The Trump presidency has been such a five-alarm fire that many people are understandably consumed with trying to put out the flames or simply survive it. But there will come a day, hopefully in the not too distant future, when people have the breathing room to investigate how the fire got started.

It’s tempting to heap scorn and blame on President Donald Trump’s millions of enthusiastic supporters. Without their adoration, he wouldn’t have been able to do the damage he has done. But there are good reasons to refrain. Calling large swaths of the American electorate deplorable turns out to be an ineffective way to gain their backing.

Another reason: The mess the nation faces is bigger than Donald Trump. If he is voted out in November, the people who cast ballots for him will remain, pining for the policies he promoted. About 40% of American voters want tariffs and a border wall. More than half say it’s important to deport more undocumented immigrants.

Much ink has been spilled about whether Trump supporters voted for him out of economic anxiety or racial anxiety, with plenty of studies concluding the latter. But spend time at a dying factory and you might see how difficult it can be to disentangle the two.

For the past four years, I’ve followed a group of steelworkers in Indiana — men and women, Black and white — who had worked at a factory that moved to Mexico. I watched them agonize about whether to train their Mexican replacements or stand with their union and refuse. I watched them grieve the plant like a parent. I followed them as they applied for new jobs, some of which paid half as much as they made before.

A machinist named Tim carried his steelworker union card in his wallet for years after the factory closed, just to remind himself who he was. Tim grew up in a union household. His dad had been an autoworker; his grandfather, a coal miner.

“We always voted Democrat because they looked after the little man,” Tim told me. “My father went to his grave and I can guarantee you he never voted for a Republican.”

Tim had such faith in Democrats that he didn’t worry when President Bill Clinton pushed the North American Free Trade Agreement over the finish line in 1993. Nor did he worry when Clinton normalized trade with China in 2000. But then the factory where Tim worked moved to Shanghai. And the next one moved to Mexico.

By the time I met Tim, he loathed the Clintons and the Democratic Party. Democrats had gotten in bed with the corporations, while no one was looking. Tim felt betrayed, and politically abandoned — until Trump came along.

College-educated people scoffed at Trump’s promises to bring back the factories. &lt;em&gt;The factories are never coming back&lt;/em&gt;, they insisted. But even false hope is a form of hope, perhaps the most ubiquitous kind.

There is little doubt that Trump is president today because of blue-collar people like Tim who were once a reliable pillar of the Democratic Party. About 55% of voters who expected to support Trump during the 2016 primaries identified as working class, according to a 2015 study by the Public Religion Research Institute. Fewer than a third who backed other Republican candidates identified as such.

In Mahoning County, Ohio, more than a quarter of people who voted in the Republican primary were ex-Democrats, according to The Washington Post. Eighteen members of the county’s Democratic central committee crossed over to cast ballots for Trump, the county’s Democratic chairman told The Post.

Those defections stemmed in part from anger over millions of factory jobs that went to China in the 2000s. Workers who made instrument panels for GM trucks in Michigan, stitched shirts in Pennsylvania and sanded wooden dressers in North Carolina saw alarming increases in child poverty, single motherhood, deaths from alcohol and drugs and reliance on public assistance.

Exposure to trade with China led to “sizable increases in the likelihood of GOP victory in majority-white non-Hispanic congressional districts from 2002-2010,” said a study co-written by David Autor, an economics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Hillary Clinton would have won Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin — and thus the presidency — in 2016 had the economic blow of imports from China been half as big, the report concluded.

It is worth noting that many of those same counties that hemorrhaged factory jobs also saw large increases in undocumented immigrants competing for the unskilled jobs that remained — cleaning hotel rooms, slaughtering chickens and mowing lawns. Their arrival fueled still more resentment of the world beyond America’s borders.

Anger about globalization is not confined to the right. It fueled the rise of Bernie Sanders, who won the endorsement of the steelworkers I followed. The same week I met Tim, I interviewed an anarchist facing criminal charges for his role in the disruption of Trump’s inauguration when windows were smashed and a limousine was set on fire. Why had he became an anarchist? NAFTA and the tyranny of global capitalism, he said.

To many, that anger can seem silly or misplaced. Free trade and globalization have undoubtedly made the country richer. But those riches have flowed disproportionately to the few with capital and education, while globalization’s downsides have piled on the shoulders of the most vulnerable Americans.

NAFTA has come to symbolize a world order crafted by elites, for elites. The deal traded away blue-collar factory jobs in exchange for white-collar opportunities to invest in Mexico’s banking and insurance sectors. Today, even its biggest supporters admit that it resulted in a net loss of American jobs.

In hindsight, it seems inevitable that globalization would cause a backlash. During the height of euphoria about free trade in the 1990s, philosopher Richard Rorty predicted that workers “will sooner or later realize that their government is not even trying to prevent wages from sinking or to prevent jobs from being exported.” At that point, he wrote, parts of the electorate “will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for — someone willing to assure them that, once he is elected, the smug bureaucrats, tricky lawyers, overpaid bond salesmen and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots.”

In countries from Britain to Brazil, voters have elected leaders who promised to reverse decades of international economic integration. Most of those populist movements are right wing. The rebellion against free trade and globalization has largely taken the left by surprise. Dani Rodrik, an economics professor at Harvard who is perhaps the country’s most prominent skeptic of unfettered globalization, lamented in an article a few months before Trump’s election that left-wing parties around the world had failed to present viable alternatives to protectionism and walls.

Since then, the landscape has changed. Joe Biden, who once wholeheartedly embraced free trade, acknowledges the harm it’s inflicted on the working class. Biden’s economic plan includes a 10% tax on businesses that send manufacturing offshore, and a 10% tax credit for companies that bolster job growth inside the United States. He has also put forth a plan to spend $2 trillion over four years on green energy infrastructure.

“Biden, the nominally centrist candidate, has a platform that is far more progressive than Hillary Clinton’s on economics,” Rodrik told me in an email. “But the proof of the pudding is in the eating, and we will see whether Biden will deliver real change if elected.”

Many Americans who longed for a strongman will vote for Trump again. They revere him for tearing up NAFTA (even if the new version looks an awful lot like the old one) and slapping tariffs on Chinese imports and Korean washing machines (even if his unpredictable trade war forced the deepest contraction in the manufacturing sector in a decade).

Yet, working-class voters who look a little deeper will notice something strange about their perceived champion: He is against unions. His first Supreme Court pick, Neil Gorsuch, helped erode the ability of unions to collect dues and fees in a landmark case. Another strange thing: The Trump administration’s interim trade deal with China focuses far more on opening up the Chinese banking and insurance sectors than on creating blue-collar jobs.

Also, Trump’s 2017 tax cut favored corporations and shareholders — including those who aren’t American citizens. Money that would have flowed into the U.S. Treasury went instead into their pockets and deep bank accounts. The companies used much of it to buy back their own stock, making their owners richer, instead of hiring and training new workers or increasing pay. The buybacks were so shameless that even Trump couldn’t defend them.

“We thought they would have known better,” he told reporters.

Trump is the one who should have known better. He’s either incompetent or he’s a Trojan horse who used blue-collar workers to get into the White House, only to hand over the keys to the 1%. Now that the Trump administration is trying to kill the Affordable Care Act, which millions of people depend on in the middle of a pandemic, it could not be more clear whose side he is on.

Health care is one of the things that sent Shannon, a steelworker I followed in Indiana, back to the Democrats, even though most people in her family still support Trump.

“He’s bragging that he’s saving all these jobs,” she told me. “But he’s not.”

The Trump presidency has been such a five-alarm fire that many people are understandably consumed with trying to put out the flames or simply survive it. But there will come a day, hopefully in the not too distant future, when people have the breathing room to investigate how the fire got started.

The Trump presidency has been such a five-alarm fire that many people are understandably consumed with trying to put out the flames or simply survive it. But there will come a day, hopefully in the not too distant future, when people have the breathing room to investigate how the fire got started. It’s tempting to heap scorn and blame on President Donald Trump’s millions of enthusiastic supporters. Without their adoration, he wouldn’t have been able to do the damage he has done. But there are good reasons to refrain. Calling large swaths of the American electorate deplorable turns out to be an ineffective way to gain their backing. Another reason: The mess the nation faces is bigger than Donald Trump. If he is voted out in November, the people who cast ballots for him will remain, pining for the policies he promoted. About 40% of American voters want tariffs and a border wall. More than half say it’s important to deport more undocumented immigrants. Much ink has been spilled about whether Trump supporters voted for him out of economic anxiety or racial anxiety, with plenty of studies concluding the latter. But spend time at a dying factory and you might see how difficult it can be to disentangle the two. For the past four years, I’ve followed a group of steelworkers in Indiana — men and women, Black and white — who had worked at a factory that moved to Mexico. I watched them agonize about whether to train their Mexican replacements or stand with their union and refuse. I watched them grieve the plant like a parent. I followed them as they applied for new jobs, some of which paid half as much as they made before. A machinist named Tim carried his steelworker union card in his wallet for years after the factory closed, just to remind himself who he was. Tim grew up in a union household. His dad had been an autoworker; his grandfather, a coal miner. “We always voted Democrat because they looked after the little man,” Tim told me. “My father went to his grave and I can guarantee you he never voted for a Republican.” Tim had such faith in Democrats that he didn’t worry when President Bill Clinton pushed the North American Free Trade Agreement over the finish line in 1993. Nor did he worry when Clinton normalized trade with China in 2000. But then the factory where Tim worked moved to Shanghai. And the next one moved to Mexico. By the time I met Tim, he loathed the Clintons and the Democratic Party. Democrats had gotten in bed with the corporations, while no one was looking. Tim felt betrayed, and politically abandoned — until Trump came along. College-educated people scoffed at Trump’s promises to bring back the factories. The factories are never coming back, they insisted. But even false hope is a form of hope, perhaps the most ubiquitous kind. There is little doubt that Trump is president today because of blue-collar people like Tim who were once a reliable pillar of the Democratic Party. About 55% of voters who expected to support Trump during the 2016 primaries identified as working class, according to a 2015 study by the Public Religion Research Institute. Fewer than a third who backed other Republican candidates identified as such. In Mahoning County, Ohio, more than a quarter of people who voted in the Republican primary were ex-Democrats, according to The Washington Post. Eighteen members of the county’s Democratic central committee crossed over to cast ballots for Trump, the county’s Democratic chairman told The Post. Those defections stemmed in part from anger over millions of factory jobs that went to China in the 2000s. Workers who made instrument panels for GM trucks in Michigan, stitched shirts in Pennsylvania and sanded wooden dressers in North Carolina saw alarming increases in child poverty, single motherhood, deaths from alcohol and drugs and reliance on public assistance. Exposure to trade with China led to “sizable increases in the likelihood of GOP victory in majority-white non-Hispanic congressional districts from 2002-2010,” said a study co-written by David Autor, an economics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Hillary Clinton would have won Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin — and thus the presidency — in 2016 had the economic blow of imports from China been half as big, the report concluded. It is worth noting that many of those same counties that hemorrhaged factory jobs also saw large increases in undocumented immigrants competing for the unskilled jobs that remained — cleaning hotel rooms, slaughtering chickens and mowing lawns. Their arrival fueled still more resentment of the world beyond America’s borders. Anger about globalization is not confined to the right. It fueled the rise of Bernie Sanders, who won the endorsement of the steelworkers I followed. The same week I met Tim, I interviewed an anarchist facing criminal charges for his role in the disruption of Trump’s inauguration when windows were smashed and a limousine was set on fire. Why had he became an anarchist? NAFTA and the tyranny of global capitalism, he said. To many, that anger can seem silly or misplaced. Free trade and globalization have undoubtedly made the country richer. But those riches have flowed disproportionately to the few with capital and education, while globalization’s downsides have piled on the shoulders of the most vulnerable Americans. NAFTA has come to symbolize a world order crafted by elites, for elites. The deal traded away blue-collar factory jobs in exchange for white-collar opportunities to invest in Mexico’s banking and insurance sectors. Today, even its biggest supporters admit that it resulted in a net loss of American jobs. In hindsight, it seems inevitable that globalization would cause a backlash. During the height of euphoria about free trade in the 1990s, philosopher Richard Rorty predicted that workers “will sooner or later realize that their government is not even trying to prevent wages from sinking or to prevent jobs from being exported.” At that point, he wrote, parts of the electorate “will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for — someone willing to assure them that, once he is elected, the smug bureaucrats, tricky lawyers, overpaid bond salesmen and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots.” In countries from Britain to Brazil, voters have elected leaders who promised to reverse decades of international economic integration. Most of those populist movements are right wing. The rebellion against free trade and globalization has largely taken the left by surprise. Dani Rodrik, an economics professor at Harvard who is perhaps the country’s most prominent skeptic of unfettered globalization, lamented in an article a few months before Trump’s election that left-wing parties around the world had failed to present viable alternatives to protectionism and walls. Since then, the landscape has changed. Joe Biden, who once wholeheartedly embraced free trade, acknowledges the harm it’s inflicted on the working class. Biden’s economic plan includes a 10% tax on businesses that send manufacturing offshore, and a 10% tax credit for companies that bolster job growth inside the United States. He has also put forth a plan to spend $2 trillion over four years on green energy infrastructure. “Biden, the nominally centrist candidate, has a platform that is far more progressive than Hillary Clinton’s on economics,” Rodrik told me in an email. “But the proof of the pudding is in the eating, and we will see whether Biden will deliver real change if elected.” Many Americans who longed for a strongman will vote for Trump again. They revere him for tearing up NAFTA (even if the new version looks an awful lot like the old one) and slapping tariffs on Chinese imports and Korean washing machines (even if his unpredictable trade war forced the deepest contraction in the manufacturing sector in a decade). Yet, working-class voters who look a little deeper will notice something strange about their perceived champion: He is against unions. His first Supreme Court pick, Neil Gorsuch, helped erode the ability of unions to collect dues and fees in a landmark case. Another strange thing: The Trump administration’s interim trade deal with China focuses far more on opening up the Chinese banking and insurance sectors than on creating blue-collar jobs. Also, Trump’s 2017 tax cut favored corporations and shareholders — including those who aren’t American citizens. Money that would have flowed into the U.S. Treasury went instead into their pockets and deep bank accounts. The companies used much of it to buy back their own stock, making their owners richer, instead of hiring and training new workers or increasing pay. The buybacks were so shameless that even Trump couldn’t defend them. “We thought they would have known better,” he told reporters. Trump is the one who should have known better. He’s either incompetent or he’s a Trojan horse who used blue-collar workers to get into the White House, only to hand over the keys to the 1%. Now that the Trump administration is trying to kill the Affordable Care Act, which millions of people depend on in the middle of a pandemic, it could not be more clear whose side he is on. Health care is one of the things that sent Shannon, a steelworker I followed in Indiana, back to the Democrats, even though most people in her family still support Trump. “He’s bragging that he’s saving all these jobs,” she told me. “But he’s not.”

