space for India’s concerns will shrink while the dynamics of its multilateral negotiations will undergo significant transformation, in the face of increasing resistance offered by China. Thus, while the Sino-India war may still be a far-fetched idea, China’s autocratic expansion and USA’s retrenchment will see the two countries frequently battling it out in a rapidly changing global order. India will need to deepen its strategic engagement with other countries in the region as well as the great powers, including the US. × To counter this, India will need to deepen its strategic engagement with other countries in the region as well as the great powers, including the US. The India-US strategic partnership may work to take the edge off India-China bilateral ties. Further, the presence of the US as a key ally to India and Japan will work to stabilise the balance of power in the South and East Asian region. India’s stronger alignment with other great powers, including the UK and the member nations of the EU, will provide India with the diplomatic and strategic clout at various multilateral forums. To counter China’s rise, India will need to resort to a calibrated mix of diplomatic and military solutions. Indian policy-makers will need to engage in effective scenario building and analyse the consequences of a China-led regional order and a China-dominated global order.

India-China: 55 years of bittersweet solidarity

<p>Home minister Rajnath Singh said Sunday that China had understood India&#39;s strength, and that &quot;our issues&quot; had been resolved.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Our issues with China have been resolved. China understood the strength of India: HM Rajnath Singh in Lucknow <a href="https://t.co/zId98FuFqA">pic.twitter.com/zId98FuFqA</a></p>
&mdash; ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANINewsUP/status/919472093707747329?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 15, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>The armies of the two countries had recently been involved in a 72-day standoff in Doklam near the Bhutan-China-India tri-junction.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The two armies stood down only days before Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited China for the BRICS summit. (The BRICS charter says its annual summit cannot be held should the leader of any member nation not attend.)&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Our issues with China have been resolved. China understood the strength of India,&quot; Rajnath said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Singh was speaking in Lucknow. He is in Uttar Pradesh on a two-day visit.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Continuing in the same vein, Singh added: &quot;Pakistan tries to send terrorists to our side. We have succeeded in finishing off 5-10 of them every single time. India is not weak anymore.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>He also said Modi has resolved to eliminate poverty from the country by 2022.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Our Prime Minister has set the aim of completely eliminating poverty in India by 2022: HM Rajnath Singh in Lucknow <a href="https://t.co/S1tEHxIecF">pic.twitter.com/S1tEHxIecF</a></p>
&mdash; ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANINewsUP/status/919472717081976832?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 15, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>And that Modi is the first Indian prime minister to open out India&#39;s banks to the poor.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Hindustan mein pehla aisa pradhanmantri hai jisne ye faisla kiya ki bade bade bankon ke darwaze pe dastak dene ka adhikar, pravesh karne ka adhikar keval Tata, Birla aur Ambani ko nahi hona chahiye balki Hindustan ke gareebon ko bhi hona chahiye,&quot;&nbsp;Singh said.&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">Hindustan mein pehla aisa pradhanmantri hai jisne ye faisla kiya ki bade bade bankon ke darwaze pe dastak dene ka adhikar...: Rajnath Singh <a href="https://t.co/O34aoUYKSI">pic.twitter.com/O34aoUYKSI</a></p>
&mdash; ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANINewsUP/status/919470770631274496?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 15, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">...Pravesh karne ka adhikar keval Tata, Birla aur Ambani ko nahi hona chahiye balki Hindustan ke gareebon ko bhi hona chahiye: HM in Lucknow <a href="https://t.co/yJZxXqCsQJ">pic.twitter.com/yJZxXqCsQJ</a></p>
&mdash; ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANINewsUP/status/919470931126321152?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 15, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>The last comment was a reference to the opening of the zero-balance Jan Dhan accounts.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Jan Dhan accounts allow people to open bank accounts without documentation like proof of residence, which India&#39;s many poor millions are often unable to get.&nbsp;</p>


Singh added that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has resolved to eliminate poverty from the country by 2022

Home minister Rajnath Singh said Sunday that China had understood India's strength, and that "our issues" had been resolved. Our issues with China have been resolved. China understood the strength of India: HM Rajnath Singh in Lucknow pic.twitter.com/zId98FuFqA — ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) October 15, 2017 × The armies of the two countries had recently been involved in a 72-day standoff in Doklam near the Bhutan-China-India tri-junction. The two armies stood down only days before Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited China for the BRICS summit. (The BRICS charter says its annual summit cannot be held should the leader of any member nation not attend.) "Our issues with China have been resolved. China understood the strength of India," Rajnath said. Singh was speaking in Lucknow. He is in Uttar Pradesh on a two-day visit. Continuing in the same vein, Singh added: "Pakistan tries to send terrorists to our side. We have succeeded in finishing off 5-10 of them every single time. India is not weak anymore." He also said Modi has resolved to eliminate poverty from the country by 2022. Our Prime Minister has set the aim of completely eliminating poverty in India by 2022: HM Rajnath Singh in Lucknow pic.twitter.com/S1tEHxIecF — ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) October 15, 2017 × And that Modi is the first Indian prime minister to open out India's banks to the poor. "Hindustan mein pehla aisa pradhanmantri hai jisne ye faisla kiya ki bade bade bankon ke darwaze pe dastak dene ka adhikar, pravesh karne ka adhikar keval Tata, Birla aur Ambani ko nahi hona chahiye balki Hindustan ke gareebon ko bhi hona chahiye," Singh said. Hindustan mein pehla aisa pradhanmantri hai jisne ye faisla kiya ki bade bade bankon ke darwaze pe dastak dene ka adhikar...: Rajnath Singh pic.twitter.com/O34aoUYKSI — ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) October 15, 2017 × ...Pravesh karne ka adhikar keval Tata, Birla aur Ambani ko nahi hona chahiye balki Hindustan ke gareebon ko bhi hona chahiye: HM in Lucknow pic.twitter.com/yJZxXqCsQJ — ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) October 15, 2017 × The last comment was a reference to the opening of the zero-balance Jan Dhan accounts. The Jan Dhan accounts allow people to open bank accounts without documentation like proof of residence, which India's many poor millions are often unable to get.

China understood India's strength, our issues resolved: Rajnath Singh

<p>Post-Doklam&nbsp;India<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/solution-to-doklam-standoff-to-be-found-soon-says-rajnath-singh-19254"> is set to boost its infrastructure along the India-China </a>border&nbsp;with four passes in Uttarakhand&nbsp;to be connected by 2020, Indian officials have told WION.</p>

<p>The roads will connect <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/watch-racist-chinese-video-on-indias-seven-sins-in-doklam-19146">Niti, Lipulekh, Thangla and Tsangchokla pass</a>&nbsp;over the next three years, sources have told WION.</p>

<p>The&nbsp;Border Road Organisation(BRO)&nbsp;security force is pushing for more funds to&nbsp;develop&nbsp;infrastructure&nbsp;in India&#39;s northern command.</p>

<p>In a conference held by the Army, it was decided that &quot;infrastructure and capability development&quot; would be the key focus over the next few years.</p>

<p>Concerned about the delays in construction of the strategic road&nbsp;along the India-China border, India&#39;s defense ministry recently delegated more administrative and financial powers to the BRO&nbsp;for a speedy completion of the projects along the border with China.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Shakti Chaudhary, mayor of Gangtok had told WION earlier that roads are necessary so that the military can immediately access the border in times of crisis.</p>

<p>India&#39;s military has slowly over the months increased operational readiness along the Indian border with China after&nbsp;India and China agreed on &quot;expeditious disengagement&quot; at Doklam last month.</p>


The roads will connect Niti, Lipulekh, Thangla and Tsangchokla pass?over the next three years, sources have told WION.

Post-Doklam India is set to boost its infrastructure along the India-China border with four passes in Uttarakhand to be connected by 2020, Indian officials have told WION. The roads will connect Niti, Lipulekh, Thangla and Tsangchokla pass over the next three years, sources have told WION. The Border Road Organisation(BRO) security force is pushing for more funds to develop infrastructure in India's northern command. In a conference held by the Army, it was decided that "infrastructure and capability development" would be the key focus over the next few years. Concerned about the delays in construction of the strategic road along the India-China border, India's defense ministry recently delegated more administrative and financial powers to the BRO for a speedy completion of the projects along the border with China. Shakti Chaudhary, mayor of Gangtok had told WION earlier that roads are necessary so that the military can immediately access the border in times of crisis. India's military has slowly over the months increased operational readiness along the Indian border with China after India and China agreed on "expeditious disengagement" at Doklam last month.

WION Exclusive: Post-Doklam?India to boost infrastructure along India-China border

<p>Ahead of <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/brics-summit-day-2-pm-modi-president-xi-set-to-meet-today-19868">President Xi&#39;s re-election on October&nbsp;18th</a> by the Communist Party of China, India is being seen more as a &quot;frenemy&quot;, especially post-Doklam.</p>

<p>In a move which can be seen as a shift in <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-first-quarter-gdp-grows-69-per-cent-better-than-expected-14590">relations with India, China&#39;s right-leaning Global Times </a>in its op-ed piece said economic competition between China and India should not be just limited to the comparison of GDP growth rates.</p>

<p>&quot;China has done much<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/born-of-chaos-india-lumbers-amid-turmoil-says-china-daily-21017"> better than India in terms of poverty reduction</a> and raising living standards,&quot; the editorial said, &quot;thanks in large part to its effective and efficient policy implementation under the central government.&quot;</p>

<p>However, the editorial admitted that &quot;lifting the remaining poor out of poverty in China will be much more difficult&quot; compared with the past. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;China&#39;s Gini coefficient, a measure of income distribution, rose from 33 in 1990 to 53 in 2013, while the Gini coefficient in India jumped from 45 in 1990 to 51 in 2013, according to another IMF report released in March 2016,&quot; the daily observed.</p>

<p>The Chinese daily said in India, cultural and political diversity &quot;increase difficulties for unified policy implementation&quot;, hindering the progress of anti-poverty efforts - a fact which many India experts would agree.</p>

<p>&quot;During the past three decades, China lifted 800 million people out of poverty, &nbsp;as for India, it obviously faces more difficulties in poverty reduction, with 30 per cent of its population living below the globally accepted poverty line of $1.90 a day,&quot; the daily said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Given the consensus that high levels of inequality can do harm to the sustainability of growth, both countries have made great efforts to alleviate poverty in recent years,&quot; the daily said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, the China daily added that &quot;the key is which of them(China or India) can do more to reduce inequality and poverty&quot;.</p>

<p>&quot;The outcome will also identify the ones that have more genuine potential for economic growth,&quot; the op-ed piece concluded.</p>


The editorial admitted that 'lifting the remaining poor out of poverty in China will be much more difficult' compared with the past ??

