As you move away from Delhi, one understands that election has become regional and local despite the powerful narrative of nationalism married to Hindutva injected by BJP continues to dominate social media and TV screens. &nbsp;

It also holds true for the Congress which has decided to push Nyuntam Aay Yojana (NYAY) as its main electoral plank against BJP. Like nationalism driven campaign, it also hangs as one of the themes of the Lok Sabha elections. As of now, as the battle for phase one begins, regional issues have started to gain ground, making elections diverse and less Modi-centric.&nbsp;

For example, with SP-BSP-RLD combine in play, BJP cannot repeat its performance this time in UP. Unlike 2014, where election revolved around Modi, caste, candidates, local issues and delivery programmes of the government are also participating in the campaign in the state and not to mention the problem of stray cattle.&nbsp;

Same is the case with other states. Both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh are contesting elections on strong regional issues revolving around regional pride, regional discrimination and welfare schemes. BJP has seen green shoots in Kerala, but there too, the issues are regional. Even Sabarimala has not been able to acquire sentiment of national proportion which Ayodhya did in the 1990s. Though BJP is expected to open an account in the state. 
 
The story in Tamil Nadu is also similar. It is a fight between two regional parties over regional issues and both the BJP and Congress claim a very small role. So whatever the result may be, a regional player will be the winner.

The state of Karnataka saw BJP’s resurgence during assembly elections but it had more to do with its brilliant performance in SC seats than because of urban voters - who these days are voting for BJP. Nonetheless, Karnataka is like UP where BJP can give a tough fight to the JDS-Congress alliance

In states like Odisha and West Bengal, where BJP has made inroads, election again is being fought on regional issues. Both BJD and TMC are fighting elections on pro-welfare agenda in the state. Though BJP again expected to do better, has not gone beyond criticism of Mamta Banerjee. 
&nbsp; 
Another example is that of the North East, an area where BJP had done exceptionally well. Even there, the issues are regional like, cross border migration and citizenship amendment bill. Before the citizenship amendment bill, BJP was all set to sweep the area but now it is difficult to say which way the election will turn after protests broke out in NE over the bill.&nbsp;

In Bihar, BJP is strong and well entrenched but it rests on the shoulder of Nitish Kumar, unlike 2014 when it swept the state on Modi’s name. Both Haryana and Punjab are voting on regional issues too. Haryana has witnessed strong pro BJP consolidation on anti-Jat line and in Punjab Congress has gained because of anti- SAD sentiment continues to persist and AAP has completely collapsed in the state.&nbsp;

Even big states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Rajasthan are being fought on regional issues ranging from caste reservation, agrarian loans, candidature, hard Hindutva and etc. It is not to say that the direct benefit schemes introduced by the Prime Minister including welfare projects will have no impact on the electorate but will short when it comes to the creation of a wave like 2014. Even in the 2017 assembly election, the results were more out of Hindu-Muslim polarisation than the success of Ujjwala scheme.&nbsp;

More so, the injection of hard Hindutva in body politics by BJP will add and subtract votes at the same time which was not the case in 2014 elections which were solely focussed around New India. 
 
The states like Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh too will be fought on the basis of candidates and performance of the respective governments. Jammu and Kashmir is the only state that will respond to the policy decision of the BJP and promises it is making during national elections.

If one looks at the election history, victory comes often at the time when things seem lost. No one thought within the Opposition that they would be able to defeat the Congress in 1977. Even Rajiv Gandhi did fathom his scale of defeat in 1989. His campaign, Mera Bharat Mahan was a royal flop. Narasimha Rao felt that he was winning the election in 1996. &nbsp;In 2004 every political pundit wrote off Congress party but it was BJP who lost elections under the weight of Shining India campaign. Even in 2009, not a single political pundit gave Congress more than 200 seats and very few people believed that BJP would get a simple majority in 2014.&nbsp;

There is no doubt that propaganda of BJP is loud, and the Congress party’s electoral campaign is weak and badly coordinated. In fact, the campaign does not stand anywhere close to BJP but even then, voters have a way of surprising powerful people.

This election holds the capacity to put regional parties at the forefront of decision making as gain and loss of both BJP and Congress ‘can’ be incremental because of regional placement of the elections.&nbsp;

BJP is trying to polarise it on the national security issue, but it has not been able to create a surge in the electorate. Even the Kargil war did not help Vajpayee during elections. In the case of BJP and Congress getting confined within 270 to 300 seats, regional players will emerge as the king makers. This is scenario one.&nbsp;

But if Lok Sabha elections follow the old hard pattern of Indian politics, then BJP may end up with a shocking result which is - where a losing side ends up with a huge loss and gainer ends up with most.

It happened with BJP in 2014, wherein it got a simple majority and Congress who thought it may end up with 100 seats ended up with 44.&nbsp;

If this scenario is reversed with current issues in play, India is looking at a fractured Parliament where the difference between BJP and Congress can stand anywhere between 50 to 70 seats with BJP in the lead.

 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

As you move away from Delhi, one understands that election has become regional and local despite the powerful narrative of nationalism married to Hindutva injected by BJP continues to dominate social media and TV screens.