Why Trump’s supporters loved him

A day after the&nbsp;Republican Senator&nbsp;David Perdue mispronounced the Democratic VP elect Kamala Harris' name, Twitter slammed the Senator by starting a unique campaign against the Senator.

The incident happened when&nbsp;Perdue spoke ahead of US President Donald Trump in his rally in Georgia on Friday. He was caught on tape making sun of Harris' name by pronouncing her name in a weird exaggerated manner and then ending it by saying "I don`t know, whatever".

When the video surfaced in the popular social media platform&nbsp;Twitter, people of colour started a campaign in which several users came forward and explained their name and the meaning behind it.

Several South Asian-origin users came forward claiming that their grandmothers mothers were also named Kamala, and not "Kamala-mala-mala, I don’t know, whatever.”

One such user, Gautam Raghavan, tweeted, "#MyNameIs Gautam. It means bright light. The kind of bright light a Biden-Harris Administration will represent. And that is why #IWillVote."

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My great grandmother’s name was Kamala. Not “Kamala-mala-mala, I don’t know, whatever.”<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Gautam. It means bright light. The kind of bright light a Biden-Harris Administration will represent. And that is why <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/IWillVote?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#IWillVote</a>. 
 
Join me &amp; make a plan at <a href="https://t.co/M8JYgEwDe2">https://t.co/M8JYgEwDe2</a>. <a href="https://t.co/B1JTEbaEYx">https://t.co/B1JTEbaEYx</a>
— Gautam Raghavan (@gauragDC) <a href="https://twitter.com/gauragDC/status/1317505114752638976?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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The campaign was joined by Maya Harris' daughter and Kamala Harris' relative, Meena Harris, who tweeted, "#MyNameIs Meenakshi. I'm named after the Hindu goddess, as well as my great great grandmother. I come from a long line of strong women who taught me to be proud of my heritage and to demand respect—especially from racist white men like&nbsp;@sendavidperdue who are threatened by us."

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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Meenakshi. I'm named after the Hindu goddess, as well as my great great grandmother. I come from a long line of strong women who taught me to be proud of my heritage and to demand respect—especially from racist white men like <a href="https://twitter.com/sendavidperdue?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@sendavidperdue</a> who are threatened by us. <a href="https://t.co/Bonzz5n3Xu">https://t.co/Bonzz5n3Xu</a>
— Meena Harris (@meenaharris) <a href="https://twitter.com/meenaharris/status/1317524204376354816?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Scrolling through <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> at the end of a long day &amp; it’s giving me life.💜 
 
My name is Maya (magic/illusion) Lakshmi (goddess of beauty &amp; wealth). 
 
People mispronounce my names all the time, but you can’t tell me nothin’. I know who I am. 
 
Show these folks who we are. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/VOTE?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#VOTE</a>
— Maya Harris (@mayaharris_) <a href="https://twitter.com/mayaharris_/status/1317648140930109442?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 18, 2020</a></blockquote>
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African-Americans and people of colour also joined in and said they are thankful to their parents for giving them a name that represents their&nbsp;ancestral birthplace.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyName?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyName</a> is Oni Jahi. My parents gave my sister and me <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/WestAfrican?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#WestAfrican</a> first names &amp; <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/EastAfrican?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#EastAfrican</a> middle names. 
 
Oni means “desired” in Yoruba; Jahi means “dignity” in Swahili. 
 
I’m grateful that my parents gave me names that tie me to my ancestral birthplace. <a href="https://t.co/mHr08Yz87u">https://t.co/mHr08Yz87u</a>
— Oni #BraylaStone Blackstock (@DrOniBee) <a href="https://twitter.com/DrOniBee/status/1317661784376070145?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 18, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Take a look at some of the other Twitter users who joined the campaign to amplify the fight against 'white priviledge'.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Ted W. Lieu. The “W” is short for “Win-Ping” which in Mandarin means Cloud of Peace. 
 
Also, make sure you vote. And if you are voting by mail, don’t forget the stupid secrecy envelope if your state requires it.
— Ted Lieu (@tedlieu) <a href="https://twitter.com/tedlieu/status/1317614327478644737?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Malcolm Kenyatta. My father named me to honor the legacy of two giants in the black diaspora: Malcolm X and Jomo Kenyatta. <a href="https://twitter.com/sendavidperdue?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@sendavidperdue</a> might not care, but my name reminds me everyday the systems of discrimination we must uproot. <a href="https://t.co/vY5JwuYXbz">https://t.co/vY5JwuYXbz</a>
— Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta (@malcolmkenyatta) <a href="https://twitter.com/malcolmkenyatta/status/1317575057611366403?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Sikanyiselwe. Its Xhosa meaning is “we have been shone upon” or, “the light at the end of the tunnel”. 
 
My parents chose it believing they had better times ahead — just as so many of us do now. Go vote and make it true. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BidenHarris2020?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BidenHarris2020</a> <a href="https://t.co/RYB2KfASHI">https://t.co/RYB2KfASHI</a>
— Kanyi Maqubela (@km) <a href="https://twitter.com/km/status/1317555638608617472?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Sikanyiselwe. Its Xhosa meaning is “we have been shone upon” or, “the light at the end of the tunnel”. 
 
My parents chose it believing they had better times ahead — just as so many of us do now. Go vote and make it true. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BidenHarris2020?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BidenHarris2020</a> <a href="https://t.co/RYB2KfASHI">https://t.co/RYB2KfASHI</a>
— Kanyi Maqubela (@km) <a href="https://twitter.com/km/status/1317555638608617472?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/MyNameIs?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#MyNameIs</a> Chris, but my middle name is Pey-Ning. In Chinese, it means abundance of peace. It's the kind of peace we'll all feel with Joe Biden as president 
 
This country belongs as much to me, <a href="https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@KamalaHarris</a> and every kid with an ethnic name - as it does to David Perdue <a href="https://t.co/4mkUCq1aic">https://t.co/4mkUCq1aic</a>
— Chris Lu (@ChrisLu44) <a href="https://twitter.com/ChrisLu44/status/1317586103172517896?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Gautam Raghavan, a user who participated in the campaign, also retweeted an old video posted by Kamala Harris in 2016 captioned, "People pronounce my name many different ways. Let #KidsForKamala show you how it’s done."

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People pronounce my name many different ways. Let <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/KidsForKamala?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#KidsForKamala</a> show you how it’s done. <a href="https://t.co/7QoQGN0B4k">pic.twitter.com/7QoQGN0B4k</a>
— Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) <a href="https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/735197253153914881?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">May 24, 2016</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;

A day after the Republican Senator David Perdue mispronounced the Democratic VP elect Kamala Harris' name, Twitter slammed the Senator by starting a unique campaign against the Senator.

A day after the Republican Senator David Perdue mispronounced the Democratic VP elect Kamala Harris' name, Twitter slammed the Senator by starting a unique campaign against the Senator. The incident happened when Perdue spoke ahead of US President Donald Trump in his rally in Georgia on Friday. He was caught on tape making sun of Harris' name by pronouncing her name in a weird exaggerated manner and then ending it by saying "I don`t know, whatever". When the video surfaced in the popular social media platform Twitter, people of colour started a campaign in which several users came forward and explained their name and the meaning behind it. Several South Asian-origin users came forward claiming that their grandmothers mothers were also named Kamala, and not "Kamala-mala-mala, I don’t know, whatever.” One such user, Gautam Raghavan, tweeted, "#MyNameIs Gautam. It means bright light. The kind of bright light a Biden-Harris Administration will represent. And that is why #IWillVote." My great grandmother’s name was Kamala. Not “Kamala-mala-mala, I don’t know, whatever.”#MyNameIs Gautam. It means bright light. The kind of bright light a Biden-Harris Administration will represent. And that is why #IWillVote. Join me & make a plan at https://t.co/M8JYgEwDe2. https://t.co/B1JTEbaEYx — Gautam Raghavan (@gauragDC) October 17, 2020 × The campaign was joined by Maya Harris' daughter and Kamala Harris' relative, Meena Harris, who tweeted, "#MyNameIs Meenakshi. I'm named after the Hindu goddess, as well as my great great grandmother. I come from a long line of strong women who taught me to be proud of my heritage and to demand respect—especially from racist white men like @sendavidperdue who are threatened by us." #MyNameIs Meenakshi. I'm named after the Hindu goddess, as well as my great great grandmother. I come from a long line of strong women who taught me to be proud of my heritage and to demand respect—especially from racist white men like @sendavidperdue who are threatened by us. https://t.co/Bonzz5n3Xu — Meena Harris (@meenaharris) October 17, 2020 × Scrolling through #MyNameIs at the end of a long day & it’s giving me life.💜 My name is Maya (magic/illusion) Lakshmi (goddess of beauty & wealth). People mispronounce my names all the time, but you can’t tell me nothin’. I know who I am. Show these folks who we are. #VOTE — Maya Harris (@mayaharris_) October 18, 2020 × African-Americans and people of colour also joined in and said they are thankful to their parents for giving them a name that represents their ancestral birthplace. #MyName is Oni Jahi. My parents gave my sister and me #WestAfrican first names & #EastAfrican middle names. Oni means “desired” in Yoruba; Jahi means “dignity” in Swahili. I’m grateful that my parents gave me names that tie me to my ancestral birthplace. https://t.co/mHr08Yz87u — Oni #BraylaStone Blackstock (@DrOniBee) October 18, 2020 × Take a look at some of the other Twitter users who joined the campaign to amplify the fight against 'white priviledge'. #MyNameIs Ted W. Lieu. The “W” is short for “Win-Ping” which in Mandarin means Cloud of Peace. Also, make sure you vote. And if you are voting by mail, don’t forget the stupid secrecy envelope if your state requires it. — Ted Lieu (@tedlieu) October 17, 2020 × #MyNameIs Malcolm Kenyatta. My father named me to honor the legacy of two giants in the black diaspora: Malcolm X and Jomo Kenyatta. @sendavidperdue might not care, but my name reminds me everyday the systems of discrimination we must uproot. https://t.co/vY5JwuYXbz — Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta (@malcolmkenyatta) October 17, 2020 × #MyNameIs Sikanyiselwe. Its Xhosa meaning is “we have been shone upon” or, “the light at the end of the tunnel”. My parents chose it believing they had better times ahead — just as so many of us do now. Go vote and make it true. #BidenHarris2020 https://t.co/RYB2KfASHI — Kanyi Maqubela (@km) October 17, 2020 × #MyNameIs Sikanyiselwe. Its Xhosa meaning is “we have been shone upon” or, “the light at the end of the tunnel”. My parents chose it believing they had better times ahead — just as so many of us do now. Go vote and make it true. #BidenHarris2020 https://t.co/RYB2KfASHI — Kanyi Maqubela (@km) October 17, 2020 × #MyNameIs Chris, but my middle name is Pey-Ning. In Chinese, it means abundance of peace. It's the kind of peace we'll all feel with Joe Biden as president This country belongs as much to me, @KamalaHarris and every kid with an ethnic name - as it does to David Perdue https://t.co/4mkUCq1aic — Chris Lu (@ChrisLu44) October 17, 2020 × Gautam Raghavan, a user who participated in the campaign, also retweeted an old video posted by Kamala Harris in 2016 captioned, "People pronounce my name many different ways. Let #KidsForKamala show you how it’s done." People pronounce my name many different ways. Let #KidsForKamala show you how it’s done. pic.twitter.com/7QoQGN0B4k — Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) May 24, 2016 ×

Twitter reacts with '#MyNameIs' after Senator mispronounces Kamala Harris' name

U.S. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden will court early voters as their campaigns step up events ahead of their final debate this week.

Concern about crowds at polling stations during the coronavirus pandemic has driven far larger numbers than usual to vote early, ahead of the Nov. 3 Election Day.

Trump will head on Sunday to Nevada, a battleground state where more than 100,000 voters have already cast ballots, according to state data.

The Republican president will campaign every day leading up to Thursday`s debate in Florida, including stops in Arizona and North Carolina, campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh said.

Biden heads on Sunday to North Carolina, where 1.2 million voters have cast their ballots, according to state data. His pick for vice president, Kamala Harris, will return to the campaign trail on Monday with a visit to Florida to mark that state`s first day of early, in-person voting.

So far nearly 26 million people have cast a ballot in the election, shattering records, according to the U.S. Elections Project, run by the University of Florida.

While Trump lags in opinion polls at a national level and in many battleground states, Biden campaign manager Jen O`Malley Dillon said over the weekend that the national figures are misleading because must-win states are close.