Ahead of President Xi's re-election on October 18th by the Communist Party of China, India is being seen more as a "frenemy", especially post-Doklam. In a move which can be seen as a shift in relations with India, China's right-leaning Global Times in its op-ed piece said economic competition between China and India should not be just limited to the comparison of GDP growth rates. "China has done much better than India in terms of poverty reduction and raising living standards," the editorial said, "thanks in large part to its effective and efficient policy implementation under the central government." However, the editorial admitted that "lifting the remaining poor out of poverty in China will be much more difficult" compared with the past. "China's Gini coefficient, a measure of income distribution, rose from 33 in 1990 to 53 in 2013, while the Gini coefficient in India jumped from 45 in 1990 to 51 in 2013, according to another IMF report released in March 2016," the daily observed. The Chinese daily said in India, cultural and political diversity "increase difficulties for unified policy implementation", hindering the progress of anti-poverty efforts - a fact which many India experts would agree. "During the past three decades, China lifted 800 million people out of poverty, as for India, it obviously faces more difficulties in poverty reduction, with 30 per cent of its population living below the globally accepted poverty line of $1.90 a day," the daily said. "Given the consensus that high levels of inequality can do harm to the sustainability of growth, both countries have made great efforts to alleviate poverty in recent years," the daily said. However, the China daily added that "the key is which of them(China or India) can do more to reduce inequality and poverty". "The outcome will also identify the ones that have more genuine potential for economic growth," the op-ed piece concluded.

India has lessons to learn from China's poverty reduction campaign: China daily

<p>Last weekend was Vladimir Putin&#39;s 65th birthday. Now it&#39;s not germane to this piece whether he cut a cake, danced or made history by drinking vodka (Putin is a teetotaller). The news genre requires a peg to hang a story on and the reference to his birthday gives us the peg to take this forward, into the realm of India and Russia.</p>

<p>Recall the day India and China agreed to end the standoff on the Doklam Plateau in Bhutan. A day earlier, Russia&#39;s ambassador in Beijing Andrei Denisov said in public, that his country would not take sides in the standoff between India and China.</p>

<p>Denisov&#39;s comments appeared careful and calibrated. He said: &quot;The situation on the India-Chinese border is something we all regret. We think our Chinese and Indian friends can resolve the problem by themselves. We don&#39;t think they need any mediators who can influence their respective positions on the issue.&quot;</p>

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<h5>Russia is not in Beijing&#39;s pockets, at least not yet.</h5>
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<p>There may have been some disappointment in India over that studied enunciation of neutrality after all Delhi and Moscow go back a long way. But to be fair to Russia, it&#39;s unusual for any ambassador to be neutral about the country he is serving in. Ambassador Denisov&#39;s remarks are all the more interesting given the pressure he may have been under from his host government, to back them up on Doklam.</p>

<p>The credit here goes not to Denisov but Putin. That statement was interpreted correctly in Delhi&#39;s South Block and provided proof, if any was required, that Russia is not in Beijing&#39;s pockets, at least not yet. Russia watchers in India say Putin has always been bullish about this country, seeing a valued diplomatic and strategic partnership.</p>

<p>The Modi-Putin meeting in St Petersburg four months ago saw agreement on Russia building two more nuclear power reactors at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu. At the Xiamen BRICS summit, Russia reportedly played a key role in facilitating the naming of terrorist groups in the final declaration.</p>

<p>The doomsayers may warn that the Delhi-Moscow bilateral is running out of steam but the ground reality doesn&#39;t convey that impression.</p>

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<p>India&#39;s indigenous nuclear submarine programme has developed in large part to technology and expertise from Russia; the Akula class attack submarine Chakra is another with one more on the way; earlier there was the Brahmos cruise missile project; plans to acquire the Russian S-400 ballistic missile defence system is moving forward. Russia is well aware that for India, these projects have one enemy in mind, China.</p>

<p>Indian diplomats who have served in Moscow say the problems may lie in the shape Russia&#39;s foreign policy is taking, perhaps due to organisational deficiencies. Putin&#39;s strategic vision seems to lack sufficient back up in terms of human and diplomatic resources, so somewhere down the line things go cold.</p>

<p>Increasingly, the tactical and short-term approach appears to be overtaking the long-term and strategic in Russian foreign policy. Perhaps there&#39;s a reason for this: Russia&#39;s re-emergence in the Arab world on the back of a very successful policy in Syria. This may have even influenced some in Moscow to believe they are now America&#39;s equal. Such thinking could be self-delusion and therefore dangerous.</p>

<p>Russia&#39;s policy in Afghanistan is also strange. There&#39;s every reason why Russia and the US can find common ground there. Both are concerned about radical Islam, drug trafficking and Pakistan&#39;s destabilising role. There&#39;s also no doubt that the US expenditure in men and money helps Russia and India. Yet we find the two superpowers on opposite sides with Russia rubbing shoulders with the Taliban and arming Pakistan. Again, it would seem, the short-term and tactical taking precedence over the strategic and long-term.</p>

<p>But international relations is always dynamic, with Putin in charge, there could be a course correction in time. At this point, it&#39;s not clear if Putin plans to stand for another term during elections early next year. At 65 he shows no signs of slowing down or incapacity.&nbsp;He should be good for another 10 years, good for India too.</p>


Though tactical and short-term approach has marked Russia's foreign policy, President Putin is good for India's interest.

Last weekend was Vladimir Putin's 65th birthday. Now it's not germane to this piece whether he cut a cake, danced or made history by drinking vodka (Putin is a teetotaller). The news genre requires a peg to hang a story on and the reference to his birthday gives us the peg to take this forward, into the realm of India and Russia. Recall the day India and China agreed to end the standoff on the Doklam Plateau in Bhutan. A day earlier, Russia's ambassador in Beijing Andrei Denisov said in public, that his country would not take sides in the standoff between India and China. Denisov's comments appeared careful and calibrated. He said: "The situation on the India-Chinese border is something we all regret. We think our Chinese and Indian friends can resolve the problem by themselves. We don't think they need any mediators who can influence their respective positions on the issue." Russia is not in Beijing's pockets, at least not yet. × There may have been some disappointment in India over that studied enunciation of neutrality after all Delhi and Moscow go back a long way. But to be fair to Russia, it's unusual for any ambassador to be neutral about the country he is serving in. Ambassador Denisov's remarks are all the more interesting given the pressure he may have been under from his host government, to back them up on Doklam. The credit here goes not to Denisov but Putin. That statement was interpreted correctly in Delhi's South Block and provided proof, if any was required, that Russia is not in Beijing's pockets, at least not yet. Russia watchers in India say Putin has always been bullish about this country, seeing a valued diplomatic and strategic partnership. The Modi-Putin meeting in St Petersburg four months ago saw agreement on Russia building two more nuclear power reactors at Kudankulam in Tamil Nadu. At the Xiamen BRICS summit, Russia reportedly played a key role in facilitating the naming of terrorist groups in the final declaration. The doomsayers may warn that the Delhi-Moscow bilateral is running out of steam but the ground reality doesn't convey that impression. The doomsayers may warn that the Delhi-Moscow bilateral is running out of steam but the ground reality doesn't convey that impression. × India's indigenous nuclear submarine programme has developed in large part to technology and expertise from Russia; the Akula class attack submarine Chakra is another with one more on the way; earlier there was the Brahmos cruise missile project; plans to acquire the Russian S-400 ballistic missile defence system is moving forward. Russia is well aware that for India, these projects have one enemy in mind, China. Indian diplomats who have served in Moscow say the problems may lie in the shape Russia's foreign policy is taking, perhaps due to organisational deficiencies. Putin's strategic vision seems to lack sufficient back up in terms of human and diplomatic resources, so somewhere down the line things go cold. Increasingly, the tactical and short-term approach appears to be overtaking the long-term and strategic in Russian foreign policy. Perhaps there's a reason for this: Russia's re-emergence in the Arab world on the back of a very successful policy in Syria. This may have even influenced some in Moscow to believe they are now America's equal. Such thinking could be self-delusion and therefore dangerous. Russia's policy in Afghanistan is also strange. There's every reason why Russia and the US can find common ground there. Both are concerned about radical Islam, drug trafficking and Pakistan's destabilising role. There's also no doubt that the US expenditure in men and money helps Russia and India. Yet we find the two superpowers on opposite sides with Russia rubbing shoulders with the Taliban and arming Pakistan. Again, it would seem, the short-term and tactical taking precedence over the strategic and long-term. But international relations is always dynamic, with Putin in charge, there could be a course correction in time. At this point, it's not clear if Putin plans to stand for another term during elections early next year. At 65 he shows no signs of slowing down or incapacity. He should be good for another 10 years, good for India too.

With Putin in power, India-Russia relations will prosper

<p>The Chinese embassy in India has issued a <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/born-of-chaos-india-lumbers-amid-turmoil-says-china-daily-21017">travel advisory to Chinese tourists entering India</a> over visits to Andaman and Nicobar Islands, China&#39;s state-run Global Times reported.</p>

<p>The advisory said: &quot;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/us-attempting-to-tie-india-to-its-chariot-says-china-daily-20971">Some Chinese citizens visited Andaman and Nicobar Islands</a>, which are restricted areas for foreigners, without gaining permits from India. Some tourists were asked to return upon arrival; some were even arrested or investigated.&quot;</p>

<p>This is the third time in four months the Chinese embassy has issued an advisory warning its citizens even as <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/how-energy-war-will-redefine-india-china-relations-post-doklam-20983">India-China relations cooled post-Doklam</a>.</p>

<p>&ldquo;[Visitors should] not photograph India&rsquo;s border and military facilities and vehicles. While travelling on India&rsquo;s border neighbouring Nepal, avoid visiting border markets, and do not enter the territory of other countries by mistake,&rdquo; the advisory added.</p>

<p>On July 7, the Chinese embassy in India had issued its first warning, asking Chinese nationals to reduce unnecessary travel to India, keep a low profile when there, and respect the local laws and law-enforcement personnel. It re-issued the warning on August 24.</p>

<p>China is becoming one of the most popular destinations for Indian tourists, according to a report by Xinhua News Agency on Monday.&nbsp;</p>

<p>It&rsquo;s estimated that the number of outbound tourists from India will reach 50 million overall by 2020, up from 21.87 million in 2016, said the report.&nbsp;</p>


This is the third time in four months the Chinese embassy has issued an advisory warning its citizens

The Chinese embassy in India has issued a travel advisory to Chinese tourists entering India over visits to Andaman and Nicobar Islands, China's state-run Global Times reported. The advisory said: "Some Chinese citizens visited Andaman and Nicobar Islands, which are restricted areas for foreigners, without gaining permits from India. Some tourists were asked to return upon arrival; some were even arrested or investigated." This is the third time in four months the Chinese embassy has issued an advisory warning its citizens even as India-China relations cooled post-Doklam. “[Visitors should] not photograph India’s border and military facilities and vehicles. While travelling on India’s border neighbouring Nepal, avoid visiting border markets, and do not enter the territory of other countries by mistake,” the advisory added. On July 7, the Chinese embassy in India had issued its first warning, asking Chinese nationals to reduce unnecessary travel to India, keep a low profile when there, and respect the local laws and law-enforcement personnel. It re-issued the warning on August 24. China is becoming one of the most popular destinations for Indian tourists, according to a report by Xinhua News Agency on Monday. It’s estimated that the number of outbound tourists from India will reach 50 million overall by 2020, up from 21.87 million in 2016, said the report.