As you move away from Delhi, one understands that election has become regional and local despite the powerful narrative of nationalism married to Hindutva injected by BJP continues to dominate social media and TV screens. It also holds true for the Congress which has decided to push Nyuntam Aay Yojana (NYAY) as its main electoral plank against BJP. Like nationalism driven campaign, it also hangs as one of the themes of the Lok Sabha elections. As of now, as the battle for phase one begins, regional issues have started to gain ground, making elections diverse and less Modi-centric. For example, with SP-BSP-RLD combine in play, BJP cannot repeat its performance this time in UP. Unlike 2014, where election revolved around Modi, caste, candidates, local issues and delivery programmes of the government are also participating in the campaign in the state and not to mention the problem of stray cattle. Same is the case with other states. Both Telangana and Andhra Pradesh are contesting elections on strong regional issues revolving around regional pride, regional discrimination and welfare schemes. BJP has seen green shoots in Kerala, but there too, the issues are regional. Even Sabarimala has not been able to acquire sentiment of national proportion which Ayodhya did in the 1990s. Though BJP is expected to open an account in the state. The story in Tamil Nadu is also similar. It is a fight between two regional parties over regional issues and both the BJP and Congress claim a very small role. So whatever the result may be, a regional player will be the winner. The state of Karnataka saw BJP’s resurgence during assembly elections but it had more to do with its brilliant performance in SC seats than because of urban voters - who these days are voting for BJP. Nonetheless, Karnataka is like UP where BJP can give a tough fight to the JDS-Congress alliance In states like Odisha and West Bengal, where BJP has made inroads, election again is being fought on regional issues. Both BJD and TMC are fighting elections on pro-welfare agenda in the state. Though BJP again expected to do better, has not gone beyond criticism of Mamta Banerjee. Another example is that of the North East, an area where BJP had done exceptionally well. Even there, the issues are regional like, cross border migration and citizenship amendment bill. Before the citizenship amendment bill, BJP was all set to sweep the area but now it is difficult to say which way the election will turn after protests broke out in NE over the bill. In Bihar, BJP is strong and well entrenched but it rests on the shoulder of Nitish Kumar, unlike 2014 when it swept the state on Modi’s name. Both Haryana and Punjab are voting on regional issues too. Haryana has witnessed strong pro BJP consolidation on anti-Jat line and in Punjab Congress has gained because of anti- SAD sentiment continues to persist and AAP has completely collapsed in the state. Even big states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat and Rajasthan are being fought on regional issues ranging from caste reservation, agrarian loans, candidature, hard Hindutva and etc. It is not to say that the direct benefit schemes introduced by the Prime Minister including welfare projects will have no impact on the electorate but will short when it comes to the creation of a wave like 2014. Even in the 2017 assembly election, the results were more out of Hindu-Muslim polarisation than the success of Ujjwala scheme. More so, the injection of hard Hindutva in body politics by BJP will add and subtract votes at the same time which was not the case in 2014 elections which were solely focussed around New India. The states like Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh too will be fought on the basis of candidates and performance of the respective governments. Jammu and Kashmir is the only state that will respond to the policy decision of the BJP and promises it is making during national elections. If one looks at the election history, victory comes often at the time when things seem lost. No one thought within the Opposition that they would be able to defeat the Congress in 1977. Even Rajiv Gandhi did fathom his scale of defeat in 1989. His campaign, Mera Bharat Mahan was a royal flop. Narasimha Rao felt that he was winning the election in 1996. In 2004 every political pundit wrote off Congress party but it was BJP who lost elections under the weight of Shining India campaign. Even in 2009, not a single political pundit gave Congress more than 200 seats and very few people believed that BJP would get a simple majority in 2014. There is no doubt that propaganda of BJP is loud, and the Congress party’s electoral campaign is weak and badly coordinated. In fact, the campaign does not stand anywhere close to BJP but even then, voters have a way of surprising powerful people. This election holds the capacity to put regional parties at the forefront of decision making as gain and loss of both BJP and Congress ‘can’ be incremental because of regional placement of the elections. BJP is trying to polarise it on the national security issue, but it has not been able to create a surge in the electorate. Even the Kargil war did not help Vajpayee during elections. In the case of BJP and Congress getting confined within 270 to 300 seats, regional players will emerge as the king makers. This is scenario one. But if Lok Sabha elections follow the old hard pattern of Indian politics, then BJP may end up with a shocking result which is - where a losing side ends up with a huge loss and gainer ends up with most. It happened with BJP in 2014, wherein it got a simple majority and Congress who thought it may end up with 100 seats ended up with 44. If this scenario is reversed with current issues in play, India is looking at a fractured Parliament where the difference between BJP and Congress can stand anywhere between 50 to 70 seats with BJP in the lead. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

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Proscribed Naxal outfit CPI (Maoist) has given a call for Magadh Bandh on April 2 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally at Gaya's Gandhi Maidan.

People of Gaya, the Lok Sabha constituency, which falls in the Magadh division, would vote on April 11 in the first phase along with three other constituencies of Aurangabad, Nawada and Jamui.

Aurangabad, Nawada, Jehanabad and Arwal are also part of the division.

The bandh call has been given to unitedly oppose the operation Green hunt and Mission Samadhan, CPI(Maoist) spokesman Manas said in a leaflet.

When asked about the Naxalites announcement of the bandh, Gaya Senior Superintendent of Police, Rajiv Mishra said that all the guidelines have been strictly followed for Prime Minister's election rally and also for ensuring free, fair and peaceful voting.

The Naxal outfits spokesman also claimed responsibility for blowing up BJP leader and ex-MLC Anuj Kumar Singhs house at Bodhibigaha under the jurisdiction of Dumaria police station area on Wednesday night, police sources said.

The Naxalites had called for the boycott of Lok Sabha election and threatened the villagers (of Bodhibigaha) with dire consequences if they failed to ensure a complete boycott of the general election in the Magadha region.

Proscribed Naxal outfit CPI (Maoist) has given a call for Magadh Bandh on April 2 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally at Gaya's Gandhi Maidan.