"We cannot become complacent because the very searing truth is that Donald Trump can still win this race, and every indication we have shows that this thing is going to come down to the wire," she wrote in a memo to donors.

U.S. presidential elections are determined by electoral votes, allotted to U.S. states and territories based largely on their populations, rather than by a tally of the popular vote nationwide. This makes for a close focus by campaigns on states that could go either way.

Trump campaigned on Saturday in Michigan and Wisconsin, two battleground states he narrowly won in the 2016 election.

In Muskegeon, Mich., he attacked Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, blasting state rules to stop the spread of coronavirus, calling her “dishonest,” and making light of a right-wing plot uncovered by the FBI to kidnap her.

“Hopefully you’ll be sending her packing pretty soon,” Trump said, prompting the crowd to yell back "Lock her up!" several times.

Whitmer responded on Twitter to the chants. "This is exactly the rhetoric that has put me, my family, and other government officials’ lives in danger while we try to save the lives of our fellow Americans," she wrote.

Opinion polls have shown a high level of concern among voters about the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed more than 218,000 people in the United States and hammered the economy.

That includes young people. Among likely voters aged 34 and under surveyed on their top concern in choosing a president, COVID-19 was the top concern for 25%, while jobs and the economy were named by 20%, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted between Sept. 29 and Oct. 13.

U.S. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden will court early voters as their campaigns step up events ahead of their final debate this week.

U.S. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden will court early voters as their campaigns step up events ahead of their final debate this week. Concern about crowds at polling stations during the coronavirus pandemic has driven far larger numbers than usual to vote early, ahead of the Nov. 3 Election Day. Trump will head on Sunday to Nevada, a battleground state where more than 100,000 voters have already cast ballots, according to state data. The Republican president will campaign every day leading up to Thursday`s debate in Florida, including stops in Arizona and North Carolina, campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh said. Biden heads on Sunday to North Carolina, where 1.2 million voters have cast their ballots, according to state data. His pick for vice president, Kamala Harris, will return to the campaign trail on Monday with a visit to Florida to mark that state`s first day of early, in-person voting. So far nearly 26 million people have cast a ballot in the election, shattering records, according to the U.S. Elections Project, run by the University of Florida. While Trump lags in opinion polls at a national level and in many battleground states, Biden campaign manager Jen O`Malley Dillon said over the weekend that the national figures are misleading because must-win states are close. "We cannot become complacent because the very searing truth is that Donald Trump can still win this race, and every indication we have shows that this thing is going to come down to the wire," she wrote in a memo to donors. U.S. presidential elections are determined by electoral votes, allotted to U.S. states and territories based largely on their populations, rather than by a tally of the popular vote nationwide. This makes for a close focus by campaigns on states that could go either way. Trump campaigned on Saturday in Michigan and Wisconsin, two battleground states he narrowly won in the 2016 election. In Muskegeon, Mich., he attacked Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, blasting state rules to stop the spread of coronavirus, calling her “dishonest,” and making light of a right-wing plot uncovered by the FBI to kidnap her. “Hopefully you’ll be sending her packing pretty soon,” Trump said, prompting the crowd to yell back "Lock her up!" several times. Whitmer responded on Twitter to the chants. "This is exactly the rhetoric that has put me, my family, and other government officials’ lives in danger while we try to save the lives of our fellow Americans," she wrote. Opinion polls have shown a high level of concern among voters about the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed more than 218,000 people in the United States and hammered the economy. That includes young people. Among likely voters aged 34 and under surveyed on their top concern in choosing a president, COVID-19 was the top concern for 25%, while jobs and the economy were named by 20%, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted between Sept. 29 and Oct. 13.

Trump and Biden to court early voters as US campaign gathers steam

The First lady Melania&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Trump</a>&nbsp;has penned a 'heartfelt' letter on the White House's official website asking the nation and the media to concentrate on more important things rather than books penned on her.

In her second letter ever, she started with talking about how she has recently taken the path of self-reflection. "Over the last couple of weeks, I have had time to reflect on many things personal to me. One of the most honorable and important roles I have ever undertaken has been serving you, the American people, as the First Lady of this country."

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-accuses-stephanie-wolkoff-of-breaking-nondisclosure-agreement-with-melania-trump-335124">Also read|&nbsp;US accuses Stephanie Wolkoff of breaking nondisclosure agreement with Melania Trump</a>

In the letter she aims to talk about her initiative to teach children through 'Be Best' that "serves to provide the tools children need to prepare them for their futures."

However, her letter quickly turned towards&nbsp; the recent publication of a tell-all book titled, 'Melania and Me' by her friend turned foe&nbsp;Stephanie Winston Wolkoff.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/in-profane-rant-melania-trump-takes-aim-at-migrant-children-and-critics-331901">Also read|&nbsp;In profane rant, Melania Trump takes aim at migrant children and critics</a>

Trump,&nbsp;without naming the writer, said her initiative to help children has been lost in the noise of this book written by a woman who "hardly knew me, and someone who clung to me after my husband won the Presidency."

She also accused&nbsp;Wolkof of secretly recording private information to write "a book of idle gossip trying to distort my character."

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/new-book-fuels-gossip-about-melania-trumps-icy-relationship-with-ivanka-324652">Also read|&nbsp;New book fuels gossip about Melania Trump's icy relationship with Ivanka</a>

The First Lady also said that Wolkoff's accusation of Melania Trump being responsible for her bad health are false and the writer should evaluate her "dishonest behaviour".

She also took a shot at the media houses that covered the news around the book. Without naming anyone Trump&nbsp;said, "These kinds of people only care about their personal agenda—not about helping others."

The First lady Melania Trump has penned a 'heartfelt' letter on the White House's official website asking the nation and the media to concentrate on more important things rather than books penned on her.

The First lady Melania Trump has penned a 'heartfelt' letter on the White House's official website asking the nation and the media to concentrate on more important things rather than books penned on her. In her second letter ever, she started with talking about how she has recently taken the path of self-reflection. "Over the last couple of weeks, I have had time to reflect on many things personal to me. One of the most honorable and important roles I have ever undertaken has been serving you, the American people, as the First Lady of this country." Also read| US accuses Stephanie Wolkoff of breaking nondisclosure agreement with Melania Trump In the letter she aims to talk about her initiative to teach children through 'Be Best' that "serves to provide the tools children need to prepare them for their futures." However, her letter quickly turned towards the recent publication of a tell-all book titled, 'Melania and Me' by her friend turned foe Stephanie Winston Wolkoff. Also read| In profane rant, Melania Trump takes aim at migrant children and critics Trump, without naming the writer, said her initiative to help children has been lost in the noise of this book written by a woman who "hardly knew me, and someone who clung to me after my husband won the Presidency." She also accused Wolkof of secretly recording private information to write "a book of idle gossip trying to distort my character." Also read| New book fuels gossip about Melania Trump's icy relationship with Ivanka The First Lady also said that Wolkoff's accusation of Melania Trump being responsible for her bad health are false and the writer should evaluate her "dishonest behaviour". She also took a shot at the media houses that covered the news around the book. Without naming anyone Trump said, "These kinds of people only care about their personal agenda—not about helping others."

Melania Trump pens letter slamming Wolkoff for her 'pettiness' before US election

A record of nearly 15 million Americans have already voted in the #PresidentialElection2020. Should we expect a historic voter turnout on election day? Susan M. Tehrani reports.

Ballots cast at an unprecedented pace | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

Two simultaneous town halls have managed to clearly lay out the stark differences between US President Donald Trump and his challenger Joe Biden. Palki Sharma Upadhyay tells you what happened.

Gravitas: Biden Vs Trump: The story of dueling town halls

Recently I had the chance to watch an online focus group of seven women from swing states who had voted for Donald Trump in 2016 but who had become disaffected with him. Convened by Sarah Longwell, a founder of Republican Voters Against Trump, the session was in some ways a deeply depressing experience.

Several of the women said that, because they don’t believe what they hear from mainstream media, they have a hard time distinguishing truth from falsehood. One woman, in North Carolina, cited something she’d heard in a Trump ad as a reason she’s unlikely to vote for Joe Biden, and said she wished Ben Carson would step into the race.

Another from the same state said she was “scared” about the election because she doesn’t trust Kamala Harris. A woman from Florida had already voted for Joe Biden, but a few of the others were considering voting third party.

Yet their disgust with the president was palpable. A well-spoken woman with grown children from central Pennsylvania appeared to have mentally rewritten the history of the last election to justify her vote. She’d opted for Trump, she said, thinking that it would be “refreshing” to have a president with a business background. In her recollection, it was only after he won that he revealed his true character.

“His Twitter, his comments, things that he was recorded saying, his misogyny — I was just, like, horrified and embarrassed,” she said. Looking back, she didn’t think she knew about the “Access Hollywood” tape before she voted: “I certainly hope that I didn’t, because it was a disgusting comment. I would think that had I known that might have given me pause.” She’s now considering voting for the Libertarian candidate, Jo Jorgensen.

I strongly suspect she’s remembering wrong — the “Access Hollywood” story would have been very hard to miss in October 2016. But it’s telling that she can no longer quite imagine how she could have supported Trump after hearing him boast about his penchant for sexual assault. It’s another tiny piece of evidence that 2020 could be the year Trump’s misogyny finally catches up with him.

Four years ago, many of us were counting on right-leaning women to deliver a decisive rebuke to Trump. Lots of journalists, myself included, wrote about the group Republican Women for Hillary. After the appearance of the “Access Hollywood” tape, female Republican governors and members of Congress were far more likely than their male peers to withdraw their endorsements. Katie Packer, deputy campaign manager of Mitt Romney’s 2012 bid, imagined a reckoning in her party after Trump’s loss. “There’s going to have to be a denunciation of this guy,” she told me then.

Needless to say, there wasn’t. Most women did indeed vote for Hillary Clinton, but Trump won either a plurality or an outright majority of white women, enough to give him the presidency. There turned out to be far less of a political penalty for vulgar misogyny than some of us realized.

Four years later, it’s hard not to feel an unnerving sense of déjà vu. Once again, the polls show a potentially historic gender gap in the presidential election. Journalists are reporting on all the women Trump has turned off. Last I checked, FiveThirtyEight gave Trump a 13% chance of victory, almost exactly the same odds he had three weeks before the election in 2016. For America to survive as a liberal democracy, this time has to be different. Is it?

Longwell, who has conducted around 50 focus groups over the last three years, most of them with women, believes it is. “I have seen these people moving away in real time,” she says of the participants’ relationship to Trump. And “it dropped off a cliff right around COVID, plus economic downturn, plus George Floyd.”

As Longwell tells it, there were some Trump voters who turned on him almost immediately after the election, but many others who continued to support him despite disliking him personally. “They said he was a narcissist, said he was a bully, but they also don’t like Democrats, don’t like the media, don’t trust anything, and they were hanging in,” she said.

Then Trump’s incompetence came home. “Once the pandemic hit, once there were personal consequences for their lives, there was an absolute shift in how people talked about Donald Trump,” said Longwell.

She started hearing “a ton of pain” in the focus groups. Cancer survivors with suppressed immune systems feared leaving the house because people in their community wouldn’t wear masks. “Or they’ve got young kids that aren’t in school, or somebody in their family is furloughed, or they couldn’t go see their parent who died,” she said.

Women’s job losses due to COVID have been enormously disproportionate; in September alone, around 617,000 women 16 and over left the workforce, nearly eight times the number of men. They’ve borne the brunt of closed schools. As Jessica Grose recently reported in The New York Times, the Pandemic Parenting Study, which is tracking over 100 Indiana mothers, has found growing marital strife over child care.

“Mothers blame themselves for these conflicts and feel responsible for reducing them, including by leaving the workforce, beginning use of antidepressants, or ignoring their own concerns about COVID-19,” said a recent paper drawing on the study’s data. None of this can be separated from the collapse in women’s support for Trump.

If Trump loses, it won’t be just because enough women recognize him as a deranged bigot. It will because he blighted too many of their lives. In the focus group, a Wisconsin woman introduced herself as a full-time mother who, “on top of being at home,” now has to be a full-time teacher. One of her kids is gravely ill, and people who refuse to wear masks infuriate her. “It drives me nuts, people who don’t do it just because they don’t want to,” she said.

She tries to avoid almost all political news, and doesn’t trust what she does come across. Where she lives, she said, she hasn’t seen a single Biden sign, and she knows very little about the former vice president. But she’s planning to vote for him. If women defeat Trump next month, it will be because of everything he’s done to defeat them first.

Recently I had the chance to watch an online focus group of seven women from swing states who had voted for Donald Trump in 2016 but who had become disaffected with him.

