India Election Watch: The Story of India's migrant voters

Union minister JP Nadda announces first list of candidates for LS polls

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

The move received a major jolt on Tuesday when the Madhya Pradesh high court issued an order staying the Ordinance promulgated by the state Governor earlier this month to almost double the quota for OBCs.

The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance, now under judicial review, was passed on the plea that circumstances existed and since the Legislative Assembly was not in session, it was necessary to take immediate action in this regard.&nbsp;

Tuesday’s High Court order notwithstanding, Chief Minister Kamal Nath is not ready to concede ground. He has responded to queries by media-persons by citing the example of Tamil Nadu and stating that other states too have gone in for reservation exceeding the 50 per cent limit prescribed and mandated by the Supreme Court. &nbsp;

Moving in the same direction as Tamil Nadu, even Maharashtra has chosen to grant 16 per cent reservation in jobs and admissions in academic institutions to the Marathas. The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh joined the bandwagon and soon after assuming office, Kamal Nath also went ahead and announced that OBCs will be given 27 per cent reservation in the state. &nbsp;This announcement, no doubt, was made keeping in view the role to be played by nearly 50 per cent voters belonging to the OBC category in Madya Pradesh.

For immediate gains, political parties scramble for votes. They resort to vote bank politics and take reckless actions. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance for hiking the quota for OBCs is a case in point. After the High Court order has come as a roadblock for Kamal Nath, he has tried to draw sustenance by pointing to other states. The question arises, in the first place, is it proper for states such as Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra to exceed the 50 per cent cap on the reservation and put the same in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to avoid judicial review.

When the Supreme Court has fixed a 50 per cent cap, the thumb rule should be straight and without ambiguity. Political parties, both ruling and in the Opposition, should ensure overall reservation for SCs/STs and OBCs does not exceed 50 &nbsp;per cent as laid down by the Supreme Court of India, and anybody applying for a seat or job under the quota shall not be eligible for general merit seat.

The quota system in its present form is causing reverse social discrimination and it leads to more and more forward communities clamouring for Other Backward Classes (OBC) status and governments succumbing due to electoral pressures.

The anti-quota movement which had picked up great momentum in Madhya Pradesh 2016 onwards, riding on the crest of the popular demand that reservation should be on an economic criterion, was a major factor leading to BJP’s defeat in the 2018 Assembly election. Kamal Nath’s move to hike reservation for OBCs has been seen as a move aimed at wooing the OBCs and diluting people’s upsurge on the reservation issue. But even before the Congress party could take stock of what it was ultimately going to gain by moving in this direction, it has been stopped in its path by the high court but not before it stands completely exposed when it comes to vote bank politics.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The move received a major jolt on Tuesday when the Madhya Pradesh high court issued an order staying the Ordinance promulgated by the state Governor earlier this month to almost double the quota for OBCs. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance, now under judicial review, was passed on the plea that circumstances existed and since the Legislative Assembly was not in session, it was necessary to take immediate action in this regard. Tuesday’s High Court order notwithstanding, Chief Minister Kamal Nath is not ready to concede ground. He has responded to queries by media-persons by citing the example of Tamil Nadu and stating that other states too have gone in for reservation exceeding the 50 per cent limit prescribed and mandated by the Supreme Court. Moving in the same direction as Tamil Nadu, even Maharashtra has chosen to grant 16 per cent reservation in jobs and admissions in academic institutions to the Marathas. The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh joined the bandwagon and soon after assuming office, Kamal Nath also went ahead and announced that OBCs will be given 27 per cent reservation in the state. This announcement, no doubt, was made keeping in view the role to be played by nearly 50 per cent voters belonging to the OBC category in Madya Pradesh. For immediate gains, political parties scramble for votes. They resort to vote bank politics and take reckless actions. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance for hiking the quota for OBCs is a case in point. After the High Court order has come as a roadblock for Kamal Nath, he has tried to draw sustenance by pointing to other states. The question arises, in the first place, is it proper for states such as Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra to exceed the 50 per cent cap on the reservation and put the same in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to avoid judicial review. When the Supreme Court has fixed a 50 per cent cap, the thumb rule should be straight and without ambiguity. Political parties, both ruling and in the Opposition, should ensure overall reservation for SCs/STs and OBCs does not exceed 50 per cent as laid down by the Supreme Court of India, and anybody applying for a seat or job under the quota shall not be eligible for general merit seat. The quota system in its present form is causing reverse social discrimination and it leads to more and more forward communities clamouring for Other Backward Classes (OBC) status and governments succumbing due to electoral pressures. The anti-quota movement which had picked up great momentum in Madhya Pradesh 2016 onwards, riding on the crest of the popular demand that reservation should be on an economic criterion, was a major factor leading to BJP’s defeat in the 2018 Assembly election. Kamal Nath’s move to hike reservation for OBCs has been seen as a move aimed at wooing the OBCs and diluting people’s upsurge on the reservation issue. But even before the Congress party could take stock of what it was ultimately going to gain by moving in this direction, it has been stopped in its path by the high court but not before it stands completely exposed when it comes to vote bank politics. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Congress stands exposed as it plays OBC card in Madhya Pradesh

Whether you like it or not, the use of Hindu symbolism is here to stay in Indian politics for a long time. What is happening in Congress today stands in stark contrast to Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Hyderabad in 2005 when the city hosted the plenary of the party.

Rahul Gandhi had said that the national flag is his religion. Today, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra despite her charismatic persona has not been able to ditch the trappings of cultural Hinduism publically espoused by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

I would even say that not only it shows lack of creative engagement with BJP, but Congress has fallen back upon soft Hindutva which it practised in the 1980s, leaving socialist sloganeering to regional parties cutting across India.

When Mayawati and Mulayam Singh fought elections together in the 1990s in wake of Babri Masjid’s demolition, they did not evoke cultural nationalism to fight BJP on the ground.

The politics of social justice still evoked strong sentiments and it is for this reason that the political slogan,”Mile Mulayam Kanshiram, hawa mein ud gaye Jai Sri Ram,” could not be contested by BJP as either anti-national or anti-Hindu keeping in mind caste sensitivities attached.

Today, neither Mayawati nor Akhilesh Yadav has attacked BJP on cultural position it has taken. Priyanka Vadra and Rahul Gandhi too have appropriated BJP’s political narrative of nation-building rather than challenging it from a non-left centrist point of view.

It begets the question as to why Gandhi’s became so vulnerable on the constitutional vision of India, unlike the first generation who were far more westernised and rabid on the issue of religious reform and change in the society. 
 
One, their religious identity as a Hindu was never in question and second, Congress as a party had strong conservative voices within the organisation. It allowed Congress to absorb and navigate hard Hindu politics led by RSS without pushing for any change in the Constitutional commitment towards the idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers.

The idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers was contested by RSS which argued that Constitution does not truly reflect the civilizational sensibility of the Indian sub-continent.

It is for this reason Congress will find centrist politics difficult, as it has failed to tackle ethnocentric political narrative which has marginalised them from 2012 onwards.

Congress today can neither go for the caste-specific alliance as regional parties or socialists of 70s, 80s and 90s were able to do so and nor it can push aside BJP on cultural nationalism as the theme&nbsp;originally belongs to RSS-BJP combine.&nbsp;

Congress needs to restore non-left centrism by authentic subaltern political sloganeering which picks up issues that are regional and cuts across caste and religion. At the central level, it needs to stick to Constitutional values which are being challenged in public for want of being unfair or unjust to the Hindu sensibility by RSS. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

Whether you like it or not, the use of Hindu symbolism is here to stay in Indian politics for a long time. What is happening in Congress today stands in stark contrast to Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Hyderabad in 2005 when the city hosted the plenary of the party.

Whether you like it or not, the use of Hindu symbolism is here to stay in Indian politics for a long time. What is happening in Congress today stands in stark contrast to Rahul Gandhi’s speech in Hyderabad in 2005 when the city hosted the plenary of the party. Rahul Gandhi had said that the national flag is his religion. Today, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra despite her charismatic persona has not been able to ditch the trappings of cultural Hinduism publically espoused by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. I would even say that not only it shows lack of creative engagement with BJP, but Congress has fallen back upon soft Hindutva which it practised in the 1980s, leaving socialist sloganeering to regional parties cutting across India. When Mayawati and Mulayam Singh fought elections together in the 1990s in wake of Babri Masjid’s demolition, they did not evoke cultural nationalism to fight BJP on the ground. The politics of social justice still evoked strong sentiments and it is for this reason that the political slogan,”Mile Mulayam Kanshiram, hawa mein ud gaye Jai Sri Ram,” could not be contested by BJP as either anti-national or anti-Hindu keeping in mind caste sensitivities attached. Today, neither Mayawati nor Akhilesh Yadav has attacked BJP on cultural position it has taken. Priyanka Vadra and Rahul Gandhi too have appropriated BJP’s political narrative of nation-building rather than challenging it from a non-left centrist point of view. It begets the question as to why Gandhi’s became so vulnerable on the constitutional vision of India, unlike the first generation who were far more westernised and rabid on the issue of religious reform and change in the society. One, their religious identity as a Hindu was never in question and second, Congress as a party had strong conservative voices within the organisation. It allowed Congress to absorb and navigate hard Hindu politics led by RSS without pushing for any change in the Constitutional commitment towards the idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers. The idea of India as conceived by the founding fathers was contested by RSS which argued that Constitution does not truly reflect the civilizational sensibility of the Indian sub-continent. It is for this reason Congress will find centrist politics difficult, as it has failed to tackle ethnocentric political narrative which has marginalised them from 2012 onwards. Congress today can neither go for the caste-specific alliance as regional parties or socialists of 70s, 80s and 90s were able to do so and nor it can push aside BJP on cultural nationalism as the theme originally belongs to RSS-BJP combine. Congress needs to restore non-left centrism by authentic subaltern political sloganeering which picks up issues that are regional and cuts across caste and religion. At the central level, it needs to stick to Constitutional values which are being challenged in public for want of being unfair or unjust to the Hindu sensibility by RSS. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s Ganga yatra and triumph of 'soft Hindutva'

I had begun the new year by discussing how smaller parties were going to be more important in this election season in India. Following the sad and premature demise of Goa Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar and the tumultuous politics in the state in the aftermath, I am tempted to add one more thing: the Goa model of fractious, fluid coalition governments is set to spread over a larger swathe of India as democracy takes roots and interest group politics and local issues begin to override deeper issues of ideology, national-level posturing or big party organisations.

You only have to go state by state to understand how politics has entered the phase that the Indian economy did in the aftermath of reforms that kicked off in 1991. With the rise of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a slew of regional parties across the country, it is not just that coalitions have become mainstream.

Within each party, workers and lobbies have become more demanding - much like restless software employees who smelt opportunities in a world where employers including Infosys, Wipro, IBM, Accenture and a host of others competed for talent.

Goa is a small state and it took the charisma of Parrikar to keep his flock together. His successor Pramod Sawant was sworn in after the Congress tried valiantly to form a rival government on the strength of being the single largest party in the state assembly. Sawant now has a tough task ahead in emulating Parrikar in a state where Hindutva politics has limited utility because of the rooted presence of regional outfits and 25 per cent Christian voters.&nbsp;

A key point, as one analyst observed in a TV discussion, is that defecting leaders get re-elected from their constituencies, suggesting that their confidence and their abilities can overpower the might, the ideology or the symbol of a big party. Or, for that matter, the stigma that one used to attach to defections. I think this phenomenon is spreading across India. I hope to discuss specifics some other time, but there is a general pattern that needs to be noted.

Today's slogging party worker is tomorrow's neta. Imagine. Mamata Banerjee was just a humble Congress worker on the streets of what was then Calcutta. In today's Kolkata, she rules over the state with her own Trinamool Congress that has managed to take on both the CPM and her mothership, the Indian National Congress. Modi himself has risen in the BJP from his humble worker origins in Gujarat and has successfully sidelined stalwarts like Lal Krishna Advani.

The naive idealism of the Independence movement and the Emergency era have given way to hard-as-nuts ambitions and strategies. Mastery of local issues, goodwill, oratory, lobbying and media savvy are now explicitly recognised as key political skills.

If the "high command" of any party is not willing to recognise a worker, breakaway formations and audacious defections offer them a way out. All major Indian political parties with the exception of the communist groups no longer care enough about ideology or the mood of grassroots workers enough to discourage defectors from coming in.

There may be an unwritten recognition: a so-called loyal worker is just a not-so-competent chamcha. In such a context, parties prefer a smart defector to a dubious loyalist. Or a useful defector, as we found out last week when Tom Vadakkan, a long-time Congress spokesman considered close to Sonia Gandhi, simply jumped ship to the BJP. The Kerala leader's ostensible reason (Congress disregard for the Army) and timing for the jump were so flimsy, that it looked more comic than grandiose. Vadakkan after decades sitting literally 100 metres from 10 Janpath at the Congress head office suddenly realised the party practises dynastic politics. Excuse me?

Vadakkan is not a major leader but the BJP holding a news conference to announce his entry was certainly a significant indicator of where Indian politics is going.

Caste, community and tribe still remain important political currencies in India. To top this, we may add an increasing localisation of politics. Local netas who care about the neighbourhood hospital, road or school and are/or more available to meet voters to address their various concerns build up goodwill that escapes the attention of the national media. But they do not escape the hawk eye of the high commands of parties. We have a virtual stock exchange for "winnable" politicians based on ground reports.

The scene is not much different from the technology sector, where Amazon, Microsoft and Google may love to poach each other's employees based on their CVs and industry intelligence. Talent, work, skills and energy matter more than loyalty. If the people in question are mission critical (Read: key to winning seats or forming governments), the netas matter more.

What is happening this month across political parties are just like annual appraisals and job interviews in top companies every March, prior to the start of a new financial year. Some employees get thumbs-down signals and they look for other opportunities. Smart ones feel bad when smarter ones get the chance or a new boss moves in with his/her own ideas and confidants.

In a sense, such defections and group shifts have been part of Indian history and culture. Only, generals and soldiers who used to capture territories for kings have given way to netas and chamchas who capture votes for parties.

In such a context, the stylish reference to "winnability" in political parties is an indirect admission of the harsh reality of grassroots politics: Parties don't really win on the basis of their ideals; they increasingly put their brand names on those they think are likely to win, while keeping their trademarks alive with tall talk and big spending.

 
(This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/pre-poll-defections-indias-politics-is-looking-more-and-more-like-its-it-sector-2188783.html">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

I had begun the new year by discussing how smaller parties were going to be more important in this election season in India. Following the sad and premature demise of Goa Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar and the tumultuous politics in the state in the aftermath, I am tempted to add one more thing: the Goa model of fractious, fluid coalition governments is set to spread over a larger swathe of India as democracy takes roots and interest group politics and local issues begin to override deeper issues of ideology, national-level posturing or big party organisations.

