<p>When poll pundits call the ongoing general election presidential, they are missing the woods for the trees. It is one thing for shrill TV channels to split the screen and show PM Narendra Modi in one part and Rahul Gandhi in the other, it is quite another to start believing your own rhetoric and brand the poll presidential, as if two leading political behemoths are stalking the land.</p>

<p>The reality is far from it. The Indian election system is not presidential, constitutionally speaking, and that is the way it stands. The real battle for the hearts and minds of the voters is not just being fought between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, but a clutch of regional parties, that do not necessarily have the same high profile as the two national parties, but whose representatives are scouring the electoral landscape with the same vehemence as anyone else contesting the elections.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the big states, as is now apparent after three phases of elections, it is by no chance just BJP vs the Congress; remember India is a federal country and the elections, in a larger sense, represent a series of smaller polls - even downright local rivalries - that will determine the kind of government Indians can hope to see after May 23.</p>

<p>As a matter of fact, none of the big poll-bound states pit BJP vs the Congress. In Bengal, it is Trinamool and Mamata Banerjee vs the rest; in the biggest state of them all, Uttar Pradesh, it is mainly BJP vs two regional satraps, SP and the BSP. In Maharashtra, BJP-Sena are battling Congress and NCP while in Bihar, it is JD (U)-BJP against RJD and Congress from the outside. In Tamil Nadu, there is no BJP vs Congress fight, neither is there any Congress vs BJP standoff in Odisha, where again a regional outfit, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) has been calling the shots for the last decade-and-a-half.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Telangana are once again dominated by regional parties, the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) respectively.&nbsp;</p>

<p>If there is a real Congress vs BJP poll battle, it remains confined to MP, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Assam and Gujarat. It is simply too small a base to call an Indian election presidential, given the size of the country. So where pray, is this magnificent, all-consuming presidential elections taking place? Not in India, to be sure.</p>

<p>There is another side to this. The risk of pitting Rahul against Modi is to conjure, farcically, of course, a highly unequal contest. Taken to its logical conclusion, it is a signal to the electorate that if Rahul cannot beat Modi, no one else can, while the reality is that a carefully calibrated opposition plan could have made the BJP’s well oiled electoral machine a little slower in its response time. That it may not happen now, is part of this problem of projecting an excessively presidential style of polling, when none actually exists on the ground.</p>

<p>Even though it can be said that Prime Minister Modi’s campaign style is typically presidential, overflowing with speeches, perhaps more than his own party or even the opposition. In true presidential fashion, the focus remains on the principal contender, who is larger than life, not just for the public, but also for the media.</p>

<p>Modi’s campaign style is excessively personal. There are barely any references to the BJP - in fact the punch line for election 2019 is ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government again); in 2014, it was ‘Abki baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government this time). Campaign Modi is, therefore, the end product of a complex web of back end outreach initiatives, nearly totally technology driven. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>With such an onerous comparison, Rahul Gandhi has had no option but to imitate a presidential style campaign and the jury is still out whether it suits him or not. &nbsp;</p>

<p>However, that is where the comparison ends, because the Constitution of the country dictates the style of government and not the style of the practitioners. Perhaps, more clarity on it would come, once the poll results are known.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Unlike a presidential campaign, there are powerful regional satraps, who dominate India’s political landscape in their own bailiwick, campaigning ceaselessly, against both Modi and occasionally, the Congress.</p>

<p>The BJP’s fight, as the final numbers will bear out, is going to be against the powerful regional satraps, and not the Congress, as is being incorrectly projected. &nbsp;</p>