Recently I had the chance to watch an online focus group of seven women from swing states who had voted for Donald Trump in 2016 but who had become disaffected with him. Convened by Sarah Longwell, a founder of Republican Voters Against Trump, the session was in some ways a deeply depressing experience. Several of the women said that, because they don’t believe what they hear from mainstream media, they have a hard time distinguishing truth from falsehood. One woman, in North Carolina, cited something she’d heard in a Trump ad as a reason she’s unlikely to vote for Joe Biden, and said she wished Ben Carson would step into the race. Another from the same state said she was “scared” about the election because she doesn’t trust Kamala Harris. A woman from Florida had already voted for Joe Biden, but a few of the others were considering voting third party. Yet their disgust with the president was palpable. A well-spoken woman with grown children from central Pennsylvania appeared to have mentally rewritten the history of the last election to justify her vote. She’d opted for Trump, she said, thinking that it would be “refreshing” to have a president with a business background. In her recollection, it was only after he won that he revealed his true character. “His Twitter, his comments, things that he was recorded saying, his misogyny — I was just, like, horrified and embarrassed,” she said. Looking back, she didn’t think she knew about the “Access Hollywood” tape before she voted: “I certainly hope that I didn’t, because it was a disgusting comment. I would think that had I known that might have given me pause.” She’s now considering voting for the Libertarian candidate, Jo Jorgensen. I strongly suspect she’s remembering wrong — the “Access Hollywood” story would have been very hard to miss in October 2016. But it’s telling that she can no longer quite imagine how she could have supported Trump after hearing him boast about his penchant for sexual assault. It’s another tiny piece of evidence that 2020 could be the year Trump’s misogyny finally catches up with him. Four years ago, many of us were counting on right-leaning women to deliver a decisive rebuke to Trump. Lots of journalists, myself included, wrote about the group Republican Women for Hillary. After the appearance of the “Access Hollywood” tape, female Republican governors and members of Congress were far more likely than their male peers to withdraw their endorsements. Katie Packer, deputy campaign manager of Mitt Romney’s 2012 bid, imagined a reckoning in her party after Trump’s loss. “There’s going to have to be a denunciation of this guy,” she told me then. Needless to say, there wasn’t. Most women did indeed vote for Hillary Clinton, but Trump won either a plurality or an outright majority of white women, enough to give him the presidency. There turned out to be far less of a political penalty for vulgar misogyny than some of us realized. Four years later, it’s hard not to feel an unnerving sense of déjà vu. Once again, the polls show a potentially historic gender gap in the presidential election. Journalists are reporting on all the women Trump has turned off. Last I checked, FiveThirtyEight gave Trump a 13% chance of victory, almost exactly the same odds he had three weeks before the election in 2016. For America to survive as a liberal democracy, this time has to be different. Is it? Longwell, who has conducted around 50 focus groups over the last three years, most of them with women, believes it is. “I have seen these people moving away in real time,” she says of the participants’ relationship to Trump. And “it dropped off a cliff right around COVID, plus economic downturn, plus George Floyd.” As Longwell tells it, there were some Trump voters who turned on him almost immediately after the election, but many others who continued to support him despite disliking him personally. “They said he was a narcissist, said he was a bully, but they also don’t like Democrats, don’t like the media, don’t trust anything, and they were hanging in,” she said. Then Trump’s incompetence came home. “Once the pandemic hit, once there were personal consequences for their lives, there was an absolute shift in how people talked about Donald Trump,” said Longwell. She started hearing “a ton of pain” in the focus groups. Cancer survivors with suppressed immune systems feared leaving the house because people in their community wouldn’t wear masks. “Or they’ve got young kids that aren’t in school, or somebody in their family is furloughed, or they couldn’t go see their parent who died,” she said. Women’s job losses due to COVID have been enormously disproportionate; in September alone, around 617,000 women 16 and over left the workforce, nearly eight times the number of men. They’ve borne the brunt of closed schools. As Jessica Grose recently reported in The New York Times, the Pandemic Parenting Study, which is tracking over 100 Indiana mothers, has found growing marital strife over child care. “Mothers blame themselves for these conflicts and feel responsible for reducing them, including by leaving the workforce, beginning use of antidepressants, or ignoring their own concerns about COVID-19,” said a recent paper drawing on the study’s data. None of this can be separated from the collapse in women’s support for Trump. If Trump loses, it won’t be just because enough women recognize him as a deranged bigot. It will because he blighted too many of their lives. In the focus group, a Wisconsin woman introduced herself as a full-time mother who, “on top of being at home,” now has to be a full-time teacher. One of her kids is gravely ill, and people who refuse to wear masks infuriate her. “It drives me nuts, people who don’t do it just because they don’t want to,” she said. She tries to avoid almost all political news, and doesn’t trust what she does come across. Where she lives, she said, she hasn’t seen a single Biden sign, and she knows very little about the former vice president. But she’s planning to vote for him. If women defeat Trump next month, it will be because of everything he’s done to defeat them first.

Trump’s misogyny might finally catch up with him

US President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden held simultaneous and separate televised town halls in lieu of the cancelled second presidential debate.

They took questions from pre-selected individuals at sessions moderated by eminent television journalists.

While Trump's town hall was hosted by the National Broadcasting Company (NBC) in Miami, Florida, that of Biden was held in Pennsylvania, Philadelphia by the American Broadcasting Company (ABC) News.

The second presidential debate had originally been scheduled for Thursday night. However, it was cancelled after Trump refused to participate in a virtual format of the presidential debate as amended by the independent debate commission following the president's COVID-19 diagnosis.

A final debate is still scheduled for October 22 in Nashville, Tennessee. The first debate was held on September 29 in Cleveland, Ohio.

During the town hall, Trump defended his handling of the coronavirus pandemic. He also reiterated his stand on tax returns. However, Trump refused to denounce the QAnon conspiracy theory.

When asked by moderator Savannah Guthrie if he would denounce the QAnon theory and "just say it's crazy and not true", Trump said, "I don't know about QAnon."

Biden's during his town hall said he would soon express his position on court packing, an issue that he has avoided so far.

The Democratic presidential nominee said he would come out with a clear position before Election Day about where he stands on expanding the Supreme Court, depending how the rest of the confirmation process of Judge Amy Coney Barrett is handled.

President Trump has selected Judge Barrett to succeed Supreme Court Justice late Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

The Senate Judiciary Committee finished its confirmation hearings for Barrett earlier on Thursday. Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham said that the committee will vote on Barrett's nomination on October 22. If the committee approves her nomination, which is expected, it would be sent to the full Senate floor.

At the town hall with ABC's George Stephanopoulos, Biden said he is "not a fan" of court packing. When asked by Stephanopoulos if he was open to increasing the number of judges on the court if Barrett is confirmed before the election, Biden said, "I'm open to considering what happens from that point on".

Republicans have repeatedly criticised Biden for not directly giving his view on court packing.

"They do have a right to know where I'll stand and they'll have a right to know where I stand before they vote," Biden said, when asked whether voters had a right to know where he stands on the issue of expanding the court.

Replying to a question on if he would make his position clear before the Election Day, Biden said, "Yes, depending on how they handle this", referring to the Republicans.

Both Trump and Biden campaigns claimed that their candidates won the shows Thursday night.

"Even though the commission cancelled the in-person debate that could have happened tonight, one occurred anyway, and President Trump soundly defeated NBC's Savannah Guthrie in her role as debate opponent and Joe Biden surrogate," said Tim Murtaugh, Trump 2020 communications director.

"President Trump masterfully handled Guthrie's attacks and interacted warmly and effectively with the voters in the room," he said.

"Joe Biden gave thoughtful answers to voters' questions about COVID-19, taxes, racial equity, climate change, and more...1,100 miles away, and in a false, alternate reality of his own making, President Trump was combative and lashed out at voters. He refused to denounce QAnon...He lied about the effectiveness of masks," he said.

"Trump has no answers for his failures to contain COVID-19 and manage our economy. And, after nearly four years in office, Trump still has no vision for how he'll make health care more affordable," Bedingfield said.

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Trump has recovered from a brief spell of COVID-19 after he and First Lady Melania Trump tested positive for the deadly viral infection on October 1. Trump's doctors have now cleared him for his election campaigns.

US President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden held simultaneous and separate televised town halls in lieu of the cancelled second presidential debate.

US President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden held simultaneous and separate televised town halls in lieu of the cancelled second presidential debate. They took questions from pre-selected individuals at sessions moderated by eminent television journalists. While Trump's town hall was hosted by the National Broadcasting Company (NBC) in Miami, Florida, that of Biden was held in Pennsylvania, Philadelphia by the American Broadcasting Company (ABC) News. The second presidential debate had originally been scheduled for Thursday night. However, it was cancelled after Trump refused to participate in a virtual format of the presidential debate as amended by the independent debate commission following the president's COVID-19 diagnosis. A final debate is still scheduled for October 22 in Nashville, Tennessee. The first debate was held on September 29 in Cleveland, Ohio. During the town hall, Trump defended his handling of the coronavirus pandemic. He also reiterated his stand on tax returns. However, Trump refused to denounce the QAnon conspiracy theory. When asked by moderator Savannah Guthrie if he would denounce the QAnon theory and "just say it's crazy and not true", Trump said, "I don't know about QAnon." Biden's during his town hall said he would soon express his position on court packing, an issue that he has avoided so far. The Democratic presidential nominee said he would come out with a clear position before Election Day about where he stands on expanding the Supreme Court, depending how the rest of the confirmation process of Judge Amy Coney Barrett is handled. President Trump has selected Judge Barrett to succeed Supreme Court Justice late Ruth Bader Ginsburg. The Senate Judiciary Committee finished its confirmation hearings for Barrett earlier on Thursday. Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham said that the committee will vote on Barrett's nomination on October 22. If the committee approves her nomination, which is expected, it would be sent to the full Senate floor. At the town hall with ABC's George Stephanopoulos, Biden said he is "not a fan" of court packing. When asked by Stephanopoulos if he was open to increasing the number of judges on the court if Barrett is confirmed before the election, Biden said, "I'm open to considering what happens from that point on". Republicans have repeatedly criticised Biden for not directly giving his view on court packing. "They do have a right to know where I'll stand and they'll have a right to know where I stand before they vote," Biden said, when asked whether voters had a right to know where he stands on the issue of expanding the court. Replying to a question on if he would make his position clear before the Election Day, Biden said, "Yes, depending on how they handle this", referring to the Republicans. Both Trump and Biden campaigns claimed that their candidates won the shows Thursday night. "Even though the commission cancelled the in-person debate that could have happened tonight, one occurred anyway, and President Trump soundly defeated NBC's Savannah Guthrie in her role as debate opponent and Joe Biden surrogate," said Tim Murtaugh, Trump 2020 communications director. "President Trump masterfully handled Guthrie's attacks and interacted warmly and effectively with the voters in the room," he said. "Joe Biden gave thoughtful answers to voters' questions about COVID-19, taxes, racial equity, climate change, and more...1,100 miles away, and in a false, alternate reality of his own making, President Trump was combative and lashed out at voters. He refused to denounce QAnon...He lied about the effectiveness of masks," he said. "Trump has no answers for his failures to contain COVID-19 and manage our economy. And, after nearly four years in office, Trump still has no vision for how he'll make health care more affordable," Bedingfield said. × Trump has recovered from a brief spell of COVID-19 after he and First Lady Melania Trump tested positive for the deadly viral infection on October 1. Trump's doctors have now cleared him for his election campaigns.

Trump, Biden hold separate town halls in lieu of cancelled second presidential debate

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden</a> marched into adulthood in Bass Weejuns penny loafers.

He was known around the University of Delaware campus as the teetotaling semi-jock with a sweater around his neck — the type who seemed more consumed with date nights than civil rights and expected a certain standard of decorum from his companions, once threatening to break off an evening with a woman who lit a cigarette in his borrowed convertible.

And when Biden and his friends from Syracuse University law school happened upon anti-war protesters at the chancellor’s office — the kind of Vietnam-era demonstration that galvanized so much of their generation — his group stepped past with disdain. They were going for pizza.

More than a half-century later, as Biden seeks the White House with a pledge to soothe the nation’s wounds and lower its collective temperature, he has been left to deflect a curious charge at the center of President Donald Trump’s reelection effort: Biden, the president insists, is eager to do the far-left bidding of violent agitators and other assorted radicals.

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“They’ve got you wrapped around their finger, Joe,” Trump taunted at their first debate.

Biden, a 77-year-old moderate who cites John Wayne movies and long-dead Senate peers, has generally defaulted to a visceral defense: Look at me.

“Ask yourself,” he implored voters in a recent address. “Do I look like a radical socialist with a soft spot for rioters?”

He does not now, friends from his youth say, and he did not then — in spite of, and perhaps partly because of, the decade in which he came of age.

Amid simmering protests, generational division and defining disputes about the course of American life, Biden was a young man keen on bringing a bit of a 1950s sensibility into the 1960s — a nice-house-on-a-cul-de-sac kind of guy who spent his weekends as a 20-something husband scouting available real estate from his Corvette.

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There is a version of these years that Biden prefers to share publicly: how he was captivated by the civil rights movement, coming to understand the racial divide as a teenage lifeguard in a Black neighborhood of Wilmington, Delaware; how he was brokenhearted by the murder of his heroes, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Kennedy brothers; how he was motivated chiefly by an altruistic call to service.

If much of this accounting is plainly true in the abstract, those who knew him say, it also elides some finer points of Biden’s arc: his boundless personal ambition, his canny relationship-building as a political novice and, quite often, his conspicuous psychic distance from the activist fervor of the times as he plotted a path to office.

“He had other priorities,” Gilbert J. Sloan, a longtime supporter who was active in Delaware’s 1960s protest movements, said of Biden’s outlook then. “He was very young and ambitious.”

A review of how Biden navigated this period of national upheaval — drawn from interviews with more than a dozen friends, classmates and others who have known the Democratic nominee across the decades — at once lays bare the implausibility of Trump’s attack and supplies an enduring window into Biden’s own theories of social movements. Incremental progress is still progress, he has long believed, and within-the-system change is still change.

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If today’s activists have at times viewed Biden skeptically through this season of unrest, questioning whether he can connect with the passion in the streets when he has rarely shown passion in the streets himself, his early history would appear to reinforce their doubts.

This is a man whose institutionalist instincts seemed to harden even before he belonged to any political institutions — and who has never shown much patience for protests that turn destructive or unruly.

“That’s the way he views activism,” said Bob Markel, a friend since the 1950s. “Occupying an office of a dean or something like that is not his style.”

It never has been. As the Vietnam War reshaped lives across many less-than-affluent families like his own, with casualties and moral outrage mounting especially among young adults a few years behind him, Biden eluded both the conflict and the attendant anger. He received five student draft deferments during the war and was kept from service after a physical exam in 1968 because he had asthma as a teenager, according to his campaign. (Trump, now 74, received five deferments in all, including a medical deferment for bone spurs.)

