Nobel peace laureate <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/suu-kyi-criticised-for-silence-over-myanmar-genocide-claims-267964">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>urged UN judges on Thursday to throw out a genocide case against Myanmar, warning it risked reigniting the crisis that forced nearly three quarters of a million Rohingya Muslims from their homes.

In her closing arguments after a three-day hearing at the International Court of Justice, Myanmar's de facto civilian leader issued a stark warning to judges that allowing The Gambia's case against Myanmar to go ahead could "undermine reconciliation".

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/why-aung-san-suu-kyi-is-in-the-hague-defending-myanmar-against-allegations-of-genocide-267828">Suu Kyi</a>, whose defence of the same generals she once defied has shredded her reputation abroad as a rights icon, even showed pictures of a football match recently played in the area affected by the violence in 2017 as evidence that was peace was returning

"I pray that the decision you make with the wisdom and vision of justice will help us to create unity out of diversity," said Suu Kyi, who wore traditional Burmese dress and flowers in her hair.

"Steps that generate suspicions, sow doubts or create resentments between communities who have just begin to build the fragile foundation of trust could undermine reconciliation," she added in the short six-minute statement.

"Ending the ongoing internal conflict... is of the utmost importance for our country. But it is equally important to avoid any reignition of the 2016-17 internal armed conflict in northern Rakhine."

Dozens of her supporters gathered outside the court in The Hague and nosily chanted "We stand with you Aung San Suu Kyi" as she arrived to give her speech.

'Silence said far more than words'&nbsp;

The small African, mainly Muslim state of Gambia has taken majority-Muslim Myanmar to the UN's top court in The Hague accusing it of breaching the 1948 UN genocide convention.

Backed by the 57-nation Organisation of Islamic Conference, Canada and the Netherlands, it is seeking emergency measures to prevent further violence against the Rohingya, pending a fuller case that could take years.

Around 740,000 Rohingya fled across the border into sprawling refugee camps in Bangladesh after Myanmar launched a huge military crackdown in Rakhine state in August 2017.

Suu Kyi told the court in her opening statement on Wednesday that there was no proof of "genocidal intent" and said the army operation was in response to attacks by Rohingya militants.

The Gambia earlier Thursday condemned Suu Kyi's "silence" in her opening speech about the alleged abuses.

"Madame agent, your silence said far more than your words," The Gambia's lawyer Philippe Sands told the court.&nbsp;

"The word 'rape' did not once pass the lips of the agent," Sands added, as Suu Kyi sat impassively in the courtroom.

'Imminent risk of genocide'&nbsp;

Paul Reichler, another of The Gambia's lawyers, dismissed Suu Kyi's insistence that Myanmar's military should be left to probe the allegations itself.

"How could anyone expect the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) to investigate when six of its top generals... have all been accused of genocide by the UN fact-finding mission?" he asked.

He said that those killed included "infants beaten to death or torn from their mothers' arms and thrown into rivers to drown. How many of them were terrorists?

"Armed conflict can never be an excuse for genocide," he said.

The lawyer said Suu Kyi had also failed to deny the conclusions of a 2018 UN investigation that found that genocide had been committed in Myanmar against the Rohingya.

"What is most striking is what Myanmar has not denied," Reichler said.

Reichler added that Suu Kyi in her speech to the court had also followed Myanmar's "racist" policy of refusing to refer to the Rohingya Muslim minority by their name.

Gambian Justice Minister Abubacarr Tambadou pushed the court to impose the emergency measures, saying there was a "serious and imminent risk of genocide recurring" and that "the lives of these human beings are at risk."

A decision on the emergency measures sought by Gambia could take months, while a final ruling if the ICJ decides to take on the full case could take years. 
&nbsp;

Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi urged UN judges on Thursday to throw out a genocide case against Myanmar, warning it risked reigniting the crisis that forced nearly three quarters of a million Rohingya Muslims from their homes.

Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi urged UN judges on Thursday to throw out a genocide case against Myanmar, warning it risked reigniting the crisis that forced nearly three quarters of a million Rohingya Muslims from their homes. In her closing arguments after a three-day hearing at the International Court of Justice, Myanmar's de facto civilian leader issued a stark warning to judges that allowing The Gambia's case against Myanmar to go ahead could "undermine reconciliation". Suu Kyi, whose defence of the same generals she once defied has shredded her reputation abroad as a rights icon, even showed pictures of a football match recently played in the area affected by the violence in 2017 as evidence that was peace was returning "I pray that the decision you make with the wisdom and vision of justice will help us to create unity out of diversity," said Suu Kyi, who wore traditional Burmese dress and flowers in her hair. "Steps that generate suspicions, sow doubts or create resentments between communities who have just begin to build the fragile foundation of trust could undermine reconciliation," she added in the short six-minute statement. "Ending the ongoing internal conflict... is of the utmost importance for our country. But it is equally important to avoid any reignition of the 2016-17 internal armed conflict in northern Rakhine." Dozens of her supporters gathered outside the court in The Hague and nosily chanted "We stand with you Aung San Suu Kyi" as she arrived to give her speech. 'Silence said far more than words' The small African, mainly Muslim state of Gambia has taken majority-Muslim Myanmar to the UN's top court in The Hague accusing it of breaching the 1948 UN genocide convention. Backed by the 57-nation Organisation of Islamic Conference, Canada and the Netherlands, it is seeking emergency measures to prevent further violence against the Rohingya, pending a fuller case that could take years. Around 740,000 Rohingya fled across the border into sprawling refugee camps in Bangladesh after Myanmar launched a huge military crackdown in Rakhine state in August 2017. Suu Kyi told the court in her opening statement on Wednesday that there was no proof of "genocidal intent" and said the army operation was in response to attacks by Rohingya militants. The Gambia earlier Thursday condemned Suu Kyi's "silence" in her opening speech about the alleged abuses. "Madame agent, your silence said far more than your words," The Gambia's lawyer Philippe Sands told the court. "The word 'rape' did not once pass the lips of the agent," Sands added, as Suu Kyi sat impassively in the courtroom. 'Imminent risk of genocide' Paul Reichler, another of The Gambia's lawyers, dismissed Suu Kyi's insistence that Myanmar's military should be left to probe the allegations itself. "How could anyone expect the Tatmadaw (Myanmar military) to investigate when six of its top generals... have all been accused of genocide by the UN fact-finding mission?" he asked. He said that those killed included "infants beaten to death or torn from their mothers' arms and thrown into rivers to drown. How many of them were terrorists? "Armed conflict can never be an excuse for genocide," he said. The lawyer said Suu Kyi had also failed to deny the conclusions of a 2018 UN investigation that found that genocide had been committed in Myanmar against the Rohingya. "What is most striking is what Myanmar has not denied," Reichler said. Reichler added that Suu Kyi in her speech to the court had also followed Myanmar's "racist" policy of refusing to refer to the Rohingya Muslim minority by their name. Gambian Justice Minister Abubacarr Tambadou pushed the court to impose the emergency measures, saying there was a "serious and imminent risk of genocide recurring" and that "the lives of these human beings are at risk." A decision on the emergency measures sought by Gambia could take months, while a final ruling if the ICJ decides to take on the full case could take years.

Myanmar: Aung San Suu Kyi warns genocide case could reignite Rohingya crisis

By Mauro Barelli

In what is likely to be a remarkable moment for international justice, Aung San Suu Kyi, the political leader of Myanmar and a Nobel peace prize winner, will be in The Hague this week to lead her country’s defence against allegations of genocide.

On November 11, the Gambia launched proceedings against Myanmar before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for alleged violations of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. I have looked into the question of atrocity crimes, including genocide, as part of my recent research on the principle of the responsibility to protect in international law.

The case focuses on the clearance operations carried out from around October 2016 by Myanmar’s military and security forces against the Rohingya Muslims, a distinct ethnic and religious group that resides primarily in Myanmar’s Rakhine state.

The Gambia claims that those operations amounted to a genocidal campaign of violence that included mass murder, forcible displacement, rape, and other forms of sexual violence. The UN says that 742,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar for neighbouring Bangladesh since 2017 and many are still living in dire conditions in refugee camps.

During the public hearings that the ICJ will hold between December 10 and 12, the Gambia will essentially ask the court to order Myanmar to prevent ongoing atrocities against the Rohingya so as to protect them from further, irreparable harm – something known as “provisional measures”.

This is the third time that the world’s court has been called to establish whether a state is responsible under international law for breaches of the genocide convention. In 2015, the ICJ ruled that neither Croatia nor Serbia had committed genocide during the hostilities that took place in Croatia between 1991 and 1995. In a 2007 case brought by Bosnia-Herzegovina, the court also cleared Serbia of direct responsibility for genocide and complicity in genocide in relation to the 1995 massacre of Srebrenica.

This means that the ICJ has never held a state responsible for committing genocide. In this respect, the 2007 and 2015 verdicts reveal some of the obstacles that the Gambia will face in persuading the court that Myanmar committed genocide against members of the Rohingya group.

Proving ‘intent’ 
 
The genocide convention lists a number of acts, including killing or causing serious bodily or mental harm, that may constitute genocide provided that they are committed with the “intent to destroy”, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group.

It is precisely the existence of this special intent that distinguishes genocide from other heinous crimes. This is of special importance given the difficulty of proving genocidal intent in a courtroom. In the absence of direct conclusive evidence, the ICJ will infer genocidal intent from particular circumstances – such as a pattern of acts committed against members of the targeted group – only if the circumstances point unequivocally to the existence of that intent.

Adopting this strict approach in both the 2007 and 2015 judgements, the court determined – with the only exception of Srebrenica – that the atrocities committed during the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia lacked the requisite intent to destroy the targeted groups, and so could not be qualified as genocide. In the case of Srebrenica, the court ruled that the acts “were committed with the specific intent to destroy in part the group of the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina” and were therefore genocide.

Still, it found that Serbia itself was not directly responsible for the massacre, which was committed by Bosnian Serbs. Serbia was nevertheless found responsible for failing to prevent genocide given that it was in a position of influence over those who devised and implemented it.

The rationale for setting such a high standard of proof is, in the ICJ’s words, that: “Claims against a state involving charges of exceptional gravity must be proved by evidence that is fully conclusive.”

Unsurprisingly, this stringent approach has been the object of much criticism. One of the current judges sitting at the ICJ, Cançado Trindade, noted in 2015 that imposing such a high threshold for proof of genocide runs the risk of reducing the genocide convention to a dead letter.

UN fact-finding mission

To demonstrate the genocidal nature of the violence against the Rohingya, the Gambia – which is backed by the 57 members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation – will rely extensively on UN sources. In March 2017 the UN Human Rights Council created an Independent International Fact-finding Mission on Myanmar and tasked it with establishing the facts and circumstances of the human rights violations committed by Myanmar’s military and security forces against the Rohingya.

The implications of the mission’s investigative activities could be profound. In the 2007 genocide case, the ICJ relied heavily on the judgements of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to conclude that genocide was committed at Srebrenica. The authoritativeness of the UN’s factfinding mission to Myanmar cannot be equated to that of a tribunal such as the ICTY. Yet, the ICJ is likely to give serious consideration to the mission’s reports in light of the care taken in preparing them, their comprehensiveness, and the independence of those responsible for their preparation.

Crucially, the 2018 and 2019 reports infer genocidal intent behind the attacks against the Rohingya from a number of factors and circumstances linked to, among other others, the brutality and the scale of destruction of the military operations as well as the widespread use of rape and sexual assault during those operations.

The ICJ judges will need to be satisfied with the solidity of this inference of genocidal intent by the UN mission. However, the very fact that they will have to engage with and determine the weight of those findings as evidence will be of paramount importance.

After ruling on the question of provisional measures – and assuming that no jurisdictional obstacles will be identified – the court will fix time limits for the filing of the parties’ written pleadings in the case. After the written and then oral proceedings, the court will begin its deliberation and so it will be some years before a final decision on this important case is made.

(Mauro Barelli is Senior Lecturer in Law, City, University of London)

(This Article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/why-aung-san-suu-kyi-is-in-the-hague-defending-myanmar-against-allegations-of-genocide-125102">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp;

By Mauro Barelli In what is likely to be a remarkable moment for international justice, Aung San Suu Kyi, the political leader of Myanmar and a Nobel peace prize winner, will be in The Hague this week to lead her country’s defence against allegations of genocide.

By Mauro Barelli In what is likely to be a remarkable moment for international justice, Aung San Suu Kyi, the political leader of Myanmar and a Nobel peace prize winner, will be in The Hague this week to lead her country’s defence against allegations of genocide. On November 11, the Gambia launched proceedings against Myanmar before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) for alleged violations of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. I have looked into the question of atrocity crimes, including genocide, as part of my recent research on the principle of the responsibility to protect in international law. The case focuses on the clearance operations carried out from around October 2016 by Myanmar’s military and security forces against the Rohingya Muslims, a distinct ethnic and religious group that resides primarily in Myanmar’s Rakhine state. The Gambia claims that those operations amounted to a genocidal campaign of violence that included mass murder, forcible displacement, rape, and other forms of sexual violence. The UN says that 742,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar for neighbouring Bangladesh since 2017 and many are still living in dire conditions in refugee camps. During the public hearings that the ICJ will hold between December 10 and 12, the Gambia will essentially ask the court to order Myanmar to prevent ongoing atrocities against the Rohingya so as to protect them from further, irreparable harm – something known as “provisional measures”. This is the third time that the world’s court has been called to establish whether a state is responsible under international law for breaches of the genocide convention. In 2015, the ICJ ruled that neither Croatia nor Serbia had committed genocide during the hostilities that took place in Croatia between 1991 and 1995. In a 2007 case brought by Bosnia-Herzegovina, the court also cleared Serbia of direct responsibility for genocide and complicity in genocide in relation to the 1995 massacre of Srebrenica. This means that the ICJ has never held a state responsible for committing genocide. In this respect, the 2007 and 2015 verdicts reveal some of the obstacles that the Gambia will face in persuading the court that Myanmar committed genocide against members of the Rohingya group. Proving ‘intent’ The genocide convention lists a number of acts, including killing or causing serious bodily or mental harm, that may constitute genocide provided that they are committed with the “intent to destroy”, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group. It is precisely the existence of this special intent that distinguishes genocide from other heinous crimes. This is of special importance given the difficulty of proving genocidal intent in a courtroom. In the absence of direct conclusive evidence, the ICJ will infer genocidal intent from particular circumstances – such as a pattern of acts committed against members of the targeted group – only if the circumstances point unequivocally to the existence of that intent. Adopting this strict approach in both the 2007 and 2015 judgements, the court determined – with the only exception of Srebrenica – that the atrocities committed during the conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia lacked the requisite intent to destroy the targeted groups, and so could not be qualified as genocide. In the case of Srebrenica, the court ruled that the acts “were committed with the specific intent to destroy in part the group of the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina” and were therefore genocide. Still, it found that Serbia itself was not directly responsible for the massacre, which was committed by Bosnian Serbs. Serbia was nevertheless found responsible for failing to prevent genocide given that it was in a position of influence over those who devised and implemented it. The rationale for setting such a high standard of proof is, in the ICJ’s words, that: “Claims against a state involving charges of exceptional gravity must be proved by evidence that is fully conclusive.” Unsurprisingly, this stringent approach has been the object of much criticism. One of the current judges sitting at the ICJ, Cançado Trindade, noted in 2015 that imposing such a high threshold for proof of genocide runs the risk of reducing the genocide convention to a dead letter. UN fact-finding mission To demonstrate the genocidal nature of the violence against the Rohingya, the Gambia – which is backed by the 57 members of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation – will rely extensively on UN sources. In March 2017 the UN Human Rights Council created an Independent International Fact-finding Mission on Myanmar and tasked it with establishing the facts and circumstances of the human rights violations committed by Myanmar’s military and security forces against the Rohingya. The implications of the mission’s investigative activities could be profound. In the 2007 genocide case, the ICJ relied heavily on the judgements of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to conclude that genocide was committed at Srebrenica. The authoritativeness of the UN’s factfinding mission to Myanmar cannot be equated to that of a tribunal such as the ICTY. Yet, the ICJ is likely to give serious consideration to the mission’s reports in light of the care taken in preparing them, their comprehensiveness, and the independence of those responsible for their preparation. Crucially, the 2018 and 2019 reports infer genocidal intent behind the attacks against the Rohingya from a number of factors and circumstances linked to, among other others, the brutality and the scale of destruction of the military operations as well as the widespread use of rape and sexual assault during those operations. The ICJ judges will need to be satisfied with the solidity of this inference of genocidal intent by the UN mission. However, the very fact that they will have to engage with and determine the weight of those findings as evidence will be of paramount importance. After ruling on the question of provisional measures – and assuming that no jurisdictional obstacles will be identified – the court will fix time limits for the filing of the parties’ written pleadings in the case. After the written and then oral proceedings, the court will begin its deliberation and so it will be some years before a final decision on this important case is made. (Mauro Barelli is Senior Lecturer in Law, City, University of London) (This Article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Why Aung San Suu Kyi is in The Hague defending Myanmar against allegations of genocide

Myanmar's State Counselor Aung San Suu Kyi will defend her country from accusations of genocide against the Rohingya community at the United Nation's top court.