I had begun the new year by discussing how smaller parties were going to be more important in this election season in India. Following the sad and premature demise of Goa Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar and the tumultuous politics in the state in the aftermath, I am tempted to add one more thing: the Goa model of fractious, fluid coalition governments is set to spread over a larger swathe of India as democracy takes roots and interest group politics and local issues begin to override deeper issues of ideology, national-level posturing or big party organisations. You only have to go state by state to understand how politics has entered the phase that the Indian economy did in the aftermath of reforms that kicked off in 1991. With the rise of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a slew of regional parties across the country, it is not just that coalitions have become mainstream. Within each party, workers and lobbies have become more demanding - much like restless software employees who smelt opportunities in a world where employers including Infosys, Wipro, IBM, Accenture and a host of others competed for talent. Goa is a small state and it took the charisma of Parrikar to keep his flock together. His successor Pramod Sawant was sworn in after the Congress tried valiantly to form a rival government on the strength of being the single largest party in the state assembly. Sawant now has a tough task ahead in emulating Parrikar in a state where Hindutva politics has limited utility because of the rooted presence of regional outfits and 25 per cent Christian voters. A key point, as one analyst observed in a TV discussion, is that defecting leaders get re-elected from their constituencies, suggesting that their confidence and their abilities can overpower the might, the ideology or the symbol of a big party. Or, for that matter, the stigma that one used to attach to defections. I think this phenomenon is spreading across India. I hope to discuss specifics some other time, but there is a general pattern that needs to be noted. Today's slogging party worker is tomorrow's neta. Imagine. Mamata Banerjee was just a humble Congress worker on the streets of what was then Calcutta. In today's Kolkata, she rules over the state with her own Trinamool Congress that has managed to take on both the CPM and her mothership, the Indian National Congress. Modi himself has risen in the BJP from his humble worker origins in Gujarat and has successfully sidelined stalwarts like Lal Krishna Advani. The naive idealism of the Independence movement and the Emergency era have given way to hard-as-nuts ambitions and strategies. Mastery of local issues, goodwill, oratory, lobbying and media savvy are now explicitly recognised as key political skills. If the "high command" of any party is not willing to recognise a worker, breakaway formations and audacious defections offer them a way out. All major Indian political parties with the exception of the communist groups no longer care enough about ideology or the mood of grassroots workers enough to discourage defectors from coming in. There may be an unwritten recognition: a so-called loyal worker is just a not-so-competent chamcha. In such a context, parties prefer a smart defector to a dubious loyalist. Or a useful defector, as we found out last week when Tom Vadakkan, a long-time Congress spokesman considered close to Sonia Gandhi, simply jumped ship to the BJP. The Kerala leader's ostensible reason (Congress disregard for the Army) and timing for the jump were so flimsy, that it looked more comic than grandiose. Vadakkan after decades sitting literally 100 metres from 10 Janpath at the Congress head office suddenly realised the party practises dynastic politics. Excuse me? Vadakkan is not a major leader but the BJP holding a news conference to announce his entry was certainly a significant indicator of where Indian politics is going. Caste, community and tribe still remain important political currencies in India. To top this, we may add an increasing localisation of politics. Local netas who care about the neighbourhood hospital, road or school and are/or more available to meet voters to address their various concerns build up goodwill that escapes the attention of the national media. But they do not escape the hawk eye of the high commands of parties. We have a virtual stock exchange for "winnable" politicians based on ground reports. The scene is not much different from the technology sector, where Amazon, Microsoft and Google may love to poach each other's employees based on their CVs and industry intelligence. Talent, work, skills and energy matter more than loyalty. If the people in question are mission critical (Read: key to winning seats or forming governments), the netas matter more. What is happening this month across political parties are just like annual appraisals and job interviews in top companies every March, prior to the start of a new financial year. Some employees get thumbs-down signals and they look for other opportunities. Smart ones feel bad when smarter ones get the chance or a new boss moves in with his/her own ideas and confidants. In a sense, such defections and group shifts have been part of Indian history and culture. Only, generals and soldiers who used to capture territories for kings have given way to netas and chamchas who capture votes for parties. In such a context, the stylish reference to "winnability" in political parties is an indirect admission of the harsh reality of grassroots politics: Parties don't really win on the basis of their ideals; they increasingly put their brand names on those they think are likely to win, while keeping their trademarks alive with tall talk and big spending. (This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Pre-poll defections: Political parties prefer a smart defector than a dubious loyalist

The problem with history is that it is often nuanced. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi’s colourful barb at NaMo’s China diplomacy in the Masood Azhar episode case might resonate with those bashing PM Narendra Modi, but betrays deep historical ignorance.

Such ignorance adds up because graver implications of past mistakes cannot be undone.&nbsp;

It is a fact that India was a founding member of the United Nations, whereas mainland China was excluded from that body until the early 1970s.

Nehru campaigned for China’s entry in the UN, and for making it a member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) at the expense of India’s chance of becoming a member of that apex body.&nbsp;

Even though never requested by China, India voluntarily and vigorously advocated Peoples Republic of China (PRC) for the permanent membership of the UNSC in lieu of Taiwan, lobbying with all nations for the UN membership and UNSC permanent seat - not for itself, but for China.&nbsp;

Both the US and the USSR were willing to accommodate India as a permanent member of the UNSC in 1955, in lieu of Taiwan, or as a sixth member, after amending the UN charter.&nbsp;

Nehru wanted the seat to be given to China, as he did not want them to be marginalised, a gesture reciprocated by China in kind seven years later in 1962.&nbsp;

That the lesson was completely lost on Nehru is evident from the fact that Nehru’s sister Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit — the first woman president of the United Nations General Assembly — advocated China’s case even in 1963.

Shashi Tharoor in his book ‘Nehru: The Invention of India’ recalls that when the US offered support for an “Indian Monroe Doctrine” in southern Asia in 1953, Nehru turned John Foster Dulles down with scorn.

“Indian diplomats who have seen the files swear that at about the same time Jawaharlal also declined a US offer to take the permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, then held, with scant credibility, by Taiwan, urging that it be offered to Beijing instead”.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in his speech in Parliament in August 1959, recalled how the Chinese occupation of Tibet in October 1950 notwithstanding, India had decided to raise the question of China’s admission into the United Nations in September 1959 at Nehru’s bidding.&nbsp;

On November 18, 1950, the representative of El Salvador moved the United Nations formally and asked the General Assembly to create a special committee to ‘study’ what measures should be adopted by the United Nations General Assembly to shield Tibet against ‘unprovoked’ Chinese aggression.&nbsp;

But when the Steering Committee of the United Nations met, the Indian representative asked the committee to drop the whole matter. When Vajpayee had moved a resolution in Parliament that simultaneously India should also raise the Tibetan issue in the United Nations, Nehru was unresponsive.&nbsp;

KM Panikkar, the Indian Ambassador in Beijing, stated that to protest the Chinese invasion of Tibet would be an act of interference vis a vis India’s efforts on behalf of China in the UN and destroy PRC’s prospects of entry into the UN.

Vallabhbhai Patel did try to draw the attention of Nehru to the threat expansionist China, warning against pursuing its entry into the UN, without quid-pro-quo, but Nehru seemed to be living in his own world, so far as China was concerned.

Patel advise came “in view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet”.

“There would probably be a threat in the UNO virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean War”, Patel warned in his letter to Nehru, “We must determine our attitude on this question also.”

Nehru went ahead with his bull-headed stubbornness, his miscalculations driven by his inexplicably adamant and unreasonable approach, which ended up creating and complicating India-China border problem and allowed it to drift into an unfortunate war.&nbsp;

He bungled Kashmir in 1947-48 by refusing the military advice of its generals to clear the state of invaders, and internationalised the issue by sending it to the UN.&nbsp;

The Panchsheel in 1954 and the Indus Water Treaty in 1960, with zero reciprocity, amounted to massive giveaways.&nbsp;

After signing the Panchsheel agreement with China in 1954 and helping Chou Enlai to emerge into the limelight in Bandung in 1955, Nehru’s starry-eyed phase of “Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” blissfully glossed over the real divergence of interests between the two countries at that time.&nbsp;

India exploded a bomb in 1974, but instead of declaring weapons status, it declared its intent to stay non-nuclear and left itself vulnerable to external pressures to disarm.

Nehru’s idealistic shenanigans were fatal, to say the least. Patel was strongly against the reference of Kashmir to the UN and preferred ‘timely action’ on the ground.&nbsp;

Because of this reference, the issue no longer remained an internal affair, but snowballed into an international issue in the UNSC, enabling Pakistan to rake it up every now and then.&nbsp;

If the grand old party is willing to own up the role of Indian National Congress in liberating India from the British rule all to itself, it must also be willing to accept that many of the pathogens still afflicting India are bequeathed to India by Nehru. Cosying up to China is one of them.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-cosying-up-to-the-dragon-2730407">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
 
&nbsp;

The problem with history is that it is often nuanced. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi’s colourful barb at NaMo’s China diplomacy in the Masood Azhar episode case might resonate with those bashing PM Narendra Modi, but betrays deep historical ignorance.

The problem with history is that it is often nuanced. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi’s colourful barb at NaMo’s China diplomacy in the Masood Azhar episode case might resonate with those bashing PM Narendra Modi, but betrays deep historical ignorance. Such ignorance adds up because graver implications of past mistakes cannot be undone. It is a fact that India was a founding member of the United Nations, whereas mainland China was excluded from that body until the early 1970s. Nehru campaigned for China’s entry in the UN, and for making it a member of the UN Security Council (UNSC) at the expense of India’s chance of becoming a member of that apex body. Even though never requested by China, India voluntarily and vigorously advocated Peoples Republic of China (PRC) for the permanent membership of the UNSC in lieu of Taiwan, lobbying with all nations for the UN membership and UNSC permanent seat - not for itself, but for China. Both the US and the USSR were willing to accommodate India as a permanent member of the UNSC in 1955, in lieu of Taiwan, or as a sixth member, after amending the UN charter. Nehru wanted the seat to be given to China, as he did not want them to be marginalised, a gesture reciprocated by China in kind seven years later in 1962. That the lesson was completely lost on Nehru is evident from the fact that Nehru’s sister Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit — the first woman president of the United Nations General Assembly — advocated China’s case even in 1963. Shashi Tharoor in his book ‘Nehru: The Invention of India’ recalls that when the US offered support for an “Indian Monroe Doctrine” in southern Asia in 1953, Nehru turned John Foster Dulles down with scorn. “Indian diplomats who have seen the files swear that at about the same time Jawaharlal also declined a US offer to take the permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, then held, with scant credibility, by Taiwan, urging that it be offered to Beijing instead”. Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in his speech in Parliament in August 1959, recalled how the Chinese occupation of Tibet in October 1950 notwithstanding, India had decided to raise the question of China’s admission into the United Nations in September 1959 at Nehru’s bidding. On November 18, 1950, the representative of El Salvador moved the United Nations formally and asked the General Assembly to create a special committee to ‘study’ what measures should be adopted by the United Nations General Assembly to shield Tibet against ‘unprovoked’ Chinese aggression. But when the Steering Committee of the United Nations met, the Indian representative asked the committee to drop the whole matter. When Vajpayee had moved a resolution in Parliament that simultaneously India should also raise the Tibetan issue in the United Nations, Nehru was unresponsive. KM Panikkar, the Indian Ambassador in Beijing, stated that to protest the Chinese invasion of Tibet would be an act of interference vis a vis India’s efforts on behalf of China in the UN and destroy PRC’s prospects of entry into the UN. Vallabhbhai Patel did try to draw the attention of Nehru to the threat expansionist China, warning against pursuing its entry into the UN, without quid-pro-quo, but Nehru seemed to be living in his own world, so far as China was concerned. Patel advise came “in view of the rebuff which China has given us and the method which it has followed in dealing with Tibet”. “There would probably be a threat in the UNO virtually to outlaw China, in view of its active participation in the Korean War”, Patel warned in his letter to Nehru, “We must determine our attitude on this question also.” Nehru went ahead with his bull-headed stubbornness, his miscalculations driven by his inexplicably adamant and unreasonable approach, which ended up creating and complicating India-China border problem and allowed it to drift into an unfortunate war. He bungled Kashmir in 1947-48 by refusing the military advice of its generals to clear the state of invaders, and internationalised the issue by sending it to the UN. The Panchsheel in 1954 and the Indus Water Treaty in 1960, with zero reciprocity, amounted to massive giveaways. After signing the Panchsheel agreement with China in 1954 and helping Chou Enlai to emerge into the limelight in Bandung in 1955, Nehru’s starry-eyed phase of “Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” blissfully glossed over the real divergence of interests between the two countries at that time. India exploded a bomb in 1974, but instead of declaring weapons status, it declared its intent to stay non-nuclear and left itself vulnerable to external pressures to disarm. Nehru’s idealistic shenanigans were fatal, to say the least. Patel was strongly against the reference of Kashmir to the UN and preferred ‘timely action’ on the ground. Because of this reference, the issue no longer remained an internal affair, but snowballed into an international issue in the UNSC, enabling Pakistan to rake it up every now and then. If the grand old party is willing to own up the role of Indian National Congress in liberating India from the British rule all to itself, it must also be willing to accept that many of the pathogens still afflicting India are bequeathed to India by Nehru. Cosying up to China is one of them. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress's barb at Narendra Modi government's China diplomacy shows historical ignorance

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest. The second has leaders who have been long-time rebels waiting for the right occasion to jump ship. The third group consists of politicians that latch on to current developments other than purely political as a reason to leave their parties, even though politics remains a consideration.&nbsp;

In the present context, the first classification would feature a host of figures from all sides — for instance, sitting BJP Member of Parliament Shyama Charan Gupta, who crossed over to the Samajwadi Party after he realised that he would not get the ticket from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The second group has the likes of Kirti Azad, who for months as a sitting MP from the BJP, had criticised the party and its leadership on a variety of issues; and ‘Jay’ Panda, who came over to the BJP from the Biju Janata Dal after spending several months condemning his original party while remaining there.&nbsp;

Prominent in the third category is Tom Vadakkan, until recently a senior Congress leader, a one-time aide to Sonia Gandhi and vociferous supporter of the dynasty. He recently joined the BJP, saying he had been deeply upset by the Congress’s response to the Pulwama attack and the air strikes which were conducted inside Pakistani territory. This group also boasts of politicians from the Trinamool Congress who have migrated to the BJP, angry with West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee over her politics and the manner she has responded to issues of national security.&nbsp;

But there is a fourth classification too, which is unique in the sense that, so far, there is only one person in this list. A few days ago, senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader Danish Ali quit his party and joined the Bahujan Samaj Party. What makes the switchover stand out is his claim that he had the blessing of the senior-most JD (S) leaders, HD Deve Gowda and Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy, for his action. It is difficult to digest this contention, not just because it is unbelievable that the leadership of a party he quits would consent to his joining a different party.&nbsp;

Kumaraswamy’s remark that Danish Ali’s move was a “thoughtful political decision taken by JD (S) and BSP to win more seats in the Lok Sabha election” must be taken with a pinch of salt.&nbsp;

Only a few weeks ago, the BSP had pulled out of the coalition regime in Karnataka led by the JD(S), causing embarrassment to the JD(S). How will it help the party if Danish Ali works to expand the BSP’s based in the state where the JD(S) is already struggling to keep the alliance with the Congress going? As JD(S) leader, Danish Ali had played a significant role in getting his party and the Congress together to foil the BJP’s chances of forming a government in Karnataka after the last election had resulted in a hung Assembly. Only days before he announced his departure from the JD(S), he had met Congress president Rahul Gandhi to sort out the alliance frictions. &nbsp;

The fact is that, despite these optics, Danish Ali had begun to nurse misgivings about the Congress. He must have been as frustrated as the senior JD(S) leadership with the conduct of the senior alliance partner. HD Kumaraswamy may have reconciled to drinking the “poison” of the alliance, but Danish Ali perhaps felt choked enough to not endure the situation any further. His decision to join the BSP was more out of compulsion than choice. He could obviously not go to the Congress, and he would have been a misfit in the BJP. The Samajwadi Party had even a smaller presence in Karnataka than the BSP. Moreover, unlike the BSP, the SP was more inclined in favour of Congress. &nbsp; 
 
It is being said by him and his supporters that the development should be seen as Danish Ali’s attempt to strengthen the hands of anti-Narendra Modi forces. It is difficult to understand this line of reasoning. He brings nothing on the table for the BSP in Karnataka, not to speak of Uttar Pradesh. He is a lightweight politician in any case, and for BSP chief Mayawati, he would have mere optical value. It is possible that Danish Ali is now looking for a new place of work — Uttar Pradesh, which he has suddenly remembered is his birthplace. There is speculation that the BSP could offer him the ticket from one of the ’safer’ constituencies in the state, possibly Amroha. If that is the case, it more honestly explains Danish Ali’s decision.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest.