Proscribed Naxal outfit CPI (Maoist) has given a call for Magadh Bandh on April 2 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally at Gaya's Gandhi Maidan. People of Gaya, the Lok Sabha constituency, which falls in the Magadh division, would vote on April 11 in the first phase along with three other constituencies of Aurangabad, Nawada and Jamui. Aurangabad, Nawada, Jehanabad and Arwal are also part of the division. The bandh call has been given to unitedly oppose the operation Green hunt and Mission Samadhan, CPI(Maoist) spokesman Manas said in a leaflet. When asked about the Naxalites announcement of the bandh, Gaya Senior Superintendent of Police, Rajiv Mishra said that all the guidelines have been strictly followed for Prime Minister's election rally and also for ensuring free, fair and peaceful voting. The Naxal outfits spokesman also claimed responsibility for blowing up BJP leader and ex-MLC Anuj Kumar Singhs house at Bodhibigaha under the jurisdiction of Dumaria police station area on Wednesday night, police sources said. The Naxalites had called for the boycott of Lok Sabha election and threatened the villagers (of Bodhibigaha) with dire consequences if they failed to ensure a complete boycott of the general election in the Magadha region.

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One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance.

This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. &nbsp;

Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception?&nbsp;

Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship.&nbsp;

It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. &nbsp;

Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption.&nbsp;

This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct.

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception? Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship. It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption. This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Under PM Narendra Modi's leadership, India has earned significant status in global arena

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It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time. The saffron party was able to turn the cow into a symbol of political identity successfully.&nbsp;

Today, in 2019, stray cattle are very bane for BJP.&nbsp;

On my way to Amethi, I casually enquired from my driver about this issue, he replied,” Din mein gaari drive karen aur raat bhar khet mein gaiya hanke, to kaam kaise chalega.” The stray cattle problem is an open secret in Uttar Pradesh. Take the case of Kanha Gauvansh Vihar in Rai Bareilly. It has the capacity to house 150-200 animals but today it houses 480 stray cattle.&nbsp;

The facility belongs to a defunct government programme to raise jersey cows. Today, its job is to accommodate the cattle which roam free in the city and rural areas. One of the caretakers told WION that people sometimes bring personal animals and tie them to tree and leave, knowing well that they do not come under the category of stray cattle. As per the 2012 census of livestock, Uttar Pradesh accounted for more than 10 lakh stray cattle.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="e78030ff-8f4a-4911-8e8e-88085f568e47" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle1.jpg" />

 
Ram Shabda, one the medical officer told WION that strays are a big problem in rural areas as they destroy crops. This battle between the bovine and human also had its funny moments. Irritated farmers in many places herded the cattle into primary schools creating a law and order situation.&nbsp;

Another example is of the newly made cattle shelter in Maharjganj. It is built next to a dumping ground. The view is mind-boggling. At one end, you see a brightly painted saffron building in the middle of the green field. When you go nearer, you realise that building has been erected adjacent to a dumping ground used for the city which looks like a sea of white in the middle of nowhere. If this does not shock you then the planning inside the building would.&nbsp; 
 
The cattle shit and piss at the same place where they are tied. On being asked why is this the case, the caretaker said that, ideally, the place should have had a slant so that we could have collected urine and cow dung for processing but now it cannot be done.&nbsp; 
 
<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="94d22363-3d67-46ef-a04e-aac55a743e6e" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle.jpg" /> 
 
This blows in the face of propaganda that cow dung and urine would be productively used to make medicines and agarbattis. Every enclosure has a segregated facility for bulls and cow. Most of the strays belong to the local breed which is unproductive, sick or not as productive as a farmer would like it to be.

What is surprising is that even Opposition in India has stayed away from the issue fearing backlash. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Congress, instead of tackling the issue of rural distress caused by the stray, spoke of building more shelters.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="9fdf8185-7f56-4d50-9549-4c30b163f13a" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle3.jpg" />

The issue of culling livestock remains tangled in the religious and political ego of the Hindu community. It has been strengthened by a belief that the cattle economy does not exist.

India still remains one of the biggest exporters of beef in the world. This schizophrenic approach to cattle economy instead of being resolved has become an issue of identity and other in India. It does not mean that the agrarian sector will boycott Modi as he still enjoys a high level of confidence but it can definitely spoil the party for BJP. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time.

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time. The saffron party was able to turn the cow into a symbol of political identity successfully. Today, in 2019, stray cattle are very bane for BJP. On my way to Amethi, I casually enquired from my driver about this issue, he replied,” Din mein gaari drive karen aur raat bhar khet mein gaiya hanke, to kaam kaise chalega.” The stray cattle problem is an open secret in Uttar Pradesh. Take the case of Kanha Gauvansh Vihar in Rai Bareilly. It has the capacity to house 150-200 animals but today it houses 480 stray cattle. The facility belongs to a defunct government programme to raise jersey cows. Today, its job is to accommodate the cattle which roam free in the city and rural areas. One of the caretakers told WION that people sometimes bring personal animals and tie them to tree and leave, knowing well that they do not come under the category of stray cattle. As per the 2012 census of livestock, Uttar Pradesh accounted for more than 10 lakh stray cattle. Ram Shabda, one the medical officer told WION that strays are a big problem in rural areas as they destroy crops. This battle between the bovine and human also had its funny moments. Irritated farmers in many places herded the cattle into primary schools creating a law and order situation. Another example is of the newly made cattle shelter in Maharjganj. It is built next to a dumping ground. The view is mind-boggling. At one end, you see a brightly painted saffron building in the middle of the green field. When you go nearer, you realise that building has been erected adjacent to a dumping ground used for the city which looks like a sea of white in the middle of nowhere. If this does not shock you then the planning inside the building would. The cattle shit and piss at the same place where they are tied. On being asked why is this the case, the caretaker said that, ideally, the place should have had a slant so that we could have collected urine and cow dung for processing but now it cannot be done. This blows in the face of propaganda that cow dung and urine would be productively used to make medicines and agarbattis. Every enclosure has a segregated facility for bulls and cow. Most of the strays belong to the local breed which is unproductive, sick or not as productive as a farmer would like it to be. What is surprising is that even Opposition in India has stayed away from the issue fearing backlash. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Congress, instead of tackling the issue of rural distress caused by the stray, spoke of building more shelters. The issue of culling livestock remains tangled in the religious and political ego of the Hindu community. It has been strengthened by a belief that the cattle economy does not exist. India still remains one of the biggest exporters of beef in the world. This schizophrenic approach to cattle economy instead of being resolved has become an issue of identity and other in India. It does not mean that the agrarian sector will boycott Modi as he still enjoys a high level of confidence but it can definitely spoil the party for BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Blog: Is stray cattle the Achilles Heel of BJP in UP ahead of Lok Sabha elections?