Aung San Suu Kyi to defend Myanmar at ICJ

Its a shocking turn of events for Aung San Suu Kyi. Once considered a peace icon - Myanmar's leader was today at the International Court of Justice to defend her country against charges of Genocide.

Gravitas: San Suu Kyi's fall from grace: Myanmar Leader denies genocide charge

Myanmar's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi today defended Myanmar's military actions against Muslims. #WION #Myanmar #Fineprint

Fineprint: Aung San Suu Kyi defends Myanmar at ICJ

Myanmar's leader Aung San Suu Kyi arrived at the UN's International Court of Justice on Tuesday to defend her country over charges of genocide against its Rohingya Muslim minority, as back home thousands of people rallied in her support.

Aung San Suu Kyi to defend Mayanmar at ICJ where thousands rally in support of Suu Kyi of hearing.

Myanmar: Aung San Suu Kyi heads to ICJ

Rohingya Muslims demanded Myanmar be held to account at the United Nations' top court in The Hague, where Myanmar leader and Nobel peace prize laureate <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/thousands-in-myanmar-rally-behind-suu-kyi-ahead-of-hague-court-date-266956">Aung San Suu Kyi</a> is set to defend the country against charges of genocide of the minority community.

More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar in 2017 after a brutal military-led crackdown the U.N. has said was executed with "genocidal intent" and included mass killings and rape.

Myanmar vehemently denies allegations of genocide. Myanmar says its military campaign across hundreds of villages in northern Rakhine state was in response to attacks by Rohingya insurgents.

Rohingya Muslims housed in sprawling <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/rohingya-child-refugees-in-bangladesh-being-denied-education-human-rights-watch-265862">refugee camps</a> in southern Bangladesh reacted strongly on Monday to the prospect of Suu Kyi appearing this week at The International Court of Justice in hearings set for December&nbsp;10 to 12.

Here are some quotes from individuals:

Mohammed Zobayer, 19, who teaches at a learning centre in the camps:

"We&nbsp;witnessed rape, torture and killings. We saw many killed before our eyes. All we could do was run while our homes burned. Now it is time for the global community to act and hold Myanmar accountable for the horrific crimes they committed. They must be held accountable for genocide against the Rohingya.

"Suu Kyi spoke of rape being used by the army as a weapon before she came to power, but she is now the defender of the army. Shame!

"We are eagerly waiting for&nbsp;the hearings ... but are not sure if we will be able to hear it at all because of the poor internet connectivity here."

Nur Alam, 65, whose son was shot dead by the army after the August 2017 crackdown:

"Once Aung&nbsp;San Suu Kyi was an icon of peace and we had huge expectations that things would change when she came to power. We prayed for her, but she has now become an icon of genocide. Instead of protecting us, she has joined hands with the killers. Now she is going to defend the killers. We hate her. Shame on her.

"She and the army and the killers of my son must all be punished. I have longed for this day to come. I'll have no regrets in life if I see they are punished."

Rashid Ahmed, 35, who says 12 of his family members were killed by the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/the-lady-and-the-hague-myanmar-leader-suu-kyi-courts-home-audience-266663">Myanmar</a> army:

"Only justice can heal our wounds. I know I'll never get them back, but they will rest in peace when their killers are punished."

Momtaz Begum, 31,&nbsp;holding&nbsp;her three-year-old son in her lap, said in tears:

"The army killed my husband. They raped me and torched my house, they stabbed my six-year-old daughter in the head.&nbsp;I&nbsp;have learned that there will be a trial of&nbsp;Aung&nbsp;San Suu Kyi&nbsp;and the army. We&nbsp;demand the trial of Suu Kyi and the military. Why did they kill our innocent people, our kids?&nbsp;Why did they torture and rape our women? We demand justice."&nbsp;

Jamalida Begum, 29, who said she was raped by the army in 2016 after her husband was killed:

"The military came to my village and killed my husband and burned my house. Three soldiers dragged me to a bush and pointed a gun at me and raped me until I lost&nbsp;consciousness.

"I fled here after the army put up large posters with my photo and went door-to-door looking for me because I gave interviews to foreign journalists after the brutal incident.

"All I want is justice. I want the punishment of those who raped us, killed our people, torched our houses, threw our children into the fire."

Rohingya Muslims demanded Myanmar be held to account at the United Nations' top court in The Hague, where Myanmar leader and Nobel peace prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is set to defend the country against charges of genocide of the minority community.

Rohingya Muslims demanded Myanmar be held to account at the United Nations' top court in The Hague, where Myanmar leader and Nobel peace prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is set to defend the country against charges of genocide of the minority community. More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar in 2017 after a brutal military-led crackdown the U.N. has said was executed with "genocidal intent" and included mass killings and rape. Myanmar vehemently denies allegations of genocide. Myanmar says its military campaign across hundreds of villages in northern Rakhine state was in response to attacks by Rohingya insurgents. Rohingya Muslims housed in sprawling refugee camps in southern Bangladesh reacted strongly on Monday to the prospect of Suu Kyi appearing this week at The International Court of Justice in hearings set for December 10 to 12. Here are some quotes from individuals: Mohammed Zobayer, 19, who teaches at a learning centre in the camps: "We witnessed rape, torture and killings. We saw many killed before our eyes. All we could do was run while our homes burned. Now it is time for the global community to act and hold Myanmar accountable for the horrific crimes they committed. They must be held accountable for genocide against the Rohingya. "Suu Kyi spoke of rape being used by the army as a weapon before she came to power, but she is now the defender of the army. Shame! "We are eagerly waiting for the hearings ... but are not sure if we will be able to hear it at all because of the poor internet connectivity here." Nur Alam, 65, whose son was shot dead by the army after the August 2017 crackdown: "Once Aung San Suu Kyi was an icon of peace and we had huge expectations that things would change when she came to power. We prayed for her, but she has now become an icon of genocide. Instead of protecting us, she has joined hands with the killers. Now she is going to defend the killers. We hate her. Shame on her. "She and the army and the killers of my son must all be punished. I have longed for this day to come. I'll have no regrets in life if I see they are punished." Rashid Ahmed, 35, who says 12 of his family members were killed by the Myanmar army: "Only justice can heal our wounds. I know I'll never get them back, but they will rest in peace when their killers are punished." Momtaz Begum, 31, holding her three-year-old son in her lap, said in tears: "The army killed my husband. They raped me and torched my house, they stabbed my six-year-old daughter in the head. I have learned that there will be a trial of Aung San Suu Kyi and the army. We demand the trial of Suu Kyi and the military. Why did they kill our innocent people, our kids? Why did they torture and rape our women? We demand justice." Jamalida Begum, 29, who said she was raped by the army in 2016 after her husband was killed: "The military came to my village and killed my husband and burned my house. Three soldiers dragged me to a bush and pointed a gun at me and raped me until I lost consciousness. "I fled here after the army put up large posters with my photo and went door-to-door looking for me because I gave interviews to foreign journalists after the brutal incident. "All I want is justice. I want the punishment of those who raped us, killed our people, torched our houses, threw our children into the fire."

Rohingya refugees demand justice at Myanmar World Court

Thousands rally in support of Suu Kyi Ahead of hearing.

Former democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi is set to make legal history when she defends Myanmar in The Hague this week against charges of genocide targeting the Buddhist state's minority Rohingya Muslims.

The tiny west African state of Gambia, acting on behalf of the 57-nation Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, will ask the International Court of Justice to take emergency measures to halt Myanmar's "ongoing genocidal actions".

But in a highly unusual move, the office of Nobel Peace laureate and Myanmar civilian leader Suu Kyi has said she will lead a team to the UN's highest court, based in the turreted Peace Palace in the Netherlands.

Legal experts said Suu Kyi would be one of the first national leaders to personally address the tribunal since it was set up in 1946 after World War II to rule in disputes between countries.

Her plan to appear before the court's judges for the three-day hearing starting Tuesday was "unprecedented and also very unwise", Cecily Rose, an assistant professor in international law at Leiden University, told AFP.

"States never ever send politicians to lead legal teams at the ICJ," she said.&nbsp;

Although Oxford-educated Suu Kyi's background was "impressive, she has no legal qualifications and would be completely at sea before the court," Rose added.

'Defend' Myanmar's interests

Around 740,000 Rohingya were forced to flee into camps in Bangladesh after Myanmar's military launched a violent crackdown on the group in 2017, which UN investigators concluded amounted to genocide.

The case will be the first international legal attempt to bring Myanmar to justice over the crisis, and is a rare example of a country suing another over an issue to which it is not directly a party.

Muslim-majority Gambia's case alleges that Myanmar has breached the 1948 UN Genocide Convention. It is seeking the special measures pending a future decision by the court on whether to take on the wider case.

Any final judgment could take years.

Suu Kyi has said she is heading to The Hague in order to "defend the national interests of Myanmar".

Myanmar is expected to argue that the court has no jurisdiction, that its military operation was targeting Rohingya militants and that its own investigations into alleged abuse are adequate.

However, Suu Kyi's international reputation has been tarnished by her response to the crisis, with critics saying she is acting as an apologist for the same military that kept her under house arrest for many years.

- 'Personally responsible' - 
Experts say Suu Kyi now risks being in the legal firing line herself.

"It's highly unusual for top leaders to go to the ICJ themselves to defend their countries," said Willem van Genugten, professor of international law at the Netherlands' Tilburg University.

"What you often see is that they come to The Hague when a case is launched to attract extra publicity," he added, for example when then-Bolivian president Evo Morales came to The Hague for a ruling on a border dispute with Chile.

Myanmar faces other legal challenges, including an investigation by the International Criminal Court -- another Hague-based tribunal set up in 2002 to probe war crimes -- and a lawsuit in Argentina.

This week's case will be only the fourth in the ICJ's history invoking the genocide convention, after two involving the 1990s Balkans wars and another one between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda in 2002.

ICJ judges have only once ruled that genocide was committed: the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of 8,000 Muslim men and boys in Bosnia.

"What might be seen as unusual about Aung San Suu Kyi leading the Myanmar delegation is the fact that she is viewed as personally responsible at some level for Myanmar's alleged wrongdoing," Mike Becker, assistant international law professor at Trinity College in Dublin, told AFP.

"Suu Kyi is not personally on trial at the ICJ... but her presence will be remarkable."

Former democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi is set to make legal history when she defends Myanmar in The Hague this week against charges of genocide targeting the Buddhist state's minority Rohingya Muslims.

Former democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi is set to make legal history when she defends Myanmar in The Hague this week against charges of genocide targeting the Buddhist state's minority Rohingya Muslims. The tiny west African state of Gambia, acting on behalf of the 57-nation Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, will ask the International Court of Justice to take emergency measures to halt Myanmar's "ongoing genocidal actions". But in a highly unusual move, the office of Nobel Peace laureate and Myanmar civilian leader Suu Kyi has said she will lead a team to the UN's highest court, based in the turreted Peace Palace in the Netherlands. Legal experts said Suu Kyi would be one of the first national leaders to personally address the tribunal since it was set up in 1946 after World War II to rule in disputes between countries. Her plan to appear before the court's judges for the three-day hearing starting Tuesday was "unprecedented and also very unwise", Cecily Rose, an assistant professor in international law at Leiden University, told AFP. "States never ever send politicians to lead legal teams at the ICJ," she said. Although Oxford-educated Suu Kyi's background was "impressive, she has no legal qualifications and would be completely at sea before the court," Rose added. 'Defend' Myanmar's interests Around 740,000 Rohingya were forced to flee into camps in Bangladesh after Myanmar's military launched a violent crackdown on the group in 2017, which UN investigators concluded amounted to genocide. The case will be the first international legal attempt to bring Myanmar to justice over the crisis, and is a rare example of a country suing another over an issue to which it is not directly a party. Muslim-majority Gambia's case alleges that Myanmar has breached the 1948 UN Genocide Convention. It is seeking the special measures pending a future decision by the court on whether to take on the wider case. Any final judgment could take years. Suu Kyi has said she is heading to The Hague in order to "defend the national interests of Myanmar". Myanmar is expected to argue that the court has no jurisdiction, that its military operation was targeting Rohingya militants and that its own investigations into alleged abuse are adequate. However, Suu Kyi's international reputation has been tarnished by her response to the crisis, with critics saying she is acting as an apologist for the same military that kept her under house arrest for many years. - 'Personally responsible' - Experts say Suu Kyi now risks being in the legal firing line herself. "It's highly unusual for top leaders to go to the ICJ themselves to defend their countries," said Willem van Genugten, professor of international law at the Netherlands' Tilburg University. "What you often see is that they come to The Hague when a case is launched to attract extra publicity," he added, for example when then-Bolivian president Evo Morales came to The Hague for a ruling on a border dispute with Chile. Myanmar faces other legal challenges, including an investigation by the International Criminal Court -- another Hague-based tribunal set up in 2002 to probe war crimes -- and a lawsuit in Argentina. This week's case will be only the fourth in the ICJ's history invoking the genocide convention, after two involving the 1990s Balkans wars and another one between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda in 2002. ICJ judges have only once ruled that genocide was committed: the 1995 Srebrenica massacre of 8,000 Muslim men and boys in Bosnia. "What might be seen as unusual about Aung San Suu Kyi leading the Myanmar delegation is the fact that she is viewed as personally responsible at some level for Myanmar's alleged wrongdoing," Mike Becker, assistant international law professor at Trinity College in Dublin, told AFP. "Suu Kyi is not personally on trial at the ICJ... but her presence will be remarkable."

Suu Kyi set to make history in Hague genocide case

An Indian construction worker died while being taken hostage with several compatriots by insurgents in Myanmar's conflict-scarred Rakhine state, rebels and the government said Monday.

The Arakan Army (AA) have changed tactics in recent weeks in their increasingly vicious battle with Myanmar troops,&nbsp;taking mass hostages along rivers and roads in the large western state.

But it is the first time they have captured foreign workers in the resource-rich area, which hosts a series of infrastructure projects linking India and Myanmar.

Ten people,&nbsp;including five Indians and a lawmaker from leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy,&nbsp;were seized by AA fighters on Sunday in the northern part of the state.

The rebels confirmed the 60-year-old worker's death as the group were marched up a hill.

"Unfortunately he suddenly died from exhaustion... we did not do anything to him," AA spokesman Khaing Thukha told AFP.

"We did not target the Indians," he said, but rather the MP.

The rest of the group were released but the MP was held for questioning, said Soe Htet, a government official from the lawmaker's constituency in nearby Chin state, adding the body of the dead man was also sent back.

The AA, which is fighting for greater autonomy for ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, has previously carried out ambushes, assassinations, and bomb attacks.

But it has resorted to daring abductions of security forces in recent weeks.

A number of hostages seized by ethnic Rakhine rebels in a raid on a ferry packed with scores of police and soldiers were killed last month.

The rebels said they were killed by the military while in pursuit, but the army denied they were responsible and blamed the AA.

Rakhine is the same area where the military drove out more than 740,000 Rohingya Muslims in a 2017 campaign U.N. investigators have called genocide.