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest. The second has leaders who have been long-time rebels waiting for the right occasion to jump ship. The third group consists of politicians that latch on to current developments other than purely political as a reason to leave their parties, even though politics remains a consideration. In the present context, the first classification would feature a host of figures from all sides — for instance, sitting BJP Member of Parliament Shyama Charan Gupta, who crossed over to the Samajwadi Party after he realised that he would not get the ticket from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The second group has the likes of Kirti Azad, who for months as a sitting MP from the BJP, had criticised the party and its leadership on a variety of issues; and ‘Jay’ Panda, who came over to the BJP from the Biju Janata Dal after spending several months condemning his original party while remaining there. Prominent in the third category is Tom Vadakkan, until recently a senior Congress leader, a one-time aide to Sonia Gandhi and vociferous supporter of the dynasty. He recently joined the BJP, saying he had been deeply upset by the Congress’s response to the Pulwama attack and the air strikes which were conducted inside Pakistani territory. This group also boasts of politicians from the Trinamool Congress who have migrated to the BJP, angry with West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee over her politics and the manner she has responded to issues of national security. But there is a fourth classification too, which is unique in the sense that, so far, there is only one person in this list. A few days ago, senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader Danish Ali quit his party and joined the Bahujan Samaj Party. What makes the switchover stand out is his claim that he had the blessing of the senior-most JD (S) leaders, HD Deve Gowda and Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy, for his action. It is difficult to digest this contention, not just because it is unbelievable that the leadership of a party he quits would consent to his joining a different party. Kumaraswamy’s remark that Danish Ali’s move was a “thoughtful political decision taken by JD (S) and BSP to win more seats in the Lok Sabha election” must be taken with a pinch of salt. Only a few weeks ago, the BSP had pulled out of the coalition regime in Karnataka led by the JD(S), causing embarrassment to the JD(S). How will it help the party if Danish Ali works to expand the BSP’s based in the state where the JD(S) is already struggling to keep the alliance with the Congress going? As JD(S) leader, Danish Ali had played a significant role in getting his party and the Congress together to foil the BJP’s chances of forming a government in Karnataka after the last election had resulted in a hung Assembly. Only days before he announced his departure from the JD(S), he had met Congress president Rahul Gandhi to sort out the alliance frictions. The fact is that, despite these optics, Danish Ali had begun to nurse misgivings about the Congress. He must have been as frustrated as the senior JD(S) leadership with the conduct of the senior alliance partner. HD Kumaraswamy may have reconciled to drinking the “poison” of the alliance, but Danish Ali perhaps felt choked enough to not endure the situation any further. His decision to join the BSP was more out of compulsion than choice. He could obviously not go to the Congress, and he would have been a misfit in the BJP. The Samajwadi Party had even a smaller presence in Karnataka than the BSP. Moreover, unlike the BSP, the SP was more inclined in favour of Congress. It is being said by him and his supporters that the development should be seen as Danish Ali’s attempt to strengthen the hands of anti-Narendra Modi forces. It is difficult to understand this line of reasoning. He brings nothing on the table for the BSP in Karnataka, not to speak of Uttar Pradesh. He is a lightweight politician in any case, and for BSP chief Mayawati, he would have mere optical value. It is possible that Danish Ali is now looking for a new place of work — Uttar Pradesh, which he has suddenly remembered is his birthplace. There is speculation that the BSP could offer him the ticket from one of the ’safer’ constituencies in the state, possibly Amroha. If that is the case, it more honestly explains Danish Ali’s decision. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: The curious case of political switchovers

A&nbsp;day after declaring its candidate for the seventh Lok Sabha seat, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) on Monday made it clear that there would be neither any alliance with the Congress nor a rollback of any of its candidates in Delhi.

Asserting that "enough is enough", senior AAP leader Gopal Rai said these are the final seven candidates of the party and there is no question of "any roll back".

The ruling AAP had earlier on March 2, announced the names of its candidates for the six Lok Sabha seats.

On Sunday, the party declared its last candidate in Delhi, with a senior leader saying the announcement was made seeing the Congress's "irresponsible and indecisive" attitude towards an alliance.

"Despite facing stiff opposition from its workers, the AAP was open to an alliance with the Congress in Delhi but after waiting for so long and constantly hearing conflicting statements from the party, we have decided that enough is enough and now even if Congress approaches us with a proposal there would be no alliance in Delhi," he said.

He said there has been no communication from the Congress and it clearly shows that the grand old party is "not serious" about elections in Delhi.

The BJP and Congress have not yet declared their candidates for elections in Delhi.

There were rumours of an alliance between Congress-AAP last week when the Congress decided to seek feedback from its booth-level workers on a tie-up with the AAP.

"There are many leaders and workers in Delhi Congress who are in favour of alliance with AAP. But a final call in this regard will be taken by party president Rahul Gandhi," P C Chacko, a senior Congress leader, had said earlier.

Elections to the seven Lok Sabha seats in Delhi will be held on May 12. The results will be declared with the rest of the country on May 23.

A day after declaring its candidate for the seventh Lok Sabha seat, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) on Monday made it clear that there would be neither any alliance with the Congress nor a rollback of any of its candidates in Delhi.

A day after declaring its candidate for the seventh Lok Sabha seat, the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) on Monday made it clear that there would be neither any alliance with the Congress nor a rollback of any of its candidates in Delhi. Asserting that "enough is enough", senior AAP leader Gopal Rai said these are the final seven candidates of the party and there is no question of "any roll back". The ruling AAP had earlier on March 2, announced the names of its candidates for the six Lok Sabha seats. On Sunday, the party declared its last candidate in Delhi, with a senior leader saying the announcement was made seeing the Congress's "irresponsible and indecisive" attitude towards an alliance. "Despite facing stiff opposition from its workers, the AAP was open to an alliance with the Congress in Delhi but after waiting for so long and constantly hearing conflicting statements from the party, we have decided that enough is enough and now even if Congress approaches us with a proposal there would be no alliance in Delhi," he said. He said there has been no communication from the Congress and it clearly shows that the grand old party is "not serious" about elections in Delhi. The BJP and Congress have not yet declared their candidates for elections in Delhi. There were rumours of an alliance between Congress-AAP last week when the Congress decided to seek feedback from its booth-level workers on a tie-up with the AAP. "There are many leaders and workers in Delhi Congress who are in favour of alliance with AAP. But a final call in this regard will be taken by party president Rahul Gandhi," P C Chacko, a senior Congress leader, had said earlier. Elections to the seven Lok Sabha seats in Delhi will be held on May 12. The results will be declared with the rest of the country on May 23.

No alliance with Congress in Delhi: AAP

NDA constituent DMDK Monday announced its candidates for the four Lok Sabha seats allotted to it in the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-aiadmk-alliance-partner-pmk-announces-first-five-candidates-204047">AIADMK-led alliance</a>, fielding among others, party founder Vijayakanth's brother-in-law LK Sutheesh.

Sutheesh is the party's Deputy Secretary.

In a statement, DMDK founder Vijayakanth announced the candidature of R Azhagarsamy from Virudhunagar and Alagapuram R Mohanraj from Chennai North, while Dr V Ilangovan will fight from Tiruchirappalli.

Sutheesh has been nominated from the Kallakuruchi Parliamentary constituency.

Azhagarsamy is a senior party leader while Mohanraj is a former MLA who represented Salem North in the 2011-16 state Assembly. He was DMDK's Deputy leader in the Assembly then.

Ilangovan is the party's Presidium Chairman.

Elections to 39 Lok Sabha seats in the state are scheduled on April 18, the second of the seven-phase polling to a total of 543 parliamentary seats.

AIADMK and DMDK had last week agreed upon the seat-sharing pact after much deliberations, with the latter being allotted four seats.

The other NDA constituents in Tamil Nadu are BJP, PMK, Tamil Maanila Congress, Puthiya Tamizhagam and Puthiya Neethi Katchi.

NDA constituent DMDK Monday announced its candidates for the four Lok Sabha seats allotted to it in the AIADMK-led alliance, fielding among others, party founder Vijayakanth's brother-in-law LK Sutheesh.

NDA constituent DMDK Monday announced its candidates for the four Lok Sabha seats allotted to it in the AIADMK-led alliance, fielding among others, party founder Vijayakanth's brother-in-law LK Sutheesh. Sutheesh is the party's Deputy Secretary. In a statement, DMDK founder Vijayakanth announced the candidature of R Azhagarsamy from Virudhunagar and Alagapuram R Mohanraj from Chennai North, while Dr V Ilangovan will fight from Tiruchirappalli. Sutheesh has been nominated from the Kallakuruchi Parliamentary constituency. Azhagarsamy is a senior party leader while Mohanraj is a former MLA who represented Salem North in the 2011-16 state Assembly. He was DMDK's Deputy leader in the Assembly then. Ilangovan is the party's Presidium Chairman. Elections to 39 Lok Sabha seats in the state are scheduled on April 18, the second of the seven-phase polling to a total of 543 parliamentary seats. AIADMK and DMDK had last week agreed upon the seat-sharing pact after much deliberations, with the latter being allotted four seats. The other NDA constituents in Tamil Nadu are BJP, PMK, Tamil Maanila Congress, Puthiya Tamizhagam and Puthiya Neethi Katchi.

Lok Sabha polls: DMDK names candidates for four seats

PMK (Pattali Makkal Katchi), an alliance partner of AIADMK on Sunday released its first list of five candidates for the ensuing Lok Sabha polls.

The PMK would contest on Dharmapuri, Vizhupuram, Arakkanom, Cuddalore, central Chennai, Sriperambadur, Dindugal.

The first five names released by PMK to contest LS polls in the state&nbsp;include sitting MP Anbumani Ramadoss from his own constituency Dharmapuri, Vadivel Iravanan&nbsp;from Villupuram, R Govinda Swamy from Cuddalore, AK Moorthy from Arrakonam and Sam Paul from central Chennai.&nbsp;

As PMK will field its candidates in seven seats in the state, the remaining two candidates will be announced soon.&nbsp;

In a joint press conference held by the BJP, AIADMK, PMK, and DMDK on Sunday, it was announced that AIADMK will contest on 20 Lok Sabha seats including South Chennai, Theni, Pollachi, Karur and Erode while BJP would be fielding its candidates from Kanyakumari, Sivagangai, Coimbatore, Thoothukudi and Ramanathapuram Lok Sabha constituencies.

AIADMK will contest on Salem, Namakkal, Krishnagiri, Erode, Karur, Thiruppur, Pollachi, Arani, Thiruvannamalai, Chidambaram, Perambalur, Theni, Madurai, Nilagiri, Tirunelveli, Nagapattinam, Mayiladururai, Thiruvallur, Chennai south, Perambalur.

BJP will contest on Kanyakumari,Sivagangai, Kovai,Tutucorin and&nbsp;Ramanadhaputam.

DMDK, on the other hand, will contest on Chennai north, Virudhunagar, Trichy, Kallakuruchi, while Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) headed by GK Vasan will field candidates from Tanjore, Puthiya Tamiligam in Thenkasi,&nbsp;&nbsp;Puthiya Needhi Katchi in&nbsp;&nbsp;Vellore and NR Congress in Puducherry.

Tamil Nadu will go to polls on April 18 for its 39 parliamentary constituencies, while counting of votes will take place on May 23.

PMK (Pattali Makkal Katchi), an alliance partner of AIADMK on Sunday released its first list of five candidates for the ensuing Lok Sabha polls. The PMK would contest on Dharmapuri, Vizhupuram, Arakkanom, Cuddalore, central Chennai, Sriperambadur, Dindugal.

PMK (Pattali Makkal Katchi), an alliance partner of AIADMK on Sunday released its first list of five candidates for the ensuing Lok Sabha polls. The PMK would contest on Dharmapuri, Vizhupuram, Arakkanom, Cuddalore, central Chennai, Sriperambadur, Dindugal. The first five names released by PMK to contest LS polls in the state include sitting MP Anbumani Ramadoss from his own constituency Dharmapuri, Vadivel Iravanan from Villupuram, R Govinda Swamy from Cuddalore, AK Moorthy from Arrakonam and Sam Paul from central Chennai. As PMK will field its candidates in seven seats in the state, the remaining two candidates will be announced soon. In a joint press conference held by the BJP, AIADMK, PMK, and DMDK on Sunday, it was announced that AIADMK will contest on 20 Lok Sabha seats including South Chennai, Theni, Pollachi, Karur and Erode while BJP would be fielding its candidates from Kanyakumari, Sivagangai, Coimbatore, Thoothukudi and Ramanathapuram Lok Sabha constituencies. AIADMK will contest on Salem, Namakkal, Krishnagiri, Erode, Karur, Thiruppur, Pollachi, Arani, Thiruvannamalai, Chidambaram, Perambalur, Theni, Madurai, Nilagiri, Tirunelveli, Nagapattinam, Mayiladururai, Thiruvallur, Chennai south, Perambalur. BJP will contest on Kanyakumari,Sivagangai, Kovai,Tutucorin and Ramanadhaputam. DMDK, on the other hand, will contest on Chennai north, Virudhunagar, Trichy, Kallakuruchi, while Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) headed by GK Vasan will field candidates from Tanjore, Puthiya Tamiligam in Thenkasi, Puthiya Needhi Katchi in Vellore and NR Congress in Puducherry. Tamil Nadu will go to polls on April 18 for its 39 parliamentary constituencies, while counting of votes will take place on May 23.

Lok Sabha polls: AIADMK alliance partner PMK announces first five candidates

There is less than a month to go for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, which will be held from April 11 to May 19. The results will be known on May 23.&nbsp;

The Lok Sabha has 543 elected seats and any party or coalition needs a minimum of 272 MPs to form a government.&nbsp;

With 90 crore eligible voters, the 2019 general election will be the largest the world has seen.