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Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen.

One is seeing with a deep sense of concern, how a particular breed of politicians, represented by the Congress bandwagon led by Rahul Gandhi, is rapidly following theism of neopatrimonialism and doing everything to usurp and stay riveted to the seats of power.

There is a background to the Congress politics revolving around neopatrimonialism. The Hugo Chavez model of politics (the world is aghast by what's happening in Venezuela today) was followed to a great extent by the previous Manmohan Singh led UPÀ government at the Centre, presided over by the Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi and her band of loyalists.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had crafted the Bolivian Missions focusing on social sectors and his populist policy included "redistribution of wealth". It is now clearly documented that in the early 2000s, when oil production brought rich dividends to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela due to soaring oil prices, the Chavez Government went on a spending spree on social programmes without caring a hoot for future eventualities. The upside of Chavez's Bolivian model was a big drop in inflation and unemployment and the downside, especially linked to the oil price collapse and the US sanctions is the economic turmoil that has gripped Venezuela, especially during the disputed second term of Nicolás Maduro, who succeeded Chavez in March 2013.

The Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, went a step ahead and put itself on the pedestal and all along pretended as if they were the only ones to shape the destiny of Indian people through newly created Acts passed by&nbsp;Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this they also aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering even an iota about its pitfall and the impact it would leave on the middle-class wage earners and the economic growth of the country.

It will be interesting to recall how on the eve of the 2014 Parliamentary election, UPA-II led by Manmohan Singh had launched the ambitious scheme of "direct cash transfer" of subsidy to bank accounts of beneficiaries with the then finance minister P Chidambaram describing the move as a "game changer".

During the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Rahul Gandhi has announced that the poorest families in India will receive Rs. 72,000 per year. “We will wipe out poverty by guaranteeing a minimum income to Rs 5 crore to 20 per cent of the poorest families," he said.

The Congress functionaries are describing this as a historic decision. Addressing media persons at the Madhya Pradesh Congress headquarters in Bhopal on Tuesday, the chief spokesperson of the party for Madhya Pradesh, Shobha Oza, lashed out at the BJP leaders criticising Rahul Gandhi’s decision and dubbed their party as anti-poor.&nbsp;

She was emphatic in pointing out that some front ranking economists have studied the intricacies involved, vetted and validated Rahul Gandhi’s decision for direct cash transfer to the poor. One of her co-spokesperson even came on the sidelines and said that former Reserve Bank Governor Raghuram Rajan and a few other top economists would soon be speaking in support of this policy. &nbsp;

The input by the Congress spokesperson that in next few days some renowned economists are going to openly support the Congress party’s “direct cash transfer” plan to "wipe out poverty" would mean that these economists would be supporting a move that would eat into the vitals of economic growth in India. &nbsp;

It is a move that has nothing to do with channelising resources for building a robust economic infrastructure, improving education and skill development, creating jobs and adding to the purchasing power of the people through multifarious economic activities and thereby improving their quality of life. If the Congress move brings in votes and power, it will benefit immensely the wheeler-dealers and agents in the corridors of power who are not used to living in the wilderness. Let's not talk of crony capitalists. One has seen them flourish everywhere under Congress rule. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen.