An Indian construction worker died while being taken hostage with several compatriots by insurgents in Myanmar's conflict-scarred Rakhine state, rebels and the government said Monday.

An Indian construction worker died while being taken hostage with several compatriots by insurgents in Myanmar's conflict-scarred Rakhine state, rebels and the government said Monday. The Arakan Army (AA) have changed tactics in recent weeks in their increasingly vicious battle with Myanmar troops, taking mass hostages along rivers and roads in the large western state. But it is the first time they have captured foreign workers in the resource-rich area, which hosts a series of infrastructure projects linking India and Myanmar. Ten people, including five Indians and a lawmaker from leader Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy, were seized by AA fighters on Sunday in the northern part of the state. The rebels confirmed the 60-year-old worker's death as the group were marched up a hill. "Unfortunately he suddenly died from exhaustion... we did not do anything to him," AA spokesman Khaing Thukha told AFP. "We did not target the Indians," he said, but rather the MP. The rest of the group were released but the MP was held for questioning, said Soe Htet, a government official from the lawmaker's constituency in nearby Chin state, adding the body of the dead man was also sent back. The AA, which is fighting for greater autonomy for ethnic Rakhine Buddhists, has previously carried out ambushes, assassinations, and bomb attacks. But it has resorted to daring abductions of security forces in recent weeks. A number of hostages seized by ethnic Rakhine rebels in a raid on a ferry packed with scores of police and soldiers were killed last month. The rebels said they were killed by the military while in pursuit, but the army denied they were responsible and blamed the AA. Rakhine is the same area where the military drove out more than 740,000 Rohingya Muslims in a 2017 campaign U.N. investigators have called genocide.

Indian worker dies in Myanmar rebel operation

The UN chief on Sunday urged Myanmar to ensure the "safe" return of Rohingya refugees driven out by army operations, a plea made in front of Aung San Suu Kyi more than two years since her country cracked down on the Muslim minority.

Speaking at a summit of Southeast Asian leaders in Bangkok -- with Myanmar's de facto head Suu Kyi in the room -- Antonio Guterres said he remains "deeply concerned" about the plight of the Rohingya.

Violence in Rakhine state in 2017 forced more than 740,000 Rohingya to flee, most seeking refuge in overcrowded camps in neighbouring Bangladesh, in what UN investigators say amounted to genocide.

Myanmar does not recognise the Rohingya as citizens.

The country says it welcomes back those who agree to a bureaucratic status below full citizenship, and if they agree to live under tight guard after their villages were incinerated.

Guterres said Myanmar is responsible to "ensure a conducive environment for the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable repatriation of refugees".

Suu Kyi sat in the room expressionless as Guterres spoke.

Only a few hundred Rohingya have returned to Myanmar so far, with many fearing further persecution in the Buddhist-majority country.

The secretary-general also called on Myanmar "to ensure humanitarian actors have full and unfettered access to areas of return".

Despite repeated entreaties by the UN and endless criticism by rights groups and world leaders, Myanmar has refused to bend in its approach to the Rohingya.

Much of Rakhine remains largely closed to aid workers and journalists, who can only visit on tightly controlled, military-chaperoned trips.

It has launched an extensive and increasingly bloody campaign against Rakhine Buddhists, who are also fighting the central state for greater autonomy.

Suu Kyi has come under fire for failing to use her moral force to defend Rohingya after the 2017 unrest.

The treatment of the minority has shredded her image as an upholder of human rights in the eyes of the Western world.

Myanmar's army has come under fire for covering up the crackdown, which it blamed on Rohingya "terrorists".

A leaked ASEAN report earlier this year said the repatriation effort could take a further two years.

Suu Kyi has faced pressure over her country's treatment of the Rohingya from fellow ASEAN members Malaysia and Indonesia, which are both Muslim-majority.

The UN chief on Sunday urged Myanmar to ensure the "safe" return of Rohingya refugees driven out by army operations, a plea made in front of Aung San Suu Kyi more than two years since her country cracked down on the Muslim minority.

The UN chief on Sunday urged Myanmar to ensure the "safe" return of Rohingya refugees driven out by army operations, a plea made in front of Aung San Suu Kyi more than two years since her country cracked down on the Muslim minority. Speaking at a summit of Southeast Asian leaders in Bangkok -- with Myanmar's de facto head Suu Kyi in the room -- Antonio Guterres said he remains "deeply concerned" about the plight of the Rohingya. Violence in Rakhine state in 2017 forced more than 740,000 Rohingya to flee, most seeking refuge in overcrowded camps in neighbouring Bangladesh, in what UN investigators say amounted to genocide. Myanmar does not recognise the Rohingya as citizens. The country says it welcomes back those who agree to a bureaucratic status below full citizenship, and if they agree to live under tight guard after their villages were incinerated. Guterres said Myanmar is responsible to "ensure a conducive environment for the safe, voluntary, dignified and sustainable repatriation of refugees". Suu Kyi sat in the room expressionless as Guterres spoke. Only a few hundred Rohingya have returned to Myanmar so far, with many fearing further persecution in the Buddhist-majority country. The secretary-general also called on Myanmar "to ensure humanitarian actors have full and unfettered access to areas of return". Despite repeated entreaties by the UN and endless criticism by rights groups and world leaders, Myanmar has refused to bend in its approach to the Rohingya. Much of Rakhine remains largely closed to aid workers and journalists, who can only visit on tightly controlled, military-chaperoned trips. It has launched an extensive and increasingly bloody campaign against Rakhine Buddhists, who are also fighting the central state for greater autonomy. Suu Kyi has come under fire for failing to use her moral force to defend Rohingya after the 2017 unrest. The treatment of the minority has shredded her image as an upholder of human rights in the eyes of the Western world. Myanmar's army has come under fire for covering up the crackdown, which it blamed on Rohingya "terrorists". A leaked ASEAN report earlier this year said the repatriation effort could take a further two years. Suu Kyi has faced pressure over her country's treatment of the Rohingya from fellow ASEAN members Malaysia and Indonesia, which are both Muslim-majority.

United Nations chief urges Myanmar to ensure 'safe' return of Rohingya

UN investigators called Tuesday for an expert evaluation of whether Myanmar's civilian leader <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/rohingya-in-bangladesh-face-tide-of-hostility-as-welcome-turns-to-fear-250157">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>can be legally implicated in the abuses committed against the country's Rohingya minority.

The fact-finding mission to Myanmar, set up by the UN Human Rights Council, said they were not equipped to determine what level of responsibility Suu Kyi should shoulder for the Rohingya crisis.

"It will become a legal issue whether or not there is an element of culpability here," fact-finding mission chair Marzuki Darusman told reporters in Geneva.

Watch: Bangladesh Feels ISI Could recruit from Rohingya Camps

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The Human Rights Council recently created a panel to prepare criminal indictments over atrocities committed in the country -- the so-called Independent International Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) -- which could have the expertise to determine what responsibility Suu Kyi bears in the crisis.

"It is still an open-ended question to what extent she might be implicated," Darusman said.&nbsp;

When asked if the Nobel laureate might be implicated, he said "that is for the judicial process to address," referring to the IIMM.

The fact-finding mission last year branded the army operation in August 2017 as "genocide" and called for the prosecution of top generals, including army chief Min Aung Hlaing.

Some 740,000 Rohingya fled burning villages, bringing accounts of murder, rape and torture over the border to sprawling refugee camps in Bangladesh, where survivors of previous waves of persecution already languished.

And in a damning report published Monday, the investigators warned that the 600,000 Rohingya still inside Myanmar's Rakhine state remain in deteriorating and "deplorable" conditions and continue to face a "serious risk of genocide".

The experts told the rights council on Tuesday that they had a confidential list of some 150 names, including officials, suspected of being involved in genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.

'Criminal responsibility'?

Darusman said that the investigators initially shied away from laying blame on Suu Kyi, who spent years in house arrest before her party in 2015 won Myanmar's first fully free vote for generations.

He said that the fact-finding team had taken into account that Myanmar was "going through a transition, a democratic transition, and therefore in our first report we absolved Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi from any direct responsibility."

But while it was likely that Suu Kyi was not aware in August 2017 of the army's activities, "the issue now is that subsequently, there was no further addressing of this issue on her part," Darusman said.

Another member of the fact-finding mission, Christopher Sidoti, acknowledged that "it is clear that the civilian side of the government does not control the military side of the government."

But "the civilian side of the government has very substantial constitutional responsibilities," he said.

"The longer this goes on, the more impossible it is for the civilian side of the government to escape international criminal responsibility for the human rights situation in Myanmar."

The fact-finding mission, which was never granted access to Myanmar, is expected to wrap up its work during the ongoing session of the Human Rights Council, due to end next week.

But the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights situation in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, should continue monitoring the situation.

UN investigators called Tuesday for an expert evaluation of whether Myanmar's civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi can be legally implicated in the abuses committed against the country's Rohingya minority.

UN investigators called Tuesday for an expert evaluation of whether Myanmar's civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi can be legally implicated in the abuses committed against the country's Rohingya minority. The fact-finding mission to Myanmar, set up by the UN Human Rights Council, said they were not equipped to determine what level of responsibility Suu Kyi should shoulder for the Rohingya crisis. "It will become a legal issue whether or not there is an element of culpability here," fact-finding mission chair Marzuki Darusman told reporters in Geneva. Watch: Bangladesh Feels ISI Could recruit from Rohingya Camps × The Human Rights Council recently created a panel to prepare criminal indictments over atrocities committed in the country -- the so-called Independent International Mechanism for Myanmar (IIMM) -- which could have the expertise to determine what responsibility Suu Kyi bears in the crisis. "It is still an open-ended question to what extent she might be implicated," Darusman said. When asked if the Nobel laureate might be implicated, he said "that is for the judicial process to address," referring to the IIMM. The fact-finding mission last year branded the army operation in August 2017 as "genocide" and called for the prosecution of top generals, including army chief Min Aung Hlaing. Some 740,000 Rohingya fled burning villages, bringing accounts of murder, rape and torture over the border to sprawling refugee camps in Bangladesh, where survivors of previous waves of persecution already languished. And in a damning report published Monday, the investigators warned that the 600,000 Rohingya still inside Myanmar's Rakhine state remain in deteriorating and "deplorable" conditions and continue to face a "serious risk of genocide". The experts told the rights council on Tuesday that they had a confidential list of some 150 names, including officials, suspected of being involved in genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. 'Criminal responsibility'? Darusman said that the investigators initially shied away from laying blame on Suu Kyi, who spent years in house arrest before her party in 2015 won Myanmar's first fully free vote for generations. He said that the fact-finding team had taken into account that Myanmar was "going through a transition, a democratic transition, and therefore in our first report we absolved Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi from any direct responsibility." But while it was likely that Suu Kyi was not aware in August 2017 of the army's activities, "the issue now is that subsequently, there was no further addressing of this issue on her part," Darusman said. Another member of the fact-finding mission, Christopher Sidoti, acknowledged that "it is clear that the civilian side of the government does not control the military side of the government." But "the civilian side of the government has very substantial constitutional responsibilities," he said. "The longer this goes on, the more impossible it is for the civilian side of the government to escape international criminal responsibility for the human rights situation in Myanmar." The fact-finding mission, which was never granted access to Myanmar, is expected to wrap up its work during the ongoing session of the Human Rights Council, due to end next week. But the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights situation in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, should continue monitoring the situation.

Suu Kyi 'culpability' in Rohingya abuses an 'open-ended question': UN investigator

An army helicopter buzzes overhead and ambulances travel up wet empty roads in Myanmar's northeast, ferrying aid to thousands of residents displaced by fresh clashes between rebels and the military.

Burnt-out cars and bullet casings lie along the road to Shan state's Kutkai -- a town ringed by mountains, poppy fields, and a patchwork of ethnic armed groups fighting for more autonomy and control over land and resources.

"We are still afraid to go back home," Ba Yi, a 63-year-old former teacher, told AFP while sheltering in a monastery.

"Every time I hear explosions, I want to go away."

The area near the Chinese border has been riven by armed conflict for decades, and Myanmar civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi pledged to secure peace when she took office in 2016.

It is also home to what experts believe to be the world's largest methamphetamine-making region, fuelling a complex web of conflict.

Fighting in the region escalated after rebel attacks on an army academy and police outposts killed at least 15 this month, operations the military said were in retaliation for a drug crackdown.

Local civil society organisations say more than 2,000 people have been displaced.

"Even if I wanted to go back to my home, I can't go... the situation is not peaceful in my village," said Lyaw Aye Pwint, an 18-year-old student.

The US embassy issued a travel warning this month for more than a dozen towns in Shan state due to "civil unrest and armed conflict".

Dozens of NGO workers were evacuated last week days after an ambulance driver was killed in an attack blamed on rebels.

But rescue workers are still braving the danger to bring aid to the displaced.

"The main missions are to send provisions to the villagers from restricted areas and try to rescue people from conflict areas and send them to shelters," said Tin Win, part of a volunteer aid convoy.

Myanmar's army has long battled different insurgent groups fighting for more autonomy in a country dominated by the Bamar ethnic majority.

Amid the recent fighting, the army is still making large drug seizures.

On Sunday the military said it had found 762 kilograms (0.8 tonnes) of crystal meth in backpacks in eastern Shan state, a haul worth an estimated $12.6 million.

On August 22 it confiscated dozens of bags of meth tablets worth $7 million.

"We are still clearing off the area in northern Shan State. We still have fighting in that area," Zaw Min Tun, an army spokesperson, told AFP.

An army helicopter buzzes overhead and ambulances travel up wet empty roads in Myanmar's northeast, ferrying aid to thousands of residents displaced by fresh clashes between rebels and the military.

An army helicopter buzzes overhead and ambulances travel up wet empty roads in Myanmar's northeast, ferrying aid to thousands of residents displaced by fresh clashes between rebels and the military. Burnt-out cars and bullet casings lie along the road to Shan state's Kutkai -- a town ringed by mountains, poppy fields, and a patchwork of ethnic armed groups fighting for more autonomy and control over land and resources. "We are still afraid to go back home," Ba Yi, a 63-year-old former teacher, told AFP while sheltering in a monastery. "Every time I hear explosions, I want to go away." The area near the Chinese border has been riven by armed conflict for decades, and Myanmar civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi pledged to secure peace when she took office in 2016. It is also home to what experts believe to be the world's largest methamphetamine-making region, fuelling a complex web of conflict. Fighting in the region escalated after rebel attacks on an army academy and police outposts killed at least 15 this month, operations the military said were in retaliation for a drug crackdown. Local civil society organisations say more than 2,000 people have been displaced. "Even if I wanted to go back to my home, I can't go... the situation is not peaceful in my village," said Lyaw Aye Pwint, an 18-year-old student. The US embassy issued a travel warning this month for more than a dozen towns in Shan state due to "civil unrest and armed conflict". Dozens of NGO workers were evacuated last week days after an ambulance driver was killed in an attack blamed on rebels. But rescue workers are still braving the danger to bring aid to the displaced. "The main missions are to send provisions to the villagers from restricted areas and try to rescue people from conflict areas and send them to shelters," said Tin Win, part of a volunteer aid convoy. Myanmar's army has long battled different insurgent groups fighting for more autonomy in a country dominated by the Bamar ethnic majority. Amid the recent fighting, the army is still making large drug seizures. On Sunday the military said it had found 762 kilograms (0.8 tonnes) of crystal meth in backpacks in eastern Shan state, a haul worth an estimated $12.6 million. On August 22 it confiscated dozens of bags of meth tablets worth $7 million. "We are still clearing off the area in northern Shan State. We still have fighting in that area," Zaw Min Tun, an army spokesperson, told AFP.

Myanmar clashes between army and rebels force thousands from home

The Rohingya refugee crisis in key dates

Southeast Asian leaders gathered in Bangkok on Saturday determined to drive forward the world's largest commercial pact, with the trade war between the US and China clouding the outlook for their export-led economies.

Disputes in the flashpoint the South China Sea, Myanmar's persecution of Rohingya Muslims and plastic pollution in the seas are also set to be discussed at the two-day Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit, chaired by Thailand.