The big fight is between the ruling National Democratic Alliance led by Narendra Modi's BJP and the United Progressive Alliance led by Congress.

Here are five factors that hold a key position in the Lok Sabha Election 2019.&nbsp;

Economy

The major weapon against the incumbent government for Lok Sabha Election 2019, is the failure of creating jobs as per the promises made by the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014.&nbsp;

The opposition has been alleging that the job creation has drastically deteriorated in the Modi government.&nbsp;

India’s GDP needs to grow faster than even 7%. For the quarter ended October-December 2018, the growth rate stood at 6.6% and any marked improvement has been ruled out in the ongoing financial quarter as well.&nbsp;

The 2016 currency ban - locally called 'demonetisation' and decision on goods and services tax will have its effects on upcoming elections.

Rural India

About 80 crores of India’s 133.92 crores population depend on farming for their livelihood.&nbsp;

A slowdown in India’s rural economy deepened in January, reflecting a crunch on spending by agricultural workers.

Falling rural incomes and farm distress has taken the shine off one of the key achievements of the Modi government.

The farmers have been demanding a special parliament session which would only address the agrarian crisis.&nbsp;

Thousands of farmers walked to parliament, Ramlila Maidan demanding- implementation of M S Swaminathan report, address the agrarian crisis in parliament and better prices for the crops.

First-time voters and women voters

Over 1.5 crore voters in 18-19 year age group will be eligible to vote for the first time in the seven-phased Lok Sabha election beginning April 11 with Prime Minister Narendra Modi calling upon them to vote in record numbers.

These voters in the age group of 18-19 years constitute 1.66 per cent of the total electorate. All citizens who turned 18 on January 1 this year and registered as electors will get the opportunity to cast their vote in upcoming Lok Sabha and assembly elections.

Women's rising turnout in elections and their growing political assertiveness will again be an important swing factor in the upcoming election.

In the last few years, the concerns regarding women and their issues have gained importance and received attention from the political class, at least in slogans and speeches. Women's issues are key in political manifestoes, though their effectiveness is debatable.

Social media&nbsp;

At a time when all political parties in India are trying tooth and nail to woo young first-time voters, social media has established itself as a formidable player in the field of politics.

While all the spotlight has been on Facebook, WhatsApp and Twitter in India's 'like' wars in the last few years, Instagram, the Facebook-owned photograph sharing application, has discreetly risen as a critical stage for India's political parties ahead of the 2019 general elections.

National security and Surgical strike

The Pulwama attack and the subsequent Indian Air Force strike on Balakot, in Pakistan, has changed the political scenario of India. Suddenly questions of national security were front and centre. The opposition blames that the Centre ordered the air strike in Pakistan’s Balakot with the “sole purpose” of winning Lok Sabha elections. The BJP has charged the opposition of playing into the hands of Pakistan and demoralizing our armed forces by questioning the number of casualties.

There is less than a month to go for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, which will be held from April 11 to May 19. The results will be known on May 23. The Lok Sabha has 543 elected seats and any party or coalition needs a minimum of 272 MPs to form a government.

There is less than a month to go for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, which will be held from April 11 to May 19. The results will be known on May 23. The Lok Sabha has 543 elected seats and any party or coalition needs a minimum of 272 MPs to form a government. With 90 crore eligible voters, the 2019 general election will be the largest the world has seen. The big fight is between the ruling National Democratic Alliance led by Narendra Modi's BJP and the United Progressive Alliance led by Congress. Here are five factors that hold a key position in the Lok Sabha Election 2019. Economy The major weapon against the incumbent government for Lok Sabha Election 2019, is the failure of creating jobs as per the promises made by the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2014. The opposition has been alleging that the job creation has drastically deteriorated in the Modi government. India’s GDP needs to grow faster than even 7%. For the quarter ended October-December 2018, the growth rate stood at 6.6% and any marked improvement has been ruled out in the ongoing financial quarter as well. The 2016 currency ban - locally called 'demonetisation' and decision on goods and services tax will have its effects on upcoming elections. Rural India About 80 crores of India’s 133.92 crores population depend on farming for their livelihood. A slowdown in India’s rural economy deepened in January, reflecting a crunch on spending by agricultural workers. Falling rural incomes and farm distress has taken the shine off one of the key achievements of the Modi government. The farmers have been demanding a special parliament session which would only address the agrarian crisis. Thousands of farmers walked to parliament, Ramlila Maidan demanding- implementation of M S Swaminathan report, address the agrarian crisis in parliament and better prices for the crops. First-time voters and women voters Over 1.5 crore voters in 18-19 year age group will be eligible to vote for the first time in the seven-phased Lok Sabha election beginning April 11 with Prime Minister Narendra Modi calling upon them to vote in record numbers. These voters in the age group of 18-19 years constitute 1.66 per cent of the total electorate. All citizens who turned 18 on January 1 this year and registered as electors will get the opportunity to cast their vote in upcoming Lok Sabha and assembly elections. Women's rising turnout in elections and their growing political assertiveness will again be an important swing factor in the upcoming election. In the last few years, the concerns regarding women and their issues have gained importance and received attention from the political class, at least in slogans and speeches. Women's issues are key in political manifestoes, though their effectiveness is debatable. Social media At a time when all political parties in India are trying tooth and nail to woo young first-time voters, social media has established itself as a formidable player in the field of politics. While all the spotlight has been on Facebook, WhatsApp and Twitter in India's 'like' wars in the last few years, Instagram, the Facebook-owned photograph sharing application, has discreetly risen as a critical stage for India's political parties ahead of the 2019 general elections. National security and Surgical strike The Pulwama attack and the subsequent Indian Air Force strike on Balakot, in Pakistan, has changed the political scenario of India. Suddenly questions of national security were front and centre. The opposition blames that the Centre ordered the air strike in Pakistan’s Balakot with the “sole purpose” of winning Lok Sabha elections. The BJP has charged the opposition of playing into the hands of Pakistan and demoralizing our armed forces by questioning the number of casualties.

Lok Sabha polls 2019:  Five things that could decide the election

When bigwigs unite: A look at the key constituents of the 'Mahagathbandhan'

The opposition has scored a self-goal by asking for proof of damage following the air strike on <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/air-strike-heres-why-balakot-was-chosen-by-indian-air-force-199792">Balakot terror camp</a>, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said Saturday.

The air strike and surgical strike carried out by the armed forces should not be part of Lok Sabha election campaign, he said at a media event.

"I fully agree with the Election Commission that images of martyrs should not be used on political posters," he said.

Citing an example of 1971 war, he said, the entire opposition stood by the ruling dispensation, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, leader of Jan Sangh, defended the government on every forum.

However, the finance minister said, some of the opposition members accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi of politicising the Pulwama and Balakot incidents.

Statements made by 21 opposition parties hurt India's national interest and gave handle to Pakistan to discredit the country, he added.

"Raising question on the action of armed forces with the view to creating doubts in the mind of countrymen was self-goal or shot themselves in the foot by doing this," Jaitley noted.

In contrast to this, he said, when the US attacked Osama bin Laden, no one raised any question on the operation conducted by their armed forces and demanded the proof.

Asked about BJP leader B S Yeddyurappa's attempt to politicise the action taken by the armed forces, Jaitley said, it was wrong on his part to do so and the party has condemned it.

The valour of armed forces should not be made a political issue, he said, adding the armed forces have to be kept at arm's length from domestic politics.

On the government's message to Pakistan, the finance minister said, "if you promote terrorism, you have to pay such a heavy price that you will find terrorism unaffordable...The trend has been set now".

Taking a dig at Congress president Rahul Gandhi, he said some people either need to learn more and if they don't do that then must realise that they are unfit for public discourse.

The opposition has scored a self-goal by asking for proof of damage following the air strike on Balakot terror camp, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said Saturday.

The opposition has scored a self-goal by asking for proof of damage following the air strike on Balakot terror camp, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said Saturday. The air strike and surgical strike carried out by the armed forces should not be part of Lok Sabha election campaign, he said at a media event. "I fully agree with the Election Commission that images of martyrs should not be used on political posters," he said. Citing an example of 1971 war, he said, the entire opposition stood by the ruling dispensation, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, leader of Jan Sangh, defended the government on every forum. However, the finance minister said, some of the opposition members accused Prime Minister Narendra Modi of politicising the Pulwama and Balakot incidents. Statements made by 21 opposition parties hurt India's national interest and gave handle to Pakistan to discredit the country, he added. "Raising question on the action of armed forces with the view to creating doubts in the mind of countrymen was self-goal or shot themselves in the foot by doing this," Jaitley noted. In contrast to this, he said, when the US attacked Osama bin Laden, no one raised any question on the operation conducted by their armed forces and demanded the proof. Asked about BJP leader B S Yeddyurappa's attempt to politicise the action taken by the armed forces, Jaitley said, it was wrong on his part to do so and the party has condemned it. The valour of armed forces should not be made a political issue, he said, adding the armed forces have to be kept at arm's length from domestic politics. On the government's message to Pakistan, the finance minister said, "if you promote terrorism, you have to pay such a heavy price that you will find terrorism unaffordable...The trend has been set now". Taking a dig at Congress president Rahul Gandhi, he said some people either need to learn more and if they don't do that then must realise that they are unfit for public discourse.

Opposition scored self-goal by questioning success of Balakot air strike, says Arun Jaitley 

The DMK Friday announced the names of constituencies in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry where the party and its allies will field their candidates for the second phase of the general elections to be held on April 18.

There are 39 Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu and one in neighbouring Puducherry, voting for all of which will be held in a single phase.

DMK president M K Stalin released the list of constituencies allotted to the allies in presence of coalition leaders, including Tamil Nadu Congress chief K S Alagiri and MDMK's Vaiko, at the party headquarters here.

Stalin also named his party-led coalition the "Secular Progressive Alliance."

Addressing a press conference, Stalin said the DMK's 20 seats include Chennai (North), Chennai (South), Chennai (Central), Tuticorin and Pollachi.

Hoping to extend its 2016 electoral success to the parliamentary polls also, the main opposition party in Tamil Nadu opted to field its candidates in 20 seats across the state including the three in Chennai where it has a sizeable number of MLAs.

Pollachi, a relatively quiet town near Coimbatore, is in the news following a sexual harassment case which has created an outrage across the state.

The DMK's other seats are: Sriperumbudur, Kancheepuram (SC), Arakkonam,&nbsp;Vellore, Dharmapuri, Tiruvannamalai, Kallakurichi, Salem, Nilgiris (SC), Dindigul, Cuddalore, Mayiladuthurai, Thanjavur, Thenkasi (SC) and Tirunelveli.

The Congress, which has been allotted the lion's share of seats (10) among the allies, will contest from nine constituencies in Tamil Nadu, and the lone seat in Puducherry.

It will also field its nominees in Tiruvallore (SC), Krishnagiri, Karur, Theni, Virudunagar and Kanniyakumari, Sivaganga, Tiruchirappalli and Arani seats, Stalin said.

The CPI(M) has been allotted Coimbatore and Madurai seats, while the CPI will fight from Tirupur and Nagapattinam, a reserved constituency.

The pro-Dalit VCK has been given Villupuram and Chidambaram, both reserved segments. The Vaiko-led MDMK has been allotted the Erode constituency.

Recalling the seat-sharing agreement with Vaiko, the DMK chief said the MDMK will also be given a Rajya Sabha seat at an appropriate time.

The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and the Kongunadu Makkal Desia Katchi (KMDK) will field their nominees from Ramanathapuram and Namakkal, respectively, while the India Jananayaga Katchi (IJK) has been allotted Perambalur seats, he said.

Stalin said in the last couple of years, the coalition constituents had been taking forward various protests and struggles against the "follies" of the BJP-led government at the Centre and the ruling AIADMK in Tamil Nadu.

That friendship has now transformed into an alliance, he said, adding the coalition partners came together on ideology and the partnership was not based on any 'bargain.'

He claimed that the NDA in the state, headed by his party's archrival the AIADMK, will lose the polls and that coalition led by his party will secure a "grand victory."

To a question, he said the DMK's candidate list will be announced soon.

The DMK Friday announced the names of constituencies in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry where the party and its allies will field their candidates for the second phase of the general elections to be held on April 18.

The DMK Friday announced the names of constituencies in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry where the party and its allies will field their candidates for the second phase of the general elections to be held on April 18. There are 39 Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu and one in neighbouring Puducherry, voting for all of which will be held in a single phase. DMK president M K Stalin released the list of constituencies allotted to the allies in presence of coalition leaders, including Tamil Nadu Congress chief K S Alagiri and MDMK's Vaiko, at the party headquarters here. Stalin also named his party-led coalition the "Secular Progressive Alliance." Addressing a press conference, Stalin said the DMK's 20 seats include Chennai (North), Chennai (South), Chennai (Central), Tuticorin and Pollachi. Hoping to extend its 2016 electoral success to the parliamentary polls also, the main opposition party in Tamil Nadu opted to field its candidates in 20 seats across the state including the three in Chennai where it has a sizeable number of MLAs. Pollachi, a relatively quiet town near Coimbatore, is in the news following a sexual harassment case which has created an outrage across the state. The DMK's other seats are: Sriperumbudur, Kancheepuram (SC), Arakkonam, Vellore, Dharmapuri, Tiruvannamalai, Kallakurichi, Salem, Nilgiris (SC), Dindigul, Cuddalore, Mayiladuthurai, Thanjavur, Thenkasi (SC) and Tirunelveli. The Congress, which has been allotted the lion's share of seats (10) among the allies, will contest from nine constituencies in Tamil Nadu, and the lone seat in Puducherry. It will also field its nominees in Tiruvallore (SC), Krishnagiri, Karur, Theni, Virudunagar and Kanniyakumari, Sivaganga, Tiruchirappalli and Arani seats, Stalin said. The CPI(M) has been allotted Coimbatore and Madurai seats, while the CPI will fight from Tirupur and Nagapattinam, a reserved constituency. The pro-Dalit VCK has been given Villupuram and Chidambaram, both reserved segments. The Vaiko-led MDMK has been allotted the Erode constituency. Recalling the seat-sharing agreement with Vaiko, the DMK chief said the MDMK will also be given a Rajya Sabha seat at an appropriate time. The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) and the Kongunadu Makkal Desia Katchi (KMDK) will field their nominees from Ramanathapuram and Namakkal, respectively, while the India Jananayaga Katchi (IJK) has been allotted Perambalur seats, he said. Stalin said in the last couple of years, the coalition constituents had been taking forward various protests and struggles against the "follies" of the BJP-led government at the Centre and the ruling AIADMK in Tamil Nadu. That friendship has now transformed into an alliance, he said, adding the coalition partners came together on ideology and the partnership was not based on any 'bargain.' He claimed that the NDA in the state, headed by his party's archrival the AIADMK, will lose the polls and that coalition led by his party will secure a "grand victory." To a question, he said the DMK's candidate list will be announced soon.

Lok Sabha polls: DMK announces list of constituencies allotted to self, allies

Maharashtra Chief Minister <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/fadnavis-confident-of-bjps-pre-poll-alliance-with-shiv-sena-195168">Devendra Fadnavis</a> Friday said the alliance between the BJP and the Shiv Sena was very strong and impenetrable. 
 