Chinese embassy issues travel advisory over visit to Andaman & Nicobar Islands

<p>&ldquo;Energy&rdquo; is the lifeblood of economic growth. With both China and India having chosen the path of rapid industrialisation to exponentially increase employment opportunities for their teeming millions, a conflict between these two nations is likely to arise in the foreseeable future over the world&#39;s energy resources, which include Coal, Lignite, Natural Gas, Crude Oil &amp; other Hydrocarbons, Nuclear, Solar, Wind, &amp; Hydro Power.</p>

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<h5>International Energy Agencies predict that by 2030 China would be consuming 21 per cent of all the energy resources of the world.</h5>
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<p>Recently, China has achieved a meteoric rise as the world&#39;s factory. With the largest human population in the world, the country is among the major energy guzzlers of the world. International Energy Agencies predict that by 2030 China would be consuming 21 per cent of all the energy resources of the world.</p>

<p>On the other hand, India, the second most populous country in the world, is ranked fifth in the world in terms of primary energy consumption &ndash; behind the US, China, Russia &amp; Japan. With a high GDP growth that has been hovering between 7 to 6 per cent, India, by 2030,&nbsp; is expected to vault to third place in this regard &ndash; behind only the United States &amp; China.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&ldquo;Energy&rdquo; is the basic bedrock of all industrial activities. While from 1979 to 2003 China&#39;s annualised energy consumption rate grew by 4.4 per cent and its annualised GDP growth rate reached 9.36 per cent, its annualised energy output growth lagged behind at 3.82 per cent.</p>

<p>On the other hand, India&#39;s industrial growth story, commencing only about 10 years back has so far been more or less self-dependent in energy matters. However, given India&#39;s present emphasis on establishing a strong industrial infrastructure, and with massive planned investments in this regard, sooner rather than later, India is likely to become a serious competitor to China in the battle for a progressively larger share of the world&#39;s energy resources.</p>

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<h5>China starkly brings into focus the delicate balance of industrial and military power in South Asia.</h5>
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<p>It is, therefore, critically important for both countries to urgently address their respective &ldquo;energy requirement issues&rdquo; which, if ignored, could lead them on a confrontational course with disastrous results.</p>

<p>In order to explore new avenues to secure their future energy needs, both countries are aggressively competing for new sources of energy in Kazakhstan, Iran, Afghanistan and Myanmar.</p>

<p>In fact, China, which started out on the industrial growth field nearly two decades before India did, planned and is setting up its port project at Gwadar (Pakistan), primarily, as a transit facility for crude oil supplies to Xinjiang through Kyaukpyu (in Myanmar, off Andaman Sea), which starkly brings into focus the delicate balance of industrial and military power in South Asia.</p>

<p>Post-Doklam, however, India and China have entered a new phase in their trade relations. The hardliners in the Chinese Communist Party who wanted to &ldquo;punch&rdquo; India along the LAC seem to have lost the battle.</p>

<p>The &ldquo;pro-India faction&rdquo; is increasingly dominating policy within the CPC which experts say wants more trade relations with India.</p>

<p>As a matter of fact, China&rsquo;s state-run daily The Global Times has been carrying Op-ed articles on how India and China can cooperate in various fields, especially in infrastructure and e-commerce among other things.</p>

<p>With China set to re-elect Xi as the president for the next five years during the CPC meeting this month, India and China should look to cooperate not only in resolving their disputes along the border but also in joining hands to evolve an &ldquo;energy policy&rdquo; to ensure both countries enjoy their growth story as equal partners.</p>


With rapid industrialisation and burgeoning population, a conflict between China and India is likely to arise over the world's energy resources.

“Energy” is the lifeblood of economic growth. With both China and India having chosen the path of rapid industrialisation to exponentially increase employment opportunities for their teeming millions, a conflict between these two nations is likely to arise in the foreseeable future over the world's energy resources, which include Coal, Lignite, Natural Gas, Crude Oil & other Hydrocarbons, Nuclear, Solar, Wind, & Hydro Power. International Energy Agencies predict that by 2030 China would be consuming 21 per cent of all the energy resources of the world. × Recently, China has achieved a meteoric rise as the world's factory. With the largest human population in the world, the country is among the major energy guzzlers of the world. International Energy Agencies predict that by 2030 China would be consuming 21 per cent of all the energy resources of the world. On the other hand, India, the second most populous country in the world, is ranked fifth in the world in terms of primary energy consumption – behind the US, China, Russia & Japan. With a high GDP growth that has been hovering between 7 to 6 per cent, India, by 2030, is expected to vault to third place in this regard – behind only the United States & China. “Energy” is the basic bedrock of all industrial activities. While from 1979 to 2003 China's annualised energy consumption rate grew by 4.4 per cent and its annualised GDP growth rate reached 9.36 per cent, its annualised energy output growth lagged behind at 3.82 per cent. On the other hand, India's industrial growth story, commencing only about 10 years back has so far been more or less self-dependent in energy matters. However, given India's present emphasis on establishing a strong industrial infrastructure, and with massive planned investments in this regard, sooner rather than later, India is likely to become a serious competitor to China in the battle for a progressively larger share of the world's energy resources. China starkly brings into focus the delicate balance of industrial and military power in South Asia. × It is, therefore, critically important for both countries to urgently address their respective “energy requirement issues” which, if ignored, could lead them on a confrontational course with disastrous results. In order to explore new avenues to secure their future energy needs, both countries are aggressively competing for new sources of energy in Kazakhstan, Iran, Afghanistan and Myanmar. In fact, China, which started out on the industrial growth field nearly two decades before India did, planned and is setting up its port project at Gwadar (Pakistan), primarily, as a transit facility for crude oil supplies to Xinjiang through Kyaukpyu (in Myanmar, off Andaman Sea), which starkly brings into focus the delicate balance of industrial and military power in South Asia. Post-Doklam, however, India and China have entered a new phase in their trade relations. The hardliners in the Chinese Communist Party who wanted to “punch” India along the LAC seem to have lost the battle. The “pro-India faction” is increasingly dominating policy within the CPC which experts say wants more trade relations with India. As a matter of fact, China’s state-run daily The Global Times has been carrying Op-ed articles on how India and China can cooperate in various fields, especially in infrastructure and e-commerce among other things. With China set to re-elect Xi as the president for the next five years during the CPC meeting this month, India and China should look to cooperate not only in resolving their disputes along the border but also in joining hands to evolve an “energy policy” to ensure both countries enjoy their growth story as equal partners.

How 'Energy War' will redefine India-China relations post-Doklam

<p>China&#39;s state-run daily Global Times&nbsp;today<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/india-a-retail-power-china-ready-to-offer-help-says-state-run-daily-times-20523"> took a dig&nbsp;at India-US relations declaring &quot;Washington</a> was attempting to tie New Delhi to its chariot&quot; as US Defense Secretary James Mattis&nbsp;visited India last week.</p>

<p>The daily said India would have <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-japan-intimacy-poses-no-real-threat-to-china-says-chinas-state-run-daily-global-times-20211">to rely on itself rather than &quot;a few weapons the US sells to it for its ambitions&quot;.</a><br />
&nbsp;<br />
&quot;The development of the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/us-defence-secretary-james-mattis-holds-talks-with-indian-defence-minister-in-new-delhi-20666">US-India relationship is subtly connected to the </a>development of the China-US and China-India relationship,&quot; the daily said.</p>

<p>&quot;While Beijing has not considered India a factor in handling its ties with Washington, the Washington-New Delhi relationship has taken the need to contain China into account,&quot; the daily said in its Op-ed piece.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The daily was particularly bitter over India&#39;s reluctance to join China&#39;s ambitious One Belt One Road(OBOR) project asserting that &quot;India&#39;s lack of self-confidence is impeding it from sharing the development dividends of OBOR initiative and depriving the country of the opportunity for development.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;New Delhi&#39;s status in Asia should not be determined by Washington&#39;s China strategy. The peaceful solution to the Doklam standoff suggests that China and India have the capability to eliminate exterior interventions and diplomatically handle crises,&quot; the daily opined.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;India would be more mature and confident if it could view high-level exchanges with the US without regard for any perceived need to contain China,&quot; Global Times concluded.</p>

<p>The Global Times had earlier taken a swipe at India-Japan relations during Japanese PM Shinzo Abe visit to India last month saying it posed &quot;no real threat to China&quot;.</p>

<p>The Chinese daily had said: &quot;Japan has been more narrow-minded in looking for allies globally to encircle China.&quot;</p>


The daily said India would have to rely on itself rather than "a few weapons the US sells to it for its ambitions".

China's state-run daily Global Times today took a dig at India-US relations declaring "Washington was attempting to tie New Delhi to its chariot" as US Defense Secretary James Mattis visited India last week. The daily said India would have to rely on itself rather than "a few weapons the US sells to it for its ambitions". "The development of the US-India relationship is subtly connected to the development of the China-US and China-India relationship," the daily said. "While Beijing has not considered India a factor in handling its ties with Washington, the Washington-New Delhi relationship has taken the need to contain China into account," the daily said in its Op-ed piece. The daily was particularly bitter over India's reluctance to join China's ambitious One Belt One Road(OBOR) project asserting that "India's lack of self-confidence is impeding it from sharing the development dividends of OBOR initiative and depriving the country of the opportunity for development." "New Delhi's status in Asia should not be determined by Washington's China strategy. The peaceful solution to the Doklam standoff suggests that China and India have the capability to eliminate exterior interventions and diplomatically handle crises," the daily opined. "India would be more mature and confident if it could view high-level exchanges with the US without regard for any perceived need to contain China," Global Times concluded. The Global Times had earlier taken a swipe at India-Japan relations during Japanese PM Shinzo Abe visit to India last month saying it posed "no real threat to China". The Chinese daily had said: "Japan has been more narrow-minded in looking for allies globally to encircle China."