But trade will take centre stage with ASEAN leaders keen to hasten the signing of a China-drafted commercial deal covering around half the world's population.

The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) includes all 10 ASEAN economies, plus India, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand.

It is seen as a mechanism for China to draft the rules of Asia-Pacific trade, following a US retreat from the region.

Shortly after his election, President Donald Trump pulled the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) -- which would have been the world's largest trade deal -- slamming it as an American "job killer".

While tit-for-tat tariffs between the world's biggest two economies have seen some manufacturers flee China to safer ASEAN hubs, economists say the big picture for global growth is bleak.

In that context, "RCEP is key to increasing trade volume", Thai government spokesman Werachon Sukhondhapatipak told reporters.

"The faster it (RCEP) gets implemented the better," Martin M. Andanar, Philippines Communications Secretary, told reporters.

"Free trade is definitely what we need here in this region," he said, adding that the US-China trade row has resulted in "the entire world catching a cold".

Progress on the deal has stuttered in recent months with India digging in over fears cheap Chinese goods could flood its massive consumer market.

Australia and New Zealand have also raised concerns over a lack of labour and environmental safeguards.

Rohingya talks

ASEAN is frequently criticised as a soft forum where diplomatic niceties often outweigh concrete action on pressing problems.

Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamad on Friday raised the prospect of a joust with Myanmar over the Rohingya, the Muslim minority driven in massive numbers into Bangladesh by waves of concussive violence.

"We hope something can be done to stop the oppression," he said.

Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi is in Bangkok for the weekend meeting.&nbsp;

ASEAN foreign ministers discussed the repatriation of more than 740,000 Rohingya refugees that have fled into Bangladesh, according to Thai foreign minister Don Pramudwinai.&nbsp;

The bloc has come under fire for suggesting the refugees should go back to Myanmar within two years, according to a leaked report seen by AFP -- though virtually none have volunteered to go back so far, citing safety concerns. &nbsp; &nbsp;

"It (repatriation) will be quick, Myanmar knows this process is being watched by everyone," Don told reporters. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The bloc is also poised to agree on a declaration to "prevent and significantly reduce" marine debris -- including plastic -- across the region, according to a draft text seen by AFP.

Though the statement is the first of its kind for the region, which dumps millions of tonnes of plastic waste into the ocean every year, activists fear it doesn't go far enough in curbing single-plastic use.&nbsp;

Regional leaders are also set to tackle thorny South China Sea issues at the weekend meet, with a draft Code of Conduct agreement up for review, though observers doubt any major progress will me made to inch the deal closer to completion.&nbsp;

Discussions around the resource-rich waterway that Beijing claims most of were overshadowed by a recent dust-up in the sea between a Chinese ship that rammed a Filipino fishing boat and caused it to sink.

Manila said a joint investigation into the incident has been launched, adding that the run-in would not derail Code of Conduct talks. &nbsp; &nbsp;

Southeast Asian leaders gathered in Bangkok on Saturday determined to drive forward the world's largest commercial pact, with the trade war between the US and China clouding the outlook for their export-led economies.

Southeast Asian leaders gathered in Bangkok on Saturday determined to drive forward the world's largest commercial pact, with the trade war between the US and China clouding the outlook for their export-led economies. Disputes in the flashpoint the South China Sea, Myanmar's persecution of Rohingya Muslims and plastic pollution in the seas are also set to be discussed at the two-day Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit, chaired by Thailand. But trade will take centre stage with ASEAN leaders keen to hasten the signing of a China-drafted commercial deal covering around half the world's population. The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) includes all 10 ASEAN economies, plus India, Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand. It is seen as a mechanism for China to draft the rules of Asia-Pacific trade, following a US retreat from the region. Shortly after his election, President Donald Trump pulled the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) -- which would have been the world's largest trade deal -- slamming it as an American "job killer". While tit-for-tat tariffs between the world's biggest two economies have seen some manufacturers flee China to safer ASEAN hubs, economists say the big picture for global growth is bleak. In that context, "RCEP is key to increasing trade volume", Thai government spokesman Werachon Sukhondhapatipak told reporters. "The faster it (RCEP) gets implemented the better," Martin M. Andanar, Philippines Communications Secretary, told reporters. "Free trade is definitely what we need here in this region," he said, adding that the US-China trade row has resulted in "the entire world catching a cold". Progress on the deal has stuttered in recent months with India digging in over fears cheap Chinese goods could flood its massive consumer market. Australia and New Zealand have also raised concerns over a lack of labour and environmental safeguards. Rohingya talks ASEAN is frequently criticised as a soft forum where diplomatic niceties often outweigh concrete action on pressing problems. Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamad on Friday raised the prospect of a joust with Myanmar over the Rohingya, the Muslim minority driven in massive numbers into Bangladesh by waves of concussive violence. "We hope something can be done to stop the oppression," he said. Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi is in Bangkok for the weekend meeting. ASEAN foreign ministers discussed the repatriation of more than 740,000 Rohingya refugees that have fled into Bangladesh, according to Thai foreign minister Don Pramudwinai. The bloc has come under fire for suggesting the refugees should go back to Myanmar within two years, according to a leaked report seen by AFP -- though virtually none have volunteered to go back so far, citing safety concerns. "It (repatriation) will be quick, Myanmar knows this process is being watched by everyone," Don told reporters. The bloc is also poised to agree on a declaration to "prevent and significantly reduce" marine debris -- including plastic -- across the region, according to a draft text seen by AFP. Though the statement is the first of its kind for the region, which dumps millions of tonnes of plastic waste into the ocean every year, activists fear it doesn't go far enough in curbing single-plastic use. Regional leaders are also set to tackle thorny South China Sea issues at the weekend meet, with a draft Code of Conduct agreement up for review, though observers doubt any major progress will me made to inch the deal closer to completion. Discussions around the resource-rich waterway that Beijing claims most of were overshadowed by a recent dust-up in the sea between a Chinese ship that rammed a Filipino fishing boat and caused it to sink. Manila said a joint investigation into the incident has been launched, adding that the run-in would not derail Code of Conduct talks.

Southeast Asian leaders throw weight behind China-led trade pact

As Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi arrived at a Yangon court recently to face charges of defaming Myanmar's military in Facebook posts, the ailing filmmaker was greeted by a crowd of activists dressed in blue, the colour of prison uniforms.

The charges against Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi - as well as against satirical performers, journalists and a Buddhist monk - have drawn criticism of government leader <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-hardline-monks-rail-against-rohingya-aung-san-suu-kyi-228157">Aung San Suu Kyi</a>, already facing international opprobrium over an army-led campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority that the United Nations said constituted crimes against humanity and possibly genocide.

Some activists say the Nobel laureate, who leads a civilian administration that took power in 2016 as part of a transition after decades of harsh military rule, could legislate or at least speak out against curbs on dissent.

But others say she is hamstrung by a 2008 constitution that enshrines the military’s power and which her party is trying to amend.

Her defenders include Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi.

"No criticism should be made against Daw <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/amnesty-international-strips-myanmars-suu-kyi-of-conscience-award-176943">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>for not getting involved in this,” the filmmaker, whose health, supporters say, is seriously deteriorating in detention, said in a statement, referring to his case.

“She is doing things that are far more important.”

Suu Kyi remains a hugely popular figure and doubts that her National League for Democracy (NLD) party will win most votes in a general election next year.

But in order to form the next government, she must get close to matching the landslide the NLD won in 2015, a difficult feat if the party is seen as having betrayed its founding principles.

“The NLD received public support and were voted into office due to their leadership role in the pro-democracy movement, because they did what was right and not because they acted like their oppressors,” said Htuu Lou Rae Den, an organizer of an online campaign against the arrests and director of Coexist, a group promoting interfaith harmony.

The military, which retains control of key functions of the state including national security and the police, has initiated the most high-profile cases against dissent.

Soldiers have filed at least six complaints involving a dozen defendants since September last year targeting critics of the armed forces.

Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi's case stems from a complaint from an officer in March that listed 10 of the filmmaker's Facebook posts critical of the military's political role.

Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun, a military spokesman, said the armed forces needed to take legal action to prevent "misunderstandings".

"If the criticisms are fair, we have no reason to do anything," said Zaw Min Tun.

"However, if the criticisms are one-sided and not true, we will protect our own organization's dignity."

An NLD spokesman said the constitution prevented elected leaders from fully implementing their own “beliefs and policy”.

"One day when we can change the constitution so that we have a democratic federal union, these kinds of difficulties will disappear," said the spokesman, Myo Nyunt.

New Arrests

Campaigners say 25 political prisoners were released in three presidential amnesties since April, alongside thousands of other inmates.

Those released included two Reuters reporters, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, who had been convicted under an official secrets law and jailed for seven years after they uncovered a massacre of Rohingya Muslims by soldiers and Buddhist villagers.

But activists say Suu Kyi's government has failed to use its parliamentary majority to amend draconian laws or even express opposition to the jailing of dissidents.

According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners human rights group, 170 people are in jail, either convicted or facing trial on politically motivated charges. Scores are on bail.

Those in prison include seven members of a satirical troupe arrested after a military officer complained about a show broadcast on Facebook during traditional New Year celebrations.

While the complaint was brought by an officer, a civilian attorney general oversees the prosecutions, said Ye Myo Hein, executive director of the Yangon-based Tagaung Institute of Political Studies.

"The government needs to stand firmly and clearly on what kind of cases will lead to lawsuits and what kind of cases are the freedom of expression," he said.

Rights activist Khin Sandar, who has taken part in the online campaign against the arrests, said the jailing of activists was galling under a government that includes many all too familiar with being locked up by the army.

“They were political prisoners once, but now they are not doing anything for political prisoners," she said.

Suu Kyi herself spent the best part of 21 years under house arrest for standing up to the military, becoming the world's most famous political prisoner.

NLD spokesman Myo Nyunt said defining who was a political prisoner was “complicated”. Additionally, some activists were “using the excuse of politics” for personal gain, he said, without elaborating.

Reviving the spirit

The blue-shirted activists' campaign harks back to a one-man protest against political detentions by the late Win Tin, an NLD co-founder and journalist. He spent 19 years in prison before his release in 2008 and continued to wear a prison shirt until his death in 2014.

The young activists have also taken their protest to social media, posting and sharing images of themselves wearing blue to draw attention to political cases.

In the images, they hold up their right hand to show the name of a detainee scrawled on their palm.

The gesture is a nod to a campaign Suu Kyi took part in shortly after her release from house arrest in 2010, said Htuu Lou Rae Den.

“We're reviving the spirit of U Win Tin and pro-democracy activists who took a principled stand against injustice and oppression,” he said. 
&nbsp;

As Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi arrived at a Yangon court recently to face charges of defaming Myanmar's military in Facebook posts, the ailing filmmaker was greeted by a crowd of activists dressed in blue, the colour of prison uniforms.

As Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi arrived at a Yangon court recently to face charges of defaming Myanmar's military in Facebook posts, the ailing filmmaker was greeted by a crowd of activists dressed in blue, the colour of prison uniforms. The charges against Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi - as well as against satirical performers, journalists and a Buddhist monk - have drawn criticism of government leader Aung San Suu Kyi, already facing international opprobrium over an army-led campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority that the United Nations said constituted crimes against humanity and possibly genocide. Some activists say the Nobel laureate, who leads a civilian administration that took power in 2016 as part of a transition after decades of harsh military rule, could legislate or at least speak out against curbs on dissent. But others say she is hamstrung by a 2008 constitution that enshrines the military’s power and which her party is trying to amend. Her defenders include Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi. "No criticism should be made against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for not getting involved in this,” the filmmaker, whose health, supporters say, is seriously deteriorating in detention, said in a statement, referring to his case. “She is doing things that are far more important.” Suu Kyi remains a hugely popular figure and doubts that her National League for Democracy (NLD) party will win most votes in a general election next year. But in order to form the next government, she must get close to matching the landslide the NLD won in 2015, a difficult feat if the party is seen as having betrayed its founding principles. “The NLD received public support and were voted into office due to their leadership role in the pro-democracy movement, because they did what was right and not because they acted like their oppressors,” said Htuu Lou Rae Den, an organizer of an online campaign against the arrests and director of Coexist, a group promoting interfaith harmony. The military, which retains control of key functions of the state including national security and the police, has initiated the most high-profile cases against dissent. Soldiers have filed at least six complaints involving a dozen defendants since September last year targeting critics of the armed forces. Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi's case stems from a complaint from an officer in March that listed 10 of the filmmaker's Facebook posts critical of the military's political role. Brigadier General Zaw Min Tun, a military spokesman, said the armed forces needed to take legal action to prevent "misunderstandings". "If the criticisms are fair, we have no reason to do anything," said Zaw Min Tun. "However, if the criticisms are one-sided and not true, we will protect our own organization's dignity." An NLD spokesman said the constitution prevented elected leaders from fully implementing their own “beliefs and policy”. "One day when we can change the constitution so that we have a democratic federal union, these kinds of difficulties will disappear," said the spokesman, Myo Nyunt. New Arrests Campaigners say 25 political prisoners were released in three presidential amnesties since April, alongside thousands of other inmates. Those released included two Reuters reporters, Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, who had been convicted under an official secrets law and jailed for seven years after they uncovered a massacre of Rohingya Muslims by soldiers and Buddhist villagers. But activists say Suu Kyi's government has failed to use its parliamentary majority to amend draconian laws or even express opposition to the jailing of dissidents. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners human rights group, 170 people are in jail, either convicted or facing trial on politically motivated charges. Scores are on bail. Those in prison include seven members of a satirical troupe arrested after a military officer complained about a show broadcast on Facebook during traditional New Year celebrations. While the complaint was brought by an officer, a civilian attorney general oversees the prosecutions, said Ye Myo Hein, executive director of the Yangon-based Tagaung Institute of Political Studies. "The government needs to stand firmly and clearly on what kind of cases will lead to lawsuits and what kind of cases are the freedom of expression," he said. Rights activist Khin Sandar, who has taken part in the online campaign against the arrests, said the jailing of activists was galling under a government that includes many all too familiar with being locked up by the army. “They were political prisoners once, but now they are not doing anything for political prisoners," she said. Suu Kyi herself spent the best part of 21 years under house arrest for standing up to the military, becoming the world's most famous political prisoner. NLD spokesman Myo Nyunt said defining who was a political prisoner was “complicated”. Additionally, some activists were “using the excuse of politics” for personal gain, he said, without elaborating. Reviving the spirit The blue-shirted activists' campaign harks back to a one-man protest against political detentions by the late Win Tin, an NLD co-founder and journalist. He spent 19 years in prison before his release in 2008 and continued to wear a prison shirt until his death in 2014. The young activists have also taken their protest to social media, posting and sharing images of themselves wearing blue to draw attention to political cases. In the images, they hold up their right hand to show the name of a detainee scrawled on their palm. The gesture is a nod to a campaign Suu Kyi took part in shortly after her release from house arrest in 2010, said Htuu Lou Rae Den. “We're reviving the spirit of U Win Tin and pro-democracy activists who took a principled stand against injustice and oppression,” he said.

As Myanmar military takes critics to court, some want  Aung San Suu Kyi to act

Myanmar's most prominent group of nationalist Buddhist monks on Monday condemned sedition charges against one of its leading members, Wirathu, ahead of a hearing in the fugitive monk's case expected on Tuesday.

Police issued an arrest warrant for Wirathu last month, but he has evaded arrest.

The monk is the best-known proponent of anti-Muslim rhetoric that has spread as Myanmar has transitioned from full military rule and as social media sites like Facebook have become popular.

Wirathu is accused of inciting violence against the Rohingya minority and other Muslims. He has also been supportive of the powerful military and critical of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

The Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation, formerly known by the Burmese acronym Ma-Ba Tha, said Wirathu's broadsides against Nobel laureate Suu Kyi were only "positive criticism".

Religious authorities were responsible for disciplining monks who spoke out of turn, said central committee member Mya Nan Sayataw, reading from a statement released at the conclusion of the group's annual meeting.

"It is an unlawful action by the government," he said of the sedition charge against Wirathu, which can carry a penalty of life imprisonment.