Fadnavis was addressing a rally in here ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, where Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray and other leaders of both the parties were present. 
 
'The BJP-Shiv Sena alliance is joining of hands of the Hindutva parties, which share a common ideology. It has stood the ground so far and will do so in future as well. Yeh Fevicol ka majboot jod hai! (It is a strong bond like that of Fevicol),'&nbsp;he said at the launch of the poll campaign. 
 
The alliance is impenetrable...Some people tried to separate us as they wanted to be in power, but once the alliance was announced, they started retreating,'&nbsp;he said. 
 
Overcoming their strained ties, the BJP and Shiv Sena had last month announced a seat-sharing pact for the ensuing Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in Maharashtra. The BJP will contest 25 seats and Shiv Sena 23 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. 
 
Thackeray said he never allowed his party's differences with the BJP harm the interests of the state. 
 
'BJP-Sena alliance has grown into a tall tree. In no case should we allow pests to eat into it? I don't believe in (poll) surveys. I trust more my self-confidence, which tells me that so overwhelming will be the victory that even 48 seats (in the state) would fall short.' 
 
In a lighter vein, Thackeray asked Fadanvis not to entertain Sharad Pawar if he wished to join BJP. 
 
'The situation in the state is such that whenever BJP-Sena leaders criticize the opposition leaders, the next day they join the BJP-Sena. This makes me think if I should criticize or not? If I criticize Pawar today, he may join BJP tomorrow. But don't give him any room in the party,'&nbsp;Thackeray said. 
 
'We need to keep some people outside, else there would be no one left out for us to talk about,'&nbsp;he added jokingly.

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis Friday said the alliance between the BJP and the Shiv Sena was very strong and impenetrable. Fadnavis was addressing a rally in here ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, where Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray and other leaders of both the parties were present.

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis Friday said the alliance between the BJP and the Shiv Sena was very strong and impenetrable. Fadnavis was addressing a rally in here ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, where Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray and other leaders of both the parties were present. 'The BJP-Shiv Sena alliance is joining of hands of the Hindutva parties, which share a common ideology. It has stood the ground so far and will do so in future as well. Yeh Fevicol ka majboot jod hai! (It is a strong bond like that of Fevicol),' he said at the launch of the poll campaign. The alliance is impenetrable...Some people tried to separate us as they wanted to be in power, but once the alliance was announced, they started retreating,' he said. Overcoming their strained ties, the BJP and Shiv Sena had last month announced a seat-sharing pact for the ensuing Lok Sabha and Assembly elections in Maharashtra. The BJP will contest 25 seats and Shiv Sena 23 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. Thackeray said he never allowed his party's differences with the BJP harm the interests of the state. 'BJP-Sena alliance has grown into a tall tree. In no case should we allow pests to eat into it? I don't believe in (poll) surveys. I trust more my self-confidence, which tells me that so overwhelming will be the victory that even 48 seats (in the state) would fall short.' In a lighter vein, Thackeray asked Fadanvis not to entertain Sharad Pawar if he wished to join BJP. 'The situation in the state is such that whenever BJP-Sena leaders criticize the opposition leaders, the next day they join the BJP-Sena. This makes me think if I should criticize or not? If I criticize Pawar today, he may join BJP tomorrow. But don't give him any room in the party,' Thackeray said. 'We need to keep some people outside, else there would be no one left out for us to talk about,' he added jokingly.

BJP-Shiv Sena alliance strong, impenetrable: Devendra Fadnavis

&nbsp;Imagine a cricket match in which the fielding team gets a wicket off the very first ball - and that too a run-out because the two batsmen don't know how to run between the wickets.&nbsp;

That's what Delhi's political scene is looking like now. On the very first day after the Election Commission of India announced general elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has found the going good in the capital city thanks to a poor understanding between its main rivals.

With Congress president Rahul Gandhi formally asking his party cadre to win all the seven Lok Sabha seats in the capital, a triangular fight between itself, the BJP and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is confirmed to a point where I believe the lotus-wallahs have a clear upper hand for several reasons.&nbsp;

Unless there is some late change of mood, and a pinhole exists for a mutually agreeable arrangement as some reports speculate, the advantage is clearly with the BJP.

So what happened to the grand plan to unseat the BJP in a 'Mahagatbandhan' - a grand alliance? In Delhi at least, it has fallen a victim to narrow egos that do not sit easily with claims that Modi's defeat is so important that everyone else has to close ranks.&nbsp;

While you can apportion blame between both the Congress and AAP, the Congress must take a higher share because it had every reason to swallow a bit of its 133-year-old pride as modern India's oldest political grouping.

In Lucknow, they say the old nawabs were so courteous to each other that they would say 'pehle aap' (you first) repeatedly to the other when a horsecart arrived that the cart would leave without either of them. In Delhi, we have a 'pehle aap' culture of a different variety, with much the same result.

The Congress, it seems, wanted the AAP to make the first move in what might have been an alliance. 'Pehle AAP', it seemed to say. But the AAP went ahead and announced candidates for six seats in Delhi without much ado (If there were any backroom talks, we are not quite aware). For Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, putting the AAP first has become his own variant. 'Pehle AAP,' as it were.&nbsp;

The result of all this is a triangular contest in which the BJP is set to be the gainer. Given the fact that there is a widespread belief that Modi is the front-runner, but faces an anti-incumbency factor in which the BJP on its own may not get a clear majority in the Lok Sabha like it did last time, every seat counts for those who want to - or claim to want to - unseat him. With seven seats tilting towards the BJP, the grand alliance of the opposition has gotten off to a not-so-grand start in the national capital.

Even otherwise, the BJP is on strong ground in Delhi. With memories of the Pulwama attack in Kashmir and anti-terror airstrikes by the Indian Air Force in Pakistani territory fresh in public memory, Modi has already made national security a major poll plank. There is no state, I believe, that buys this plank more than Delhi. As the capital region, national issues are close to its heart. Delhi also is arguably the least affected by caste politics by Indian standards. Given the BJP's tendency to appeal above caste divides, that is another advantage for the BJP.

The Congress is a bruised party. Its own internal tensions between Delhi party leaders Sheila Dixit and Ajay Maken is part of the capital's political folklore. It does not help that the AAP is sitting in power in the local government and has been energetically working towards raising its profile. Its passion and energy can be seen everywhere as if it has put behind the bad vibes it acquired when senior leaders like Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav found themselves out of the group in an unseemly turn of events.

AAP has truly revolutionised education and healthcare in Delhi with visible administrative interventions by its government. Kejriwal and his deputy, Manish Sisodia, have also perfected the dubious art of hyping up achievements. I expect AAP to be BJP's main challenger because it also has built up considerable goodwill among teeming migrants from eastern UP and Bihar.

The Congress is no doubt strong in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, but it cannot expect a simple rebound vote to help it in Delhi, given AAP's inspired, though chequered, rule over the city. There are no rabbits that I can see coming out of Rahul Gandhi's magical hat.

At the national level, if the Lok Sabha break-up throws up a pleasant surprise for the opposition (which I do not rule out), Delhi's seats may turn up to be more crucial than it appears now. The Congress seems to want to brazen it out there despite the sensitivity of the situation. It seems to confuse memories of the past with the imperatives of the present.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/each-seat-matters-but-congress-aap-have-gifted-advantage-to-bjp-in-delhi-in-2019-lok-sabha-elections-2187208.html">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Imagine a cricket match in which the fielding team gets a wicket off the very first ball - and that too a run-out because the two batsmen don't know how to run between the wickets.

Imagine a cricket match in which the fielding team gets a wicket off the very first ball - and that too a run-out because the two batsmen don't know how to run between the wickets. That's what Delhi's political scene is looking like now. On the very first day after the Election Commission of India announced general elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has found the going good in the capital city thanks to a poor understanding between its main rivals. With Congress president Rahul Gandhi formally asking his party cadre to win all the seven Lok Sabha seats in the capital, a triangular fight between itself, the BJP and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is confirmed to a point where I believe the lotus-wallahs have a clear upper hand for several reasons. Unless there is some late change of mood, and a pinhole exists for a mutually agreeable arrangement as some reports speculate, the advantage is clearly with the BJP. So what happened to the grand plan to unseat the BJP in a 'Mahagatbandhan' - a grand alliance? In Delhi at least, it has fallen a victim to narrow egos that do not sit easily with claims that Modi's defeat is so important that everyone else has to close ranks. While you can apportion blame between both the Congress and AAP, the Congress must take a higher share because it had every reason to swallow a bit of its 133-year-old pride as modern India's oldest political grouping. In Lucknow, they say the old nawabs were so courteous to each other that they would say 'pehle aap' (you first) repeatedly to the other when a horsecart arrived that the cart would leave without either of them. In Delhi, we have a 'pehle aap' culture of a different variety, with much the same result. The Congress, it seems, wanted the AAP to make the first move in what might have been an alliance. 'Pehle AAP', it seemed to say. But the AAP went ahead and announced candidates for six seats in Delhi without much ado (If there were any backroom talks, we are not quite aware). For Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, putting the AAP first has become his own variant. 'Pehle AAP,' as it were. The result of all this is a triangular contest in which the BJP is set to be the gainer. Given the fact that there is a widespread belief that Modi is the front-runner, but faces an anti-incumbency factor in which the BJP on its own may not get a clear majority in the Lok Sabha like it did last time, every seat counts for those who want to - or claim to want to - unseat him. With seven seats tilting towards the BJP, the grand alliance of the opposition has gotten off to a not-so-grand start in the national capital. Even otherwise, the BJP is on strong ground in Delhi. With memories of the Pulwama attack in Kashmir and anti-terror airstrikes by the Indian Air Force in Pakistani territory fresh in public memory, Modi has already made national security a major poll plank. There is no state, I believe, that buys this plank more than Delhi. As the capital region, national issues are close to its heart. Delhi also is arguably the least affected by caste politics by Indian standards. Given the BJP's tendency to appeal above caste divides, that is another advantage for the BJP. The Congress is a bruised party. Its own internal tensions between Delhi party leaders Sheila Dixit and Ajay Maken is part of the capital's political folklore. It does not help that the AAP is sitting in power in the local government and has been energetically working towards raising its profile. Its passion and energy can be seen everywhere as if it has put behind the bad vibes it acquired when senior leaders like Prashant Bhushan and Yogendra Yadav found themselves out of the group in an unseemly turn of events. AAP has truly revolutionised education and healthcare in Delhi with visible administrative interventions by its government. Kejriwal and his deputy, Manish Sisodia, have also perfected the dubious art of hyping up achievements. I expect AAP to be BJP's main challenger because it also has built up considerable goodwill among teeming migrants from eastern UP and Bihar. The Congress is no doubt strong in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, but it cannot expect a simple rebound vote to help it in Delhi, given AAP's inspired, though chequered, rule over the city. There are no rabbits that I can see coming out of Rahul Gandhi's magical hat. At the national level, if the Lok Sabha break-up throws up a pleasant surprise for the opposition (which I do not rule out), Delhi's seats may turn up to be more crucial than it appears now. The Congress seems to want to brazen it out there despite the sensitivity of the situation. It seems to confuse memories of the past with the imperatives of the present. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

2019 Lok Sabha elections: Congress and AAP have gifted advantage to BJP in Delhi

The Congress party has launched its pan-India campaign for the general elections by targetting the BJP and the Narendra Modi government by holding it responsible for all the problems of the country.

The ruling BJP has responded to the Congress attack by going on the offensive and questioning the Congress culture and pointing out how it has deviated from the path shown by Mahatma Gandhi and the freedom fighters who had sacrificed their all for the cause of the nation.

Addressing a Congress rally at Adalaj village of Gandhinagar district in Gujarat after a meeting of the Congress Working Committee on Tuesday, the newly appointed Congress National Congress general secretary of eastern UP, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, said that the government was not talking about the real issues while people were being divided and hatred was being spread. She also laid stress on the need for building awareness among the people. Equating awareness with patriotism, she said that if it is used as a weapon without harming anyone, the county will become strong.

On this occasion, Congress President Rahul Gandhi took a dig at Prime Minister Modi and the BJP led NDA Government at the Centre. He referred to the Goods and Services Tax (GST) as Gabbar Singh Tax equating it with the brute character by the same name in Sholay, the much acclaimed and popular Bollywood blockbuster.

Blunting the Congress tirade against him and the BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been quick in going into the overdrive mode and calling upon influencers from all fields, including politics, industry, sports, films and other walks of life to take the lead in spreading voter awareness and value of high voting. He has expressed the hope that these elections would witness the highest ever turnout in the history of Indian elections!"

Paying tributes to Gandhi ji and all those who had marched with him to Dandi, PM Modi has shared his thoughts on the Dandi March – especially the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi and his aversion to the Congress culture on his blog. Highlighting Mahatma Gandhi's concern for the poor, Modi has said that in all aspects of his government’s work, the guiding consideration is the welfare and progress of the deprived sections but sadly, the antithesis of Gandhian thought is the Congress culture.

Modi’s argument comes like a knockout punch vis-a-vis the main opposition when he says in a matter of fact manner: “Mahatma Gandhi was a firm believer in democracy. Ironically, Congress imposed Emergency and trampled over the democratic spirit. The Congress misused Article 356 several times. If they did not like a leader, that Government was dismissed. Always eager to promote dynastic culture, Congress has no regard for democratic values. Gandhi Ji had understood the Congress culture very well, which is why he wanted the Congress disbanded, especially after 1947.”

What Modi has pointed out on his blog is already a topic of discussion on social media and also in drawing room circles and among the commoners on the street. Modi’s stock has grown manifold particularly after the air strike against the Jaish-e-Mohammed terror camps in Pakistan in the wake of the Pulwama attack. The anti-terror operation inside Pakistani territory is being treated as a turning point in the war on terror and the Government of India’s strategy to handle the Kashmir crisis.

It’s advantage Modi and the BJP at this stage when campaigning is still picking up for the Lok Sabha elections, as the Congress refuses to come on the same page with the government of India on the crucial issue of terrorism and national security.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Congress party has launched its pan-India campaign for the general elections by targetting the BJP and the Narendra Modi government by holding it responsible for all the problems of the country.