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Biden has said he viewed the Vietnam War “in terms of stupidity, not morality,” doubting its wisdom but never feverishly enough to chant about it.

“I’m not big on flak jackets and tie-dye shirts,” he told reporters in 1987, distinguishing himself from some politically minded contemporaries. “Other people marched. I ran for office.”

‘Average Irish Guy’

It can be almost impossible now to imagine Biden as a young man — or, at least, a younger man than he was when he first reached Washington, as a 30-year-old senator shattered by the car crash that killed his first wife, Neilia, and their baby daughter.

But to those who met him before his best-known trials and triumphs, the Joe Biden who wandered campus in a tasteful button-down and chinos remains an indelible character, settling into the identity that would become his self-styled political brand: polished but unpretentious, a natural leader with few obvious preternatural gifts.

“He was an average Irish guy. His father was a car salesman, for God’s sake,” said Fred Sears, a friend from the University of Delaware. “A good-looking guy with a gift of gab.”

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The glad-handing started early.

An aspiring football running back and amiable freshman in 1961, Biden was elected president of his class, moving quickly to flatter his constituents.

“He came up to me, shook my hand,” recalled Brian Barrabee, a football player who lived in the same dorm, “and he said, ‘Brian, I’d like to thank you for not running for class president because if you had, you would have beaten me.’ It was his way of getting people to feel good.”

By his own account, Biden’s most resonant exposure to the dominant political issues of the day came well off campus. He has said he once walked out of a Wilmington restaurant that refused to serve a Black student from his high school, a recollection that Markel corroborated.

And at 19, Biden worked as a lifeguard in a largely Black section of Wilmington in 1962.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/democrats-have-nothing-but-disdain-for-your-values-says-trump-in-florida-rally-as-crowd-chants-lock-up-bidens-335925">Also read|&nbsp;Democrats have nothing but disdain for your values, says Trump in Florida rally as crowd chants 'Lock up Bidens'</a>

He has said he took the job after absorbing images of the civil rights fight on television and realizing he had few relationships with Black people, suggesting he came to understand injustice most acutely by speaking to swimmers about the prejudices they faced.

“What he learned from us is that we didn’t have what everybody else had,” said Richard Smith, a longtime civil rights activist who met Biden that summer as an adolescent. “He got his schooling at the swimming pool.”

Biden’s formal schooling, friends say, could feel less connected to the wider national tumult.

Barrabee said the campus was not a “hotbed of political activity,” describing much of the student body as “suburban kids from Wilmington, Delaware, southern Delaware area, who just wanted to go to college.”

Biden did not drink — “there are enough alcoholics in my family,” he has said — and he did not smoke. But he had a way of finding trouble.

He has said he was placed on probation for hosing down a resident adviser with a fire extinguisher. He once paid a covert visit to a romantic interest and left a friend, his lookout, to take the fall with the campus police, according to a transcript of Biden’s eulogy for the man in 2004.

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Biden has said his worrisome grades sidelined his football career. Academic struggles kept him from sticking with student government as well, Sears said.

But Biden’s father perhaps inadvertently assisted in his distracting social agenda: Cars were not permitted on campus, Sears said, but the elder Biden’s job allowed his son easy access to loaner vehicles for weekend excursions.

“Every weekend, somehow, Joe ended up with a car,” Sears said of his friend’s advantages in courtship. “It was always a convertible. Besides being very cool and dressing right, showing up in a convertible he had us all beat eight ways from Sunday.”

‘I Wore Sport Coats’

The tilt of Biden’s life changed for good with a last-minute flight to the Bahamas.

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He had driven down to Fort Lauderdale, Florida, in the spring of 1964 for a couple of days with friends when boredom compelled them to consider a more daring beach destination. They booked a round trip to Nassau for about $25.

While there, Biden met Neilia Hunter poolside at an exclusive hotel he had sneaked into by wrapping a guest towel around his waist and walking past the guards with confidence.

“I’ve got the blonde,” he told his friends, beelining to Hunter, an attractive sunbather from a well-to-do family near Syracuse.

She liked him back. And when they returned stateside, the fresh clarity in Biden’s personal life seemed to sharpen his focus on other endeavors, coaxing him to fits of big-picture dreaming.

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He would apply to law school at Syracuse to be near Hunter. He would make sure he was studying enough to get in.

They would get married, have kids (“she wanted five”), buy a house (“a big Tudor-style house with real trees, what the real estate professionals call ‘mature plantings’”). He would work as a trial lawyer, start his own practice, run for office.

“Once I had Neilia with me, it became more of a plan than a daydream,” Biden wrote in his 2007 memoir. “Now I could see the picture whole.”

The early goals in this timeline were accomplished apace: He got into Syracuse. He and Hunter were married in 1966.

Markel, one of Biden’s groomsmen, said Biden’s seriousness extended even to his own bachelor party. The group had rented a motel room around New Castle, Delaware, he recalled, growing rowdier by the hour, with the exception of the non-drinking groom.

“We got kind of sloppy drunk,” Markel said. “Toward the end of the evening, I remember him giving us a lecture: ‘You guys are a disgrace.’”

But Biden was still liable to lose interest in academics quickly, prizing football tailgates or social engagements with Hunter and often copying class notes from a friend. Sometimes, Hunter prepared Biden’s study sheets, inventing mnemonic devices for him to memorize.

In his most damaging bit of carelessness, Biden lifted chunks of a law review article without proper citation — a blemish that damaged his 1988 presidential campaign amid other accusations of plagiarism at the time. Biden has said he did nothing “malevolent” at Syracuse but simply did not understand citation standards because he had not been to class often enough.

“He found out it wasn’t that easy,” said Mike Gelacak, a friend who later worked as a Senate aide to Biden. “His wife explained to him that he had to knuckle down.”

And if the country’s volatility in those years seeped into campus life, classmates say that Biden never much grappled with it in their company.

“I was married,” Biden told reporters during the 1988 campaign, declaring himself “out of sync” with anti-war zeal. “I was in law school. I wore sport coats.”

'The World Had Changed'

His wardrobe remained conservative upon graduation, befitting his new employer: a Wilmington law firm representing insurance companies, railroads and other well-resourced clients.

It was prestigious work, Biden told friends. He was making it. He was on schedule.

In public remarks through the years, Biden has tended to dwell more often on the broader historical record of this period than his own.

During a 2009 speech, he said the violence in Vietnam “pierced America’s consciousness,” recounting a student occupation of the Syracuse chancellor’s office. He did not tell his audience what he thought of those doing the occupying at the time.

In a 2016 address, Biden explained that once he graduated, “the world had changed.”

“Dr. King had been assassinated,” he said. “There were riots throughout America. A significant part of my hometown of Wilmington, Delaware, was burned to the ground.”

This localized distress had perhaps the most lasting effect on Biden. Wilmington was home to a notoriously lengthy National Guard occupation: Troops continued patrolling predominantly Black neighborhoods well after initial unrest following King’s death.

Biden has described the episode, combined with his lifeguard experience, as central to his early understanding of race relations.

He began working as a public defender part time and signed on with another practice that often represented the less prosperous.

“If you’re interested in a political career, you do what he did rather than take a job at a white-shoe law firm,” Markel said.

The less subtle giveaway came during a visit to the Biden residence around this time.

“We sat down in his living room, and two dogs pop out,” Markel remembered. “I said, ‘What are their names?’ He said, ‘Senator and Governor.’”

Steeped in the “Truman Democrat” leanings of his relatives from an early age and repulsed, he has said, by the politics of Richard Nixon, Biden joined a local Democratic group, implicitly (and, often enough, explicitly) announcing himself as a prospective force in the party.

Even then, “he was an institutionalist,” said Sloan, the veteran activist. “He was going to work within the system, which he did.”

When a seat on the New Castle County Council was coming open in 1970, local Democrats assumed that Biden would be eager to claim it.

John Daniello, a party official who would become the Democratic state chairman, approached Biden to feel him out.

“He just had no interest in local government, so county office didn’t turn him on even a little bit,” Daniello said. “I made the pitch that, you know, all politics is local and that you’ve got to start someplace to get name recognition.”

Biden was persuaded in time. He ran and won.

Soon after, he asked Daniello to lunch.

“I thought he wanted to talk about pending issues,” Daniello said.

But Biden had another gambit in mind: What about the U.S. Senate?

Joe Biden marched into adulthood in Bass Weejuns penny loafers. He was known around the University of Delaware campus as the teetotaling semi-jock with a sweater around his neck — the type who seemed more consumed with date nights than civil rights and expected a certain standard of decorum from his companions, once threatening to break off an evening with a woman who lit a cigarette in his borrowed convertible.