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen. One is seeing with a deep sense of concern, how a particular breed of politicians, represented by the Congress bandwagon led by Rahul Gandhi, is rapidly following theism of neopatrimonialism and doing everything to usurp and stay riveted to the seats of power. There is a background to the Congress politics revolving around neopatrimonialism. The Hugo Chavez model of politics (the world is aghast by what's happening in Venezuela today) was followed to a great extent by the previous Manmohan Singh led UPÀ government at the Centre, presided over by the Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi and her band of loyalists. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had crafted the Bolivian Missions focusing on social sectors and his populist policy included "redistribution of wealth". It is now clearly documented that in the early 2000s, when oil production brought rich dividends to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela due to soaring oil prices, the Chavez Government went on a spending spree on social programmes without caring a hoot for future eventualities. The upside of Chavez's Bolivian model was a big drop in inflation and unemployment and the downside, especially linked to the oil price collapse and the US sanctions is the economic turmoil that has gripped Venezuela, especially during the disputed second term of Nicolás Maduro, who succeeded Chavez in March 2013. The Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, went a step ahead and put itself on the pedestal and all along pretended as if they were the only ones to shape the destiny of Indian people through newly created Acts passed by Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this they also aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering even an iota about its pitfall and the impact it would leave on the middle-class wage earners and the economic growth of the country. It will be interesting to recall how on the eve of the 2014 Parliamentary election, UPA-II led by Manmohan Singh had launched the ambitious scheme of "direct cash transfer" of subsidy to bank accounts of beneficiaries with the then finance minister P Chidambaram describing the move as a "game changer". During the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Rahul Gandhi has announced that the poorest families in India will receive Rs. 72,000 per year. “We will wipe out poverty by guaranteeing a minimum income to Rs 5 crore to 20 per cent of the poorest families," he said. The Congress functionaries are describing this as a historic decision. Addressing media persons at the Madhya Pradesh Congress headquarters in Bhopal on Tuesday, the chief spokesperson of the party for Madhya Pradesh, Shobha Oza, lashed out at the BJP leaders criticising Rahul Gandhi’s decision and dubbed their party as anti-poor. She was emphatic in pointing out that some front ranking economists have studied the intricacies involved, vetted and validated Rahul Gandhi’s decision for direct cash transfer to the poor. One of her co-spokesperson even came on the sidelines and said that former Reserve Bank Governor Raghuram Rajan and a few other top economists would soon be speaking in support of this policy. The input by the Congress spokesperson that in next few days some renowned economists are going to openly support the Congress party’s “direct cash transfer” plan to "wipe out poverty" would mean that these economists would be supporting a move that would eat into the vitals of economic growth in India. It is a move that has nothing to do with channelising resources for building a robust economic infrastructure, improving education and skill development, creating jobs and adding to the purchasing power of the people through multifarious economic activities and thereby improving their quality of life. If the Congress move brings in votes and power, it will benefit immensely the wheeler-dealers and agents in the corridors of power who are not used to living in the wilderness. Let's not talk of crony capitalists. One has seen them flourish everywhere under Congress rule. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress's minimum income plan will eat into the vitals of economic growth

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election. The Congress suffered its greatest electoral defeat. Its seat tally in the Lok Sabha dwindled to a mere 44 out of 543 seats.&nbsp;

In the years that followed, Congress continued to suffer electoral defeats. Nevertheless, from the brink of a political abyss, the party pulled back; last December, it won assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. After playing a secondary role for some years, Priyanka has waded into direct political activity. 
 
The Congress hopes that her political campaigns and active involvement in organisational work will not only help Rahul Gandhi but also revive the Congress’s political fortunes. &nbsp; &nbsp;

Her focus is on Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 LS seats. Any party or alliance that wins maximum seats in the state will have a powerful say in government formation at the Centre. In 2014, the BJP-led NDA swept the state, bagging 71 seats. &nbsp;

However, the state was a former bastion of the Congress party and the Nehru-Gandhi family. Over the years, the party has witnessed steady erosion of support base to the SP, the BSP and more recently, to the BJP. At present, apart from the two constituencies of Amethi and Rae Bareli, the Congress’ political heft in UP is very limited.&nbsp;

To ensure that anti-BJP votes do not split to the disadvantage of BJP’s political opponents, several parties have tried to form alliances. The Congress, at present, is a relatively emaciated, but it’s still a national party. Though it does not carry enough political weight to secure a dominant position in anti-BJP alliance formations across most states, its trying to position itself as a presiding political entity within the context of the power structure in New Delhi.&nbsp;

Even then, however, it is being challenged by regional parties such as the SP, BSP and West Bengal’s TMC. Successfully navigating the political terrain of UP is a challenge. Since the 1990s, it has been observed that broader the ambit, including community and caste identities, apart from the core vote of a political party, the greater its political expediency. The BSP has been typically supported by the Yadav-led vote bank, while SP’s support derives from a consolidated Yadav vote bloc. The BJP’s vote base was traditionally confined to so-called upper castes. But of late, through an increasing narrative of development, good governance and non-appeasement, it has been successful in accruing a percentage of votes across the board. The aftermath: BJP rode to massive victory in the last state assembly elections.

The Congress has not wielded much influence in the state, circa 1990. Its former winning coalition constituents, the Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, have drifted to vote other political parties. The changed political scenario, absence of appropriate policies, and lack of concerted leadership to the UP unit of the party have collectively contributed to its decline. Today, it is struggling to recover lost ground. But would it be relatively easier than otherwise?

The SP and the BSP have built their respective political identities around anti-Congress, anti-BJP rhetoric. BSP leader Mayawati and SP President Akhilesh Yadav have explicitly refused to strike any electoral alliance with the Congress. They are confident of their own alliance against the BJP-led NDA. Currently, they are prepared to extend only surface courtesies to Congress.&nbsp;

Priyanka Gandhi has embarked on a boat journey across eastern UP to increase adherence for the Congress. She accuses the BJP of agrarian distress, stressed employment rates, and divisive politics. Whether the amiable reception she receives across the banks of the Ganges would translate to votes for Congress candidates is moot.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, in an interview, the BJP Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, has insisted on the relative improvement of law and order in the state, implementation of certain welfare schemes, and non-discriminatory policies of his government. His work will strike a chord with some sections of the electorate. &nbsp;

The way ahead for the Congress seems to be tortuous.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-congress-will-find-up-to-be-a-tough-political-terrain-2733552">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election.