'US attempting to tie India to its chariot,' says China daily

<p>Nearly three years ago,&nbsp;China banned puns on radio, television and other media on the grounds that it defiled language traditions and confused impressionable youth.&nbsp;That may have been&nbsp;a&nbsp;reason but the more&nbsp;accurate&nbsp;one may have been to stifle criticism.&nbsp;</p>

<p>An ode doing the rounds on Teacher&#39;s Day in 2014 paid tribute to President Xi Jinping and his singer wife Peng Liyuan&nbsp;roughly translated into English it said &#39;Daddy Xi loves Mama Peng&#39;, but when Da from Daddy is joined with Ma from Mama, you get the Chinese word for the narcotic marijuana.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>That was deemed&nbsp;subversive&nbsp;and, therefor<wbr />e, unacceptable, and so the crackdown on puns.&nbsp;But wordplay is common to&nbsp;the Chinese&nbsp;language. China&#39;s ambassador to&nbsp;India Luo&nbsp;Zhaohui indulged in some last&nbsp;Friday&nbsp;to mark the founding anniversary of&nbsp;the People&#39;s Republic.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He said: &quot;We should turn the old page and start a new chapter with the same pace and direction. We&nbsp;should&nbsp;dance&nbsp;together.&nbsp;We should make one plus one 11. China is the largest trading partner of India.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>One wonders where that concern was during the&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;standoff when the foreign ministry in Beijing used threatening and&nbsp;intimidatory&nbsp;language against India. State-run media&nbsp;described Sushma Saraj as a liar and referred to&nbsp;National Security Adviser&nbsp;Ajit&nbsp;Doval&nbsp;as the &quot;main&nbsp;schemer&quot; behind&nbsp;the standoff.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Some&nbsp;China watchers in Delhi&nbsp;believe&nbsp;that Beijing has done lasting damage to the bilateral relationship.&nbsp;It also reduced the room for negotiation by insisting, falsely, that&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;is Chinese territory, accusing India of invading,&nbsp;even&nbsp;claiming a &quot;surgical&nbsp;strike&quot; by&nbsp;India. Chinese diplomats in Delhi went so far as to repeat the official warning to India going back to 2008, that China would reverse its recognition of Sikkim as part of India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>An analysis of&nbsp;media coverage of the standoff by the&nbsp;Delhi-based&nbsp;Centre for China Analysis &amp;&nbsp;Strategy&nbsp;is&nbsp;illustrative. The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to&nbsp;sensitise&nbsp;the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion.&nbsp;</p>

<p lang="EN-US">The&nbsp;People&#39;s Liberation Army Daily, which caters for the armed forces, published six articles in English.&nbsp; The China Daily, another English-language paper, published 33 articles, while the Communist Party&nbsp;mouthpiece&nbsp;People&#39;s Daily, came out with 21 articles in&nbsp;English. Not&nbsp;to be left behind, Xinhua the official news agency carried six&nbsp;despatches.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p lang="EN-US">Over a&nbsp;36-day&nbsp;period beginning&nbsp;June 26, there were 36 articles on&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;in the state-owned English language Global Times.&nbsp;This is a subsidiary of the People&#39;s Daily and articles published here are vetted by the Propaganda&nbsp;Department of the Communist Party.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

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<p>In an interview to the online journal Quartz last year, editor-in-chief&nbsp;Hi&nbsp;Xijin&nbsp;said his paper reflected what&nbsp;government&nbsp;officials thought but could not say&nbsp;in public.&nbsp;It&#39;s hawkish belligerent tone and often insulting editorials&nbsp;get it noticed as the &#39;voice of Beijing&#39; even while official statements remain circumspect.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p lang="EN-US">Curiously enough, Hu was among the ranks of protestors in Tiananmen Square in 1989 but by his own admission, left before the crackdown began. Somewhere&nbsp;down the&nbsp;line, he changed course. His critics refer to him as a &quot;frisbee grabber&quot;, an insult meaning he&#39;s a trainable dog that&nbsp;always&nbsp;fetches&nbsp;the frisbee thrown by its master.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p lang="EN-US">Back to the present. That Ambassador Luo Zhaohui&nbsp;wants to turn the page&nbsp;on&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;and move on is good news.&nbsp;One waits to see how this pans out on the&nbsp;ground.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Last&nbsp;word: In&nbsp;July 2010 during the&nbsp;ASEAN summit in&nbsp;Hanoi, Yang&nbsp;Jiechi&nbsp;then foreign&nbsp;minister&nbsp;(he currently states counsellor or national security&nbsp;adviser), mocked&nbsp;the group&#39;s move to have the US&nbsp;mediate China&#39;s claims to the South China Sea&nbsp;and warned them:&nbsp;&quot;There is one basic difference among us. China is a big state and you are smaller countries.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p lang="EN-US">India can draw its lessons from that.</p>


Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to?sensitise?the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion.

Nearly three years ago, China banned puns on radio, television and other media on the grounds that it defiled language traditions and confused impressionable youth. That may have been a reason but the more accurate one may have been to stifle criticism. An ode doing the rounds on Teacher's Day in 2014 paid tribute to President Xi Jinping and his singer wife Peng Liyuan roughly translated into English it said 'Daddy Xi loves Mama Peng', but when Da from Daddy is joined with Ma from Mama, you get the Chinese word for the narcotic marijuana. The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to sensitise the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion. × That was deemed subversive and, therefore, unacceptable, and so the crackdown on puns. But wordplay is common to the Chinese language. China's ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui indulged in some last Friday to mark the founding anniversary of the People's Republic. He said: "We should turn the old page and start a new chapter with the same pace and direction. We should dance together. We should make one plus one 11. China is the largest trading partner of India." One wonders where that concern was during the Doklam standoff when the foreign ministry in Beijing used threatening and intimidatory language against India. State-run media described Sushma Saraj as a liar and referred to National Security Adviser Ajit Doval as the "main schemer" behind the standoff. Some China watchers in Delhi believe that Beijing has done lasting damage to the bilateral relationship. It also reduced the room for negotiation by insisting, falsely, that Doklam is Chinese territory, accusing India of invading, even claiming a "surgical strike" by India. Chinese diplomats in Delhi went so far as to repeat the official warning to India going back to 2008, that China would reverse its recognition of Sikkim as part of India. An analysis of media coverage of the standoff by the Delhi-based Centre for China Analysis & Strategy is illustrative. The Mandarin media on the Chinese mainland and in Hong Kong carried more than 130 pieces of varying length, clearly an attempt to sensitise the public to the tensions on the plateau, and shape opinion. The People's Liberation Army Daily, which caters for the armed forces, published six articles in English. The China Daily, another English-language paper, published 33 articles, while the Communist Party mouthpiece People's Daily, came out with 21 articles in English. Not to be left behind, Xinhua the official news agency carried six despatches. Over a 36-day period beginning June 26, there were 36 articles on Doklam in the state-owned English language Global Times. This is a subsidiary of the People's Daily and articles published here are vetted by the Propaganda Department of the Communist Party. Editor-in-chief Hi Xijin said his paper reflected what government officials thought but could not say in public. × In an interview to the online journal Quartz last year, editor-in-chief Hi Xijin said his paper reflected what government officials thought but could not say in public. It's hawkish belligerent tone and often insulting editorials get it noticed as the 'voice of Beijing' even while official statements remain circumspect. Curiously enough, Hu was among the ranks of protestors in Tiananmen Square in 1989 but by his own admission, left before the crackdown began. Somewhere down the line, he changed course. His critics refer to him as a "frisbee grabber", an insult meaning he's a trainable dog that always fetches the frisbee thrown by its master. Back to the present. That Ambassador Luo Zhaohui wants to turn the page on Doklam and move on is good news. One waits to see how this pans out on the ground. Last word: In July 2010 during the ASEAN summit in Hanoi, Yang Jiechi then foreign minister (he currently states counsellor or national security adviser), mocked the group's move to have the US mediate China's claims to the South China Sea and warned them: "There is one basic difference among us. China is a big state and you are smaller countries." India can draw its lessons from that.

Chinese media shaped false opinions on Doklam Issue

<p>China deployed a staggering 12,000 troops, <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/working-with-india-to-take-ties-forward-after-doklam-china-20558">150 tanks and artillery guns during the stand-off</a> with India in Doklam, according to a book accessed by a media outlet.</p>

<p>The book, &quot;Securing India The Modi Way: Pathankot, Surgical Strikes and More&quot; has been&nbsp;written by defence analyst Nitin Gokhale, a chapter of which The Indian Express accessed.&nbsp;</p>

<p>It contains extensive quotes from National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, military chiefs and other senior Indian officials on the Modi government&rsquo;s approach to security issues, The Express report said.</p>

<p>The number of troops was&nbsp;10 times more than the number of 2000 which was widely reported earlier. They were deployed at Sikkim&#39;s Phari Dzong in Chumbi Valley during the 73-day standoff, the book states.</p>

<p>The Chinese presence exceeded a division when tensions increased, the book states, adding that the Indian Army matched China&#39;s strength&nbsp;but did not feel the need to get troops close to the border due to a shorter distance.</p>

<p>China also used loud-hailers, or portable loudspeakers -- with references to the 1962 war -- to intimidate India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The book also contains Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) images of the site, which show &quot;cheek-by-jowl stationing of soldiers&quot; and visible signs of the Chinese presence, suggesting that the standoff -- which was made public by the Chinese on June 26 -- had actually started in the third week of May.</p>

<p>It states that on May 21, a local Chinese commander reported to his Indian counterpart that China was constructing a road in the disputed area in Sikkim and that the Indian officer did not panic but noted the input, aware of earlier instances of the Chinese repairing and annual maintenance.</p>

<p>The chapter states that Chinese soldiers forcibly jostled their Bhutanese counterparts and &quot;escorted&quot; them to their posts after threatening them.</p>

<p>The Bhutanese troops later informed the Indian Army that China had warned the Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) to not interfere with the road construction they were about to undertake, after which the Indian Army decided to increase&nbsp;vigil.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The chapter gives a step-by-step account of the how the conflict escalated between China and India from June 16 to 18 -- which included Indian troops delivering a message through a loud-hailer from Doka La to stop construction, and forming a human chain when this did not stop -- to its eventual resolution by cordial interactions on a daily basis by top leaders of both armies subsequently.</p>

<p>Substantial progress was made after diplomatic activity increased from August 14.</p>

<p>A chapter of the book will be released by Vice-President Venkaiah Naidu in Delhi on Friday.</p>


China deployed a staggering 12,000 troops, 150 tanks and artillery guns during the stand-off with India in Doklam, excerpts from a book accessed by a media outlet state

China deployed a staggering 12,000 troops, 150 tanks and artillery guns during the stand-off with India in Doklam, according to a book accessed by a media outlet. The book, "Securing India The Modi Way: Pathankot, Surgical Strikes and More" has been written by defence analyst Nitin Gokhale, a chapter of which The Indian Express accessed. It contains extensive quotes from National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, military chiefs and other senior Indian officials on the Modi government’s approach to security issues, The Express report said. The number of troops was 10 times more than the number of 2000 which was widely reported earlier. They were deployed at Sikkim's Phari Dzong in Chumbi Valley during the 73-day standoff, the book states. The Chinese presence exceeded a division when tensions increased, the book states, adding that the Indian Army matched China's strength but did not feel the need to get troops close to the border due to a shorter distance. China also used loud-hailers, or portable loudspeakers -- with references to the 1962 war -- to intimidate India. The book also contains Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) images of the site, which show "cheek-by-jowl stationing of soldiers" and visible signs of the Chinese presence, suggesting that the standoff -- which was made public by the Chinese on June 26 -- had actually started in the third week of May. It states that on May 21, a local Chinese commander reported to his Indian counterpart that China was constructing a road in the disputed area in Sikkim and that the Indian officer did not panic but noted the input, aware of earlier instances of the Chinese repairing and annual maintenance. The chapter states that Chinese soldiers forcibly jostled their Bhutanese counterparts and "escorted" them to their posts after threatening them. The Bhutanese troops later informed the Indian Army that China had warned the Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) to not interfere with the road construction they were about to undertake, after which the Indian Army decided to increase vigil. The chapter gives a step-by-step account of the how the conflict escalated between China and India from June 16 to 18 -- which included Indian troops delivering a message through a loud-hailer from Doka La to stop construction, and forming a human chain when this did not stop -- to its eventual resolution by cordial interactions on a daily basis by top leaders of both armies subsequently. Substantial progress was made after diplomatic activity increased from August 14. A chapter of the book will be released by Vice-President Venkaiah Naidu in Delhi on Friday.