Joe Biden marched into adulthood in Bass Weejuns penny loafers. He was known around the University of Delaware campus as the teetotaling semi-jock with a sweater around his neck — the type who seemed more consumed with date nights than civil rights and expected a certain standard of decorum from his companions, once threatening to break off an evening with a woman who lit a cigarette in his borrowed convertible. And when Biden and his friends from Syracuse University law school happened upon anti-war protesters at the chancellor’s office — the kind of Vietnam-era demonstration that galvanized so much of their generation — his group stepped past with disdain. They were going for pizza. More than a half-century later, as Biden seeks the White House with a pledge to soothe the nation’s wounds and lower its collective temperature, he has been left to deflect a curious charge at the center of President Donald Trump’s reelection effort: Biden, the president insists, is eager to do the far-left bidding of violent agitators and other assorted radicals. Also read| Biden, Harris wish Hindu-Americans on the occasion of Navratri “They’ve got you wrapped around their finger, Joe,” Trump taunted at their first debate. Biden, a 77-year-old moderate who cites John Wayne movies and long-dead Senate peers, has generally defaulted to a visceral defense: Look at me. “Ask yourself,” he implored voters in a recent address. “Do I look like a radical socialist with a soft spot for rioters?” He does not now, friends from his youth say, and he did not then — in spite of, and perhaps partly because of, the decade in which he came of age. Amid simmering protests, generational division and defining disputes about the course of American life, Biden was a young man keen on bringing a bit of a 1950s sensibility into the 1960s — a nice-house-on-a-cul-de-sac kind of guy who spent his weekends as a 20-something husband scouting available real estate from his Corvette. Also read| Biden sets fundraising record with $383 mn in September There is a version of these years that Biden prefers to share publicly: how he was captivated by the civil rights movement, coming to understand the racial divide as a teenage lifeguard in a Black neighborhood of Wilmington, Delaware; how he was brokenhearted by the murder of his heroes, the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and the Kennedy brothers; how he was motivated chiefly by an altruistic call to service. If much of this accounting is plainly true in the abstract, those who knew him say, it also elides some finer points of Biden’s arc: his boundless personal ambition, his canny relationship-building as a political novice and, quite often, his conspicuous psychic distance from the activist fervor of the times as he plotted a path to office. “He had other priorities,” Gilbert J. Sloan, a longtime supporter who was active in Delaware’s 1960s protest movements, said of Biden’s outlook then. “He was very young and ambitious.” A review of how Biden navigated this period of national upheaval — drawn from interviews with more than a dozen friends, classmates and others who have known the Democratic nominee across the decades — at once lays bare the implausibility of Trump’s attack and supplies an enduring window into Biden’s own theories of social movements. Incremental progress is still progress, he has long believed, and within-the-system change is still change. Also read| US election 2020: How the States vote for the Presidential elections If today’s activists have at times viewed Biden skeptically through this season of unrest, questioning whether he can connect with the passion in the streets when he has rarely shown passion in the streets himself, his early history would appear to reinforce their doubts. This is a man whose institutionalist instincts seemed to harden even before he belonged to any political institutions — and who has never shown much patience for protests that turn destructive or unruly. “That’s the way he views activism,” said Bob Markel, a friend since the 1950s. “Occupying an office of a dean or something like that is not his style.” It never has been. As the Vietnam War reshaped lives across many less-than-affluent families like his own, with casualties and moral outrage mounting especially among young adults a few years behind him, Biden eluded both the conflict and the attendant anger. He received five student draft deferments during the war and was kept from service after a physical exam in 1968 because he had asthma as a teenager, according to his campaign. (Trump, now 74, received five deferments in all, including a medical deferment for bone spurs.) Also read| Jim Carrey plays Joe Biden in the most anticipated season premiere of 'SNL' Biden has said he viewed the Vietnam War “in terms of stupidity, not morality,” doubting its wisdom but never feverishly enough to chant about it. “I’m not big on flak jackets and tie-dye shirts,” he told reporters in 1987, distinguishing himself from some politically minded contemporaries. “Other people marched. I ran for office.” ‘Average Irish Guy’ It can be almost impossible now to imagine Biden as a young man — or, at least, a younger man than he was when he first reached Washington, as a 30-year-old senator shattered by the car crash that killed his first wife, Neilia, and their baby daughter. But to those who met him before his best-known trials and triumphs, the Joe Biden who wandered campus in a tasteful button-down and chinos remains an indelible character, settling into the identity that would become his self-styled political brand: polished but unpretentious, a natural leader with few obvious preternatural gifts. “He was an average Irish guy. His father was a car salesman, for God’s sake,” said Fred Sears, a friend from the University of Delaware. “A good-looking guy with a gift of gab.” Have a look| US election 2020: Last few Presidents of the United States of America The glad-handing started early. An aspiring football running back and amiable freshman in 1961, Biden was elected president of his class, moving quickly to flatter his constituents. “He came up to me, shook my hand,” recalled Brian Barrabee, a football player who lived in the same dorm, “and he said, ‘Brian, I’d like to thank you for not running for class president because if you had, you would have beaten me.’ It was his way of getting people to feel good.” By his own account, Biden’s most resonant exposure to the dominant political issues of the day came well off campus. He has said he once walked out of a Wilmington restaurant that refused to serve a Black student from his high school, a recollection that Markel corroborated. And at 19, Biden worked as a lifeguard in a largely Black section of Wilmington in 1962. Also read| Democrats have nothing but disdain for your values, says Trump in Florida rally as crowd chants 'Lock up Bidens' He has said he took the job after absorbing images of the civil rights fight on television and realizing he had few relationships with Black people, suggesting he came to understand injustice most acutely by speaking to swimmers about the prejudices they faced. “What he learned from us is that we didn’t have what everybody else had,” said Richard Smith, a longtime civil rights activist who met Biden that summer as an adolescent. “He got his schooling at the swimming pool.” Biden’s formal schooling, friends say, could feel less connected to the wider national tumult. Barrabee said the campus was not a “hotbed of political activity,” describing much of the student body as “suburban kids from Wilmington, Delaware, southern Delaware area, who just wanted to go to college.” Biden did not drink — “there are enough alcoholics in my family,” he has said — and he did not smoke. But he had a way of finding trouble. He has said he was placed on probation for hosing down a resident adviser with a fire extinguisher. He once paid a covert visit to a romantic interest and left a friend, his lookout, to take the fall with the campus police, according to a transcript of Biden’s eulogy for the man in 2004. Also read| US election 2020: How are votes counted in the presidential election? Biden has said his worrisome grades sidelined his football career. Academic struggles kept him from sticking with student government as well, Sears said. But Biden’s father perhaps inadvertently assisted in his distracting social agenda: Cars were not permitted on campus, Sears said, but the elder Biden’s job allowed his son easy access to loaner vehicles for weekend excursions. “Every weekend, somehow, Joe ended up with a car,” Sears said of his friend’s advantages in courtship. “It was always a convertible. Besides being very cool and dressing right, showing up in a convertible he had us all beat eight ways from Sunday.” ‘I Wore Sport Coats’ The tilt of Biden’s life changed for good with a last-minute flight to the Bahamas. Also read| In record turnout, over 16 million Americans vote ahead of election day on November 3 He had driven down to Fort Lauderdale, Florida, in the spring of 1964 for a couple of days with friends when boredom compelled them to consider a more daring beach destination. They booked a round trip to Nassau for about $25. While there, Biden met Neilia Hunter poolside at an exclusive hotel he had sneaked into by wrapping a guest towel around his waist and walking past the guards with confidence. “I’ve got the blonde,” he told his friends, beelining to Hunter, an attractive sunbather from a well-to-do family near Syracuse. She liked him back. And when they returned stateside, the fresh clarity in Biden’s personal life seemed to sharpen his focus on other endeavors, coaxing him to fits of big-picture dreaming. Also read| US election 2020: Indian-Americans overwhelmingly support Joe Biden, new poll shows He would apply to law school at Syracuse to be near Hunter. He would make sure he was studying enough to get in. They would get married, have kids (“she wanted five”), buy a house (“a big Tudor-style house with real trees, what the real estate professionals call ‘mature plantings’”). He would work as a trial lawyer, start his own practice, run for office. “Once I had Neilia with me, it became more of a plan than a daydream,” Biden wrote in his 2007 memoir. “Now I could see the picture whole.” The early goals in this timeline were accomplished apace: He got into Syracuse. He and Hunter were married in 1966. Markel, one of Biden’s groomsmen, said Biden’s seriousness extended even to his own bachelor party. The group had rented a motel room around New Castle, Delaware, he recalled, growing rowdier by the hour, with the exception of the non-drinking groom. “We got kind of sloppy drunk,” Markel said. “Toward the end of the evening, I remember him giving us a lecture: ‘You guys are a disgrace.’” But Biden was still liable to lose interest in academics quickly, prizing football tailgates or social engagements with Hunter and often copying class notes from a friend. Sometimes, Hunter prepared Biden’s study sheets, inventing mnemonic devices for him to memorize. In his most damaging bit of carelessness, Biden lifted chunks of a law review article without proper citation — a blemish that damaged his 1988 presidential campaign amid other accusations of plagiarism at the time. Biden has said he did nothing “malevolent” at Syracuse but simply did not understand citation standards because he had not been to class often enough. “He found out it wasn’t that easy,” said Mike Gelacak, a friend who later worked as a Senate aide to Biden. “His wife explained to him that he had to knuckle down.” And if the country’s volatility in those years seeped into campus life, classmates say that Biden never much grappled with it in their company. “I was married,” Biden told reporters during the 1988 campaign, declaring himself “out of sync” with anti-war zeal. “I was in law school. I wore sport coats.” 'The World Had Changed' His wardrobe remained conservative upon graduation, befitting his new employer: a Wilmington law firm representing insurance companies, railroads and other well-resourced clients. It was prestigious work, Biden told friends. He was making it. He was on schedule. In public remarks through the years, Biden has tended to dwell more often on the broader historical record of this period than his own. During a 2009 speech, he said the violence in Vietnam “pierced America’s consciousness,” recounting a student occupation of the Syracuse chancellor’s office. He did not tell his audience what he thought of those doing the occupying at the time. In a 2016 address, Biden explained that once he graduated, “the world had changed.” “Dr. King had been assassinated,” he said. “There were riots throughout America. A significant part of my hometown of Wilmington, Delaware, was burned to the ground.” This localized distress had perhaps the most lasting effect on Biden. Wilmington was home to a notoriously lengthy National Guard occupation: Troops continued patrolling predominantly Black neighborhoods well after initial unrest following King’s death. Biden has described the episode, combined with his lifeguard experience, as central to his early understanding of race relations. He began working as a public defender part time and signed on with another practice that often represented the less prosperous. “If you’re interested in a political career, you do what he did rather than take a job at a white-shoe law firm,” Markel said. The less subtle giveaway came during a visit to the Biden residence around this time. “We sat down in his living room, and two dogs pop out,” Markel remembered. “I said, ‘What are their names?’ He said, ‘Senator and Governor.’” Steeped in the “Truman Democrat” leanings of his relatives from an early age and repulsed, he has said, by the politics of Richard Nixon, Biden joined a local Democratic group, implicitly (and, often enough, explicitly) announcing himself as a prospective force in the party. Even then, “he was an institutionalist,” said Sloan, the veteran activist. “He was going to work within the system, which he did.” When a seat on the New Castle County Council was coming open in 1970, local Democrats assumed that Biden would be eager to claim it. John Daniello, a party official who would become the Democratic state chairman, approached Biden to feel him out. “He just had no interest in local government, so county office didn’t turn him on even a little bit,” Daniello said. “I made the pitch that, you know, all politics is local and that you’ve got to start someplace to get name recognition.” Biden was persuaded in time. He ran and won. Soon after, he asked Daniello to lunch. “I thought he wanted to talk about pending issues,” Daniello said. But Biden had another gambit in mind: What about the U.S. Senate?

Joe Biden's non-radical 1960s

Democratic Party presidential candidate Joe Biden on Friday (local time) weighed emphatically in favour of Affordable Care Act, informally known as 'Obamacare' at an event in Michigan.

Michigan is a swing state, that is, one of the states that are not seen to strongly support either Joe Biden or Donald Trump. Victory in swing states may prove to be instrumental for both candidates after they win their respective traditional strongholds.

“If I have the honor of becoming your president, we'll build on the Affordable Care Act, no matter what they do," Biden said at an event in Michigan.

Affordable Care Act was passed by Barack Obama administration. The act paved way for millions of Americans to afford healthcare. Republican Party has been against the law from the moment it was passed. Democrats allege that striking down the law is high on the priority list of Republicans. Democratic Party has upped the ante to support the Act especially after Judge Amy Coney Barrett was nominated by Donald Trump to the Supreme Court.

In Michigan, Biden lashed out at Trump for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic.

"He’ll do anything to distract us from focusing on his failures to deal with this virus to protect the nation," Biden said. "It's not disappearing, in fact it's on the rise again. It's getting worse, as predicted."

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/democrats-have-nothing-but-disdain-for-your-values-says-trump-in-florida-rally-as-crowd-chants-lock-up-bidens-335925">Democrats have nothing but disdain for your values, says Trump in Florida rally as crowd chants 'Lock up Bidens'</a>

Biden has shown strength with senior voters, many of whom have faulted Trump for his response to the health crisis.

Biden also homed in on another area where Trump has run into regular controversy -- his often lackluster responses when asked to condemn extreme right-wing groups and white supremacists.

He said Trump's comments were a "dog whistle" to such groups.

"Look. Everybody knows who Donald Trump is, let's show them who we are," Biden said at a car rally in Detroit. 
"We choose hope over fear, unity over division, science over fiction and yes, truth over lies."

(With agency inputs)

Democratic Party presidential candidate Joe Biden on Friday (local time) weighed emphatically in favour of Affordable Care Act, informally known as 'Obamacare' at an event in Michigan.

Democratic Party presidential candidate Joe Biden on Friday (local time) weighed emphatically in favour of Affordable Care Act, informally known as 'Obamacare' at an event in Michigan. Michigan is a swing state, that is, one of the states that are not seen to strongly support either Joe Biden or Donald Trump. Victory in swing states may prove to be instrumental for both candidates after they win their respective traditional strongholds. “If I have the honor of becoming your president, we'll build on the Affordable Care Act, no matter what they do," Biden said at an event in Michigan. Affordable Care Act was passed by Barack Obama administration. The act paved way for millions of Americans to afford healthcare. Republican Party has been against the law from the moment it was passed. Democrats allege that striking down the law is high on the priority list of Republicans. Democratic Party has upped the ante to support the Act especially after Judge Amy Coney Barrett was nominated by Donald Trump to the Supreme Court. In Michigan, Biden lashed out at Trump for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic. "He’ll do anything to distract us from focusing on his failures to deal with this virus to protect the nation," Biden said. "It's not disappearing, in fact it's on the rise again. It's getting worse, as predicted." Also Read | Democrats have nothing but disdain for your values, says Trump in Florida rally as crowd chants 'Lock up Bidens' Biden has shown strength with senior voters, many of whom have faulted Trump for his response to the health crisis. Biden also homed in on another area where Trump has run into regular controversy -- his often lackluster responses when asked to condemn extreme right-wing groups and white supremacists. He said Trump's comments were a "dog whistle" to such groups. "Look. Everybody knows who Donald Trump is, let's show them who we are," Biden said at a car rally in Detroit. "We choose hope over fear, unity over division, science over fiction and yes, truth over lies." (With agency inputs)

We will build on Obamacare, no matter what they do: Joe Biden in Michigan

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France: Killing of teacher 'Islamist terrorist attack', says Macron Police said the assailant was shot by cops and later died of his injuries as French anti-terror prosecutors said they were treating the assault as "a murder linked to a terrorist organisation".

France: Killing of teacher 'Islamist terrorist attack', says Macron Police said the assailant was shot by cops and later died of his injuries as French anti-terror prosecutors said they were treating the assault as "a murder linked to a terrorist organisation"...Read More Coronavirus cases cross 8 million in United States; daily infections on the rise since September The number of COVID-19 cases has been on the rise since September in the United States with an average of 50,000 daily cases worrying health experts..Read More Democrats have nothing but disdain for your values, says Trump in Florida rally as crowd chants 'Lock up Bidens' The rally is President Trump's second in one week in central Florida which was a Republican stronghold in 2016, however, the US president has been trailing in opinion polls to Biden in the state...Read More Last wine and dine for Parisians as COVID-19 curfew kicks in The curfew will be enforced in large cities of France between 9pm to 6 am each night at least for a month. The decision has been taken to avoid a new wave of coronavirus infections..Read More Gravitas: Biden Vs Trump: The story of dueling town halls ×

Morning news brief: Teacher beheaded in France, Trump campaigns in Florida & more!

US President Donald Trump's Democratic rival Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris have wished Hindu Americans on the occasion of the nine-day Navratri festival that began on Saturday.

Hindu festival season begins with Navratri and climaxes in October and November with the popular celebrations of Dussehra and Diwali.

Indian-Americans as a population have always leaned towards the Democratic party in US presidential elections. And the choice of Kamala Harris -- the first-ever person of Indian origin to be featured on major party ticket -- as the vice presidential candidate for the Democrats has made Hindu-Americans a major vote bank for Biden.

Joe Biden tweeted, "As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all."

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As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all.
— Joe Biden (@JoeBiden) <a href="https://twitter.com/JoeBiden/status/1317472937159610373?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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And Kamala Harris tweeted, ".@DouglasEmhoff and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America."

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.<a href="https://twitter.com/DouglasEmhoff?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@DouglasEmhoff</a> and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America.
— Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) <a href="https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/1317469831176851456?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Meanwhile, results from a new survey of Indian Americans provide strong evidence that contradicts an emerging narrative that these voters are shifting their support from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party.

A significant 72% of registered Indian American voters plan to vote for Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the presidential elections while 22% plan to vote for the incumbent president.&nbsp;

The study surveyed (online) a nationally representative sample of 936 Indian Americans in September.

(with inputs)

US President Donald Trump's Democratic rival Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris have wished Hindu Americans on the occasion of the nine-day Navratri festival that began on Saturday.