A court in the city of Yangon is expected to begin proceedings in absentia on Tuesday.

Tun Nyunt, a spokesman at the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, said anyone breaking the law should face action, including Buddhist monks.

More than 2,300 monks and nuns and another 3,000 laymen attended the foundation's two days of speeches, recitation and donation ceremonies at a monastery in the north of Yangon.

The nationalist group accuses Suu Kyi's administration of allowing immigration of Muslims. The group supports the military, which led a campaign that pushed hundreds of thousands of Rohingya from the country in 2017.

Its chapters across Myanmar also run schools and other social services and provide legal aid. Members have successfully lobbied for laws restricting interfaith marriage and religious conversion.

Some soldiers in uniform attended Monday's event, and a military commander donated about $20,000 to the foundation.

Some books on nationalist subjects were on sale including "The people who want to eradicate Myanmar", a paperback that includes the chapter "Londonistan: swallowed by Islam".

Myanmar's most prominent group of nationalist Buddhist monks on Monday condemned sedition charges against one of its leading members, Wirathu, ahead of a hearing in the fugitive monk's case expected on Tuesday.

Myanmar's most prominent group of nationalist Buddhist monks on Monday condemned sedition charges against one of its leading members, Wirathu, ahead of a hearing in the fugitive monk's case expected on Tuesday. Police issued an arrest warrant for Wirathu last month, but he has evaded arrest. The monk is the best-known proponent of anti-Muslim rhetoric that has spread as Myanmar has transitioned from full military rule and as social media sites like Facebook have become popular. Wirathu is accused of inciting violence against the Rohingya minority and other Muslims. He has also been supportive of the powerful military and critical of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi. The Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation, formerly known by the Burmese acronym Ma-Ba Tha, said Wirathu's broadsides against Nobel laureate Suu Kyi were only "positive criticism". Religious authorities were responsible for disciplining monks who spoke out of turn, said central committee member Mya Nan Sayataw, reading from a statement released at the conclusion of the group's annual meeting. "It is an unlawful action by the government," he said of the sedition charge against Wirathu, which can carry a penalty of life imprisonment. A court in the city of Yangon is expected to begin proceedings in absentia on Tuesday. Tun Nyunt, a spokesman at the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Culture, said anyone breaking the law should face action, including Buddhist monks. More than 2,300 monks and nuns and another 3,000 laymen attended the foundation's two days of speeches, recitation and donation ceremonies at a monastery in the north of Yangon. The nationalist group accuses Suu Kyi's administration of allowing immigration of Muslims. The group supports the military, which led a campaign that pushed hundreds of thousands of Rohingya from the country in 2017. Its chapters across Myanmar also run schools and other social services and provide legal aid. Members have successfully lobbied for laws restricting interfaith marriage and religious conversion. Some soldiers in uniform attended Monday's event, and a military commander donated about $20,000 to the foundation. Some books on nationalist subjects were on sale including "The people who want to eradicate Myanmar", a paperback that includes the chapter "Londonistan: swallowed by Islam".

Nationalist group condemns Myanmar sedition case against Buddhist monk

Myanmar police have issued an arrest warrant for an ultra-nationalist Buddhist monk, known for his anti-Muslim stance.&nbsp;

The warrant was issued for Wirathu on Tuesday night under article 124(a) of the legal code, which forbids inciting hatred or contempt against the government and carries a three-year jail sentence, the police said.

The monk who Time magazine dubbed "The Face of Buddhist Terror," is accused of making defamatory remarks against the de facto leader of the government, Aung San Suu Kyi.&nbsp;

The police have yet to locate Wirathu, who, according to local media reports, was not at the Masoeyein monastery in central Myanmar on Tuesday as he was due to appear before the governing body of the Buddhist clergy in Yangon, the former capital of the country, a day later.&nbsp;

The controversial monk is known for his tirades against Muslims, including comments that sparked a wave of sectarian violence against the Muslim population in central Myanmar in 2013 and for supporting the military operation that led over 700,000 people from the Muslim-majority Rohingya minority to flee to Bangladesh in 2017.

The United Nations has said that there were elements of genocidal intent in that military operation, which has been condemned by several organizations for all kinds of abuses against the Rohingyas, including killings, rapes and burning of houses.

Wirathu was the most visible face of the 969 movements, a Buddhist group that opposed the expansion of Islam in Myanmar, and the now-defunct Patriotic Association of Myanmar, better known as Ma Ba Tha, whose anti-Muslim position led the government to pass several laws considered discriminatory against Muslims.&nbsp;

His controversial comments, which also include calling for a boycott of Muslim businesses and hailing the assassination of a Muslim lawyer close to Suu Kyi, prompted Facebook to close his account and led the Thai authorities to ban his entry into the country, where he was scheduled to deliver a sermon.&nbsp;

Myanmar police have issued an arrest warrant for an ultra-nationalist Buddhist monk, known for his anti-Muslim stance. The warrant was issued for Wirathu on Tuesday night under article 124(a) of the legal code, which forbids inciting hatred or contempt against the government and carries a three-year jail sentence, the police said.

Myanmar police have issued an arrest warrant for an ultra-nationalist Buddhist monk, known for his anti-Muslim stance. The warrant was issued for Wirathu on Tuesday night under article 124(a) of the legal code, which forbids inciting hatred or contempt against the government and carries a three-year jail sentence, the police said. The monk who Time magazine dubbed "The Face of Buddhist Terror," is accused of making defamatory remarks against the de facto leader of the government, Aung San Suu Kyi. The police have yet to locate Wirathu, who, according to local media reports, was not at the Masoeyein monastery in central Myanmar on Tuesday as he was due to appear before the governing body of the Buddhist clergy in Yangon, the former capital of the country, a day later. The controversial monk is known for his tirades against Muslims, including comments that sparked a wave of sectarian violence against the Muslim population in central Myanmar in 2013 and for supporting the military operation that led over 700,000 people from the Muslim-majority Rohingya minority to flee to Bangladesh in 2017. The United Nations has said that there were elements of genocidal intent in that military operation, which has been condemned by several organizations for all kinds of abuses against the Rohingyas, including killings, rapes and burning of houses. Wirathu was the most visible face of the 969 movements, a Buddhist group that opposed the expansion of Islam in Myanmar, and the now-defunct Patriotic Association of Myanmar, better known as Ma Ba Tha, whose anti-Muslim position led the government to pass several laws considered discriminatory against Muslims. His controversial comments, which also include calling for a boycott of Muslim businesses and hailing the assassination of a Muslim lawyer close to Suu Kyi, prompted Facebook to close his account and led the Thai authorities to ban his entry into the country, where he was scheduled to deliver a sermon.

Myanmar police issue arrest warrant for extremist Buddhist monk

Myanmar must "show results" to convince Rohingya refugees to return, the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi said Friday at the end of his first visit to Myanmar since the crackdown against Rohingya Muslims in 2017.

A brutal military campaign in western Rakhine state forced some 740,000 Rohingya over the border into Bangladesh.

Around one million Rohingya now languish in sprawling refugee camps from various waves of persecution.

A UN fact-finding mission called for Myanmar’s top generals to be prosecuted for "genocide" and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has started preliminary investigations.

During his visit Grandi spoke with both Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine Buddhist communities in Maungdaw and Buthidaung in northern Rakhine, the epicentre of the violence.&nbsp;

He also held discussions with officials in capital Naypyidaw, including civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, describing all talks as "constructive".

"My message is, 'please accelerate', because it has been very slow in the implementation in this first year. We need to show results," he told AFP in an interview in Yangon.

"This is not enough to convince people to come back," he said.

Grandi visited the camps in Bangladesh in April.

The two countries have signed a repatriation agreement but so far virtually no refugees have returned, fearing for their safety and unconvinced they will be granted citizenship.

Myanmar pejoratively labels the Rohingya as "Bengali", implying they are illegal interlopers and the community has had its rights eroded over decades.

Gaining independent access to northern Rakhine is difficult with most journalists, observers and diplomats only allowed on brief chaperoned visits.

Grandi defended the UNHCR’s involvement in a plan by the Bangladeshi government to move some 100,000 refugees onto low-lying island Bhashan Char.

The area in the Bay of Bengal is prone to flooding and cyclones.

Rights groups oppose the scheme that has also so far been universally rejected by the Rohingya themselves.

The refugee agency must be "involved" to have the necessary information in order to take a stance on the issue, Grandi said.

"We’re still at that stage, no more than that."

He also visited camps near Rakhine’s capital Sittwe, where nearly 130,000 Rohingya have been confined since a previous bout of violence in 2012.

Myanmar has announced it will close the camps but many are sceptical the displaced will enjoy more freedoms.

Grandi said the UNHCR would reconsider its role in providing services if conditions did not substantially improve.

"To simply transform the camps, upgrade the camps, upgrade the houses, for example, but leave them in the same situation will not be a solution," he said.

Myanmar must "show results" to convince Rohingya refugees to return, the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi said Friday at the end of his first visit to Myanmar since the crackdown against Rohingya Muslims in 2017.

Myanmar must "show results" to convince Rohingya refugees to return, the UN’s High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi said Friday at the end of his first visit to Myanmar since the crackdown against Rohingya Muslims in 2017. A brutal military campaign in western Rakhine state forced some 740,000 Rohingya over the border into Bangladesh. Around one million Rohingya now languish in sprawling refugee camps from various waves of persecution. A UN fact-finding mission called for Myanmar’s top generals to be prosecuted for "genocide" and the International Criminal Court (ICC) has started preliminary investigations. During his visit Grandi spoke with both Rohingya and ethnic Rakhine Buddhist communities in Maungdaw and Buthidaung in northern Rakhine, the epicentre of the violence. He also held discussions with officials in capital Naypyidaw, including civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, describing all talks as "constructive". "My message is, 'please accelerate', because it has been very slow in the implementation in this first year. We need to show results," he told AFP in an interview in Yangon. "This is not enough to convince people to come back," he said. Grandi visited the camps in Bangladesh in April. The two countries have signed a repatriation agreement but so far virtually no refugees have returned, fearing for their safety and unconvinced they will be granted citizenship. Myanmar pejoratively labels the Rohingya as "Bengali", implying they are illegal interlopers and the community has had its rights eroded over decades. Gaining independent access to northern Rakhine is difficult with most journalists, observers and diplomats only allowed on brief chaperoned visits. Grandi defended the UNHCR’s involvement in a plan by the Bangladeshi government to move some 100,000 refugees onto low-lying island Bhashan Char. The area in the Bay of Bengal is prone to flooding and cyclones. Rights groups oppose the scheme that has also so far been universally rejected by the Rohingya themselves. The refugee agency must be "involved" to have the necessary information in order to take a stance on the issue, Grandi said. "We’re still at that stage, no more than that." He also visited camps near Rakhine’s capital Sittwe, where nearly 130,000 Rohingya have been confined since a previous bout of violence in 2012. Myanmar has announced it will close the camps but many are sceptical the displaced will enjoy more freedoms. Grandi said the UNHCR would reconsider its role in providing services if conditions did not substantially improve. "To simply transform the camps, upgrade the camps, upgrade the houses, for example, but leave them in the same situation will not be a solution," he said.

'Results' needed from Myanmar over Rohingya return: UNHCR head

Thousands of people in northern Myanmar took to the streets on Monday to protest against the proposed reinstatement of a Chinese-backed mega-dam they say will cause huge environmental damage and bring little benefit to the country.

The protest came just days ahead of a trip by civilian leader <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/masters-of-our-destiny-myanmars-wa-rebels-in-show-of-force-211110&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwi9otvC5OPhAhUWT48KHepkAZEQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw3T1c-GahxkcP7WtQE5VNHO">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>to Beijing for a summit on China's<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/in-nod-to-debt-concerns-china-belt-and-road-summit-to-urge-sustainable-financing-212224/amp&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjz1MmD4-PhAhVbiHAKHbE3AL0QFggLMAI&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw2JLPX3MJlnkKJ_nh01yARC"> Belt and Road Initiative</a>.

Myanmar's former military junta signed a 2009 deal with Beijing to construct the Myitsone dam in Kachin state.

But public anger rose to the surface as the country started to transition towards democracy and the $3.6 billion project was mothballed two years later.

If the 6,000-megawatt dam were built on the country's famed Ayeyarwaddy River, it would flood an area the size of Singapore, displacing tens of thousands.

Now China is increasing pressure on its southern neighbour to revive the controversial project.

On Monday protesters marched through the Kachin town of Waimaw, some 50 kilometres from the proposed site of the dam, brandishing banners reading "No Myitsone Dam" and calling for the river to "flow freely forever".

"Myitsone is our inheritance from our ancestors and we cannot lose it," protester Tang Gun told AFP by phone.

He said more than 4,000 people took part in the march while several thousand more had signed a petition pledging their support for the protest.

Local police said 3,300 protesters had taken part.

The proposed project has stoked widespread public anger and anti-Chinese sentiment across Myanmar.

A World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) 2018 report estimated that some 34 million people in Myanmar live in the Ayeyarwaddy basin, roughly two-thirds of the country's population.

An environmental assessment commissioned by the Myanmar government five years ago strongly advised against the dam's construction, saying the move could alter the river flow on a wide scale.

Suu Kyi was also an opponent of the dam before her party swept to power in 2015 elections.&nbsp;

Now many are alarmed she might have flipflopped on the issue after a speech in March when she called on people to think about the dam "from a wider perspective".

Myanmar is a vital piece of China's Belt and Road Initiative, the pet $1 trillion projects of President Xi Jinping that includes maritime, rail and road projects in Asia, Africa and Europe.

China says some 37 nations will be represented at the leader level of the April 25-27 summit in Beijing.

Thousands of people in northern Myanmar took to the streets on Monday to protest against the proposed reinstatement of a Chinese-backed mega-dam they say will cause huge environmental damage and bring little benefit to the country.

Thousands of people in northern Myanmar took to the streets on Monday to protest against the proposed reinstatement of a Chinese-backed mega-dam they say will cause huge environmental damage and bring little benefit to the country. The protest came just days ahead of a trip by civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi to Beijing for a summit on China's Belt and Road Initiative. Myanmar's former military junta signed a 2009 deal with Beijing to construct the Myitsone dam in Kachin state. But public anger rose to the surface as the country started to transition towards democracy and the $3.6 billion project was mothballed two years later. If the 6,000-megawatt dam were built on the country's famed Ayeyarwaddy River, it would flood an area the size of Singapore, displacing tens of thousands. Now China is increasing pressure on its southern neighbour to revive the controversial project. On Monday protesters marched through the Kachin town of Waimaw, some 50 kilometres from the proposed site of the dam, brandishing banners reading "No Myitsone Dam" and calling for the river to "flow freely forever". "Myitsone is our inheritance from our ancestors and we cannot lose it," protester Tang Gun told AFP by phone. He said more than 4,000 people took part in the march while several thousand more had signed a petition pledging their support for the protest. Local police said 3,300 protesters had taken part. The proposed project has stoked widespread public anger and anti-Chinese sentiment across Myanmar. A World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) 2018 report estimated that some 34 million people in Myanmar live in the Ayeyarwaddy basin, roughly two-thirds of the country's population. An environmental assessment commissioned by the Myanmar government five years ago strongly advised against the dam's construction, saying the move could alter the river flow on a wide scale. Suu Kyi was also an opponent of the dam before her party swept to power in 2015 elections. Now many are alarmed she might have flipflopped on the issue after a speech in March when she called on people to think about the dam "from a wider perspective". Myanmar is a vital piece of China's Belt and Road Initiative, the pet $1 trillion projects of President Xi Jinping that includes maritime, rail and road projects in Asia, Africa and Europe. China says some 37 nations will be represented at the leader level of the April 25-27 summit in Beijing.

Thousands protest China-backed mega-dam in Myanmar

In a classroom on the outskirts of <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wionews.com/south-east-asia/former-blackwater-contractor-erik-prince-in-myanmar-security-venture-204928&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwj_rKu18MzhAhUKsI8KHa1BAMYQFggIMAE&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw2D4rhmB7rcaAo0KEd0XldN">Myanmar</a>'s biggest city, a thin, bespectacled university student-led about a dozen peers in boisterous chants of "Censorship is a shame!" and "We don’t believe in censorship!"