China intimidated India, Bhutan during Doklam conflict, says new book

<p>China and India are working together to &quot;take forward&quot;&nbsp;their relationship leaving behind the Dokalam episode, the Chinese Consul General here has said.</p>

<p>Chinese Consul General Ma Zhanwu also asserted that by working together cooperation and exchanges can be further enhanced.</p>

<p>&quot;India and China are working together. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping had a meeting on September 5 to discuss how to enhance the relationship,&quot; Zhanwu said here on Friday night while addressing an event to mark the 68th anniversary of the founding of the People&#39;s Republic of China.</p>

<p>&quot;As long as the two countries work together, we will able to enhance and develop exchanges and cooperation,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Asked if both the countries have left behind the Dokalam episode, Zhanwu said, &quot;Yes we have left that behind and are working together to take forward the bilateral relationship&quot;.</p>

<p>Prime Minister Modi had met President Xi on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit on September 5.</p>

<p>The two leaders had agreed that both the countries should put in more effort to strengthen the cooperation between their security personnel and ensure that Dokalam-like incidents do not recur.</p>

<p>The Chinese and the Indian troops were engaged in a prolonged standoff in the Doklam area of the Sikkim sector since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the construction of a road by the Chinese Army</p>

<p>On August 28, India&#39;s External Affairs Ministry announced that New Delhi and Beijing have decided on &quot;expeditious disengagement&quot; of their border troops in the disputed area.</p>


Chinese Consul General said that by working together cooperation and exchanges can be further enhanced

China and India are working together to "take forward" their relationship leaving behind the Dokalam episode, the Chinese Consul General here has said. Chinese Consul General Ma Zhanwu also asserted that by working together cooperation and exchanges can be further enhanced. "India and China are working together. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping had a meeting on September 5 to discuss how to enhance the relationship," Zhanwu said here on Friday night while addressing an event to mark the 68th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China. "As long as the two countries work together, we will able to enhance and develop exchanges and cooperation," he said. Asked if both the countries have left behind the Dokalam episode, Zhanwu said, "Yes we have left that behind and are working together to take forward the bilateral relationship". Prime Minister Modi had met President Xi on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit on September 5. The two leaders had agreed that both the countries should put in more effort to strengthen the cooperation between their security personnel and ensure that Dokalam-like incidents do not recur. The Chinese and the Indian troops were engaged in a prolonged standoff in the Doklam area of the Sikkim sector since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the construction of a road by the Chinese Army On August 28, India's External Affairs Ministry announced that New Delhi and Beijing have decided on "expeditious disengagement" of their border troops in the disputed area.

Working with India to take ties forward after Doklam: China

<p>Prime Minister Shinzo Abe&rsquo;s visit to India on 13-14 September for attending the annual summit has marked one more milestone in the evolving India- Japan partnership. The joint statement issued by them highlights the increasing importance of their converging strategic interests. It is evident not only in the title of the statement itself but also in the positions that they have taken on issues like North Korea&rsquo;s increasing belligerence, Japan&rsquo;s involvement in various infrastructure projects in India, the ongoing India-Japan defence cooperation, maritime security, and Japan&rsquo;s interest in India&rsquo;s North Eastern region.</p>

<p>The present summit took place against the backdrop of two major developments in the region &ndash; North Korea&rsquo;s nuclear and missile tests and the China-India-Bhutan military standoff in Doklam.&nbsp;</p>

<p>North Korea&rsquo;s intransigence on its nuclear weapons and missile programme is not new. But its nuclear and missile tests in the last one year have intensified regional tensions and its refusal to abide by UN Security Council resolutions has heightened the threats to East Asian countries, particularly Japan and South Korea. Many in the region apprehended that Pyongyang&rsquo;s nuclear and missile programmers could drive other countries to reconsider their positions on non-proliferation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Though both India and Japan have categorically criticised Pyongyang in the past, this time around they made a coordinated condemnation of its policies. In a speech at the summit, Mr. Abe sent out a message to Pyongyang along with Mr. Modi that they would take &ldquo;firm steps against the challenges that have emanated from North Korea &rdquo; and would &ldquo;force North Korea to roll back its recent aggressive moves.&rdquo; Many analysts point out that though India has criticised North Korea in the past, for the first time it is getting directly involved in the deepening crisis.</p>

<p>One should also note that the joint statement, in an indirect reference to Pakistan, has stressed the need for holding accountable all parties that have supported North Korea&rsquo;s nuclear and missile programmes in the past. Similarly, the joint statement has condemned the growing menace of terrorism and exhorted Pakistan to bring to justice the organisers of the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and in Pathankot in 2016.</p>

<p>On the positive side, one major takeaway for both countries from the summit is the inauguration of the much-celebrated bullet train project between Ahmedabad and Mumbai. The 508 Km, 1.1 lakh crore project is a prize catch for Mr. Abe who has been vigorously promoting Japan&rsquo;s high-quality infrastructure assistance to Asian countries. After losing out to China in Indonesia, in the high-speed rail technology competition, it became very important for Japan to get a footing in India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>As for Prime Minister Modi, he has been making all efforts to get Japan involved in some of India&rsquo;s flagship projects. He wants Japan&rsquo;s support for his coveted programmes, such as Make in India, Skills India, and Digital India. The Mumbai-Ahmedabad (MAHSR) project will usher in a new era in the Indian railway system as it is going to introduce Japan&rsquo;s advanced technology, and it could have a great impact on the business and industrial climate of western India. Japan has already demonstrated its credentials as a reliable supplier of superior technology in the construction of metro systems in many parts of India. In addition, Japan is also poised to play a key role in the modernisation of the conventional railway system.</p>

<p>Both countries have shown considerable interest in forging deeper cooperation in the defence sphere. The latest Defence Dialogue held in Tokyo a week earlier than the summit identified many areas for cooperation. India has already liberalised its policy on the entry of foreign technologies just as Mr. Abe has also removed the earlier restrictions on the export of Japanese defence technologies.</p>

<p>This situation provides a win-win position for intensifying bilateral cooperation. Both Mr. Abe and Mr. Modi have agreed to continue the on-going negotiations for the purchase of Japan&rsquo;s indigenously produced US-2 amphibian aircraft. Maritime security offers immense prospects for bilateral cooperation. In addition to the trilateral Malabar exercises, both India and Japan also want to deepen their bilateral naval cooperation which could provide many new opportunities for them collaborate. There are opportunities for Japan to help India build and modernise its naval base in the Andamans.</p>

<p>The joint statement also talks about the commitment of the two leaders to work together to enhance connectivity between Asia and Africa. They have expressed their desire to promote cooperation with Africa by developing industrial corridors and connectivity. They believe that both India and Japan with their long association with the African continent could contribute to the development of the Indo-Pacific region and offer an alternative to China&rsquo;s Belt and Road Initiative.</p>

<p>Nearer home. India is encouraging Japan to play a key role in the economic development of the North Eastern region. Japan is already involved in some key projects related to highways, power, management of natural resources and health. Recently, they have formed a coordination forum to intensify cooperation between the two sides.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


The joint statement issued by India and Japan highlights the increasing importance of their converging strategic interests.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s visit to India on 13-14 September for attending the annual summit has marked one more milestone in the evolving India- Japan partnership. The joint statement issued by them highlights the increasing importance of their converging strategic interests. It is evident not only in the title of the statement itself but also in the positions that they have taken on issues like North Korea’s increasing belligerence, Japan’s involvement in various infrastructure projects in India, the ongoing India-Japan defence cooperation, maritime security, and Japan’s interest in India’s North Eastern region. The present summit took place against the backdrop of two major developments in the region – North Korea’s nuclear and missile tests and the China-India-Bhutan military standoff in Doklam. North Korea’s intransigence on its nuclear weapons and missile programme is not new. But its nuclear and missile tests in the last one year have intensified regional tensions and its refusal to abide by UN Security Council resolutions has heightened the threats to East Asian countries, particularly Japan and South Korea. Many in the region apprehended that Pyongyang’s nuclear and missile programmers could drive other countries to reconsider their positions on non-proliferation. Though both India and Japan have categorically criticised Pyongyang in the past, this time around they made a coordinated condemnation of its policies. In a speech at the summit, Mr. Abe sent out a message to Pyongyang along with Mr. Modi that they would take “firm steps against the challenges that have emanated from North Korea ” and would “force North Korea to roll back its recent aggressive moves.” Many analysts point out that though India has criticised North Korea in the past, for the first time it is getting directly involved in the deepening crisis. One should also note that the joint statement, in an indirect reference to Pakistan, has stressed the need for holding accountable all parties that have supported North Korea’s nuclear and missile programmes in the past. Similarly, the joint statement has condemned the growing menace of terrorism and exhorted Pakistan to bring to justice the organisers of the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008 and in Pathankot in 2016. On the positive side, one major takeaway for both countries from the summit is the inauguration of the much-celebrated bullet train project between Ahmedabad and Mumbai. The 508 Km, 1.1 lakh crore project is a prize catch for Mr. Abe who has been vigorously promoting Japan’s high-quality infrastructure assistance to Asian countries. After losing out to China in Indonesia, in the high-speed rail technology competition, it became very important for Japan to get a footing in India. As for Prime Minister Modi, he has been making all efforts to get Japan involved in some of India’s flagship projects. He wants Japan’s support for his coveted programmes, such as Make in India, Skills India, and Digital India. The Mumbai-Ahmedabad (MAHSR) project will usher in a new era in the Indian railway system as it is going to introduce Japan’s advanced technology, and it could have a great impact on the business and industrial climate of western India. Japan has already demonstrated its credentials as a reliable supplier of superior technology in the construction of metro systems in many parts of India. In addition, Japan is also poised to play a key role in the modernisation of the conventional railway system. Both countries have shown considerable interest in forging deeper cooperation in the defence sphere. The latest Defence Dialogue held in Tokyo a week earlier than the summit identified many areas for cooperation. India has already liberalised its policy on the entry of foreign technologies just as Mr. Abe has also removed the earlier restrictions on the export of Japanese defence technologies. This situation provides a win-win position for intensifying bilateral cooperation. Both Mr. Abe and Mr. Modi have agreed to continue the on-going negotiations for the purchase of Japan’s indigenously produced US-2 amphibian aircraft. Maritime security offers immense prospects for bilateral cooperation. In addition to the trilateral Malabar exercises, both India and Japan also want to deepen their bilateral naval cooperation which could provide many new opportunities for them collaborate. There are opportunities for Japan to help India build and modernise its naval base in the Andamans. The joint statement also talks about the commitment of the two leaders to work together to enhance connectivity between Asia and Africa. They have expressed their desire to promote cooperation with Africa by developing industrial corridors and connectivity. They believe that both India and Japan with their long association with the African continent could contribute to the development of the Indo-Pacific region and offer an alternative to China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Nearer home. India is encouraging Japan to play a key role in the economic development of the North Eastern region. Japan is already involved in some key projects related to highways, power, management of natural resources and health. Recently, they have formed a coordination forum to intensify cooperation between the two sides.