<p>A presidential election would necessarily mean high-velocity televised debates while in India, such arguments are the prerogative of television studios, where a number of low ranking leaders looking to make a mark, flex their muscles at each other, the higher the decibel level the better the entertainment. Direct polemics between leading political lights is not just uncommon, it is not even heard of. Speeches delivered are extempore at different locations and there is no question of anyone raising any point of order. Everyone on stage is a fellow traveller, so any dissension, as a form of political expression, simply does not exist. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Politically speaking, when and if an alliance is cobbled, then the presidential aspect would not come into the picture. It would not be an alliance between two big parties, but two big political formations. Parties, with wide ideological divergences in the past, would suddenly deem it fit to form a government, once an alliance is put into place. &nbsp;By May 23, India would undoubtedly be as far away from a presidential system as it ever has been.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
<br />
<em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-misnomer-of-presidential-polls-2744048"> original article)</a></em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em></p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


When poll pundits call the ongoing general election presidential, they are missing the woods for the trees. It is one thing for shrill TV channels to split the screen and show PM Narendra Modi in one part and Rahul Gandhi in the other, it is quite another to start believing your own rhetoric and brand the poll presidential, as if two leading political behemoths are stalking the land.

When poll pundits call the ongoing general election presidential, they are missing the woods for the trees. It is one thing for shrill TV channels to split the screen and show PM Narendra Modi in one part and Rahul Gandhi in the other, it is quite another to start believing your own rhetoric and brand the poll presidential, as if two leading political behemoths are stalking the land. The reality is far from it. The Indian election system is not presidential, constitutionally speaking, and that is the way it stands. The real battle for the hearts and minds of the voters is not just being fought between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, but a clutch of regional parties, that do not necessarily have the same high profile as the two national parties, but whose representatives are scouring the electoral landscape with the same vehemence as anyone else contesting the elections. In the big states, as is now apparent after three phases of elections, it is by no chance just BJP vs the Congress; remember India is a federal country and the elections, in a larger sense, represent a series of smaller polls - even downright local rivalries - that will determine the kind of government Indians can hope to see after May 23. As a matter of fact, none of the big poll-bound states pit BJP vs the Congress. In Bengal, it is Trinamool and Mamata Banerjee vs the rest; in the biggest state of them all, Uttar Pradesh, it is mainly BJP vs two regional satraps, SP and the BSP. In Maharashtra, BJP-Sena are battling Congress and NCP while in Bihar, it is JD (U)-BJP against RJD and Congress from the outside. In Tamil Nadu, there is no BJP vs Congress fight, neither is there any Congress vs BJP standoff in Odisha, where again a regional outfit, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) has been calling the shots for the last decade-and-a-half. Neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Telangana are once again dominated by regional parties, the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) respectively. If there is a real Congress vs BJP poll battle, it remains confined to MP, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Assam and Gujarat. It is simply too small a base to call an Indian election presidential, given the size of the country. So where pray, is this magnificent, all-consuming presidential elections taking place? Not in India, to be sure. There is another side to this. The risk of pitting Rahul against Modi is to conjure, farcically, of course, a highly unequal contest. Taken to its logical conclusion, it is a signal to the electorate that if Rahul cannot beat Modi, no one else can, while the reality is that a carefully calibrated opposition plan could have made the BJP’s well oiled electoral machine a little slower in its response time. That it may not happen now, is part of this problem of projecting an excessively presidential style of polling, when none actually exists on the ground. Even though it can be said that Prime Minister Modi’s campaign style is typically presidential, overflowing with speeches, perhaps more than his own party or even the opposition. In true presidential fashion, the focus remains on the principal contender, who is larger than life, not just for the public, but also for the media. Modi’s campaign style is excessively personal. There are barely any references to the BJP - in fact the punch line for election 2019 is ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government again); in 2014, it was ‘Abki baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government this time). Campaign Modi is, therefore, the end product of a complex web of back end outreach initiatives, nearly totally technology driven. With such an onerous comparison, Rahul Gandhi has had no option but to imitate a presidential style campaign and the jury is still out whether it suits him or not. However, that is where the comparison ends, because the Constitution of the country dictates the style of government and not the style of the practitioners. Perhaps, more clarity on it would come, once the poll results are known. Unlike a presidential campaign, there are powerful regional satraps, who dominate India’s political landscape in their own bailiwick, campaigning ceaselessly, against both Modi and occasionally, the Congress. The BJP’s fight, as the final numbers will bear out, is going to be against the powerful regional satraps, and not the Congress, as is being incorrectly projected. A presidential election would necessarily mean high-velocity televised debates while in India, such arguments are the prerogative of television studios, where a number of low ranking leaders looking to make a mark, flex their muscles at each other, the higher the decibel level the better the entertainment. Direct polemics between leading political lights is not just uncommon, it is not even heard of. Speeches delivered are extempore at different locations and there is no question of anyone raising any point of order. Everyone on stage is a fellow traveller, so any dissension, as a form of political expression, simply does not exist. Politically speaking, when and if an alliance is cobbled, then the presidential aspect would not come into the picture. It would not be an alliance between two big parties, but two big political formations. Parties, with wide ideological divergences in the past, would suddenly deem it fit to form a government, once an alliance is put into place. By May 23, India would undoubtedly be as far away from a presidential system as it ever has been. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