It was the final rehearsal of a troupe performing "thangyat", a centuries-old custom allowing free rein to satirise rulers and society during New Year celebrations that began on Saturday.

The tradition, featuring a mix of comedy and slam poetry set to drums, has sparked controversy this year, with troupes in Yangon, the commercial capital, saying the first democratic government in 50 years forced them to submit lyrics to a sensor panel.

"We founded the thangyat in order to serve as the people’s messengers to the government," said the student, 20-year-old Thant Zin.

"Why don’t they dare to listen to the people of the country, students of the country?" added Aung Min Thu, a 23-year-old who helped organize the troupe.

The issue has ignited debate on social media and highlights Myanmar's limits on freedom of speech under the government of Nobel peace laureate <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-aung-san-suu-kyi-united-nations-in-geneva-in-next-week-198796&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwi4gYLT8czhAhX-7HMBHbQADWUQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw0-qvNs5pntwkNejkXCEahN">Aung San Suu Kyi</a>, a year ahead of elections set for 2020.

A spokesman for Suu Kyi's ruling party, the National League for Democracy, said the curbs on thangyat were "temporary" as Myanmar moves towards democracy.

"Currently our country hasn't achieved democracy," said Dr Myo Nyunt. "We worry that unnecessary things will happen due to the thangyat. So the authorities issued temporary restrictions."

He added, "We always prioritize and are working on freedom of speech and freedom of expression."

"CAN'T ALLOW OBSTRUCTIVE WAYS"

The military junta that ruled Myanmar for decades outlawed thangyat performances but they resumed in 2013 after a return to semi-civilian rule. Many supporters of Suu Kyi’s party pushed for the revival.

But in March, ahead of this year's celebrations, authorities in Yangon, home of the most elaborate performances, set up a panel to scrutinise the lyrics of thangyat, and performers must now seek its approval.

The panel aims at averting ethnic or religious conflict, rather than censorship, its chairman, Zaw Aye Maung, told Reuters by telephone.

"There is freedom of speech, but we can’t allow obstructive ways, can’t speak harmful words about individual people or organizations," he said.

"The main thing is not to destroy the unity of ethnic people, not to destroy the sovereignty of the country, not to destroy the union."

However, officials with loudspeakers have gone around at least two townships warning they would take action if thangyat performances targeted the government, residents told Reuters.

Thant Zin’s troupe and members of others said they had refused to submit their lyrics to the panel and planned to perform on the street anyway.

"The stages which accepted us during previous festivals apologised and rejected us," said Thant Zin.

His troupe is one of several planning lyrics that criticise the government’s failure to amend the 2008 constitution, which reserves power for the military, as well as lacklustre economic growth and controversial development projects.

"Thangyat reveals the obstacles of the people," he said.

FREE SPEECH REPRESSED

Three-and-a-half years after a landslide 2015 election win that brought Suu Kyi’s government to power, it faces international pressure for its response to a military crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim minority in August 2017 that drove some 730,000 into neighbouring Bangladesh.

The campaign was executed with "genocidal intent", the United Nations has said.

At home, critics say the administration has been slow to fulfil election promises to reconcile armed rebels in different regions and amend the military-drafted constitution.

Activists say authorities have failed to safeguard freedom of expression. One group, Athan, or "Voice" in Burmese, says 44 journalists and 142 activists have faced trial under the Suu Kyi government.

Among them are Reuters reporters Wa Lone, 33, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 29, jailed in September for seven years on convictions of breaking the colonial-era Official Secrets Act.

"The government cannot fix the problems if they cannot hear the criticisms," one political activist, Kyaw Ko Ko, told Reuters by telephone.

"Especially with the 2020 election coming, they need to listen to the situation, what is happening among people."

In a classroom on the outskirts of Myanmar's biggest city, a thin, bespectacled university student-led about a dozen peers in boisterous chants of "Censorship is a shame!

In a classroom on the outskirts of Myanmar's biggest city, a thin, bespectacled university student-led about a dozen peers in boisterous chants of "Censorship is a shame!" and "We don’t believe in censorship!" It was the final rehearsal of a troupe performing "thangyat", a centuries-old custom allowing free rein to satirise rulers and society during New Year celebrations that began on Saturday. The tradition, featuring a mix of comedy and slam poetry set to drums, has sparked controversy this year, with troupes in Yangon, the commercial capital, saying the first democratic government in 50 years forced them to submit lyrics to a sensor panel. "We founded the thangyat in order to serve as the people’s messengers to the government," said the student, 20-year-old Thant Zin. "Why don’t they dare to listen to the people of the country, students of the country?" added Aung Min Thu, a 23-year-old who helped organize the troupe. The issue has ignited debate on social media and highlights Myanmar's limits on freedom of speech under the government of Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, a year ahead of elections set for 2020. A spokesman for Suu Kyi's ruling party, the National League for Democracy, said the curbs on thangyat were "temporary" as Myanmar moves towards democracy. "Currently our country hasn't achieved democracy," said Dr Myo Nyunt. "We worry that unnecessary things will happen due to the thangyat. So the authorities issued temporary restrictions." He added, "We always prioritize and are working on freedom of speech and freedom of expression." "CAN'T ALLOW OBSTRUCTIVE WAYS" The military junta that ruled Myanmar for decades outlawed thangyat performances but they resumed in 2013 after a return to semi-civilian rule. Many supporters of Suu Kyi’s party pushed for the revival. But in March, ahead of this year's celebrations, authorities in Yangon, home of the most elaborate performances, set up a panel to scrutinise the lyrics of thangyat, and performers must now seek its approval. The panel aims at averting ethnic or religious conflict, rather than censorship, its chairman, Zaw Aye Maung, told Reuters by telephone. "There is freedom of speech, but we can’t allow obstructive ways, can’t speak harmful words about individual people or organizations," he said. "The main thing is not to destroy the unity of ethnic people, not to destroy the sovereignty of the country, not to destroy the union." However, officials with loudspeakers have gone around at least two townships warning they would take action if thangyat performances targeted the government, residents told Reuters. Thant Zin’s troupe and members of others said they had refused to submit their lyrics to the panel and planned to perform on the street anyway. "The stages which accepted us during previous festivals apologised and rejected us," said Thant Zin. His troupe is one of several planning lyrics that criticise the government’s failure to amend the 2008 constitution, which reserves power for the military, as well as lacklustre economic growth and controversial development projects. "Thangyat reveals the obstacles of the people," he said. FREE SPEECH REPRESSED Three-and-a-half years after a landslide 2015 election win that brought Suu Kyi’s government to power, it faces international pressure for its response to a military crackdown on the Rohingya Muslim minority in August 2017 that drove some 730,000 into neighbouring Bangladesh. The campaign was executed with "genocidal intent", the United Nations has said. At home, critics say the administration has been slow to fulfil election promises to reconcile armed rebels in different regions and amend the military-drafted constitution. Activists say authorities have failed to safeguard freedom of expression. One group, Athan, or "Voice" in Burmese, says 44 journalists and 142 activists have faced trial under the Suu Kyi government. Among them are Reuters reporters Wa Lone, 33, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 29, jailed in September for seven years on convictions of breaking the colonial-era Official Secrets Act. "The government cannot fix the problems if they cannot hear the criticisms," one political activist, Kyaw Ko Ko, told Reuters by telephone. "Especially with the 2020 election coming, they need to listen to the situation, what is happening among people."

'The people's messengers': Myanmar's satirical poets target censorship

Social media firms and foreign investors must do more to ensure they support human rights in Myanmar, UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee said on Tuesday, suggesting Facebook was failing to treat parties to the country's conflict even-handedly.

Myanmar has been trying to attract foreign investors and divert attention from 730,000 Rohingya Muslims who have fled the country since 2017. A UN inquiry blamed the exodus on a military campaign with "genocidal intent", which the government denies.

Facebook said this month it had banned four insurgent groups fighting Myanmar's military after it was criticised for not doing enough to block content fuelling the conflict. Lee said she was concerned that Facebook had not banned Myanmar's army and allied armed groups as well.

"Contrary to achieving the stated aim of decreasing tensions, this selective banning may contribute to feelings of inequality by ethnic minorities," Lee said in a report she will present to the UN Human Rights Council on March 11.

"Public institutions linked to the military, its supporters, extremist religious groups and members of the government continue to proliferate hate speech and misinformation on Facebook."

Investigations

The company said it had taken steps to ban "hate figures, hate organisations and military officials" from Facebook in Myanmar. Its investigations were ongoing and not limited to the four groups it had blacklisted.

"We don't want anyone to use Facebook to incite or promote violence, no matter who they are," it said in a statement.

Lee's report did not detail the steps taken by other social media firms. But it aims to ensure platforms "including Facebook and Twitter" respect human rights and do due diligence to "fully understand the Myanmar context and act responsibly".

Twitter, which prohibits account holders from expressing hate or making threats of violence towards a person or group, declined to comment specifically on Myanmar.

Myanmar denies allegations of mass killings and rape and says its military offensive was a legitimate response to an insurgent threat and that it is welcoming the refugees back.

The government has refused to let Lee in and rejected a request to visit in January, saying her reports invariably lacked impartiality.

Last week Kyaw Tin, Myanmar's Minister for International Cooperation, told the council human rights must be understood in historical and cultural contexts and regretted the world's focus on Rakhine State, from where the Rohingya fled.

Lee's report also examined Myanmar's mining industry.

"Unchecked extraction" of resources brought militarisation and associated abuses such as rape and forced labour, it said.

Fresh sanctions should be considered on two military-run conglomerates, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), Lee said.

Social media firms and foreign investors must do more to ensure they support human rights in Myanmar, UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee said on Tuesday, suggesting Facebook was failing to treat parties to the country's conflict even-handedly.

Social media firms and foreign investors must do more to ensure they support human rights in Myanmar, UN Special Rapporteur Yanghee Lee said on Tuesday, suggesting Facebook was failing to treat parties to the country's conflict even-handedly. Myanmar has been trying to attract foreign investors and divert attention from 730,000 Rohingya Muslims who have fled the country since 2017. A UN inquiry blamed the exodus on a military campaign with "genocidal intent", which the government denies. Facebook said this month it had banned four insurgent groups fighting Myanmar's military after it was criticised for not doing enough to block content fuelling the conflict. Lee said she was concerned that Facebook had not banned Myanmar's army and allied armed groups as well. "Contrary to achieving the stated aim of decreasing tensions, this selective banning may contribute to feelings of inequality by ethnic minorities," Lee said in a report she will present to the UN Human Rights Council on March 11. "Public institutions linked to the military, its supporters, extremist religious groups and members of the government continue to proliferate hate speech and misinformation on Facebook." Investigations The company said it had taken steps to ban "hate figures, hate organisations and military officials" from Facebook in Myanmar. Its investigations were ongoing and not limited to the four groups it had blacklisted. "We don't want anyone to use Facebook to incite or promote violence, no matter who they are," it said in a statement. Lee's report did not detail the steps taken by other social media firms. But it aims to ensure platforms "including Facebook and Twitter" respect human rights and do due diligence to "fully understand the Myanmar context and act responsibly". Twitter, which prohibits account holders from expressing hate or making threats of violence towards a person or group, declined to comment specifically on Myanmar. Myanmar denies allegations of mass killings and rape and says its military offensive was a legitimate response to an insurgent threat and that it is welcoming the refugees back. The government has refused to let Lee in and rejected a request to visit in January, saying her reports invariably lacked impartiality. Last week Kyaw Tin, Myanmar's Minister for International Cooperation, told the council human rights must be understood in historical and cultural contexts and regretted the world's focus on Rakhine State, from where the Rohingya fled. Lee's report also examined Myanmar's mining industry. "Unchecked extraction" of resources brought militarisation and associated abuses such as rape and forced labour, it said. Fresh sanctions should be considered on two military-run conglomerates, the Union of Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (UMEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC), Lee said.

United Nations urges social media, investors to promote human rights in Myanmar

Myanmar's military Saturday said they would thwart attempts by leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party to alter the "essence" of the country's controversial constitution, putting the army and civilian administration on a collision course over the politically-charged issue.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) dominated 2015 elections ending decades of military-backed rule.

But because of a 2008 charter scripted by the military, the NLD was forced into an uneasy power-sharing agreement.

The constitution grants the armed services control of security ministries and a quarter of unelected parliamentary seats.

That hands the military an effective veto over constitutional change.

But the NLD-dominated parliament voted earlier this month to form a cross-party committee to look at reforms of the charter, a key campaign pledge.

The party will be allocated 18 out of 45 seats on the panel, the military will have eight and the remainder will be divided between other parties.

There has been no detail about the specific reforms, but military MPs stood up in protest when the idea was first mooted.

Major General Tun Tun Nyi told reporters in Yangon that 45 people is not enough to review the charter and the process "would not be fair".

Tun Tun Nyi said the army is not opposed to amendments but "we are rejecting trying to change the constitution this way".

Brigadier General and military MP Than Soe said they would take part in the panel but would oppose changes to the "essence of the constitution", echoing rare comments by commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing in an interview this month with Japanese paper Asahi Shimbun.

Debates over the constitution are highly sensitive in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, especially among nationalist movements.

The military is still fighting with ethnic armed groups in border areas and has said its role in politics is necessary for stability. But critics say it does not want to relinquish influence.

The 2008 charter also prevents anyone with a foreign spouse from becoming president, a measure believed to be aimed at Suu Kyi, who had a family with the late British academic Michael Aris.

The decision to form the panel came just a few days after a court handed death sentences to the killers behind the 2017 murder of Muslim lawyer and Suu Kyi advisor Ko Ni.

He was leading the charge on constitutional reform when he was shot dead in cold blood at Yangon airport, while cradling his grandson.

Ko Ni also helped craft the position of state counsellor for Suu Kyi after the election since she could not be president.

Tun Tun Nyi reiterated opposition to that legal manoeuvre, calling it "beyond the constitution", which is why "we condemned it when it was discussed."

Myanmar's military Saturday said they would thwart attempts by leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party to alter the "essence" of the country's controversial constitution, putting the army and civilian administration on a collision course over the politically-charged issue.

Myanmar's military Saturday said they would thwart attempts by leader Aung San Suu Kyi's party to alter the "essence" of the country's controversial constitution, putting the army and civilian administration on a collision course over the politically-charged issue. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) dominated 2015 elections ending decades of military-backed rule. But because of a 2008 charter scripted by the military, the NLD was forced into an uneasy power-sharing agreement. The constitution grants the armed services control of security ministries and a quarter of unelected parliamentary seats. That hands the military an effective veto over constitutional change. But the NLD-dominated parliament voted earlier this month to form a cross-party committee to look at reforms of the charter, a key campaign pledge. The party will be allocated 18 out of 45 seats on the panel, the military will have eight and the remainder will be divided between other parties. There has been no detail about the specific reforms, but military MPs stood up in protest when the idea was first mooted. Major General Tun Tun Nyi told reporters in Yangon that 45 people is not enough to review the charter and the process "would not be fair". Tun Tun Nyi said the army is not opposed to amendments but "we are rejecting trying to change the constitution this way". Brigadier General and military MP Than Soe said they would take part in the panel but would oppose changes to the "essence of the constitution", echoing rare comments by commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing in an interview this month with Japanese paper Asahi Shimbun. Debates over the constitution are highly sensitive in Buddhist-majority Myanmar, especially among nationalist movements. The military is still fighting with ethnic armed groups in border areas and has said its role in politics is necessary for stability. But critics say it does not want to relinquish influence. The 2008 charter also prevents anyone with a foreign spouse from becoming president, a measure believed to be aimed at Suu Kyi, who had a family with the late British academic Michael Aris. The decision to form the panel came just a few days after a court handed death sentences to the killers behind the 2017 murder of Muslim lawyer and Suu Kyi advisor Ko Ni. He was leading the charge on constitutional reform when he was shot dead in cold blood at Yangon airport, while cradling his grandson. Ko Ni also helped craft the position of state counsellor for Suu Kyi after the election since she could not be president. Tun Tun Nyi reiterated opposition to that legal manoeuvre, calling it "beyond the constitution", which is why "we condemned it when it was discussed."