Is countering China and North Korea the basis of India - Japan friendship?

<p>Army chief General Bipin Rawat said on Wednesday that India should be prepared for a two-front war.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He was talking about China and Pakistan.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;As far as northern adversary is concerned, the flexing of muscle has started. The salami slicing, taking over territory in a very gradual manner, testing our limits of threshold is something we have to be wary about and remain prepared for situations emerging which could gradually emerge into conflict,&quot; PTI reported him as saying.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>As far as northern adversary is concerned, the flexing of muscle has started. The salami slicing, taking over territory in a very gradual manner, testing our limits of threshold is something we have to be wary about and remain prepared for situations emerging which could gradually emerge into conflict&#39;</h5>
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<p>By &quot;salami slicing&quot;, he meant the piece-by-piece taking over of territory.&nbsp;</p>

<p>India&#39;s &quot;northern adversary&quot; would be China. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Rawat was speaking at a seminar organised by the Centre for Land Warfare Studies in Delhi.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;As far as our western adversary is considered, we don&#39;t see any scope of reconciliation, because their military, the polity, and the people in that nation have been made to believe that there is an adversary, India, which is all out to break their nation into pieces,&quot; PTI reported him as saying.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The &quot;western adversary&quot; would be Pakistan.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This is not the first time Rawat has talked about a two-front war.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Interestingly, India and China have just wound down their 73-day-long standoff in the Doklam area near the Bhutan-China-India trijunction.&nbsp;</p>

<p>And Rawat&#39;s comments come just a day after Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Xinping met on the sidelines of the just-concluded BRICS summit in Xiamen, China.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The two leaders had talked about the need to maintain the peace along the border of the two countries.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Rawat also said the nuclear deterrence of the three countries might not be enough to stop them from going to war.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Nuclear weapons are weapons of deterrence. Yes, they are. But to say that they can deter war or they will not allow nations to go to war, in our context that may also not be true,&quot; PTI reported him as saying.&nbsp;</p>


General Bipin Rawat was talking about China and Pakistan

Army chief General Bipin Rawat said on Wednesday that India should be prepared for a two-front war. He was talking about China and Pakistan. "As far as northern adversary is concerned, the flexing of muscle has started. The salami slicing, taking over territory in a very gradual manner, testing our limits of threshold is something we have to be wary about and remain prepared for situations emerging which could gradually emerge into conflict," PTI reported him as saying. As far as northern adversary is concerned, the flexing of muscle has started. The salami slicing, taking over territory in a very gradual manner, testing our limits of threshold is something we have to be wary about and remain prepared for situations emerging which could gradually emerge into conflict' × By "salami slicing", he meant the piece-by-piece taking over of territory. India's "northern adversary" would be China. Rawat was speaking at a seminar organised by the Centre for Land Warfare Studies in Delhi. "As far as our western adversary is considered, we don't see any scope of reconciliation, because their military, the polity, and the people in that nation have been made to believe that there is an adversary, India, which is all out to break their nation into pieces," PTI reported him as saying. The "western adversary" would be Pakistan. This is not the first time Rawat has talked about a two-front war. Interestingly, India and China have just wound down their 73-day-long standoff in the Doklam area near the Bhutan-China-India trijunction. And Rawat's comments come just a day after Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Xinping met on the sidelines of the just-concluded BRICS summit in Xiamen, China. The two leaders had talked about the need to maintain the peace along the border of the two countries. Rawat also said the nuclear deterrence of the three countries might not be enough to stop them from going to war. "Nuclear weapons are weapons of deterrence. Yes, they are. But to say that they can deter war or they will not allow nations to go to war, in our context that may also not be true," PTI reported him as saying.

India must be prepared for two-front war: Army chief

<p>The&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;standoff has underscored that India still lives under the shadow of the 1962 war, says a former Indian army corps commander who served in Sikkim. &nbsp;In his view, the manner in which the incident ballooned&mdash;its non-stop media coverage&mdash;and the&nbsp;grand designs attributed to the&nbsp;mandarins in Beijing by experts of various persuasions&nbsp;suggests that suspicions about&nbsp;China&#39;s intentions run very deep.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>He believes a&nbsp;standoff in some godforsaken corner of their border&nbsp;is too small an issue to&nbsp;excite China&#39;s national leadership. &nbsp;If it is to teach India a lesson, there are other ways this can and has been done: some would say India&#39;s adverse trade balance with China, its inability to effectively counter China in the region, the stark disparities in development and income levels between the two countries has offered daily lessons for India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But this very obvious economic and strategic asymmetry may be constant reminders in India of the&nbsp;military&nbsp;asymmetry that also&nbsp;prevails. While nobody can deny&nbsp;India&#39;s&nbsp;military has undergone&nbsp;major&nbsp;transformation since 1962, and infrastructure while still developing has improved, the Chinese not only present larger force&nbsp;levels, they can also move them faster and more efficiently given&nbsp;the phenomenal infrastructure they have invested in.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>What form of retaliation? Some say it could be more transgressions along parts of the Line of Actual Control, pitching tents, refusing to move. We&#39;ve seen this before, small changes.&nbsp;</h5>
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<p>It largely explains India&#39;s measured and limited response to Chinese fulminations, official and otherwise, as well as&nbsp;their intemperate name calling. &nbsp;Clearly, the&nbsp;national security bureaucracy saw no purpose in&nbsp;baiting the dragon, at least not now.&nbsp;</p>

<p>A&nbsp;former intelligence official says India will shake off this mindset&nbsp;the day we give China a&nbsp;bloody nose! He says India needs to defeat China militarily, 1962 must be avenged if India is to come out of this psychological straitjacket. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>All that for later if at all. There&#39;s talk of China neither forgiving nor forgetting their loss of face in&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;and&nbsp;retaliating maybe after the BRICS summit in Xiamen is over. &nbsp;What form of retaliation? Some say it could be more transgressions along parts of the Line of Actual Control, pitching tents, refusing to move. We&#39;ve seen this before, small changes.&nbsp;</p>

<p>What some find more worrying is the&nbsp;possibility of China doing a&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;on India. There are at least two tri-junctions where India has territorial disagreements with&nbsp;the neighbours: One is in the&nbsp;Kalapani&nbsp;area which is&nbsp;the tri-junction of Nepal, India and China. Another is a sliver of territory disputed by Myanmar, and&nbsp;India with China forming the third angle of the tri-junction. In that sense, China&#39;s warnings to India in this regard need to be taken seriously.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Also,&nbsp;Arunachal Pradesh. Forget the seven main valleys which India closely monitors. There are scores of&nbsp;other&nbsp;smaller valleys and passes through which China can infiltrate. If the aim is to retaliate, create trouble, China has a range of options open.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>China cannot ignore the Indian market, nor can it afford to not engage with India as it pushes ties with Japan and the US.</h5>
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<p>China is already probing India&#39;s soft underbelly, promising to&nbsp;invest 50 billion dollars or more in Pakistan; other reports said China had offered tiny Bhutan 10 billion dollars to back them on&nbsp;Doklam; China has&nbsp;overtaken India as the largest aid giver to&nbsp;Nepal; it&#39;s giving Bangladesh two submarines!&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>There is a view that China is actively discouraging investment by Chinese companies in India. The argument is, why help build the&nbsp;Indian&nbsp;economy? &nbsp;Current levels of Chinese FDI are quite low, less than five billion dollars. The future doesn&#39;t look good amid reports of India levying tariffs on Chinese&nbsp;imports,&nbsp;and falling sales of Chinese mobile phones.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But there&#39;s always a silver lining. China cannot ignore the Indian market, nor can it afford to not engage with India as it pushes ties with Japan and the US.&nbsp;Doklam&nbsp;could also be the trigger for&nbsp;South-east Asian states to stop bowing to the dragon and build alliances that can help strengthen their own security and independence. &nbsp;Watch this space for more on the post-Doklam scenario.</p>


Post-Doklam, South-east Asian states can stop bowing to China and build alliances that can help strengthen their own security and independence.

The Doklam standoff has underscored that India still lives under the shadow of the 1962 war, says a former Indian army corps commander who served in Sikkim. In his view, the manner in which the incident ballooned—its non-stop media coverage—and the grand designs attributed to the mandarins in Beijing by experts of various persuasions suggests that suspicions about China's intentions run very deep. He believes a standoff in some godforsaken corner of their border is too small an issue to excite China's national leadership. If it is to teach India a lesson, there are other ways this can and has been done: some would say India's adverse trade balance with China, its inability to effectively counter China in the region, the stark disparities in development and income levels between the two countries has offered daily lessons for India. But this very obvious economic and strategic asymmetry may be constant reminders in India of the military asymmetry that also prevails. While nobody can deny India's military has undergone major transformation since 1962, and infrastructure while still developing has improved, the Chinese not only present larger force levels, they can also move them faster and more efficiently given the phenomenal infrastructure they have invested in. What form of retaliation? Some say it could be more transgressions along parts of the Line of Actual Control, pitching tents, refusing to move. We've seen this before, small changes. × It largely explains India's measured and limited response to Chinese fulminations, official and otherwise, as well as their intemperate name calling. Clearly, the national security bureaucracy saw no purpose in baiting the dragon, at least not now. A former intelligence official says India will shake off this mindset the day we give China a bloody nose! He says India needs to defeat China militarily, 1962 must be avenged if India is to come out of this psychological straitjacket. All that for later if at all. There's talk of China neither forgiving nor forgetting their loss of face in Doklam and retaliating maybe after the BRICS summit in Xiamen is over. What form of retaliation? Some say it could be more transgressions along parts of the Line of Actual Control, pitching tents, refusing to move. We've seen this before, small changes. What some find more worrying is the possibility of China doing a Doklam on India. There are at least two tri-junctions where India has territorial disagreements with the neighbours: One is in the Kalapani area which is the tri-junction of Nepal, India and China. Another is a sliver of territory disputed by Myanmar, and India with China forming the third angle of the tri-junction. In that sense, China's warnings to India in this regard need to be taken seriously. Also, Arunachal Pradesh. Forget the seven main valleys which India closely monitors. There are scores of other smaller valleys and passes through which China can infiltrate. If the aim is to retaliate, create trouble, China has a range of options open. China cannot ignore the Indian market, nor can it afford to not engage with India as it pushes ties with Japan and the US. × China is already probing India's soft underbelly, promising to invest 50 billion dollars or more in Pakistan; other reports said China had offered tiny Bhutan 10 billion dollars to back them on Doklam; China has overtaken India as the largest aid giver to Nepal; it's giving Bangladesh two submarines! There is a view that China is actively discouraging investment by Chinese companies in India. The argument is, why help build the Indian economy? Current levels of Chinese FDI are quite low, less than five billion dollars. The future doesn't look good amid reports of India levying tariffs on Chinese imports, and falling sales of Chinese mobile phones. But there's always a silver lining. China cannot ignore the Indian market, nor can it afford to not engage with India as it pushes ties with Japan and the US. Doklam could also be the trigger for South-east Asian states to stop bowing to the dragon and build alliances that can help strengthen their own security and independence. Watch this space for more on the post-Doklam scenario.