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election. The Congress suffered its greatest electoral defeat. Its seat tally in the Lok Sabha dwindled to a mere 44 out of 543 seats. In the years that followed, Congress continued to suffer electoral defeats. Nevertheless, from the brink of a political abyss, the party pulled back; last December, it won assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. After playing a secondary role for some years, Priyanka has waded into direct political activity. The Congress hopes that her political campaigns and active involvement in organisational work will not only help Rahul Gandhi but also revive the Congress’s political fortunes. Her focus is on Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 LS seats. Any party or alliance that wins maximum seats in the state will have a powerful say in government formation at the Centre. In 2014, the BJP-led NDA swept the state, bagging 71 seats. However, the state was a former bastion of the Congress party and the Nehru-Gandhi family. Over the years, the party has witnessed steady erosion of support base to the SP, the BSP and more recently, to the BJP. At present, apart from the two constituencies of Amethi and Rae Bareli, the Congress’ political heft in UP is very limited. To ensure that anti-BJP votes do not split to the disadvantage of BJP’s political opponents, several parties have tried to form alliances. The Congress, at present, is a relatively emaciated, but it’s still a national party. Though it does not carry enough political weight to secure a dominant position in anti-BJP alliance formations across most states, its trying to position itself as a presiding political entity within the context of the power structure in New Delhi. Even then, however, it is being challenged by regional parties such as the SP, BSP and West Bengal’s TMC. Successfully navigating the political terrain of UP is a challenge. Since the 1990s, it has been observed that broader the ambit, including community and caste identities, apart from the core vote of a political party, the greater its political expediency. The BSP has been typically supported by the Yadav-led vote bank, while SP’s support derives from a consolidated Yadav vote bloc. The BJP’s vote base was traditionally confined to so-called upper castes. But of late, through an increasing narrative of development, good governance and non-appeasement, it has been successful in accruing a percentage of votes across the board. The aftermath: BJP rode to massive victory in the last state assembly elections. The Congress has not wielded much influence in the state, circa 1990. Its former winning coalition constituents, the Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, have drifted to vote other political parties. The changed political scenario, absence of appropriate policies, and lack of concerted leadership to the UP unit of the party have collectively contributed to its decline. Today, it is struggling to recover lost ground. But would it be relatively easier than otherwise? The SP and the BSP have built their respective political identities around anti-Congress, anti-BJP rhetoric. BSP leader Mayawati and SP President Akhilesh Yadav have explicitly refused to strike any electoral alliance with the Congress. They are confident of their own alliance against the BJP-led NDA. Currently, they are prepared to extend only surface courtesies to Congress. Priyanka Gandhi has embarked on a boat journey across eastern UP to increase adherence for the Congress. She accuses the BJP of agrarian distress, stressed employment rates, and divisive politics. Whether the amiable reception she receives across the banks of the Ganges would translate to votes for Congress candidates is moot. Meanwhile, in an interview, the BJP Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, has insisted on the relative improvement of law and order in the state, implementation of certain welfare schemes, and non-discriminatory policies of his government. His work will strike a chord with some sections of the electorate. The way ahead for the Congress seems to be tortuous. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Congress will find UP to be a tough political terrain

Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is going to be the game changer in the upcoming Lok Sabha polls.

"I don't think any other issue or scheme is going to do anything. Only PM Narendra Modi is going to be the game changer in this election," Jaitley told Zee News Editor-in-Chief Sudhir Chaudhary.

He also said that Modi gave India a strong leadership.

"The people of the country know that we can take tough decisions, provide leadership and that the country is safe under PM Modi's leadership. Any other PM would have thought 'whether I should give the permission or not for the airstrikes in Balakot'. He decided to strike the terrorists at their point of origin - both surgical strikes and IAF strikes prove it," Jaitley said.

The ability to take such decisions has given an assurance to the people of this nation that Modi will give the country a strong leadership.

"They violate the sanctity of Line of Control nearly every day. The changed defence doctrine that we have adopted will give a new sense of safety to the countrymen," he said.

Jaitley also slammed Congress's direct benefit transfer scheme announced by its president Rahul Gandhi on Monday.

Calling Rahul Gandhi's minimum income promise a bluff he said: "Congress has only given slogans to the poor, we gave them means. We got 91% of villages connected to roads. We have promised that all the BPL families will have a house by 2022. We waived off the hospital expense for 50 crore people of this country. We did not increase income tax by a single rupee, in fact, we reduced it.we also increased the tax base. 10,000km national highways were constructed every year during our tenure. We already have 55 scheme for our poor."

"Jitna ye vada kar rahe hain, usse 1.5 guna zyada hum already kar rahe hain&nbsp;(what they (Congress) is promising, we are already giving 1.5 times of that)," he added. 
 
Earlier on Monday, Congress President Rahul Gandhi announced that his party, if voted to power, would give a minimum income guarantee of Rs 6,000 per month to 20 crore household. He said that the move would bring the people out of poverty.

Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is going to be the game changer in the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. "I don't think any other issue or scheme is going to do anything.

Union Finance Minister Arun Jaitley said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is going to be the game changer in the upcoming Lok Sabha polls. "I don't think any other issue or scheme is going to do anything. Only PM Narendra Modi is going to be the game changer in this election," Jaitley told Zee News Editor-in-Chief Sudhir Chaudhary. He also said that Modi gave India a strong leadership. "The people of the country know that we can take tough decisions, provide leadership and that the country is safe under PM Modi's leadership. Any other PM would have thought 'whether I should give the permission or not for the airstrikes in Balakot'. He decided to strike the terrorists at their point of origin - both surgical strikes and IAF strikes prove it," Jaitley said. The ability to take such decisions has given an assurance to the people of this nation that Modi will give the country a strong leadership. "They violate the sanctity of Line of Control nearly every day. The changed defence doctrine that we have adopted will give a new sense of safety to the countrymen," he said. Jaitley also slammed Congress's direct benefit transfer scheme announced by its president Rahul Gandhi on Monday. Calling Rahul Gandhi's minimum income promise a bluff he said: "Congress has only given slogans to the poor, we gave them means. We got 91% of villages connected to roads. We have promised that all the BPL families will have a house by 2022. We waived off the hospital expense for 50 crore people of this country. We did not increase income tax by a single rupee, in fact, we reduced it.we also increased the tax base. 10,000km national highways were constructed every year during our tenure. We already have 55 scheme for our poor." "Jitna ye vada kar rahe hain, usse 1.5 guna zyada hum already kar rahe hain (what they (Congress) is promising, we are already giving 1.5 times of that)," he added. Earlier on Monday, Congress President Rahul Gandhi announced that his party, if voted to power, would give a minimum income guarantee of Rs 6,000 per month to 20 crore household. He said that the move would bring the people out of poverty.