Myanmar army warns against changing 'essence' of constitution

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi called for investment in the crisis-hit western state of Rakhine on Friday, saying the world had "focused narrowly on negative aspects" in the state from which some 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled since 2017.

On a rare visit to Rakhine, Suu Kyi emphasised responsible business practices as she addressed an investment fair sponsored by Japan in the coastal state`s tourist hotspot of Ngapali beach.

But she made only a brief reference to the conflicts that have roiled areas several hundred kilometres to the north and did not mention the Rohingya. As well as those stuck in Bangladesh, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya and other Muslims remain trapped in camps and villages in Rakhine, where their movements and access to services are restricted.

"For too long the international community`s attention has been focused narrowly on negative aspects related to problems in north Rakhine rather than on the larger picture that shows the immense potential of this state for peace and development," Suu Kyi said.

Her government recognised the "grave challenges" it faced in Rakhine and was doing its utmost to address them, she said.

The Nobel laureate has pledged to make Myanmar more investment-friendly as her government attempts to reverse a drop in foreign investment and tourism from the West since the Rohingya exodus sparked global outrage.

A UN fact-finding mission last year said the 2017 military campaign that pushed out the Rohingya was orchestrated with "genocidal intent". Myanmar denies allegations of mass killings and rape and says its offensive was a legitimate response to an insurgent threat and that it is welcoming the refugees back.

The investment fair was attended by Myanmar officials, UN staff and investors and diplomats mostly from Japan, South Korea and elsewhere in Asia.&nbsp;

Domestic and foreign investment could play a crucial role in the state, Suu Kyi said but warned against irresponsible investments like "unchecked expansion of commercial fishery projects" that could damage Rakhine's coastal mangrove forests.

Some experts warn a focus on economic solutions to Rakhine`s problems could cement the marginalisation of the mostly stateless Rohingya.&nbsp;

A Reuters special report in December revealed that officials had built new homes for Buddhists where the Rohingya once lived, making the return of many refugees to their original homes impossible.

Myanmar says it has been ready to accept returning refugees since January and denies discriminating against Muslims who remain in Rakhine. 
&nbsp;

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi called for investment in the crisis-hit western state of Rakhine on Friday, saying the world had "focused narrowly on negative aspects" in the state from which some 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled since 2017.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi called for investment in the crisis-hit western state of Rakhine on Friday, saying the world had "focused narrowly on negative aspects" in the state from which some 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled since 2017. On a rare visit to Rakhine, Suu Kyi emphasised responsible business practices as she addressed an investment fair sponsored by Japan in the coastal state`s tourist hotspot of Ngapali beach. But she made only a brief reference to the conflicts that have roiled areas several hundred kilometres to the north and did not mention the Rohingya. As well as those stuck in Bangladesh, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya and other Muslims remain trapped in camps and villages in Rakhine, where their movements and access to services are restricted. "For too long the international community`s attention has been focused narrowly on negative aspects related to problems in north Rakhine rather than on the larger picture that shows the immense potential of this state for peace and development," Suu Kyi said. Her government recognised the "grave challenges" it faced in Rakhine and was doing its utmost to address them, she said. The Nobel laureate has pledged to make Myanmar more investment-friendly as her government attempts to reverse a drop in foreign investment and tourism from the West since the Rohingya exodus sparked global outrage. A UN fact-finding mission last year said the 2017 military campaign that pushed out the Rohingya was orchestrated with "genocidal intent". Myanmar denies allegations of mass killings and rape and says its offensive was a legitimate response to an insurgent threat and that it is welcoming the refugees back. The investment fair was attended by Myanmar officials, UN staff and investors and diplomats mostly from Japan, South Korea and elsewhere in Asia. Domestic and foreign investment could play a crucial role in the state, Suu Kyi said but warned against irresponsible investments like "unchecked expansion of commercial fishery projects" that could damage Rakhine's coastal mangrove forests. Some experts warn a focus on economic solutions to Rakhine`s problems could cement the marginalisation of the mostly stateless Rohingya. A Reuters special report in December revealed that officials had built new homes for Buddhists where the Rohingya once lived, making the return of many refugees to their original homes impossible. Myanmar says it has been ready to accept returning refugees since January and denies discriminating against Muslims who remain in Rakhine.

Myanmar's Suu Kyi woos investors to crisis-hit Rakhine, decries 'negative' focus

Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been criticised by the West over the government's treatment of Rohingya Muslims and other human rights concerns, is scheduled to speak at the United Nations in Geneva next week, a UN&nbsp;official said on Thursday.

Her itinerary has not been made public but it could coincide with that of UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who will open the UN Human Rights Council session on Monday, presenting the chance of a rare meeting.

Suu Kyi is a former political prisoner who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 but her reputation has suffered badly in recent years.

Her government's relations with the United Nations are tense following the Rohingya crisis. It has banned the UN&nbsp;special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, from coming to the country and Suu Kyi's administration has opposed raising the profile of the UN resident coordinator in Myanmar.

She has largely shunned travel to the West since the Rohingya crisis broke out in 2017 but she and senior officials in her administration travel regularly within Asia.

Suu Kyi is listed as a speaker at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva next Wednesday, but UN officials were not immediately able to confirm any other details of her trip.

About 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from Myanmar's Rakhine State into Bangladesh since a military crackdown in 2017 after Rohingya insurgents attacked security posts.

A UN mandated fact-finding mission said that Myanmar's military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with "genocidal intent" and called for generals to be prosecuted. Myanmar rejected the findings.

Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay did not respond to calls seeking comment and diplomats at Myanmar's mission in Geneva were not immediately available.

Last year Suu Kyi visited Australia, Japan, Singapore, Vietnam and Nepal, and she came to Switzerland in 2012, visiting the Swiss government in Bern and the U.N. and the International Labour Organization in Geneva.

Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been criticised by the West over the government's treatment of Rohingya Muslims and other human rights concerns, is scheduled to speak at the United Nations in Geneva next week, a UN official said on Thursday.

Myanmar's de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been criticised by the West over the government's treatment of Rohingya Muslims and other human rights concerns, is scheduled to speak at the United Nations in Geneva next week, a UN official said on Thursday. Her itinerary has not been made public but it could coincide with that of UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who will open the UN Human Rights Council session on Monday, presenting the chance of a rare meeting. Suu Kyi is a former political prisoner who was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 but her reputation has suffered badly in recent years. Her government's relations with the United Nations are tense following the Rohingya crisis. It has banned the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Yanghee Lee, from coming to the country and Suu Kyi's administration has opposed raising the profile of the UN resident coordinator in Myanmar. She has largely shunned travel to the West since the Rohingya crisis broke out in 2017 but she and senior officials in her administration travel regularly within Asia. Suu Kyi is listed as a speaker at the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva next Wednesday, but UN officials were not immediately able to confirm any other details of her trip. About 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from Myanmar's Rakhine State into Bangladesh since a military crackdown in 2017 after Rohingya insurgents attacked security posts. A UN mandated fact-finding mission said that Myanmar's military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with "genocidal intent" and called for generals to be prosecuted. Myanmar rejected the findings. Myanmar government spokesman Zaw Htay did not respond to calls seeking comment and diplomats at Myanmar's mission in Geneva were not immediately available. Last year Suu Kyi visited Australia, Japan, Singapore, Vietnam and Nepal, and she came to Switzerland in 2012, visiting the Swiss government in Bern and the U.N. and the International Labour Organization in Geneva.

Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi to speak in United Nations in Geneva next week

Myanmar set up a committee to discuss reforming the country's military-drafted constitution on Tuesday, pitting Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian government openly against the powerful armed forces for the first time over the incendiary issue.

Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party won a landslide in 2015 elections, but was forced into an uneasy power-sharing agreement with the armed forces.

Under a 2008 charter it drafted, the military controls all security ministries and is gifted a quarter of parliamentary seats.

That hands the army an effective veto over any constitutional change. Suu Kyi's party has promised to reform the controversial document.

With 2020 polls looming, parliament voted overwhelmingly Tuesday to form a cross-party committee to debate reforms of the charter.

The main purpose of the "all-inclusive" panel will be to "write a bill to change the 2008 constitution", deputy speaker and committee chair Tun Tun Hein, an NLD lawmaker, told parliament.

The NLD will be allocated 18 out of 45 seats on the panel, the military will have eight and the remainder will be divided between other parties.

There has so far been no detail about the specific reforms the discussions would focus on, or the steps ahead once the panel makes its recommendations.

But its formation threatens a political showdown with the army, whose bloc of MPs stood up in protest early February when the committee's formation was first mooted.

However, the army chief struck a more conciliatory tone in a rare interview with foreign media last week.

"We accept that the constitution needs amendments," he told Japanese paper Asahi Shimbun.

"But the important point is that no amendment should harm (its) essence."&nbsp;

The move by parliament came just a few days after a court handed death sentences to the killers behind the 2017 murder of Muslim lawyer and Suu Kyi advisor Ko Ni.

He was leading the charge on constitutional reform when he was shot dead in cold blood while cradling his grandson.

Ko Ni is also credited with Suu Kyi's circumnavigation of a clause banning anyone married to a foreigner from becoming president.

Suu Kyi, whose late husband was British academic Michael Aris, created her current post of state counsellor above the president's office.

Forming the cross-party committee is "very significant", analyst Khin Zaw Win, director of Yangon-based Tampadipa Institute, told AFP, adding there could be a "reckoning of sorts" approaching between the NLD and army.

"It will need a lot of ingenuity and creativity from everyone."

Myanmar set up a committee to discuss reforming the country's military-drafted constitution on Tuesday, pitting Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian government openly against the powerful armed forces for the first time over the incendiary issue.

Myanmar set up a committee to discuss reforming the country's military-drafted constitution on Tuesday, pitting Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian government openly against the powerful armed forces for the first time over the incendiary issue. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party won a landslide in 2015 elections, but was forced into an uneasy power-sharing agreement with the armed forces. Under a 2008 charter it drafted, the military controls all security ministries and is gifted a quarter of parliamentary seats. That hands the army an effective veto over any constitutional change. Suu Kyi's party has promised to reform the controversial document. With 2020 polls looming, parliament voted overwhelmingly Tuesday to form a cross-party committee to debate reforms of the charter. The main purpose of the "all-inclusive" panel will be to "write a bill to change the 2008 constitution", deputy speaker and committee chair Tun Tun Hein, an NLD lawmaker, told parliament. The NLD will be allocated 18 out of 45 seats on the panel, the military will have eight and the remainder will be divided between other parties. There has so far been no detail about the specific reforms the discussions would focus on, or the steps ahead once the panel makes its recommendations. But its formation threatens a political showdown with the army, whose bloc of MPs stood up in protest early February when the committee's formation was first mooted. However, the army chief struck a more conciliatory tone in a rare interview with foreign media last week. "We accept that the constitution needs amendments," he told Japanese paper Asahi Shimbun. "But the important point is that no amendment should harm (its) essence." The move by parliament came just a few days after a court handed death sentences to the killers behind the 2017 murder of Muslim lawyer and Suu Kyi advisor Ko Ni. He was leading the charge on constitutional reform when he was shot dead in cold blood while cradling his grandson. Ko Ni is also credited with Suu Kyi's circumnavigation of a clause banning anyone married to a foreigner from becoming president. Suu Kyi, whose late husband was British academic Michael Aris, created her current post of state counsellor above the president's office. Forming the cross-party committee is "very significant", analyst Khin Zaw Win, director of Yangon-based Tampadipa Institute, told AFP, adding there could be a "reckoning of sorts" approaching between the NLD and army. "It will need a lot of ingenuity and creativity from everyone."

Myanmar picks panel to reform army-scripted constitution

A Myanmar court Friday sentenced two people to death for the murder of a Muslim lawyer and Aung San Suu Kyi advisor, after a drawn-out trial backlit by allegations of impunity with the main suspect still at large.

Ko Ni, whose work and faith made him a target of hate speech online by Buddhist nationalists, was shot in the head at point-blank range outside Yangon airport in January 2017, while holding his infant grandson.

The brazen, daytime murder shocked the country and came about eight months after civilian leader Suu Kyi's administration entered the office.

Ko Ni was a legal advisor to her National League for Democracy and had been working on plans to amend the 2008 military-drafted constitution, which gifts the armed forces control of the defence and a quarter of parliamentary seats.

Critics have said the slow trial fell short of establishing a complete picture of what led to the murder, pointing to the military backgrounds of two suspects on trial and an elusive fugitive thought to be the mastermind.

Judge Khin Maung Maung sentenced gunman Kyi Lin, who also shot and killed a taxi driver while fleeing, "to death until he dies by hanging."

Though Myanmar has the death penalty it has not been carried out in at least 10 years, according to Amnesty International.

The shooter also received an extra 23 years and hard labour for weapons charges and the death of taxi driver Nay Win, who chased him after Ko Ni was gunned down.

Accomplice Aung Win Zaw, who was at the airport, was also sentenced to death.&nbsp;

Two other defendants Zeya Phyo and Aung Win Tun, who assisted at different stages of the plot, received five years and three years imprisonment with hard labour respectively.&nbsp;

Armed police, journalists and diplomats crowded the dilapidated courthouse in Insein, on the outskirts of Yangon, awaiting the verdict.

Myanmar was ruled by military-backed regimes for almost five decades. The 2008 charter enshrines the military's political power by giving it an effective veto over constitutional change.

It also bars presidential candidates with foreign spouses. The clause was believed to be aimed at Suu Kyi, who had a family with a British academic.

Instead, she serves as state counsellor, a position that Ko Ni is said to have devised.

The NLD formed a committee this month to discuss changes to the constitution, a move opposed by military MPs.

Ko Ni had been one of the few high-profile Muslims still involved in politics in Buddhist-majority Myanmar after the NLD failed to enlist any Muslim candidates in its historic 2015 election run.

The case is one of many that have marred the international legacy of former dissident hero Suu Kyi, who was criticised for not going to his funeral.

Suu Kyi's global image lays in tatters for her handling of the Rohingya crisis and the jailing of two Reuters journalists.

A Myanmar court Friday sentenced two people to death for the murder of a Muslim lawyer and Aung San Suu Kyi advisor, after a drawn-out trial backlit by allegations of impunity with the main suspect still at large.

A Myanmar court Friday sentenced two people to death for the murder of a Muslim lawyer and Aung San Suu Kyi advisor, after a drawn-out trial backlit by allegations of impunity with the main suspect still at large. Ko Ni, whose work and faith made him a target of hate speech online by Buddhist nationalists, was shot in the head at point-blank range outside Yangon airport in January 2017, while holding his infant grandson. The brazen, daytime murder shocked the country and came about eight months after civilian leader Suu Kyi's administration entered the office. Ko Ni was a legal advisor to her National League for Democracy and had been working on plans to amend the 2008 military-drafted constitution, which gifts the armed forces control of the defence and a quarter of parliamentary seats. Critics have said the slow trial fell short of establishing a complete picture of what led to the murder, pointing to the military backgrounds of two suspects on trial and an elusive fugitive thought to be the mastermind. Judge Khin Maung Maung sentenced gunman Kyi Lin, who also shot and killed a taxi driver while fleeing, "to death until he dies by hanging." Though Myanmar has the death penalty it has not been carried out in at least 10 years, according to Amnesty International. The shooter also received an extra 23 years and hard labour for weapons charges and the death of taxi driver Nay Win, who chased him after Ko Ni was gunned down. Accomplice Aung Win Zaw, who was at the airport, was also sentenced to death. Two other defendants Zeya Phyo and Aung Win Tun, who assisted at different stages of the plot, received five years and three years imprisonment with hard labour respectively. Armed police, journalists and diplomats crowded the dilapidated courthouse in Insein, on the outskirts of Yangon, awaiting the verdict. Myanmar was ruled by military-backed regimes for almost five decades. The 2008 charter enshrines the military's political power by giving it an effective veto over constitutional change. It also bars presidential candidates with foreign spouses. The clause was believed to be aimed at Suu Kyi, who had a family with a British academic. Instead, she serves as state counsellor, a position that Ko Ni is said to have devised. The NLD formed a committee this month to discuss changes to the constitution, a move opposed by military MPs. Ko Ni had been one of the few high-profile Muslims still involved in politics in Buddhist-majority Myanmar after the NLD failed to enlist any Muslim candidates in its historic 2015 election run. The case is one of many that have marred the international legacy of former dissident hero Suu Kyi, who was criticised for not going to his funeral. Suu Kyi's global image lays in tatters for her handling of the Rohingya crisis and the jailing of two Reuters journalists.