China wants to isolate India but can't afford to ignore Indian market

<p>China on Wednesday asked India to &quot;learn lessons&quot; from the stand-off in Doklam and prevent such incidents in future. It also blamed &quot;Indian trespassing&quot; for the border face-off between the two countries.</p>

<p>The countries ended their standoff in Dokalam by withdrawing their troops from the area.</p>

<p>Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi was on Wednesday asked to respond to media reports that India withdrew its troops to provide a face saver to China after reaching a settlement.</p>

<p>Wang Yi said the 73-day stand-off between India and China in the strategic disputed region near Sikkim ended after India withdrew its troops.</p>

<p>&quot;The border face off caused by Indian trespassing has been settled,&quot; he said, adding that as per the &quot;authoritative information&quot; with the Chinese government, Indian troops had withdrawn from the area on the afternoon of August 28, which &quot;brought the faceoff to an end&quot;.</p>

<p>&quot;That is a basic fact and of course, we hope that the Indian side will learn lessons from this incident and prevent similar things from happening again,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Asked about the differences between the two countries, Wang said, &quot;India and China are two big countries. It is natural that there are some problems in our interactions&quot;.</p>

<p>&quot;What is important is that we put these differences at appropriate place and under the principle of mutual respect and following the consensus of our leaders, we need to handle and manage them properly,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>&quot;In the meantime, with our engagement through different mechanisms we need to work out a solution in the long run&quot;.</p>

<p>The Chinese foreign minister was addressing a press conference in Beijing on the BRICS summit to be held in Xiamen city next week</p>

<p>He evaded a direct reply on whether there will be meeting between Modi and President Xi Jinping, saying instead that there will be bilateral meetings and interactions between the participating leaders which is natural practice.</p>

<p>The face-off in Dokalam was resolved days before Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s visit to China for the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit next week.</p>

<p>India&#39;s External Affairs Ministry did not immediately comment on the Chinese foreign minister&#39;s remarks.</p>

<p>Troops of both countries had involved in a standoff in Dokalam since June 16 after Indian troops stopped the Chinese Army from constructing a road in the strategically important region, a disputed area between China and Bhutan.</p>

<p>The Indian Army had blocked the construction of the road as it could give China a major military advantage over India at the Bhutan-China-India tri-junction.</p>

<p>India yesterday announced that Modi will take part in the Xiamen summit.</p>

<p>&quot;On the sidelines of the BRICS meeting, Xi will also have meetings with some leaders upon their request. Once relevant arrangements are decided we will let you know. The first thing is whether the leaders will have the willingness to meet. If there is willingness of the leaders participating in the meeting, as a host the Chinese side will try to make it possible if our schedule programme permits,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>About the discord between India and China, which are important members of the BRICS, he said &quot;we hope through the efforts of both sides we will maintain healthy and stable momentum of growth for China India relations&quot; in the interest of Chinese and Indian people as well as meeting the aspiration of international community and neighbouring countries.</p>

<p>Wang said there is huge potential and space for greater cooperation between China and India and such cooperation serves the interest of the two countries.</p>

<p>&quot;We hope China and India will join hands and work together for rejuvenation of Asia and for the development of our region and contribute our share to greater development,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>The BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit will be held in the southeast Chinese city of Xiamen from September 3 to 5.&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>


Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi was on Wednesday asked to respond to media reports that India withdrew its troops to provide a face saver to China after reaching a settlement

China on Wednesday asked India to "learn lessons" from the stand-off in Doklam and prevent such incidents in future. It also blamed "Indian trespassing" for the border face-off between the two countries. The countries ended their standoff in Dokalam by withdrawing their troops from the area. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi was on Wednesday asked to respond to media reports that India withdrew its troops to provide a face saver to China after reaching a settlement. Wang Yi said the 73-day stand-off between India and China in the strategic disputed region near Sikkim ended after India withdrew its troops. "The border face off caused by Indian trespassing has been settled," he said, adding that as per the "authoritative information" with the Chinese government, Indian troops had withdrawn from the area on the afternoon of August 28, which "brought the faceoff to an end". "That is a basic fact and of course, we hope that the Indian side will learn lessons from this incident and prevent similar things from happening again," he said. Asked about the differences between the two countries, Wang said, "India and China are two big countries. It is natural that there are some problems in our interactions". "What is important is that we put these differences at appropriate place and under the principle of mutual respect and following the consensus of our leaders, we need to handle and manage them properly," he said. "In the meantime, with our engagement through different mechanisms we need to work out a solution in the long run". The Chinese foreign minister was addressing a press conference in Beijing on the BRICS summit to be held in Xiamen city next week He evaded a direct reply on whether there will be meeting between Modi and President Xi Jinping, saying instead that there will be bilateral meetings and interactions between the participating leaders which is natural practice. The face-off in Dokalam was resolved days before Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to China for the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit next week. India's External Affairs Ministry did not immediately comment on the Chinese foreign minister's remarks. Troops of both countries had involved in a standoff in Dokalam since June 16 after Indian troops stopped the Chinese Army from constructing a road in the strategically important region, a disputed area between China and Bhutan. The Indian Army had blocked the construction of the road as it could give China a major military advantage over India at the Bhutan-China-India tri-junction. India yesterday announced that Modi will take part in the Xiamen summit. "On the sidelines of the BRICS meeting, Xi will also have meetings with some leaders upon their request. Once relevant arrangements are decided we will let you know. The first thing is whether the leaders will have the willingness to meet. If there is willingness of the leaders participating in the meeting, as a host the Chinese side will try to make it possible if our schedule programme permits," he said. About the discord between India and China, which are important members of the BRICS, he said "we hope through the efforts of both sides we will maintain healthy and stable momentum of growth for China India relations" in the interest of Chinese and Indian people as well as meeting the aspiration of international community and neighbouring countries. Wang said there is huge potential and space for greater cooperation between China and India and such cooperation serves the interest of the two countries. "We hope China and India will join hands and work together for rejuvenation of Asia and for the development of our region and contribute our share to greater development," he said. The BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) summit will be held in the southeast Chinese city of Xiamen from September 3 to 5.

What China has to say on being given face-saver on Doklam stand-off

<p>In an exclusive interview with WION&#39;s Kartikeya Sharma, BJP&#39;s general secretary Ram Madhav spoke about India&#39;s bilateral relations with China, and how India tackled the stand-off with China in Dokalam. He also shared the government&#39;s strategy for expanding its business in Sri Lanka, where it faces competition with China, the Indian government&#39;s stand on militancy and Article 35A.</p>

<p>Q: Has India sent a strong signal to the world&nbsp;the way it dealt with this particular Doklam dispute?</p>

<p>A: Both sides have appreciated the fact that bilateral interests are too big to be compromised on&nbsp;issues like this and for this reason disengagement took place. This has to be seen as a&nbsp;successful diplomatic endeavour by India at one level. But we also maintained firm ground presence. I don&rsquo;t see it&nbsp;as a victory and defeat. It is a result of simultaneous effort. We could not be provoked. We maintained&nbsp;calm and majesty. The combination of both has yielded results for us. That is the approach of new&nbsp;India. We will stand on our views firmly but will be ready for diplomatic resolutions of disputes.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Then why does China maintain that it retains the right to patrol the area?</p>

<p>A: Patrolling within one&#39;s own borders is what normally happens. What we have been saying that we had a&nbsp;peace and tranquility agreement. Both the countries had reiterated that maintaining peace along the&nbsp;border is important. Hope&nbsp;China will uphold this sense of understanding.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: But Chinese media has been very belligerent and continues to maintain that India has withdrawn<br />
unilaterally?</p>

<p>A: Unfortunately, the Chinese media took an aggressive and provocative stand. I appreciate Indian media&nbsp;for not getting into the trap of provocation. The mature diplomatic efforts gave results. The fact&nbsp;remained that both sides realised that it is too costly to get stuck in the stand-off.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Is there enough space for India and China to thrive?</p>

<p>A: The world is too big for both of us. The world has enough opportunities but we should not step on&nbsp;each other&rsquo;s toe.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: PM is going for BRICS. How do you see the emerging China, Pakistan and Russia axis?</p>

<p>A: I don&rsquo;t know whether such an axis exists. Yes, there can be issue or situation-based responses but I&nbsp;think that this formulation is premature.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Is India taking care of its interest in South Asia. For example, Chinese presence has increased in<br />
Sri Lanka?</p>

<p>A: Both India and China are big countries with big economies. They naturally scout for avenues to&nbsp;fulfill domestic requirements. We also do the same. Naturally we are living in the same region hence&nbsp;competition is unavoidable but it shouldn&rsquo;t be allowed to graduate into conflict and here lies the&nbsp;tight rope walk.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: But in context of Sri Lanka?</p>

<p>A: Even in countries in Africa, the same resources are being accessed. Even in Sri Lanka both maintain&nbsp;each other&rsquo;s concerns. Sri Lanka is an important and close neighbour. Our trade is linked. I hope the&nbsp;Chinese side appreciates India&rsquo;s special relationship with Sri Lanka.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: The Indian Ocean Conference is being organised at the Sri Lankan Prime Minister&rsquo;s residence. Is<br />
there a message?</p>

<p>A: It is a joint initiative by Sri Lanka, India and India Foundation. Yes, it is taking place at his&nbsp;residence called Temple Tree. This is a unique event. Countries which are called are those who have&nbsp;stake in the Indian Ocean region. The idea is to take control of this region by these countries. We are&nbsp;happy that Sri Lanka is taking so much interest. We appreciate it.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: You are the prime minister&#39;s point person when it comes to Sri Lanka. India has many concerns, for&nbsp;example the Matala airport. Any movement on it?</p>

<p>A: I&rsquo;m no point person. Having said this, Hambantota is an important factor in our wider strategy.</p>

<p>India has an interest in Colombo&#39;s new terminal, gas platforms in the east and also the Matala airport.&nbsp;Yes, we are interested.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Are these interests getting materialised?</p>

<p>A: There was an MOU. It was expressed that India was interested in some of the mentioned projects and&nbsp;the intent part was established. But mere intent wouldn&rsquo;t suffice. The process of firming up is still&nbsp;on. Nevertheless, an MOU exists.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Have you received positive signals from the Lankans?</p>

<p>A: There are certain technical hassles which are delaying the process. But in the near future both<br />
sides will work on them to sort it out.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: What is the BJP&rsquo;s strategy on Kashmir? When will the impasse break?</p>

<p>A: There is no impasse in Kashmir anymore. Civilian institutions are working properly but some areas in&nbsp;South Kashmir are affected. I can say this with surety that militancy is on the decline and there is&nbsp;demoralisation of the militant ranks today. The Indian state has taken a firm stand and recruitment for&nbsp;terror organisations has come down. We are confident that we will be able to overcome the problem of&nbsp;militancy. But that&rsquo;s not the only issue. In the valley, there exists a deliberate campaign by Pakistan&nbsp;that some sort of alienation exists. The Centre is working on it. &nbsp;We have zero tolerance for&nbsp;militancy. Stone pelters are being misled. We will deal with them differently. Our approach would be<br />
development centric.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: The Hurriyat has been thoroughly exposed but is that enough?</p>