The Congress party has launched its pan-India campaign for the general elections by targetting the BJP and the Narendra Modi government by holding it responsible for all the problems of the country. The ruling BJP has responded to the Congress attack by going on the offensive and questioning the Congress culture and pointing out how it has deviated from the path shown by Mahatma Gandhi and the freedom fighters who had sacrificed their all for the cause of the nation. Addressing a Congress rally at Adalaj village of Gandhinagar district in Gujarat after a meeting of the Congress Working Committee on Tuesday, the newly appointed Congress National Congress general secretary of eastern UP, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, said that the government was not talking about the real issues while people were being divided and hatred was being spread. She also laid stress on the need for building awareness among the people. Equating awareness with patriotism, she said that if it is used as a weapon without harming anyone, the county will become strong. On this occasion, Congress President Rahul Gandhi took a dig at Prime Minister Modi and the BJP led NDA Government at the Centre. He referred to the Goods and Services Tax (GST) as Gabbar Singh Tax equating it with the brute character by the same name in Sholay, the much acclaimed and popular Bollywood blockbuster. Blunting the Congress tirade against him and the BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been quick in going into the overdrive mode and calling upon influencers from all fields, including politics, industry, sports, films and other walks of life to take the lead in spreading voter awareness and value of high voting. He has expressed the hope that these elections would witness the highest ever turnout in the history of Indian elections!" Paying tributes to Gandhi ji and all those who had marched with him to Dandi, PM Modi has shared his thoughts on the Dandi March – especially the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi and his aversion to the Congress culture on his blog. Highlighting Mahatma Gandhi's concern for the poor, Modi has said that in all aspects of his government’s work, the guiding consideration is the welfare and progress of the deprived sections but sadly, the antithesis of Gandhian thought is the Congress culture. Modi’s argument comes like a knockout punch vis-a-vis the main opposition when he says in a matter of fact manner: “Mahatma Gandhi was a firm believer in democracy. Ironically, Congress imposed Emergency and trampled over the democratic spirit. The Congress misused Article 356 several times. If they did not like a leader, that Government was dismissed. Always eager to promote dynastic culture, Congress has no regard for democratic values. Gandhi Ji had understood the Congress culture very well, which is why he wanted the Congress disbanded, especially after 1947.” What Modi has pointed out on his blog is already a topic of discussion on social media and also in drawing room circles and among the commoners on the street. Modi’s stock has grown manifold particularly after the air strike against the Jaish-e-Mohammed terror camps in Pakistan in the wake of the Pulwama attack. The anti-terror operation inside Pakistani territory is being treated as a turning point in the war on terror and the Government of India’s strategy to handle the Kashmir crisis. It’s advantage Modi and the BJP at this stage when campaigning is still picking up for the Lok Sabha elections, as the Congress refuses to come on the same page with the government of India on the crucial issue of terrorism and national security. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

On the issues of ideology and national security, it’s advantage Narendra Modi and BJP all the way

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra officially started her career in active politics in February 2019, just a few months before general elections. Congress president Rahul Gandhi introduced her as general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But the question is: Will she be a lucky charm for Congress in Uttar Pradesh?

Priyanka Gandhi is very famous in Amethi and Rae Bareli; she had campaigned during the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha polls and Congress had won both the seats.

The eastern part of Uttar Pradesh accounts for 42 Lok Sabha seats from the sub-regions of Avadh and Purvanchal. In 2009, Congress won 21 seats in Uttar Pradesh and 15 of them were from east UP. In 2014, the tally was reduced to just two. So, Priyanka has a tough job at hand, especially because the region also includes Gorakhpur and Varanasi - the strongholds of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, respectively.

The 2014 Lok Sabha polls saw Congress getting 10 per cent of vote share in east Uttar Pradesh and winning just two seats - it's the pocket borough of Amethi and Rae Bareli.

Even if Congress's gamble pays off and Priyanka factor works for the party, it is not going to give a boost to the number of seats it won in last Lok Sabha elections. The reason is coming together of Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). With the SP-BSP combine at play in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, going by the last vote share, the BJP and its alliance partners are likely to get 37 seats, the SP, BSP and RLD 41, and Congress will remain at two.

If Congress gets two per cent more vote share and the SP-BSP combine loses out its two per cent, it will not translate into a seat for the INC. In fact, the SP-BSP loss is likely to benefit the BJP which can get 44 seats.

If there is a gain of three per cent to Congress and loss of three per cent to SP-BSP alliance, the beneficiary again will be BJP. This will increase its seats from 37 to 46 seats, SP-BSP alliance will get 33, and INC two.

The only scenario which can work for Congress is if Priyanka is able to garner 10 per cent more votes for the party. The Congress will then get four seats, but after coming together of SP and BSP, an upward swing of 10 per cent in favour of Congress looks nearly impossible.

If we look at the past, Priyanka had promised her mother Sonia Gandhi during the 2012 assembly election a perfect 10 in Rae Bareli and Amethi (both have five assembly constituencies each). But the party couldn't even win a single seat in Amethi.

Adding to the pressure is the SP-BSP alliance. In 2014 Lok Sabha polls, even though SP won just five seats and BSP failed to win a single seat, their combined vote share of 42.12 per cent was almost equal to 42.63 per cent of BJP which won 71 seats.

The political arithmetic, caste politics and alliance challenges make the going tough for Priyanka. The Congress is banking on her charisma to revive its fortunes in Uttar Pradesh. The poll bugle has been sounded, now it remains to be seen how she tackles the tough battle of eastern UP. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra officially started her career in active politics in February 2019, just a few months before general elections.

Former Congress president Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra officially started her career in active politics in February 2019, just a few months before general elections. Congress president Rahul Gandhi introduced her as general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But the question is: Will she be a lucky charm for Congress in Uttar Pradesh? Priyanka Gandhi is very famous in Amethi and Rae Bareli; she had campaigned during the 2009 and 2014 Lok Sabha polls and Congress had won both the seats. The eastern part of Uttar Pradesh accounts for 42 Lok Sabha seats from the sub-regions of Avadh and Purvanchal. In 2009, Congress won 21 seats in Uttar Pradesh and 15 of them were from east UP. In 2014, the tally was reduced to just two. So, Priyanka has a tough job at hand, especially because the region also includes Gorakhpur and Varanasi - the strongholds of Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, respectively. The 2014 Lok Sabha polls saw Congress getting 10 per cent of vote share in east Uttar Pradesh and winning just two seats - it's the pocket borough of Amethi and Rae Bareli. Even if Congress's gamble pays off and Priyanka factor works for the party, it is not going to give a boost to the number of seats it won in last Lok Sabha elections. The reason is coming together of Samajwadi Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). With the SP-BSP combine at play in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, going by the last vote share, the BJP and its alliance partners are likely to get 37 seats, the SP, BSP and RLD 41, and Congress will remain at two. If Congress gets two per cent more vote share and the SP-BSP combine loses out its two per cent, it will not translate into a seat for the INC. In fact, the SP-BSP loss is likely to benefit the BJP which can get 44 seats. If there is a gain of three per cent to Congress and loss of three per cent to SP-BSP alliance, the beneficiary again will be BJP. This will increase its seats from 37 to 46 seats, SP-BSP alliance will get 33, and INC two. The only scenario which can work for Congress is if Priyanka is able to garner 10 per cent more votes for the party. The Congress will then get four seats, but after coming together of SP and BSP, an upward swing of 10 per cent in favour of Congress looks nearly impossible. If we look at the past, Priyanka had promised her mother Sonia Gandhi during the 2012 assembly election a perfect 10 in Rae Bareli and Amethi (both have five assembly constituencies each). But the party couldn't even win a single seat in Amethi. Adding to the pressure is the SP-BSP alliance. In 2014 Lok Sabha polls, even though SP won just five seats and BSP failed to win a single seat, their combined vote share of 42.12 per cent was almost equal to 42.63 per cent of BJP which won 71 seats. The political arithmetic, caste politics and alliance challenges make the going tough for Priyanka. The Congress is banking on her charisma to revive its fortunes in Uttar Pradesh. The poll bugle has been sounded, now it remains to be seen how she tackles the tough battle of eastern UP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls: Analysing the battle of east UP and the Priyanka factor

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis.&nbsp;

Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot.&nbsp; 
 
In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest.&nbsp; 
 
In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. &nbsp; 
 
Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi.&nbsp; 
 
Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan.&nbsp;

The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there.&nbsp;

Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes.

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis. Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot. In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest. In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi. Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan. The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there. Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In victory or defeat, BJP responds to electoral outcomes more maturely

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/pulwama-attack-mastermind-mudasir-believed-to-be-killed-in-encounter-jk-police-202489">Pulwama attack mastermind Mudasir believed to be killed in encounter: J&amp;K Police</a>

Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorist and one of the masterminds of Pulwama attack Mudasir Ahmed Khan, alias ‘Mohd Bhai’ is believed to be killed in an encounter in the Tral area of Jammu and Kashmir.

Based on a credible input about the presence of terrorists in Pinglish area of Tral Awantipora, a cordon and search operation was launched today jointly by Police and security forces in the area.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/business-economy/us-urges-india-to-stop-buying-oil-from-venezuelas-nicolas-maduro-government-top-envoy-202463">Urge India to stop buying oil from Venezuela's Nicolas Maduro government: US top envoy</a>

The United States is pressing India to stop buying oil from Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s government, Washington’s top envoy for Venezuela said, as the Trump administration this week threatened more US sanctions to cut off Maduro’s financial lifelines.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-2019-over-15-crore-voters-of-the-total-electorate-in-18-19-age-group-202479">Lok Sabha polls 2019: Over 1.5 crore voters of the total electorate in </a><a href="http://cms.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-2019-over-15-crore-voters-of-the-total-electorate-in-18-19-age-group-202479">18-19</a><a href="http://cms.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-polls-2019-over-15-crore-voters-of-the-total-electorate-in-18-19-age-group-202479"> age group</a>

Lok Sabha elections 2019 will begin on April 11 and continue for over a month till May 19 across seven phases, followed by counting of votes on May 23, the Election Commission announced on Sunday.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-orders-its-airlines-to-suspend-use-of-boeing-737-max-aircraft-202485">After Ethiopian Airlines crash, China suspends use of Boeing 737 Max aircraft</a>

China's aviation regulator said on Monday it had ordered Chinese airlines to suspend their Boeing Co 737 MAX aircraft operations by 6 pm following a deadly crash of a 737 MAX 8 operated by Ethiopian Airlines.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/us-president-donald-trump-ready-to-meet-kim-jong-un-again-for-denuclearisation-talks-white-house-202451">US President Donald Trump ready to meet Kim Jong Un again for denuclearisation talks: White House</a>

US President Donald Trump is ready to meet North Korean leader Kim Jong-un again for denuclearisation talks, the White House said, underlining that his decision to walk out of the Hanoi summit sent a signal to other countries as well that he is not desperate for a deal unless it is in America's interest.

Pulwama attack mastermind Mudasir believed to be killed in encounter: J&K Police Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorist and one of the masterminds of Pulwama attack Mudasir Ahmed Khan, alias ‘Mohd Bhai’ is believed to be killed in an encounter in the Tral area of Jammu and Kashmir.

Pulwama attack mastermind Mudasir believed to be killed in encounter: J&K Police Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorist and one of the masterminds of Pulwama attack Mudasir Ahmed Khan, alias ‘Mohd Bhai’ is believed to be killed in an encounter in the Tral area of Jammu and Kashmir. Based on a credible input about the presence of terrorists in Pinglish area of Tral Awantipora, a cordon and search operation was launched today jointly by Police and security forces in the area. Urge India to stop buying oil from Venezuela's Nicolas Maduro government: US top envoy The United States is pressing India to stop buying oil from Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro’s government, Washington’s top envoy for Venezuela said, as the Trump administration this week threatened more US sanctions to cut off Maduro’s financial lifelines. Lok Sabha polls 2019: Over 1.5 crore voters of the total electorate in 18-19 age group Lok Sabha elections 2019 will begin on April 11 and continue for over a month till May 19 across seven phases, followed by counting of votes on May 23, the Election Commission announced on Sunday. After Ethiopian Airlines crash, China suspends use of Boeing 737 Max aircraft China's aviation regulator said on Monday it had ordered Chinese airlines to suspend their Boeing Co 737 MAX aircraft operations by 6 pm following a deadly crash of a 737 MAX 8 operated by Ethiopian Airlines. US President Donald Trump ready to meet Kim Jong Un again for denuclearisation talks: White House US President Donald Trump is ready to meet North Korean leader Kim Jong-un again for denuclearisation talks, the White House said, underlining that his decision to walk out of the Hanoi summit sent a signal to other countries as well that he is not desperate for a deal unless it is in America's interest.

News brief: Big stories of the day

No State elections for now, only Parliamentary polls in Jammu & Kashmir; NC, PDP protest decision

Rahul Gandhi-led Congress party on Thursday released its first official list of candidates for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls.

UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi will contest the election from Rae Bareli, while Rahul Gandhi will contest from Amethi.

The list of 15 candidates includes 11 from Uttar Pradesh and 4 from Gujarat.

The<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/lok-sabha-2019-no-mention-of-priyanka-gandhi-vadra-as-congress-releases-first-list-of-candidates-201853"> list, however, does not name Priyanka Gandhi Vadra </a>who was named the party's General Secretary for UP East and made her political debut earlier this year.&nbsp;

Former Union ministers Salman Khursheed, RPN Singh and Jitin Prasad will be contesting from Farrukhabad, Kushi Nagar and Dhaurahra in Uttar Pradesh respectively.

Imran Masood will contest from Saharanpur (UP), Saleem Iqbal Shervani from Badaun(UP), Annu Tandon from Unnao (UP), Rajaram Pal from Akbarpur (UP), Brij Lal Khabri from Jalaun - SC (UP), Nirmal Khatri from Faizabad (UP).

While Raju Parmar will contest from Ahmedabad West - SC (Gujarat), Bharat Sinh M Solanki from Anand (Gujarat), Prashant Patel from Vadodara (Gujarat) and Ranjit MohanSinh Rathwa from Chhota Udaipur - ST (Gujarat). Lok Sabha elections are due by May end.

The Election Commission is expected to announce its&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/election-commission-to-announce-lok-sabha-elections-soon-logistic-preparations-almost-over-201813">schedule for the high-voltage Lok Sabha elections</a>&nbsp;soon. The polls are likely to be&nbsp;spread over 7-8 phases in April-May, news agency PTI reported.&nbsp;

Sources said the poll panel is in final stages of completing its logistical preparations to hold elections for the 17th Lok Sabha and a detailed polling schedule could be announced as early this weekend or by early next week.

The term of the present Lok Sabha ends on June 3.

The announcement of dates for the elections, in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi will make his bid to return to power amid hectic parleys by several political parties to put a united fight against the ruling BJP, would be followed by a meeting of election observers next week for the first and second phase of polling.

A senior Election Commission functionary said the poll panel is now prepared to announce the dates "any day" and it could happen over the weekend or at most by Tuesday, PTI reported.&nbsp;

Notification for the first phase could be issued by the end of March for voting sometime in early April, sources suggested.

(With inputs from news agencies)

Rahul Gandhi-led Congress party on Thursday released its first official list of candidates for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi will contest the election from Rae Bareli, while Rahul Gandhi will contest from Amethi.