Narendra Modi will be the game changer in Lok Sabha Elections 2019: Arun Jaitley

Congress Election Manifesto: Rs.72,000 annually for those who earn below 12,000

Kamal Haasan not to contest Lok Sabha elections 2019

India Election Watch: Latest updates, 25th March 2019

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee-led <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/tmc-removes-congresss-name-from-its-logo-205015">All India Trinamool Congress on Saturday clarified</a> that the party has not dropped 'Congress' from its name.&nbsp;

The clarification came after reports suggested that the party has removed 'Congress' from its party name, logo, posters.

Several media reports suggested AITC had dropped ‘Congress’ from its logo, banners and posters, and would hereby be referred to as 'Trinamool', just weeks ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

“Name of the party, as registered with Election Commission is 'All India Trinamool Congress'. Name and symbol (flowers and grass) were approved by EC on January 1, 1998,” read a statement issued by the party.

Mamata Banerjee-led TMC officially parted ways with the Congress almost over a couple of decades ago.&nbsp;

(With inputs from ANI)&nbsp;

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee-led All India Trinamool Congress on Saturday clarified that the party has not dropped 'Congress' from its name. The clarification came after reports suggested that the party has removed 'Congress' from its party name, logo, posters.

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee-led All India Trinamool Congress on Saturday clarified that the party has not dropped 'Congress' from its name. The clarification came after reports suggested that the party has removed 'Congress' from its party name, logo, posters. Several media reports suggested AITC had dropped ‘Congress’ from its logo, banners and posters, and would hereby be referred to as 'Trinamool', just weeks ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. “Name of the party, as registered with Election Commission is 'All India Trinamool Congress'. Name and symbol (flowers and grass) were approved by EC on January 1, 1998,” read a statement issued by the party. Mamata Banerjee-led TMC officially parted ways with the Congress almost over a couple of decades ago. (With inputs from ANI)

Mamata Banerjee-led AITC denies dropping 'Congress' from party name

BJP, JD (U) and LJP announce list of constituencies in Bihar for 2019 Lok Sabha polls

India Elections 2019: Rahul Gandhi may also contest from Wayanad seat in Kerala

India Elections 2019: BJP announces list for all seats from Bihar

Bihar NDA announces Lok Sabha election 2019 candidates

The Balakot air attack on February 26 by the Indian Air Force on Pakistan-based terror camps, which killed terrorists and destroyed their training facilities, has now become a watershed in the fight against terror. It required political leadership, military preparedness, combative skill and planning along with superior air strike capability. &nbsp;These aspects will be analysed for long. As it took place on the crucial 2019 election eve, its political impact is of more immediate significance.&nbsp;

There are clear indications that the air strike has ignited the spirit of nationalism throughout the country. The image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi as the national icon has been reinforced. That the world has rallied around India and Pakistan was demonstrably isolated has proved the big diplomatic strides India has taken with Modi-Sushma Swaraj in the last five years.&nbsp;

What are the big takeaways of the strike in the political, diplomatic and defence front? It has fired up the national psyche and thus changed the political narrative. &nbsp;For four decades India was seen as a helpless victim of Islamic terror, sponsored, promoted, guided and defended by Pakistan. No other country in the world has suffered for so long and so heavy as India. Indian response till Narendra Modi took office was one of pleading to the world for sympathies and cajoling Pakistan, if not propitiating it with endless comprehensive peace talks and track two diplomacy. Former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh described Pakistan as a victim of terror. After 26/11 terror attack on Mumbai, the Indian security establishment had suggested an appropriate retaliatory response against Pakistan. But the UPA leadership had taken a pusillanimous approach. They characterised it as an attempt to derail the peace process. Every terror attack on India was described as such. Modi changed it all. He knew that Pakistan was waging a proxy war on India and using terror outfits as strategic assets. Now Modi is determined to end terror attacks on India permanently.&nbsp;

Modi was not looking for easy options. He has evolved a new security doctrine. This is going to be the most decisive aspect of the 2019 election. Let’s see how Modi has scripted the new narrative. First through his persistent initiatives convinced the world community that terrorism in any form, anywhere, against any country by any outfit is a threat to humanity. The world recognised that Pakistan was the main source of terror export and that it was on an asymmetric war with India.