US President Donald Trump's Democratic rival Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris have wished Hindu Americans on the occasion of the nine-day Navratri festival that began on Saturday. Hindu festival season begins with Navratri and climaxes in October and November with the popular celebrations of Dussehra and Diwali. Indian-Americans as a population have always leaned towards the Democratic party in US presidential elections. And the choice of Kamala Harris -- the first-ever person of Indian origin to be featured on major party ticket -- as the vice presidential candidate for the Democrats has made Hindu-Americans a major vote bank for Biden. Joe Biden tweeted, "As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all." As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all. — Joe Biden (@JoeBiden) October 17, 2020 × And Kamala Harris tweeted, ".@DouglasEmhoff and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America." .@DouglasEmhoff and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America. — Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) October 17, 2020 × Meanwhile, results from a new survey of Indian Americans provide strong evidence that contradicts an emerging narrative that these voters are shifting their support from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party. A significant 72% of registered Indian American voters plan to vote for Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the presidential elections while 22% plan to vote for the incumbent president. The study surveyed (online) a nationally representative sample of 936 Indian Americans in September. (with inputs)

Biden, Harris wish Hindu-Americans on the occasion of Navratri

US President Donald Trump took his re-election push to Michigan and Wisconsin on Saturday before launching a tour of western states.

Trump is in a bit of a precarious situation as national polls show him trailing his Democratic rival Joe Biden.

Days after recovering from COVID-19 and just two and a half weeks before the November 3 election, Trump is holding rallies around the country to try to secure key battleground states that he won four years ago.

He prevailed in Michigan and Wisconsin in 2016 but surveys show him running behind Biden, the former vice president, in those states this year.

Trump's advisors have long seen Michigan and Wisconsin, as well as Pennsylvania, as key to his chances of re-election.

Trump lags in opinion polls and the latest figures from his campaign show he is also trailing in fundraising as the race intensifies. Early voting is shattering records, with more than 23 million Americans having already cast ballots.

Biden, who has stepped up travel in recent weeks after keeping a reduced schedule because of the pandemic, plans to remain in his home state of Delaware on Saturday. 
His running mate, Senator Kamala Harris of California, is also eschewing travel for a few days after an aide came down with COVID-19.

Wisconsin has 10 electoral votes, Michigan has 16 and Arizona has 11. Nevada, where Trump will campaign on Sunday, has six electoral votes.

Trump, who usually avoids wearing a mask and whose rallies include thousands of people without social distancing, said again on Friday that the country is turning the corner on the disease, a day after the number of US cases crossed 8 million, rising by 1 million in less than a month.

But Biden has often criticised Trump sharply for his response to the pandemic, which has killed more than 217,000 people in the United States alone.

Biden said on Friday that Trump had been untruthful and negligent in his response to the virus. He has also criticized the Trump administration for seeking to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare.

Trump's string of campaign stops comes ahead of a critical week next week. The two candidates will face each other in their second and final debate on Thursday.

US President Donald Trump took his re-election push to Michigan and Wisconsin on Saturday before launching a tour of western states. Trump is in a bit of a precarious situation as national polls show him trailing his Democratic rival Joe Biden.

US President Donald Trump took his re-election push to Michigan and Wisconsin on Saturday before launching a tour of western states. Trump is in a bit of a precarious situation as national polls show him trailing his Democratic rival Joe Biden. Days after recovering from COVID-19 and just two and a half weeks before the November 3 election, Trump is holding rallies around the country to try to secure key battleground states that he won four years ago. He prevailed in Michigan and Wisconsin in 2016 but surveys show him running behind Biden, the former vice president, in those states this year. Trump's advisors have long seen Michigan and Wisconsin, as well as Pennsylvania, as key to his chances of re-election. Trump lags in opinion polls and the latest figures from his campaign show he is also trailing in fundraising as the race intensifies. Early voting is shattering records, with more than 23 million Americans having already cast ballots. Biden, who has stepped up travel in recent weeks after keeping a reduced schedule because of the pandemic, plans to remain in his home state of Delaware on Saturday. His running mate, Senator Kamala Harris of California, is also eschewing travel for a few days after an aide came down with COVID-19. Wisconsin has 10 electoral votes, Michigan has 16 and Arizona has 11. Nevada, where Trump will campaign on Sunday, has six electoral votes. Trump, who usually avoids wearing a mask and whose rallies include thousands of people without social distancing, said again on Friday that the country is turning the corner on the disease, a day after the number of US cases crossed 8 million, rising by 1 million in less than a month. But Biden has often criticised Trump sharply for his response to the pandemic, which has killed more than 217,000 people in the United States alone. Biden said on Friday that Trump had been untruthful and negligent in his response to the virus. He has also criticized the Trump administration for seeking to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare. Trump's string of campaign stops comes ahead of a critical week next week. The two candidates will face each other in their second and final debate on Thursday.

Trump heads to Michigan, Wisconsin in US election campaign push

Joe Biden has broken his own monthly fundraising record by taking in $383 million in September for his presidential campaign. The flood of donations arrived after his first debate with US President Donald Trump.

Trump lagged far behind last month with $248 million.

The first presidential debate was a chaotic clash in which Trump constantly spoke over and interrupted Biden.

Democratic candidate Biden leads Trump nationally by double digits in the frenzied homestretch to the November 3 election.

Biden campaign manager Jen O'Malley Dillon said Wednesday the $383 million figure was a record and included $203 million raised from online donors. The campaign now has $432 million to spend on getting Biden elected.

The Trump campaign released its $248 million figure Thursday night.

After progressive Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died on September 18, small donors enraged by the idea that she could be replaced by a conservative nominated by Trump donated more than $100 million in one weekend to ActBlue, a platform that raises money for Democratic candidates at the presidential, congressional and local level.

Biden had already set a fundraising record with $364.5 million in August.

His figures are far higher than the record set by Barack Obama with nearly $200 million in September 2008.

(with inputs)

Joe Biden has broken his own monthly fundraising record by taking in $383 million in September for his presidential campaign. The flood of donations arrived after his first debate with US President Donald Trump.

Joe Biden has broken his own monthly fundraising record by taking in $383 million in September for his presidential campaign. The flood of donations arrived after his first debate with US President Donald Trump. Trump lagged far behind last month with $248 million. The first presidential debate was a chaotic clash in which Trump constantly spoke over and interrupted Biden. Democratic candidate Biden leads Trump nationally by double digits in the frenzied homestretch to the November 3 election. Biden campaign manager Jen O'Malley Dillon said Wednesday the $383 million figure was a record and included $203 million raised from online donors. The campaign now has $432 million to spend on getting Biden elected. The Trump campaign released its $248 million figure Thursday night. After progressive Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died on September 18, small donors enraged by the idea that she could be replaced by a conservative nominated by Trump donated more than $100 million in one weekend to ActBlue, a platform that raises money for Democratic candidates at the presidential, congressional and local level. Biden had already set a fundraising record with $364.5 million in August. His figures are far higher than the record set by Barack Obama with nearly $200 million in September 2008. (with inputs)

Biden sets fundraising record with $383 mn in September

Americans are in a hurry to cast ballots ahead of the election at an unprecedented pace. More than 23 million American citizens have already cast their vote for the November 3rd general election.

US Election 2020: Rise in early voting numbers; 23 million Americans cast early ballots

David Perdue, a Senator of the Republican Party repeatedly mispronounced Kamala Harris' name as he spoke ahead of US President Donald Trump in his rally in Georgia on Friday (local time). Perdue mispronounced Harris' name so many times that media reports lashed out at him for mocking Kamala Harris, who is &nbsp;daughter of immigrants from India and Jamaica. She is Democratic Party's nominee for the post of Vice President of USA. This makes her the first Black woman and first Asian American to join a major party`s presidential ticket.&nbsp;

Perdue, who is in a closely fought battle for re-election to the senate against Democrat Jon Ossoff, spoke ahead of Trump in the central Georgia city of Macon on Friday evening.

Video of his speech shows Perdue repeatedly making exaggerated attempts to pronounce the name before saying, "I don`t know, whatever." The crowd responds with laughter.

Ossoff tweeted that Perdue would not have mocked a fellow senator who was male or white.

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/we-will-build-on-obamacare-no-matter-what-they-do-joe-biden-in-michigan-335944">We will build on Obamacare, no matter what they do: Joe Biden in Michigan</a>

John Burke, a spokesman for Perdue`s campaign, tweeted that the senator "simply mispronounced Senator Harris` name, and he didn`t mean anything by it."

Republican incumbent Trump is trailing Biden in national opinion polls, but state polls show a close race in Georgia, a state that has become increasingly diverse and more Democratic.

(With Reuters inputs)

David Perdue, a Senator of the Republican Party repeatedly mispronounced Kamala Harris' name as he spoke ahead of US President Donald Trump in his rally in Georgia on Friday (local time).

David Perdue, a Senator of the Republican Party repeatedly mispronounced Kamala Harris' name as he spoke ahead of US President Donald Trump in his rally in Georgia on Friday (local time). Perdue mispronounced Harris' name so many times that media reports lashed out at him for mocking Kamala Harris, who is daughter of immigrants from India and Jamaica. She is Democratic Party's nominee for the post of Vice President of USA. This makes her the first Black woman and first Asian American to join a major party`s presidential ticket. Perdue, who is in a closely fought battle for re-election to the senate against Democrat Jon Ossoff, spoke ahead of Trump in the central Georgia city of Macon on Friday evening. Video of his speech shows Perdue repeatedly making exaggerated attempts to pronounce the name before saying, "I don`t know, whatever." The crowd responds with laughter. Ossoff tweeted that Perdue would not have mocked a fellow senator who was male or white. Also Read | We will build on Obamacare, no matter what they do: Joe Biden in Michigan John Burke, a spokesman for Perdue`s campaign, tweeted that the senator "simply mispronounced Senator Harris` name, and he didn`t mean anything by it." Republican incumbent Trump is trailing Biden in national opinion polls, but state polls show a close race in Georgia, a state that has become increasingly diverse and more Democratic. (With Reuters inputs)

Republican Senator repeatedly mispronounces Kamala Harris' name at Trump rally

2 Presidential candidates, 2 Town Halls, 2 news channels. NBC News & ABC News will air dueling town hall events with Donald Trump & Joe Biden on the same night at the same time. Both the live events will air on the scheduled night for the cancelled #PresidentialDebate.

Who will win the television battle? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

A tight poll with just 20 days to election day, Donald Trump reached IOWA to appeal to rural voters. Thousands of largely 'MASKLESS' supporters attended Trump's 90-minute address at the Des Moines International Airport. Can Trump win IOWA again?

Can Trump close the gap with Biden? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

A number light hearted moments provided a much-needed comic relief to the marathon grilling session. From Audio glitches to dripping sarcasm & a glass of wine, here are a few funny moments from the #SCOTUS hearing.

Dripping sarcasm & a glass of wine | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

The would-be justice Amy Coney Barrett played safe yet again & chose not to give direct answers to crucial questions. As the #SCOTUS hearing winds down, GOP move up to vote. WION brings you the highlights of day 3.

Judge Barrett sails though grill session | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

At the final stretch of campaigning in the most polarised #PresidentialElection2020, Donald Trump took his campaign to North Carolina. WION reports.

Can undecided voters rescue Trump? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

US President Donald Trump shared&nbsp;a satirical article Friday&nbsp;about Twitter shutting down to slow the spread of negative news on his election rival Joe Biden, apparently unaware that it was a joke.

Trump, who often rails against "fake news" while retweeting misinformation to his 87 million followers, tweeted a link to the tall tale headlined: "Twitter Shuts Down Entire Network To Slow Spread Of Negative Biden News."&nbsp;

"Wow, this has never been done in history," Trump tweeted -- correctly, as it turns out, because Twitter had done no such thing.

"This includes his really bad interview last night. Why is Twitter doing this."

The story Trump shared was from the Babylon Bee, a satirical news site with the motto "Fake news you can trust" clearly visible on its Twitter page.

Trump's tweet came after he rebuked Facebook and Twitter on Wednesday for blocking links to a New York Post article purporting to expose corrupt dealings by Biden and his son in Ukraine.

The social media giants said they had stopped linking to the article because the provenance of the information was questionable.&nbsp;

Trump has tweeted articles from the Babylon Bee in the past and the site told The New York Times&nbsp;earlier in October that it was "assured" Trump knew it was satire.

The website's chief executive officer Seth Dillon&nbsp;offered his own lighthearted take soon after attracting Trump's attention, proudly declaring: "The Babylon Bee is the president's most trusted news source."

Trump's propensity for sharing wild, unfounded accusations has not been diminished by his political career, which was forged in the cauldron of the racist "birtherism" conspiracy theory alleging that his predecessor Barack Obama was not born in the US.

Only this week, he shared a bizarre claim originating from the emergent QAnon movement that Biden was involved in a conspiracy to fake the death of Osama bin Laden in 2011.

At a televised town hall event in Miami on Thursday, Trump defended his retweets, saying "people can decide for themselves" if the outlandish theories he shares have any merit.

"I don't get that," NBC interviewer Savannah Guthrie retorted. "You're the president, you're not like someone's crazy uncle who can just retweet whatever."

US President Donald Trump shared a satirical article Friday about Twitter shutting down to slow the spread of negative news on his election rival Joe Biden, apparently unaware that it was a joke.

US President Donald Trump shared a satirical article Friday about Twitter shutting down to slow the spread of negative news on his election rival Joe Biden, apparently unaware that it was a joke. Trump, who often rails against "fake news" while retweeting misinformation to his 87 million followers, tweeted a link to the tall tale headlined: "Twitter Shuts Down Entire Network To Slow Spread Of Negative Biden News." "Wow, this has never been done in history," Trump tweeted -- correctly, as it turns out, because Twitter had done no such thing. "This includes his really bad interview last night. Why is Twitter doing this." The story Trump shared was from the Babylon Bee, a satirical news site with the motto "Fake news you can trust" clearly visible on its Twitter page. Trump's tweet came after he rebuked Facebook and Twitter on Wednesday for blocking links to a New York Post article purporting to expose corrupt dealings by Biden and his son in Ukraine. The social media giants said they had stopped linking to the article because the provenance of the information was questionable. Trump has tweeted articles from the Babylon Bee in the past and the site told The New York Times earlier in October that it was "assured" Trump knew it was satire. The website's chief executive officer Seth Dillon offered his own lighthearted take soon after attracting Trump's attention, proudly declaring: "The Babylon Bee is the president's most trusted news source." Trump's propensity for sharing wild, unfounded accusations has not been diminished by his political career, which was forged in the cauldron of the racist "birtherism" conspiracy theory alleging that his predecessor Barack Obama was not born in the US. Only this week, he shared a bizarre claim originating from the emergent QAnon movement that Biden was involved in a conspiracy to fake the death of Osama bin Laden in 2011. At a televised town hall event in Miami on Thursday, Trump defended his retweets, saying "people can decide for themselves" if the outlandish theories he shares have any merit. "I don't get that," NBC interviewer Savannah Guthrie retorted. "You're the president, you're not like someone's crazy uncle who can just retweet whatever."