Rahul Gandhi-led Congress party on Thursday released its first official list of candidates for the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi will contest the election from Rae Bareli, while Rahul Gandhi will contest from Amethi. The list of 15 candidates includes 11 from Uttar Pradesh and 4 from Gujarat. The list, however, does not name Priyanka Gandhi Vadra who was named the party's General Secretary for UP East and made her political debut earlier this year. Former Union ministers Salman Khursheed, RPN Singh and Jitin Prasad will be contesting from Farrukhabad, Kushi Nagar and Dhaurahra in Uttar Pradesh respectively. Imran Masood will contest from Saharanpur (UP), Saleem Iqbal Shervani from Badaun(UP), Annu Tandon from Unnao (UP), Rajaram Pal from Akbarpur (UP), Brij Lal Khabri from Jalaun - SC (UP), Nirmal Khatri from Faizabad (UP). While Raju Parmar will contest from Ahmedabad West - SC (Gujarat), Bharat Sinh M Solanki from Anand (Gujarat), Prashant Patel from Vadodara (Gujarat) and Ranjit MohanSinh Rathwa from Chhota Udaipur - ST (Gujarat). Lok Sabha elections are due by May end. The Election Commission is expected to announce its schedule for the high-voltage Lok Sabha elections soon. The polls are likely to be spread over 7-8 phases in April-May, news agency PTI reported. Sources said the poll panel is in final stages of completing its logistical preparations to hold elections for the 17th Lok Sabha and a detailed polling schedule could be announced as early this weekend or by early next week. The term of the present Lok Sabha ends on June 3. The announcement of dates for the elections, in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi will make his bid to return to power amid hectic parleys by several political parties to put a united fight against the ruling BJP, would be followed by a meeting of election observers next week for the first and second phase of polling. A senior Election Commission functionary said the poll panel is now prepared to announce the dates "any day" and it could happen over the weekend or at most by Tuesday, PTI reported. Notification for the first phase could be issued by the end of March for voting sometime in early April, sources suggested. (With inputs from news agencies)

Lok Sabha polls: First list of Congress candidates out, Sonia Gandhi to contest from Rae Bareli; Rahul from Amethi

The BJP parliamentary body, the party's top decision-making body, is expected to meet on Friday to take stock of its Lok Sabha election preparedness and campaign, a party leader said.

The meeting, which will be attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party president Amit Shah, comes at a time when the ruling BJP and opposition parties, including the Congress, have been engaged in a heated debate over the Balakot air strike.

Both have accused each other of politicising the Indian Air Force' strike at terror camps in Pakistan with the BJP attacking the Congress over the issue of nationalism.

A BJP leader said the party top brass will discuss a range of issues as its campaign picks up pace and strategise over its agenda in the days ahead.

The Election Commission is likely to announce the election dates in the next few days.

The BJP parliamentary body, the party's top decision-making body, is expected to meet on Friday to take stock of its Lok Sabha election preparedness and campaign, a party leader said.

The BJP parliamentary body, the party's top decision-making body, is expected to meet on Friday to take stock of its Lok Sabha election preparedness and campaign, a party leader said. The meeting, which will be attended by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party president Amit Shah, comes at a time when the ruling BJP and opposition parties, including the Congress, have been engaged in a heated debate over the Balakot air strike. Both have accused each other of politicising the Indian Air Force' strike at terror camps in Pakistan with the BJP attacking the Congress over the issue of nationalism. A BJP leader said the party top brass will discuss a range of issues as its campaign picks up pace and strategise over its agenda in the days ahead. The Election Commission is likely to announce the election dates in the next few days.

BJP parliamentary board meeting to take place on Friday

BJP MP Shatrughan Sinha, who has been critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government in the past, kept suspense on whether he will contest on BJP ticket or not in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.

''The time has come, you will get to see some results. Some truths will come out," said Sinha while stressing that it is better to speak up at the right time.

His statement was in response to a question on which party he would be contesting in the General elections.

He said, “Till now, the party has not suspended me and neither have I left the party. So what is the reason that I was not invited when Prime Minister Narendra Modi did his rally in Patna? That rally was very small and not that good.”

After meeting Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad's family, Sinha said, “Today I have come to Patna, not because of social reason but for family reason. Lalu-ji's wife, his sons and daughter, all are like my family and I came here to meet them. It will be good if it will not be looked as a political matter. Some days ago, I also met with Lalu-ji at RIMS hospital.”

When asked about NDA’s claims of winning 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, he said, “Our party president Amit Shah’s "prachand bahumat" (huge majority) is just an expression. He said that for Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. For Delhi, he claimed they (BJP) will win by a two-thirds majority but they won only 2-3 seats and Kejriwal ji got 67 seats.''

''Are they counting my seat as well in those 40 seats (Lok Sabha seats in Bihar)? As far as elections are concerned, Patna is my first, second and last choice. When he (Amit Shah) says such (prachand bahumat) things, it is meant to boost the morale of his workers,” he added.

BJP lost the elections in recently concluded assembly elections of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) had registered a landslide victory in Delhi assembly elections and won 67 seats out of 70 in 2015.

On parties asking details of air strike conducted by Indian Air Force over a terror group in Pakistan, he said, ''I have not asked for proofs. People in the government should talk in one voice. Who started this? Party president Amit Shah started this, without any evidence and truth, he gave the count of 250 casualties. I have heard Union Agricultural Minister Radha Mohan Singh saying 400 casualties. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath said 450 casualties.''

''If you want to show credibility in the statements then it is your duty to show results, keeping in mind the national interest,'' he added.

On Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s allegation that Modi himself is involved in ''missing documents'' related to Rafale deal, Sinha said, ''Tali captain ko toh gali captain ko (If Captain takes applaud then he should take abuses). It is very shameful to say at a crucial moment that the documents are missing and that too from the Defence Ministry. Who will believe this? I cannot say anything since the matter is in the Supreme Court.''

BJP MP Shatrughan Sinha, who has been critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government in the past, kept suspense on whether he will contest on BJP ticket or not in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.

BJP MP Shatrughan Sinha, who has been critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government in the past, kept suspense on whether he will contest on BJP ticket or not in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. ''The time has come, you will get to see some results. Some truths will come out," said Sinha while stressing that it is better to speak up at the right time. His statement was in response to a question on which party he would be contesting in the General elections. He said, “Till now, the party has not suspended me and neither have I left the party. So what is the reason that I was not invited when Prime Minister Narendra Modi did his rally in Patna? That rally was very small and not that good.” After meeting Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad's family, Sinha said, “Today I have come to Patna, not because of social reason but for family reason. Lalu-ji's wife, his sons and daughter, all are like my family and I came here to meet them. It will be good if it will not be looked as a political matter. Some days ago, I also met with Lalu-ji at RIMS hospital.” When asked about NDA’s claims of winning 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, he said, “Our party president Amit Shah’s "prachand bahumat" (huge majority) is just an expression. He said that for Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. For Delhi, he claimed they (BJP) will win by a two-thirds majority but they won only 2-3 seats and Kejriwal ji got 67 seats.'' ''Are they counting my seat as well in those 40 seats (Lok Sabha seats in Bihar)? As far as elections are concerned, Patna is my first, second and last choice. When he (Amit Shah) says such (prachand bahumat) things, it is meant to boost the morale of his workers,” he added. BJP lost the elections in recently concluded assembly elections of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) had registered a landslide victory in Delhi assembly elections and won 67 seats out of 70 in 2015. On parties asking details of air strike conducted by Indian Air Force over a terror group in Pakistan, he said, ''I have not asked for proofs. People in the government should talk in one voice. Who started this? Party president Amit Shah started this, without any evidence and truth, he gave the count of 250 casualties. I have heard Union Agricultural Minister Radha Mohan Singh saying 400 casualties. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath said 450 casualties.'' ''If you want to show credibility in the statements then it is your duty to show results, keeping in mind the national interest,'' he added. On Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s allegation that Modi himself is involved in ''missing documents'' related to Rafale deal, Sinha said, ''Tali captain ko toh gali captain ko (If Captain takes applaud then he should take abuses). It is very shameful to say at a crucial moment that the documents are missing and that too from the Defence Ministry. Who will believe this? I cannot say anything since the matter is in the Supreme Court.''

Lok Sabha polls: Shatrughan Sinha leaves suspense on whether he will contest for BJP

The Election Commission will soon announce its schedule for the high-voltage Lok Sabha elections, which is likely to be spread over 7-8 phases in April-May, sources said on Thursday.

Sources said the poll panel is in final stages of completing its logistical preparations to hold elections for the 17th Lok Sabha and a detailed polling schedule could be announced as early this weekend or by early next week.

The term of the present Lok Sabha ends on June 3.

The announcement of dates for the elections, in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi will make his bid to return to power amid hectic parleys by several political parties to put a united fight against the ruling BJP, would be followed by a meeting of election observers next week for the first and second phase of polling.

A senior Election Commission functionary said the poll panel is now prepared to announce the dates "any day" and it could happen over the weekend or at most by Tuesday.

Notification for the first phase could be issued by the end of March for voting sometime in early April, sources suggested.

There is a strong possibility that the EC may go by the precedent and hold assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh along with the Lok Sabha polls.

Since the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly has been dissolved, the EC is bound to hold fresh polls there as well within a six-month period, which will end in May.

While there is a view that the Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections can be held along with the Lok Sabha polls, but a lot depends on the complex security situation in the state given the heightened tension along the India-Pakistan border.

While the Centre and the state administration, being managed by the Centre-appointed governor, are against holding the two elections together, all political parties there favoured simultaneous polls during a meeting with the Election Commission earlier this week.

The J-K assembly's six-year term was to end on March 16, 2021, but it got dissolved after a ruling coalition between the PDP and the BJP fell apart.&nbsp;

The other state assemblies and Lok Sabha have five-year terms.

While the term of the Sikkim Assembly ends on May 27, 2019, the terms of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Arunachal Pradesh assemblies end on June 18, June 11 and June 1 respectively.

The Commission has held several review meetings across the country in last few weeks to gear up its machinery.

The required electronic voting machines and paper trail machines are in place to be deployed in nearly 10 lakh polling stations across 543 Lok Sabha constituencies.

This is a high probability of the elections being spread across 7-8 phases this time.

In 2004, the Commission had announced four-phase Lok Sabha polls on February 29. While the first date of polling was April 20 and the last date was May 10.

In 2009, the EC had announced Lok Sabha poll scheduled on March 2. The five-phase polls began on April 16 and ended on May 13.

In 2014, the EC had announced the election schedule on March 5 and the nine-phase electoral exercise was spread across April and May.

While the first phase polling was on April 7, the last phase was on May 12.

The Election Commission will soon announce its schedule for the high-voltage Lok Sabha elections, which is likely to be spread over 7-8 phases in April-May, sources said on Thursday.

The Election Commission will soon announce its schedule for the high-voltage Lok Sabha elections, which is likely to be spread over 7-8 phases in April-May, sources said on Thursday. Sources said the poll panel is in final stages of completing its logistical preparations to hold elections for the 17th Lok Sabha and a detailed polling schedule could be announced as early this weekend or by early next week. The term of the present Lok Sabha ends on June 3. The announcement of dates for the elections, in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi will make his bid to return to power amid hectic parleys by several political parties to put a united fight against the ruling BJP, would be followed by a meeting of election observers next week for the first and second phase of polling. A senior Election Commission functionary said the poll panel is now prepared to announce the dates "any day" and it could happen over the weekend or at most by Tuesday. Notification for the first phase could be issued by the end of March for voting sometime in early April, sources suggested. There is a strong possibility that the EC may go by the precedent and hold assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh along with the Lok Sabha polls. Since the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly has been dissolved, the EC is bound to hold fresh polls there as well within a six-month period, which will end in May. While there is a view that the Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections can be held along with the Lok Sabha polls, but a lot depends on the complex security situation in the state given the heightened tension along the India-Pakistan border. While the Centre and the state administration, being managed by the Centre-appointed governor, are against holding the two elections together, all political parties there favoured simultaneous polls during a meeting with the Election Commission earlier this week. The J-K assembly's six-year term was to end on March 16, 2021, but it got dissolved after a ruling coalition between the PDP and the BJP fell apart. The other state assemblies and Lok Sabha have five-year terms. While the term of the Sikkim Assembly ends on May 27, 2019, the terms of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Arunachal Pradesh assemblies end on June 18, June 11 and June 1 respectively. The Commission has held several review meetings across the country in last few weeks to gear up its machinery. The required electronic voting machines and paper trail machines are in place to be deployed in nearly 10 lakh polling stations across 543 Lok Sabha constituencies. This is a high probability of the elections being spread across 7-8 phases this time. In 2004, the Commission had announced four-phase Lok Sabha polls on February 29. While the first date of polling was April 20 and the last date was May 10. In 2009, the EC had announced Lok Sabha poll scheduled on March 2. The five-phase polls began on April 16 and ended on May 13. In 2014, the EC had announced the election schedule on March 5 and the nine-phase electoral exercise was spread across April and May. While the first phase polling was on April 7, the last phase was on May 12.

Election Commission to announce Lok Sabha elections soon; logistic preparations almost over

An Election Commission proposal to ban political advertisements in newspapers on election day will not be implemented in the coming Lok Sabha polls as it is pending with the Law Ministry, say sources in the government.

The move will require changes in the Representation of the People Act and it is now up to the next Lok Sabha to take a call, the sources said.

“The Law Ministry did not consider moving the Cabinet to propose amendments in the statutes as the Budget session was too brief and it required political consensus. Now the 17th Lok Sabha will take a call on the proposal,” a senior government functionary explained.

A committee, asked to propose changes in electoral laws dealing with campaigning in the last 48 hours, recommended a ban on advertisements in newspapers on election day.

As of now, only the electronic media is barred from showing election publicity material during the last 48 hours before the conclusion of polling. But the committee recommended bringing the print media under the ambit of Section 126 of the Representation of the People Act 1951.

It would, in effect, mean that political parties cannot publish campaigning advertisements on election day.

In 2016, the EC urged the government to amend the electoral law to bar political advertisements in newspapers 48 hours before the day of polling on the lines of the restriction on electronic media.

The move came in the wake of the poll panel using its constitutional powers to ban such newspaper advertisements on a case-by-case basis during the Bihar assembly election in October-November of 2015.

Elections are due in April-May. The term of the 16th Lok Sabha ends on June 3 and a new Lok Sabha has to be constituted before that.

An Election Commission proposal to ban political advertisements in newspapers on election day will not be implemented in the coming Lok Sabha polls as it is pending with the Law Ministry, say sources in the government.

An Election Commission proposal to ban political advertisements in newspapers on election day will not be implemented in the coming Lok Sabha polls as it is pending with the Law Ministry, say sources in the government. The move will require changes in the Representation of the People Act and it is now up to the next Lok Sabha to take a call, the sources said. “The Law Ministry did not consider moving the Cabinet to propose amendments in the statutes as the Budget session was too brief and it required political consensus. Now the 17th Lok Sabha will take a call on the proposal,” a senior government functionary explained. A committee, asked to propose changes in electoral laws dealing with campaigning in the last 48 hours, recommended a ban on advertisements in newspapers on election day. As of now, only the electronic media is barred from showing election publicity material during the last 48 hours before the conclusion of polling. But the committee recommended bringing the print media under the ambit of Section 126 of the Representation of the People Act 1951. It would, in effect, mean that political parties cannot publish campaigning advertisements on election day. In 2016, the EC urged the government to amend the electoral law to bar political advertisements in newspapers 48 hours before the day of polling on the lines of the restriction on electronic media. The move came in the wake of the poll panel using its constitutional powers to ban such newspaper advertisements on a case-by-case basis during the Bihar assembly election in October-November of 2015. Elections are due in April-May. The term of the 16th Lok Sabha ends on June 3 and a new Lok Sabha has to be constituted before that.