<p>A: The approach is not only to tackle underground militants but also the over ground facilitators.&nbsp;These people are the over ground sponsors of the cycle of violence in the valley. These merchants of&nbsp;militants had to be dealt with.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: What is the position of the BJP on article 35A?</p>

<p>A: It is a legal matter before the Supreme Court of India. It has to be handled only on the legal&nbsp;plane. There is an effort to make it into a political controversy to rake up separatist sentiments. The&nbsp;matter stands postponed by several months. I say this again, that it is only a legal matter to be dealt&nbsp;at the court&#39;s level.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: The Jammu and Kashmir chief minister did take political assurance from the prime minister (PM)?</p>

<p>A: It is between her and the PM. No comments.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: You are also in charge of the North East. You now have a government in Assam. Have you been able to&nbsp;solve the issue of illegal immigration? I ask this question in the context of Rohingyas who are being&nbsp;settled in J&amp;K? This matter was also raised in Parliament.</p>

<p>A: Rohingaya is a major issue of concern for us. For all the nationalists. It is not good for India&rsquo;s&nbsp;security. They are being settled in Jammu, Hyderabad and Delhi. Centre is aware of it. situation in&nbsp;Myanmar needs to stablise and because of this lot migration is happening. Government is looking into&nbsp;this issue with all seriousness.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Political violence has increased in Kerala. Why?</p>

<p>A: Every time CPM comes to power, violence goes up. RSS and ABVP become the target. I&rsquo;m sorry to say&nbsp;that state government if not direct complicity but can be blamed for indirect complicity for all the&nbsp;killings. They want to maim our cadres.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Is it because that BJP has become a force to reckon with in Kerala?</p>

<p>A: RSS has a wide presence in the state. CPM cadre at grass root level get attracted to us and when&nbsp;they join us it becomes a provocation for them. But in democracy you should deal with opponents&nbsp;democratically and not through violence.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
A: What is the lesson learnt from Haryana? Aren&rsquo;t political parties responsible for it by soft peddling<br />
deras?</p>

<p>Q: &nbsp;Best efforts to maintain law and order sometimes fail and insufficient. Ideally, we should have&nbsp;done better. Having said this, I don&rsquo;t want to put entire blame on the government. Yes, it is the&nbsp;responsibility of the state to handle it. having said it. You cannot blame the state completely.&nbsp;Sometimes development goes out of hand. It is unfortunate. We could have handled it better.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Shouldn&rsquo;t Khattar take responsibility?</p>

<p>A: Maintaining law and order is state&rsquo;s responsibility. I don&rsquo;t deny it. we are sorry about it but<br />
still cannot pin the entire blame on government?<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: Should triple talaq verdict open the doors for reforms in minority community?</p>

<p>A: As far as the community part is concerned I would say. Muslim community should see it as an&nbsp;opportunity to reform the personal law so they don&rsquo;t have to knock the door of Supreme Court. When&nbsp;Hindu society reform came up in early 60s, there were protests within the Hindu community but the&nbsp;larger community accepted. Society and community leadership should take it as an opportunity.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: This hasn&rsquo;t happened?</p>

<p>A: Everything has a time. Hope good sense prevails in the leadership<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Q: BJP chief has spoken about Mission 350. Is it possible?</p>

<p>A: Yes, it is possible. Rajiv Gandhi secured more than 400 hundred seats. We have been working very&nbsp;hard in South and East. We are working hard in Kerala, Orissa and other states like Telangana. We can&nbsp;get two-thirds majority in the next Parliament.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p><br />
<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/8bfh6i3WVpA" width="560"></iframe><br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


In an exclusive interview with WION's Kartikeya Sharma, BJP's general secretary Ram Madhav spoke about India's bilateral relations with China, and how India tackled the stand-off with China in Dokalam

In an exclusive interview with WION's Kartikeya Sharma, BJP's general secretary Ram Madhav spoke about India's bilateral relations with China, and how India tackled the stand-off with China in Dokalam. He also shared the government's strategy for expanding its business in Sri Lanka, where it faces competition with China, the Indian government's stand on militancy and Article 35A. Q: Has India sent a strong signal to the world the way it dealt with this particular Doklam dispute? A: Both sides have appreciated the fact that bilateral interests are too big to be compromised on issues like this and for this reason disengagement took place. This has to be seen as a successful diplomatic endeavour by India at one level. But we also maintained firm ground presence. I don’t see it as a victory and defeat. It is a result of simultaneous effort. We could not be provoked. We maintained calm and majesty. The combination of both has yielded results for us. That is the approach of new India. We will stand on our views firmly but will be ready for diplomatic resolutions of disputes. Q: Then why does China maintain that it retains the right to patrol the area? A: Patrolling within one's own borders is what normally happens. What we have been saying that we had a peace and tranquility agreement. Both the countries had reiterated that maintaining peace along the border is important. Hope China will uphold this sense of understanding. Q: But Chinese media has been very belligerent and continues to maintain that India has withdrawn unilaterally? A: Unfortunately, the Chinese media took an aggressive and provocative stand. I appreciate Indian media for not getting into the trap of provocation. The mature diplomatic efforts gave results. The fact remained that both sides realised that it is too costly to get stuck in the stand-off. Q: Is there enough space for India and China to thrive? A: The world is too big for both of us. The world has enough opportunities but we should not step on each other’s toe. Q: PM is going for BRICS. How do you see the emerging China, Pakistan and Russia axis? A: I don’t know whether such an axis exists. Yes, there can be issue or situation-based responses but I think that this formulation is premature. Q: Is India taking care of its interest in South Asia. For example, Chinese presence has increased in Sri Lanka? A: Both India and China are big countries with big economies. They naturally scout for avenues to fulfill domestic requirements. We also do the same. Naturally we are living in the same region hence competition is unavoidable but it shouldn’t be allowed to graduate into conflict and here lies the tight rope walk. Q: But in context of Sri Lanka? A: Even in countries in Africa, the same resources are being accessed. Even in Sri Lanka both maintain each other’s concerns. Sri Lanka is an important and close neighbour. Our trade is linked. I hope the Chinese side appreciates India’s special relationship with Sri Lanka. Q: The Indian Ocean Conference is being organised at the Sri Lankan Prime Minister’s residence. Is there a message? A: It is a joint initiative by Sri Lanka, India and India Foundation. Yes, it is taking place at his residence called Temple Tree. This is a unique event. Countries which are called are those who have stake in the Indian Ocean region. The idea is to take control of this region by these countries. We are happy that Sri Lanka is taking so much interest. We appreciate it. Q: You are the prime minister's point person when it comes to Sri Lanka. India has many concerns, for example the Matala airport. Any movement on it? A: I’m no point person. Having said this, Hambantota is an important factor in our wider strategy. India has an interest in Colombo's new terminal, gas platforms in the east and also the Matala airport. Yes, we are interested. Q: Are these interests getting materialised? A: There was an MOU. It was expressed that India was interested in some of the mentioned projects and the intent part was established. But mere intent wouldn’t suffice. The process of firming up is still on. Nevertheless, an MOU exists. Q: Have you received positive signals from the Lankans? A: There are certain technical hassles which are delaying the process. But in the near future both sides will work on them to sort it out. Q: What is the BJP’s strategy on Kashmir? When will the impasse break? A: There is no impasse in Kashmir anymore. Civilian institutions are working properly but some areas in South Kashmir are affected. I can say this with surety that militancy is on the decline and there is demoralisation of the militant ranks today. The Indian state has taken a firm stand and recruitment for terror organisations has come down. We are confident that we will be able to overcome the problem of militancy. But that’s not the only issue. In the valley, there exists a deliberate campaign by Pakistan that some sort of alienation exists. The Centre is working on it. We have zero tolerance for militancy. Stone pelters are being misled. We will deal with them differently. Our approach would be development centric. Q: The Hurriyat has been thoroughly exposed but is that enough? A: The approach is not only to tackle underground militants but also the over ground facilitators. These people are the over ground sponsors of the cycle of violence in the valley. These merchants of militants had to be dealt with. Q: What is the position of the BJP on article 35A? A: It is a legal matter before the Supreme Court of India. It has to be handled only on the legal plane. There is an effort to make it into a political controversy to rake up separatist sentiments. The matter stands postponed by several months. I say this again, that it is only a legal matter to be dealt at the court's level. Q: The Jammu and Kashmir chief minister did take political assurance from the prime minister (PM)? A: It is between her and the PM. No comments. Q: You are also in charge of the North East. You now have a government in Assam. Have you been able to solve the issue of illegal immigration? I ask this question in the context of Rohingyas who are being settled in J&K? This matter was also raised in Parliament. A: Rohingaya is a major issue of concern for us. For all the nationalists. It is not good for India’s security. They are being settled in Jammu, Hyderabad and Delhi. Centre is aware of it. situation in Myanmar needs to stablise and because of this lot migration is happening. Government is looking into this issue with all seriousness. Q: Political violence has increased in Kerala. Why? A: Every time CPM comes to power, violence goes up. RSS and ABVP become the target. I’m sorry to say that state government if not direct complicity but can be blamed for indirect complicity for all the killings. They want to maim our cadres. Q: Is it because that BJP has become a force to reckon with in Kerala? A: RSS has a wide presence in the state. CPM cadre at grass root level get attracted to us and when they join us it becomes a provocation for them. But in democracy you should deal with opponents democratically and not through violence. A: What is the lesson learnt from Haryana? Aren’t political parties responsible for it by soft peddling deras? Q: Best efforts to maintain law and order sometimes fail and insufficient. Ideally, we should have done better. Having said this, I don’t want to put entire blame on the government. Yes, it is the responsibility of the state to handle it. having said it. You cannot blame the state completely. Sometimes development goes out of hand. It is unfortunate. We could have handled it better. Q: Shouldn’t Khattar take responsibility? A: Maintaining law and order is state’s responsibility. I don’t deny it. we are sorry about it but still cannot pin the entire blame on government? Q: Should triple talaq verdict open the doors for reforms in minority community? A: As far as the community part is concerned I would say. Muslim community should see it as an opportunity to reform the personal law so they don’t have to knock the door of Supreme Court. When Hindu society reform came up in early 60s, there were protests within the Hindu community but the larger community accepted. Society and community leadership should take it as an opportunity. Q: This hasn’t happened? A: Everything has a time. Hope good sense prevails in the leadership Q: BJP chief has spoken about Mission 350. Is it possible? A: Yes, it is possible. Rajiv Gandhi secured more than 400 hundred seats. We have been working very hard in South and East. We are working hard in Kerala, Orissa and other states like Telangana. We can get two-thirds majority in the next Parliament.

WION Exclusive: We could not be provoked, says BJP's Ram Madhav on Doklam stand-off

doklam

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