Myanmar court sentences two to death for Muslim lawyer's murder

Myanmar's powerful army chief has given a rare foreign media interview to insist there was no "certain proof" the military had persecuted the country's stateless Rohingya Muslim community.

Around 740,000 Rohingya fled over the border into Bangladesh after a bloody military campaign in 2017.

The UN condemned the crackdown as ethnic cleansing and investigators called for top military leaders, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, to be prosecuted for genocide.

But the military has maintained its operations were justified to root out Rohingya insurgents following a series of deadly attacks on police posts and has denied nearly all allegations of wrongdoing.

In an interview Japan's Asahi Shimbun newspaper published Friday, Min Aung Hlaing doubled down on previous claims, arguing "there is no certain proof that the national army was involved in the persecution" of Rohingya. The army chief added that accusations the military committed atrocities "hurts the nation's dignity".

Min Aung Hlaing rarely speaks to the press and has instead preferred to communicate over Facebook, but the social media giant kicked him off the platform last year for his role in stoking hate speech.

His comments were at odds with testimony from Rohingya in the crowded, sprawling camps in Bangladesh.

The refugees have recounted widespread murder, rape, torture and the burning of entire villages to the ground at the hands of Myanmar soldiers.

A UN probe report released in September also outlined atrocities committed by the military in meticulous and searing detail.

It said Myanmar's "clearance operations" were disproportionate to the insurgent attacks and cited prior troop deployments as evidence of premeditation.

Investigators called for Myanmar to be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) but any road to prosecution would be long and fraught with political difficulties at the UN.

Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian government remains in a fragile power-sharing agreement with the military, which holds three key ministries and a quarter of parliamentary seats.

Suu Kyi's international reputation lies in tatters for refusing to stand up for the Rohingya. In Myanmar, the Rohingya are widely seen as interlopers from Bangladesh and have been denied citizenship, rights and access to services for decades under what Amnesty International calls apartheid-like conditions.

Myanmar's powerful army chief has given a rare foreign media interview to insist there was no "certain proof" the military had persecuted the country's stateless Rohingya Muslim community.

Myanmar's powerful army chief has given a rare foreign media interview to insist there was no "certain proof" the military had persecuted the country's stateless Rohingya Muslim community. Around 740,000 Rohingya fled over the border into Bangladesh after a bloody military campaign in 2017. The UN condemned the crackdown as ethnic cleansing and investigators called for top military leaders, including Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, to be prosecuted for genocide. But the military has maintained its operations were justified to root out Rohingya insurgents following a series of deadly attacks on police posts and has denied nearly all allegations of wrongdoing. In an interview Japan's Asahi Shimbun newspaper published Friday, Min Aung Hlaing doubled down on previous claims, arguing "there is no certain proof that the national army was involved in the persecution" of Rohingya. The army chief added that accusations the military committed atrocities "hurts the nation's dignity". Min Aung Hlaing rarely speaks to the press and has instead preferred to communicate over Facebook, but the social media giant kicked him off the platform last year for his role in stoking hate speech. His comments were at odds with testimony from Rohingya in the crowded, sprawling camps in Bangladesh. The refugees have recounted widespread murder, rape, torture and the burning of entire villages to the ground at the hands of Myanmar soldiers. A UN probe report released in September also outlined atrocities committed by the military in meticulous and searing detail. It said Myanmar's "clearance operations" were disproportionate to the insurgent attacks and cited prior troop deployments as evidence of premeditation. Investigators called for Myanmar to be referred to the International Criminal Court (ICC) but any road to prosecution would be long and fraught with political difficulties at the UN. Aung San Suu Kyi's civilian government remains in a fragile power-sharing agreement with the military, which holds three key ministries and a quarter of parliamentary seats. Suu Kyi's international reputation lies in tatters for refusing to stand up for the Rohingya. In Myanmar, the Rohingya are widely seen as interlopers from Bangladesh and have been denied citizenship, rights and access to services for decades under what Amnesty International calls apartheid-like conditions.

'No proof' Myanmar military persecuted Rohingya: Army chief

Myanmar's ruling party clashed with military lawmakers on Tuesday as it proposed steps towards changing the constitution, its biggest challenge in nearly three years to the army's power over politics as enshrined in the charter.

Military members of parliament, clad in green uniforms, rose to their feet and stood in silence as parliament voted to approve the first stage of a proposal to form a committee on amending the constitution.

The proposal could foment tension between the army and <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/suu-kyi-to-investors-myanmar-is-open-for-business-193442">Aung San Suu Kyi's</a> National League for Democracy (NLD), who have been at loggerheads over the charter since the party's historic landslide election win in 2015.

The surprise bid to reform the constitution comes as both civilian and military leaders face growing international pressure over an army crackdown on Rohingya Muslims in 2017 that sent about 730,000 people fleeing to neighbouring Bangladesh.

Constitutional reform was a central pillar of the NLD’s platform ahead of the 2015 general election, but little progress has been made as leaders have proved reluctant to confront the military.

With another election looming in 2020, analysts see Tuesday’s move as an effort to shore up support for Suu Kyi’s party and deliver on election pledges.

"It is the election promise,” Ye Htut, an NLD member of parliament told Reuters ahead of the vote.

In recent weeks Suu Kyi has also toured ethnic minority areas, where support for her party is weakest, and on Monday touted Myanmar’s potential to global investors.

“As the 2020 elections are starting to influence political calculations in Myanmar, it is not surprising that the NLD wants to show progress on one of its key manifesto pledges,” said Yangon-based political analyst Richard Horsey.

“But it is also aware that this is a sensitive issue for the military. Establishing a committee is a much-relied-on way to signal intent without immediately forcing the issue,” he said.

Nobel laureate Suu Kyi’s party commands a large majority in the two houses of parliament.

But the 2008 constitution, drafted during military rule, guarantees the army a quarter of seats and change to the charter needs a vote of more than 75 per cent of members, giving the army an effective veto.

The constitution also blocks Suu Kyi from becoming president, with a prohibition on presidential candidates with foreign spouses or children. Suu Kyi had two sons with her late British academic husband Michael Aris.

For nearly three years, she has ruled from "above the president" by creating a new position of state counsellor. The move to create that position sparked a similar protest by military MPs.

The charter also gives the military control of ministries responsible for security, including defence and home affairs.

The NLD has not said what provisions of the constitution it might seek to reform. In the past, some members of the party have called for change to Article 436, which gives the military the effective veto over constitutional reform.

SILENT PROTEST

NLD lawmaker Aung Kyi Nyunt, submitting an "emergency proposal" to discuss a committee that could propose amendments, said the constitution was "not in line with the democratic system” and the "desires of the people" should not be ignored.

After the speaker agreed to put the proposal to a vote, green-clad military lawmakers rose to their feet and stood for several minutes in silence.

“This is me, as speaker, telling you to sit down,” the speaker, T Khun Myat, said.

The NLD won the vote 394-17. Discussions on the committee are expected to continue next month.

Brigadier-General Maung Maung, a senior military official, said the NLD had not acted “in line with the law”.

“We don’t say not to amend,” he told reporters.

"They can amend but they must do it according to procedure ... What kind of law will that committee analyse? How broad is the authority of the committee?”

Suu Kyi has long spoken of the goal of reforming the constitution as part of a democratic transition after 50 years of strict military rule.

"The completion of our democratic transition must necessarily involve the completion of a truly democratic constitution," she said during a forum in Singapore in August.

But the military has for decades seen itself as the only institution capable of preventing the disintegration of the ethnically diverse country, and has stressed the importance of its constitutional oversight of the political system.

An adviser to Suu Kyi who openly called for reforms to reduce the military’s role, Ko Ni, was shot dead in broad daylight at the Yangon International Airport exactly two years ago, on January 29, 2017.

While no evidence has emerged that his call for constitutional reform led directly to his murder, or that active military officials ordered the killing, his death cast a pall over reform efforts.

Myanmar's ruling party clashed with military lawmakers on Tuesday as it proposed steps towards changing the constitution, its biggest challenge in nearly three years to the army's power over politics as enshrined in the charter.

Myanmar's ruling party clashed with military lawmakers on Tuesday as it proposed steps towards changing the constitution, its biggest challenge in nearly three years to the army's power over politics as enshrined in the charter. Military members of parliament, clad in green uniforms, rose to their feet and stood in silence as parliament voted to approve the first stage of a proposal to form a committee on amending the constitution. The proposal could foment tension between the army and Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD), who have been at loggerheads over the charter since the party's historic landslide election win in 2015. The surprise bid to reform the constitution comes as both civilian and military leaders face growing international pressure over an army crackdown on Rohingya Muslims in 2017 that sent about 730,000 people fleeing to neighbouring Bangladesh. Constitutional reform was a central pillar of the NLD’s platform ahead of the 2015 general election, but little progress has been made as leaders have proved reluctant to confront the military. With another election looming in 2020, analysts see Tuesday’s move as an effort to shore up support for Suu Kyi’s party and deliver on election pledges. "It is the election promise,” Ye Htut, an NLD member of parliament told Reuters ahead of the vote. In recent weeks Suu Kyi has also toured ethnic minority areas, where support for her party is weakest, and on Monday touted Myanmar’s potential to global investors. “As the 2020 elections are starting to influence political calculations in Myanmar, it is not surprising that the NLD wants to show progress on one of its key manifesto pledges,” said Yangon-based political analyst Richard Horsey. “But it is also aware that this is a sensitive issue for the military. Establishing a committee is a much-relied-on way to signal intent without immediately forcing the issue,” he said. Nobel laureate Suu Kyi’s party commands a large majority in the two houses of parliament. But the 2008 constitution, drafted during military rule, guarantees the army a quarter of seats and change to the charter needs a vote of more than 75 per cent of members, giving the army an effective veto. The constitution also blocks Suu Kyi from becoming president, with a prohibition on presidential candidates with foreign spouses or children. Suu Kyi had two sons with her late British academic husband Michael Aris. For nearly three years, she has ruled from "above the president" by creating a new position of state counsellor. The move to create that position sparked a similar protest by military MPs. The charter also gives the military control of ministries responsible for security, including defence and home affairs. The NLD has not said what provisions of the constitution it might seek to reform. In the past, some members of the party have called for change to Article 436, which gives the military the effective veto over constitutional reform. SILENT PROTEST NLD lawmaker Aung Kyi Nyunt, submitting an "emergency proposal" to discuss a committee that could propose amendments, said the constitution was "not in line with the democratic system” and the "desires of the people" should not be ignored. After the speaker agreed to put the proposal to a vote, green-clad military lawmakers rose to their feet and stood for several minutes in silence. “This is me, as speaker, telling you to sit down,” the speaker, T Khun Myat, said. The NLD won the vote 394-17. Discussions on the committee are expected to continue next month. Brigadier-General Maung Maung, a senior military official, said the NLD had not acted “in line with the law”. “We don’t say not to amend,” he told reporters. "They can amend but they must do it according to procedure ... What kind of law will that committee analyse? How broad is the authority of the committee?” Suu Kyi has long spoken of the goal of reforming the constitution as part of a democratic transition after 50 years of strict military rule. "The completion of our democratic transition must necessarily involve the completion of a truly democratic constitution," she said during a forum in Singapore in August. But the military has for decades seen itself as the only institution capable of preventing the disintegration of the ethnically diverse country, and has stressed the importance of its constitutional oversight of the political system. An adviser to Suu Kyi who openly called for reforms to reduce the military’s role, Ko Ni, was shot dead in broad daylight at the Yangon International Airport exactly two years ago, on January 29, 2017. While no evidence has emerged that his call for constitutional reform led directly to his murder, or that active military officials ordered the killing, his death cast a pall over reform efforts.

Myanmar Suu Kyi's party clashes with military over proposal to change army-drafted charter

Britain on Friday called on Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether due process was followed in the case of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail in Myanmar.

"We are very worried about due process in this case," British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt told BBC radio when asked about the case.

"We urge Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether that due process happened and to recognise that, as someone who fought for democracy in Burma, she should be taking a personal interest in the future of these two brave journalists."

A Myanmar court earlier on Friday rejected the appeal of the two reporters sentenced to seven years in jail, saying the defence had not provided sufficient evidence to show they were innocent.

Prosecutors said&nbsp;the two had classified information regarding security operations in Rakhine state, from where hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims fled during an army-led crackdown the United Nations has dubbed "ethnic cleansing".

Lawyers can now appeal to the Supreme Court in Myanmar, a process that could take an estimated six months.

Reporters Wa Lone, 32, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, were arrested in Yangon in December 2017 and later jailed for violating the state secrets act, a charge Reuters said was trumped up to muzzle their reporting.

At the time of the arrest, they were probing a massacre of 10 Rohingya.

The original trial was widely regarded as a sham and seen as punishment for their investigation, sparking outrage around the world including from US Vice President Mike Pence.

Outside the country, the two men have been hailed as media freedom heroes and jointly named Time Magazine's Person of the Year 2018, alongside other persecuted and slain journalists.

But they have gained little sympathy within Myanmar.

The violent military campaign in 2017 forced more than 720,000 Rohingya across the border to Bangladesh, with refugees bringing accounts of murder, rape and arson.

UN investigators have called for top generals to be investigated for a genocide and singled out civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi for criticism for failing to stop the crackdown.

The image of the formerly renowned champion of human rights has been further damaged by the Reuters trial, and she has yet to speak up in their defence. &nbsp; &nbsp;Reacting to the verdict outside the court the European Union ambassador to Myanmar Kristian Schmidt said he looked to the president of Myanmar to "correct" the injustice with a possible pardon.&nbsp;

Britain on Friday called on Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether due process was followed in the case of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail in Myanmar.

Britain on Friday called on Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether due process was followed in the case of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail in Myanmar. "We are very worried about due process in this case," British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt told BBC radio when asked about the case. "We urge Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether that due process happened and to recognise that, as someone who fought for democracy in Burma, she should be taking a personal interest in the future of these two brave journalists." A Myanmar court earlier on Friday rejected the appeal of the two reporters sentenced to seven years in jail, saying the defence had not provided sufficient evidence to show they were innocent. Prosecutors said the two had classified information regarding security operations in Rakhine state, from where hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims fled during an army-led crackdown the United Nations has dubbed "ethnic cleansing". Lawyers can now appeal to the Supreme Court in Myanmar, a process that could take an estimated six months. Reporters Wa Lone, 32, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 28, were arrested in Yangon in December 2017 and later jailed for violating the state secrets act, a charge Reuters said was trumped up to muzzle their reporting. At the time of the arrest, they were probing a massacre of 10 Rohingya. The original trial was widely regarded as a sham and seen as punishment for their investigation, sparking outrage around the world including from US Vice President Mike Pence. Outside the country, the two men have been hailed as media freedom heroes and jointly named Time Magazine's Person of the Year 2018, alongside other persecuted and slain journalists. But they have gained little sympathy within Myanmar. The violent military campaign in 2017 forced more than 720,000 Rohingya across the border to Bangladesh, with refugees bringing accounts of murder, rape and arson. UN investigators have called for top generals to be investigated for a genocide and singled out civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi for criticism for failing to stop the crackdown. The image of the formerly renowned champion of human rights has been further damaged by the Reuters trial, and she has yet to speak up in their defence. Reacting to the verdict outside the court the European Union ambassador to Myanmar Kristian Schmidt said he looked to the president of Myanmar to "correct" the injustice with a possible pardon.

UK calls on Myanmar's Suu Kyi to take personal interest in case of jailed Reuters reporters

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