Lok Sabha elections 2019: No ban on political ads on election day as EC proposal pending with Centre

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this &nbsp;— ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead.

With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government.

The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance.

Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha.

In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir.

UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution.

On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep.

Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it.

There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party.

These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few.

Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections.

These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses.

Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party.

These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here.

These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected.

Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA.

Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public.

Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions.

To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla&nbsp;over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-55-years-versus-55-months-2724414">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

 
&nbsp;

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government). Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead. With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government. The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance. Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha. In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir. UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution. On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep. Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it. There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party. These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few. Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections. These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses. Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party. These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here. These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected. Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA. Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public. Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions. To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Differences among opposition parties strengthen NDA's chances of coming back to power

The Bharatiya Janata Party is finally getting its act together on the alliance front. Over the last few days, it managed to salvage its partnership with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; stitched a deal with the AIADMK and one other smaller outfit in Tamil Nadu; and seemingly placated the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) in Uttar Pradesh, which had threatened to quit the NDA. Senior BJP leaders have also reached out to another disgruntled NDA constituent, Apna Dal (Sonelal), in Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp;

Besides, the party has set its sight on a few post-poll partnerships since it felt, for good reasons, that a pre-election understanding would be counter-productive. A later understanding with the YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh is one such possibility. 
 
A pre-poll tie-up between the BJP and the YSR Congress Party does not make sense because the latter’s leader Jagan Mohan Reddy is seeking to exploit the issue of his state not been given a special status in the upcoming elections, and here he wants to put the BJP-led NDA regime in the dock. At the same time, he is more opposed to Chandrababu Naidu and the TDP, who are his main rivals in Andhra Pradesh. Now that Naidu has quit the NDA, the coast is clear for Jagan Mohan Reddy to strike a bargain with the BJP post-results. &nbsp;

In Telangana, the TRS is dependent on Muslim votes, which is why he has consistently humoured Asaduddin Owaisi, who has pockets of influence in the old Hyderabad city. Given that Owaisi is a bitter critic of the BJP and the TRS needs him more in the pre-poll stage than it needs the BJP, any understanding between the TRS and the BJP will have to wait until after the results are announced.

As for the BJD, the ruling party in Odisha is facing a severe challenge from the BJP this time around, and many poll pundits are seeing a surge in the number of BJP seats from the state following the Lok Sabha polls.&nbsp;

Since both the BJP and the BJD have now locked horns, any pact can happen only after the election dust has settled down. It must be remembered that in the five years gone by, both the BJD and the YSR Congress party, especially the BJD, had backed many of the Modi government’s initiatives. More importantly, it has maintained a distance from the various ‘third front’ confabulations across the country.&nbsp;

That said, the deal between the Shiv Sena and the BJP is the most important development of all. Maharashtra is an important state, contributing 48 seats to the Lok Sabha. Most poll analysts had pointed out that, if the two parties contested separately — and against each other as a consequence — both would be major losers, and the gainer would be the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) alliance. It was perhaps this realisation than a sudden spurt of love for each other that compelled the warring allies to bury the hatchet.

This also explains the give and take both the parties agreed to, with the Sena settling for a couple of seats lesser than the BJP for the Lok Sabha and the BJP accepting a 50:50 sharing basis for the state Assembly polls that are to follow in a few months of the general elections. The Sena-BJP pact has seriously undermined the prospects of the Congress-NCP coalition. It would be wrong to say that all creases have been ironed out, but a tentative partnership is still better than no partnership. &nbsp;

In Uttar Pradesh, both the Apna Dal (Sonelal) and the SBSP are small players but they have a committed vote base. The latter had won no Lok Sabha seat in 2014 but did better in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls after it allied with the BJP, winning four constituencies. Its leader OP Rajbhar has had problems with the Yogi Adityanath government in the state, but things appear to have settled down somewhat after his marathon meeting with BJP president Amit Shah.&nbsp;

Yet, the final word is yet to be said, since the seat-sharing matter remains to be tackled. Apna Dal (Sonelal) too has grievances similar to that of the SBSP — that big brother BJP has not given it the respect it deserves. Its leader Anupriya Patel is a Minister in Modi’s government but there is a feeling that the party has been neglected but the BJP, more especially after the latter rode to an unprecedented victory in the last State polls. Given the tough challenge it faces in Uttar Pradesh from the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine, the BJP would not want its allies in the state to walk away. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Will the outreach and the alliances, new and old, work for the BJP? In Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, they should have an impact. One is not sure about Tamil Nadu, though, where the AIADMK has become unpopular, and weak after a split in the party. Its unpopularity could drag down the BJP (which, not having a big mass base there, has to depend on the regional ally), as well as the other regional partner, the PMK.

Nevertheless, with every seat counting in what is billed as a furiously contested 2019 Lok Sabha election, the BJP can at least take heart from the alliances it has managed to secure. 
 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Bharatiya Janata Party is finally getting its act together on the alliance front. Over the last few days, it managed to salvage its partnership with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; stitched a deal with the AIADMK and one other smaller outfit in Tamil Nadu; and seemingly placated the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) in Uttar Pradesh, which had threatened to quit the NDA.

The Bharatiya Janata Party is finally getting its act together on the alliance front. Over the last few days, it managed to salvage its partnership with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra; stitched a deal with the AIADMK and one other smaller outfit in Tamil Nadu; and seemingly placated the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) in Uttar Pradesh, which had threatened to quit the NDA. Senior BJP leaders have also reached out to another disgruntled NDA constituent, Apna Dal (Sonelal), in Uttar Pradesh. Besides, the party has set its sight on a few post-poll partnerships since it felt, for good reasons, that a pre-election understanding would be counter-productive. A later understanding with the YSR Congress Party in Andhra Pradesh is one such possibility. A pre-poll tie-up between the BJP and the YSR Congress Party does not make sense because the latter’s leader Jagan Mohan Reddy is seeking to exploit the issue of his state not been given a special status in the upcoming elections, and here he wants to put the BJP-led NDA regime in the dock. At the same time, he is more opposed to Chandrababu Naidu and the TDP, who are his main rivals in Andhra Pradesh. Now that Naidu has quit the NDA, the coast is clear for Jagan Mohan Reddy to strike a bargain with the BJP post-results. In Telangana, the TRS is dependent on Muslim votes, which is why he has consistently humoured Asaduddin Owaisi, who has pockets of influence in the old Hyderabad city. Given that Owaisi is a bitter critic of the BJP and the TRS needs him more in the pre-poll stage than it needs the BJP, any understanding between the TRS and the BJP will have to wait until after the results are announced. As for the BJD, the ruling party in Odisha is facing a severe challenge from the BJP this time around, and many poll pundits are seeing a surge in the number of BJP seats from the state following the Lok Sabha polls. Since both the BJP and the BJD have now locked horns, any pact can happen only after the election dust has settled down. It must be remembered that in the five years gone by, both the BJD and the YSR Congress party, especially the BJD, had backed many of the Modi government’s initiatives. More importantly, it has maintained a distance from the various ‘third front’ confabulations across the country. That said, the deal between the Shiv Sena and the BJP is the most important development of all. Maharashtra is an important state, contributing 48 seats to the Lok Sabha. Most poll analysts had pointed out that, if the two parties contested separately — and against each other as a consequence — both would be major losers, and the gainer would be the Congress-Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) alliance. It was perhaps this realisation than a sudden spurt of love for each other that compelled the warring allies to bury the hatchet. This also explains the give and take both the parties agreed to, with the Sena settling for a couple of seats lesser than the BJP for the Lok Sabha and the BJP accepting a 50:50 sharing basis for the state Assembly polls that are to follow in a few months of the general elections. The Sena-BJP pact has seriously undermined the prospects of the Congress-NCP coalition. It would be wrong to say that all creases have been ironed out, but a tentative partnership is still better than no partnership. In Uttar Pradesh, both the Apna Dal (Sonelal) and the SBSP are small players but they have a committed vote base. The latter had won no Lok Sabha seat in 2014 but did better in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly polls after it allied with the BJP, winning four constituencies. Its leader OP Rajbhar has had problems with the Yogi Adityanath government in the state, but things appear to have settled down somewhat after his marathon meeting with BJP president Amit Shah. Yet, the final word is yet to be said, since the seat-sharing matter remains to be tackled. Apna Dal (Sonelal) too has grievances similar to that of the SBSP — that big brother BJP has not given it the respect it deserves. Its leader Anupriya Patel is a Minister in Modi’s government but there is a feeling that the party has been neglected but the BJP, more especially after the latter rode to an unprecedented victory in the last State polls. Given the tough challenge it faces in Uttar Pradesh from the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party combine, the BJP would not want its allies in the state to walk away. Will the outreach and the alliances, new and old, work for the BJP? In Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, they should have an impact. One is not sure about Tamil Nadu, though, where the AIADMK has become unpopular, and weak after a split in the party. Its unpopularity could drag down the BJP (which, not having a big mass base there, has to depend on the regional ally), as well as the other regional partner, the PMK. Nevertheless, with every seat counting in what is billed as a furiously contested 2019 Lok Sabha election, the BJP can at least take heart from the alliances it has managed to secure. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Alliance arithmetic: BJP to beat opposition at its own game?

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/at-kumbh-modi-washes-feet-of-safai-karamcharis-twitter-is-agog-199537">Prime Minister Narendra Modi</a> Sunday suspended his monthly 'Mann ki Baat' broadcast for March and April, and said he will be back with the programme on the last Sunday of May, by when results of the Lok Sabha elections are expected to be declared.

In this monthly address through the radio broadcast -- the 53rd since Modi came to power in 2014 -- he said he was doing so keeping in mind healthy democratic traditions.

"Elections are the biggest celebration of democracy. In the next two months, we will be busy in the hurly-burly of the general elections. I myself will also be a candidate. Respecting healthy democratic traditions, the next episode of 'Mann Ki Baat' will be broadcast on the last Sunday (May 26) of May," Modi said.&nbsp;

Opposition parties have in the past demanded stopping the broadcast of Mann ki Baat during elections, saying it violated the model code of conduct as the interaction amounted to the misuse of the prime minister's programme for political purposes. &nbsp; &nbsp;

Sounding confident of his return to power, he said he will begin the series of conversations under the programme from May with the "power of your blessings" and will keep speaking to people through 'Mann ki Baat' for years.

The fate of Modi's 'Mann ki Baat' broadcast will depend on the results of the Lok Sabha elections as the programme will continue only if he is reelected and becomes prime minister.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Sunday suspended his monthly 'Mann ki Baat' broadcast for March and April, and said he will be back with the programme on the last Sunday of May, by when results of the Lok Sabha elections are expected to be declared.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Sunday suspended his monthly 'Mann ki Baat' broadcast for March and April, and said he will be back with the programme on the last Sunday of May, by when results of the Lok Sabha elections are expected to be declared. In this monthly address through the radio broadcast -- the 53rd since Modi came to power in 2014 -- he said he was doing so keeping in mind healthy democratic traditions. "Elections are the biggest celebration of democracy. In the next two months, we will be busy in the hurly-burly of the general elections. I myself will also be a candidate. Respecting healthy democratic traditions, the next episode of 'Mann Ki Baat' will be broadcast on the last Sunday (May 26) of May," Modi said. Opposition parties have in the past demanded stopping the broadcast of Mann ki Baat during elections, saying it violated the model code of conduct as the interaction amounted to the misuse of the prime minister's programme for political purposes. Sounding confident of his return to power, he said he will begin the series of conversations under the programme from May with the "power of your blessings" and will keep speaking to people through 'Mann ki Baat' for years. The fate of Modi's 'Mann ki Baat' broadcast will depend on the results of the Lok Sabha elections as the programme will continue only if he is reelected and becomes prime minister.

PM Modi says no 'Mann ki Baat' for 2 months, promises to be back in May

A parliamentary panel Monday asked micro-blogging site <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/twitter-forms-internal-team-for-upholding-electoral-integrity-on-platform-in-india-198824">Twitter to address issues</a> in real-time and engage more with the Election Commission of India (ECI) ahead of general elections and also summoned senior officials of other social media platforms <a href="http://www.wionews.com/opinions/hard-to-ignore-congress-form-asks-for-caste-along-with-twitter-whatsapp-197165">Facebook, WhatsApp </a>and <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/2019-lok-sabha-elections-instagram-a-new-game-changer-to-woo-young-voters-186133">Instagram</a> on March 6.

This was informed by Anurag Thakur, chairman of Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information Technology, after a nearly three-and-a-half-hour meeting with Global Vice President of Public Policy for Twitter Colin Crowell and other officials of the micro-blogging platform.

Thakur said Twitter officials were asked to "engage more" with the ECI and address issues on a "real-time" basis.

The Twitter officials were told that there should not be any "international interference" in the Lok Sabha polls.

Sources said the social media platform was categorically asked to ensure the forthcoming elections are not undermined and influenced by foreign entities.

This message to the micro-blogging site was in an apparent reference to numerous complaints of interference by social media platforms in the US elections, they said.

Thakur said Twitter officials replied to most questions and would submit replies to remaining queries in writing in 10 days.

The panel, which hears the views of the representatives of Twitter on 'safeguarding citizens rights on social/online news media platforms', has also summoned public policy heads of Facebook, WhatsApp and Platform, he said.

Sources also revealed that Thakur read out a letter addressed to him by Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey during the meeting.

A parliamentary panel Monday asked micro-blogging site Twitter to address issues in real-time and engage more with the Election Commission of India (ECI) ahead of general elections and also summoned senior officials of other social media platforms Facebook, WhatsApp and Instagram on March 6.

A parliamentary panel Monday asked micro-blogging site Twitter to address issues in real-time and engage more with the Election Commission of India (ECI) ahead of general elections and also summoned senior officials of other social media platforms Facebook, WhatsApp and Instagram on March 6. This was informed by Anurag Thakur, chairman of Parliamentary Standing Committee on Information Technology, after a nearly three-and-a-half-hour meeting with Global Vice President of Public Policy for Twitter Colin Crowell and other officials of the micro-blogging platform. Thakur said Twitter officials were asked to "engage more" with the ECI and address issues on a "real-time" basis. The Twitter officials were told that there should not be any "international interference" in the Lok Sabha polls. Sources said the social media platform was categorically asked to ensure the forthcoming elections are not undermined and influenced by foreign entities. This message to the micro-blogging site was in an apparent reference to numerous complaints of interference by social media platforms in the US elections, they said. Thakur said Twitter officials replied to most questions and would submit replies to remaining queries in writing in 10 days. The panel, which hears the views of the representatives of Twitter on 'safeguarding citizens rights on social/online news media platforms', has also summoned public policy heads of Facebook, WhatsApp and Platform, he said. Sources also revealed that Thakur read out a letter addressed to him by Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey during the meeting.

Lok Sabha elections: Parliamentary panel asks Twitter to engage more with Election Commission; summons Facebook, WhatsApp officials on March 6 

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. &nbsp;

AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. 
 
The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government.&nbsp;

The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader.&nbsp;

But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change!&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea. In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed. The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government. The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader. But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister. Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

With setbacks from Supreme Court and Congress, the road ahead is tough for Aam Aadmi Party

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