Trump shares joke story on Biden, Twitter in earnest

On Tuesday, November 3, The United States of America (USA) will vote for its next President. The US election, held once every four years, takes place on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, as spelled out in the US Constitution.&nbsp;

Irrespective of who wins the American presidential race, there’s a good chance India will continue to remain important for the US.

There are actually only a few similarities between the organization of the government in the two biggest functioning democracies around the world. Elections in the USA are therefore not quite the same as elections in India.&nbsp;

Here are the main differences between Indian and American elections:

Presidential and Parliamentary form of Government

United States follows the presidential form of the Government and India follows the parliamentary form.

In a presidential system, the central principle is that the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government are separate. This leads to the separate election of president, who is elected to office for a fixed term, and only removable for gross misdemeanor by impeachment and dismissal.US citizens technically vote for “electors” and not the presidential candidates themselves, who subsequently elect the President.&nbsp;

In the US presidential system, the President is both the chief executive of the government and the head of state.&nbsp;

India follows the parliamentary system of government. Indian Parliament is a bicameral legislature composed of the President of India and the two houses: the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) and the Lok Sabha (House of the People). The President in his role as head of legislature has full powers to summon and prorogue either house of Parliament or to dissolve Lok Sabha.

India’s parliamentary system does not allow citizens to directly choose the head of the government.In India the Head of state is different from the Head of the government. 
 
Political parties:

The United States has two prominent parties that have the most power the Republican Party and the Democratic Party, both of which are built on a specific ideology. Although the Libertarian Party, Green Party, and other smaller parties exist in US but they are as big as the two major ones.

India, however, has many parties that operate on the different regional level. The two major political parties of India are the Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian National Congress apart from these two, India is riddled with countless other regional parties which often differs from one state to the other. 
 
Electoral system

According to the US government website, In the US Electoral College system, each state gets a certain number of electors based on its total number of representatives in Congress. Each elector casts one electoral vote following the general election; there are a total of 538 electoral votes. The candidate that gets more than half (270) wins the election.

Members of Lok Sabha (House of the People) or the lower house of India's Parliament are elected by being voted upon by all adult citizens of India, from a set of candidates who stand in their respective constituencies. The MPs of the party or alliance with majority seats choose their leader as the head of the government, who becomes Prime Minister of India.&nbsp; 
 
Voting system&nbsp;

US uses ballot to cast votes and India uses EVM machines for voting. 
 
There is one major disadvantage of the Indian election system is that the people don’t have the choice to elect their Head of State directly.

On Tuesday, November 3, The United States of America (USA) will vote for its next President. The US election, held once every four years, takes place on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, as spelled out in the US Constitution.

On Tuesday, November 3, The United States of America (USA) will vote for its next President. The US election, held once every four years, takes place on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, as spelled out in the US Constitution. Irrespective of who wins the American presidential race, there’s a good chance India will continue to remain important for the US. There are actually only a few similarities between the organization of the government in the two biggest functioning democracies around the world. Elections in the USA are therefore not quite the same as elections in India. Here are the main differences between Indian and American elections: Presidential and Parliamentary form of Government United States follows the presidential form of the Government and India follows the parliamentary form. In a presidential system, the central principle is that the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government are separate. This leads to the separate election of president, who is elected to office for a fixed term, and only removable for gross misdemeanor by impeachment and dismissal.US citizens technically vote for “electors” and not the presidential candidates themselves, who subsequently elect the President. In the US presidential system, the President is both the chief executive of the government and the head of state. India follows the parliamentary system of government. Indian Parliament is a bicameral legislature composed of the President of India and the two houses: the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) and the Lok Sabha (House of the People). The President in his role as head of legislature has full powers to summon and prorogue either house of Parliament or to dissolve Lok Sabha. India’s parliamentary system does not allow citizens to directly choose the head of the government.In India the Head of state is different from the Head of the government. Political parties: The United States has two prominent parties that have the most power the Republican Party and the Democratic Party, both of which are built on a specific ideology. Although the Libertarian Party, Green Party, and other smaller parties exist in US but they are as big as the two major ones. India, however, has many parties that operate on the different regional level. The two major political parties of India are the Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian National Congress apart from these two, India is riddled with countless other regional parties which often differs from one state to the other. Electoral system According to the US government website, In the US Electoral College system, each state gets a certain number of electors based on its total number of representatives in Congress. Each elector casts one electoral vote following the general election; there are a total of 538 electoral votes. The candidate that gets more than half (270) wins the election. Members of Lok Sabha (House of the People) or the lower house of India's Parliament are elected by being voted upon by all adult citizens of India, from a set of candidates who stand in their respective constituencies. The MPs of the party or alliance with majority seats choose their leader as the head of the government, who becomes Prime Minister of India. Voting system US uses ballot to cast votes and India uses EVM machines for voting. There is one major disadvantage of the Indian election system is that the people don’t have the choice to elect their Head of State directly.

US election 2020: How American election is different from Indian election

President Donald Trump was evasive when asked whether he took a coronavirus test on the day of the first debate. Trump's comments came in the opening moments of Thursday night's town hall-style meeting on NBC. His Democratic challenger, Joe Biden, was appearing at a similar event at the same time on another network. Watch report.

Trump vs Biden at competing town halls: Trump evasive on testing for COVID-19 before debate

Ahead of the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/us-election">US election 2020</a>, the tech giant Google has decided to add some features related to the elections and voting which can help the voters through the process.

If a voter searches for phrases such as "early voting locations" or&nbsp;"ballot drop boxes near me", the search engine will now show the details on where can one go to vote and will also show the drop boxes for mail-in voters. The search will also give information such as the distance and time it will take to travel there, and the amount of crowd.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-how-are-votes-counted-in-the-presidential-election-335422">Also read|&nbsp;US election 2020: How are votes counted in the presidential election?</a>

The same will also remind people about what all do the voters need to carry with themselves while going to that specific location, such as identitity cards,&nbsp;bring your ballot completed and sealed, and so on.

"Just as easily, you`ll soon be able to ask, `Hey Google, where do I vote?` and Google Assistant will share details on where to vote nearby on your Assistant-enabled phone, smart speaker or Smart Display," Yunhan Xu, Product Manager at Google wrote in a blog post.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-how-the-states-vote-for-the-presidential-elections-335430">Also read|&nbsp;US election 2020: How the States vote for the Presidential elections</a>

"After you`ve selected a voting location or ballot drop box in your area, you can click through from Google Search or Google Assistant to Google Maps for quick information about how far it is, how to get there, and voting hours."

Similarly, if you search for your voting location in Google Maps you`ll have easy access to the feature in Search to help you confirm where you can cast your vote, the company said.

The features have been revealed just a couple of weeks prior to the election date, i.e. November 03. Some of the states have already started early voting. This year, the election is between the US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival and former Vice President Joe Biden.

Ahead of the US election 2020, the tech giant Google has decided to add some features related to the elections and voting which can help the voters through the process.

Ahead of the US election 2020, the tech giant Google has decided to add some features related to the elections and voting which can help the voters through the process. If a voter searches for phrases such as "early voting locations" or "ballot drop boxes near me", the search engine will now show the details on where can one go to vote and will also show the drop boxes for mail-in voters. The search will also give information such as the distance and time it will take to travel there, and the amount of crowd. Also read| US election 2020: How are votes counted in the presidential election? The same will also remind people about what all do the voters need to carry with themselves while going to that specific location, such as identitity cards, bring your ballot completed and sealed, and so on. "Just as easily, you`ll soon be able to ask, `Hey Google, where do I vote?` and Google Assistant will share details on where to vote nearby on your Assistant-enabled phone, smart speaker or Smart Display," Yunhan Xu, Product Manager at Google wrote in a blog post. Also read| US election 2020: How the States vote for the Presidential elections "After you`ve selected a voting location or ballot drop box in your area, you can click through from Google Search or Google Assistant to Google Maps for quick information about how far it is, how to get there, and voting hours." Similarly, if you search for your voting location in Google Maps you`ll have easy access to the feature in Search to help you confirm where you can cast your vote, the company said. The features have been revealed just a couple of weeks prior to the election date, i.e. November 03. Some of the states have already started early voting. This year, the election is between the US President Donald Trump and his Democratic rival and former Vice President Joe Biden.

Google launches election-related features weeks before US election 2020

A stark contrast was observed in the style of address by two presidential candidates: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Donald Trump </a>and <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/joe-biden">Joe Biden </a>at the rival town halls on Thursday.

Biden, on one hand, looked elaborative, empathetic in his response, which was completely different from Trump's appearance, in which he provided aggressive responses when questions related to his presidency was asked.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/peaceful-transfer-i-absolutely-want-it-says-trump-at-town-hall-meeting-335600">Peaceful transfer, I absolutely want it, says Trump at town hall meeting</a> &nbsp;

Trump continued his optimism about the coronavirus pandemic that has killed more than 217,000 Americans and for which he has faced a lot of flak.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-joe-biden-halts-kamala-harris-travel-after-campaign-staffers-test-positive-335540">US election 2020: Joe Biden halts Kamala Harris' travel after campaign staffers test positive</a>

"We're rounding the corner," he told NBC in Miami despite many states observing an uptick in the infections.&nbsp;

Biden, during his town hall, slammed again Trump for his response to the crisis&nbsp;

"We're in a situation where we have 210,000 plus people dead and what's he doing? Nothing. He's still not wearing masks," Biden told ABC at the event in Philadelphia.

Trump also refused to criticise QAnon, a conspiracy theory movement that propagates Trump is battling a secret war against liberal cult of Satan-worshipping paedophiles.

"I know nothing about QAnon," he said, and then continued to praise the group's stance saying it is "very much against paedophilia."

Biden received much praise for his remarks in which he committed himself in improving the atmosphere, saying "grudges don't work".

"We've got to change the nature of the way we deal with one another," the Democratic contender said.

"If I'm elected president, the first thing -- and not a joke... I'm going to pick up the phone and call them and say, 'Let's get together.'" 
&nbsp;

A stark contrast was observed in the style of address by two presidential candidates: Donald Trump and Joe Biden at the rival town halls on Thursday. Biden, on one hand, looked elaborative, empathetic in his response, which was completely different from Trump's appearance, in which he provided aggressive responses when questions related to his presidency was asked.

A stark contrast was observed in the style of address by two presidential candidates: Donald Trump and Joe Biden at the rival town halls on Thursday. Biden, on one hand, looked elaborative, empathetic in his response, which was completely different from Trump's appearance, in which he provided aggressive responses when questions related to his presidency was asked. Also read | Peaceful transfer, I absolutely want it, says Trump at town hall meeting Trump continued his optimism about the coronavirus pandemic that has killed more than 217,000 Americans and for which he has faced a lot of flak. Also read | US election 2020: Joe Biden halts Kamala Harris' travel after campaign staffers test positive "We're rounding the corner," he told NBC in Miami despite many states observing an uptick in the infections. Biden, during his town hall, slammed again Trump for his response to the crisis "We're in a situation where we have 210,000 plus people dead and what's he doing? Nothing. He's still not wearing masks," Biden told ABC at the event in Philadelphia. Trump also refused to criticise QAnon, a conspiracy theory movement that propagates Trump is battling a secret war against liberal cult of Satan-worshipping paedophiles. "I know nothing about QAnon," he said, and then continued to praise the group's stance saying it is "very much against paedophilia." Biden received much praise for his remarks in which he committed himself in improving the atmosphere, saying "grudges don't work". "We've got to change the nature of the way we deal with one another," the Democratic contender said. "If I'm elected president, the first thing -- and not a joke... I'm going to pick up the phone and call them and say, 'Let's get together.'"

US election 2020: Trump's coronavirus optimism continues as Joe Biden says Prez did 'nothing'

Has Donald Trump's approach in blaming China for the pandemic helped in building a global momentum against Beijing's aggression? Watch U.S. Election Dialogues for more.

U.S. Election Dialogues, October 14, 2020

Joe Biden turns his attention on older American voters, a crucial voting bloc in Florida. This bloc was an important part of Donald Trump's 2016 victory. A new survey on Indian-American voters shows some shocking results. WION reports.

Who will Indian-Americans vote for? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

The world is keenly watching the #USEelection race as a change of power can lead to a global power shift. What were the hits & misses of Donald Trump? & How important is this election for the world politics?

Who will maintain America's leadership? | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

With just days to the election day, Donald Trump is on the defensive in every major swing state. From offering kisses to Shaking a leg, Trump is pulling all chords to make up for the final stretch of campaigning. Can trump change the game now?

Trump's 'politically incorrect' address | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

After nearly 12 hours of questioning, Judge Amy Coney Barrett has portrayed herself as an independent judge without an agenda. She did it by dodging all questions on high profile cases. Here are the highlights from day 2 of #SCOTUS hearing.

Judge Barrett's art of dodging questions | U.S. Election 2020 New York Direct

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