After the Pulwama terror attack on February 14 in which 41 CRPF soldiers were killed, the whole world in one voice condemned it and stood with India in its right to retaliate. For the first time, the US publicly acknowledged India’s right to revenge. So far Pakistan used to blackmail India with its nuclear arsenal which it threatened to use against India if it reacted. With the Air Force strike, Modi called the neighbour’s nuclear bluff.&nbsp;

All this was hailed and supported by the world leaders. Even China had to tone down its support to Pakistan and cautioned it against escalation. The UN Security Council members except China on their own moved to act against Pakistan harbouring terror outfits and wanted to declare Masood Azhar a wanted terrorist. Internally India acted withdrawing MFN status to Pakistan, imposing high duty on imports from there and banning Jamaat-e-Islami and removing security cover to separatist leaders.&nbsp;

The nation cheered all this. India’s unprecedented diplomatic outreach paid off. The External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj was honoured at OIC, much to Pakistan’s dismay, wherein a sterling performance she swayed the hosts presenting Indian position. She could persuade China to take a neutral stand and be counted on fight against terror. On the election eve, by speaking the language that found echoed in Pakistan the anti-Modi Opposition lost the plot. As Modi is being hailed as the best guarantee for preserving national unity and integrity the Opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi are talking as if they have no stake in national security. After initially supporting the Air Force strike, within hours they started questioning the veracity and proof. After denying bullet-proof jackets to Indian Army and advanced combat aircraft to Air Force for ten years, the UPA’s attack on Rafale sounded ill-timed and motivated. The fact Opposition criticism of Modi is being cited by Pakistan leaders to defend themselves have spoiled their case in India.&nbsp;

Modi has an enviable record of achievements in the last five years. His welfare schemes have brought an entirely new constituency of vote base for BJP. Only on development plank, he can vow the voters. But this round after the air strike the electoral narrative has entirely changed. In whose hands India is safe? Whom Pakistan and terrorists fear the most? Whom Pakistan and Imran Khan would like to see defeated in Indian polls? Who can take India forward and rally the world behind? These are the questions being debated after Balakot.&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-heart-of-darkness-pierced-2731781">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

The Balakot air attack on February 26 by the Indian Air Force on Pakistan-based terror camps, which killed terrorists and destroyed their training facilities, has now become a watershed in the fight against terror.

The Balakot air attack on February 26 by the Indian Air Force on Pakistan-based terror camps, which killed terrorists and destroyed their training facilities, has now become a watershed in the fight against terror. It required political leadership, military preparedness, combative skill and planning along with superior air strike capability. These aspects will be analysed for long. As it took place on the crucial 2019 election eve, its political impact is of more immediate significance. There are clear indications that the air strike has ignited the spirit of nationalism throughout the country. The image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi as the national icon has been reinforced. That the world has rallied around India and Pakistan was demonstrably isolated has proved the big diplomatic strides India has taken with Modi-Sushma Swaraj in the last five years. What are the big takeaways of the strike in the political, diplomatic and defence front? It has fired up the national psyche and thus changed the political narrative. For four decades India was seen as a helpless victim of Islamic terror, sponsored, promoted, guided and defended by Pakistan. No other country in the world has suffered for so long and so heavy as India. Indian response till Narendra Modi took office was one of pleading to the world for sympathies and cajoling Pakistan, if not propitiating it with endless comprehensive peace talks and track two diplomacy. Former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh described Pakistan as a victim of terror. After 26/11 terror attack on Mumbai, the Indian security establishment had suggested an appropriate retaliatory response against Pakistan. But the UPA leadership had taken a pusillanimous approach. They characterised it as an attempt to derail the peace process. Every terror attack on India was described as such. Modi changed it all. He knew that Pakistan was waging a proxy war on India and using terror outfits as strategic assets. Now Modi is determined to end terror attacks on India permanently. Modi was not looking for easy options. He has evolved a new security doctrine. This is going to be the most decisive aspect of the 2019 election. Let’s see how Modi has scripted the new narrative. First through his persistent initiatives convinced the world community that terrorism in any form, anywhere, against any country by any outfit is a threat to humanity. The world recognised that Pakistan was the main source of terror export and that it was on an asymmetric war with India. After the Pulwama terror attack on February 14 in which 41 CRPF soldiers were killed, the whole world in one voice condemned it and stood with India in its right to retaliate. For the first time, the US publicly acknowledged India’s right to revenge. So far Pakistan used to blackmail India with its nuclear arsenal which it threatened to use against India if it reacted. With the Air Force strike, Modi called the neighbour’s nuclear bluff. All this was hailed and supported by the world leaders. Even China had to tone down its support to Pakistan and cautioned it against escalation. The UN Security Council members except China on their own moved to act against Pakistan harbouring terror outfits and wanted to declare Masood Azhar a wanted terrorist. Internally India acted withdrawing MFN status to Pakistan, imposing high duty on imports from there and banning Jamaat-e-Islami and removing security cover to separatist leaders. The nation cheered all this. India’s unprecedented diplomatic outreach paid off. The External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj was honoured at OIC, much to Pakistan’s dismay, wherein a sterling performance she swayed the hosts presenting Indian position. She could persuade China to take a neutral stand and be counted on fight against terror. On the election eve, by speaking the language that found echoed in Pakistan the anti-Modi Opposition lost the plot. As Modi is being hailed as the best guarantee for preserving national unity and integrity the Opposition leaders like Rahul Gandhi are talking as if they have no stake in national security. After initially supporting the Air Force strike, within hours they started questioning the veracity and proof. After denying bullet-proof jackets to Indian Army and advanced combat aircraft to Air Force for ten years, the UPA’s attack on Rafale sounded ill-timed and motivated. The fact Opposition criticism of Modi is being cited by Pakistan leaders to defend themselves have spoiled their case in India. Modi has an enviable record of achievements in the last five years. His welfare schemes have brought an entirely new constituency of vote base for BJP. Only on development plank, he can vow the voters. But this round after the air strike the electoral narrative has entirely changed. In whose hands India is safe? Whom Pakistan and terrorists fear the most? Whom Pakistan and Imran Khan would like to see defeated in Indian polls? Who can take India forward and rally the world behind? These are the questions being debated after Balakot. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

With Balakot air strike, Narendra Modi government has evolved new security doctrine

Breaking News: Gautam Gambhir makes political debut