It's no way just BJP vs Congress as regional satraps dominate India’s political landscape

Lok Sabha Polls 2019: Bollywood stars come out to vote

Lok Sabha election 2019 reaches its half-way mark with voting in the fourth of seven phases taking place across 72 constituencies where 961 candidates are in the fray. Watch this video to know more.

Lok Sabha Election 2019: Big ticket battles in phase 4

Lok Sabha Polls: Voting underway for 6 Lok Sabha seats in Mumbai

Lok Sabha Polls: India votes in phase 4 of General Polls

Prime Minister Narendra Modi filed his nomination papers for the Varanasi Lok Sabha seat on Friday, accompanied by a galaxy of top BJP and NDA leaders in a massive show of strength for the country's ruling alliance. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: PM Modi files nomination paper from Varanasi

<p>As we approach the halfway mark of the seven-phase 2019 elections, it is clear that this is the ugliest campaign in India’s 70-year-old electoral history. As a witness to three general elections and an activist observer or researcher in 12 others, one has never witnessed so much bad blood as this seventeenth general election.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This, of course, has not happened overnight. It has reached this stage because critical issues confronting the electoral system have not been addressed over the years. To ensure fair and free polls, the Election Commission of India (ECI) was given statutory status. In 1962, the idea of a ‘model code’, experimented for the first time in Kerala in 1960, was adopted. In 1979, certain restraints were introduced for the party in power. In 1991, Election Commissioner T N Seshan demonstrated what a proactive and independent ECI could do to ensure independence. There were more than a couple of parliamentary committees set up to propose electoral reforms. But with political parties becoming all-powerful, despite losing much of their sheen, electoral practices have continued to decline.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Take Indonesia. With a history of two decades of elections and 187 million voters, the country had a one-day national poll recently. Whereas in India, a voter has to wait for 43 days to know the winner, despite the EVMs. &nbsp;Never before has the ECI been seen to be as partisan as today and no efforts have been made to ensure that the electoral process regains credibility.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Instruments like the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) have outlived their utility. The irrelevance of ECI’s instruments is evident from a cursory reading of the code. Neither of the eight provisions dealing with the conduct of poll is being observed either by the candidates or the political parties in the fray. &nbsp;The first of the eight is on “general conduct” of polls. This includes a ban on “caste and communal feelings”, “criticism of candidates on the basis of unverified reports”, and “bribing of voters”. &nbsp;“No political party can use pictures of defence and military personnel”, in a poll campaign, is another MCC guideline, which has been thrown out of the window. &nbsp;</p>

<p>In 1979, MCC prohibited government advertisement of their ‘achievements’ and banned announcement of grants and schemes, so that the ruling party does not get an unfair advantage. The government or the ruling party “should not launch any welfare programmes, including ribbon cutting ceremonies”, said the code.&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, what is happening is exactly the opposite and the Supreme Court had to remind the ECI that it is not toothless. An analysis of nominations filed for assemblies and Parliament in the last few elections, according to the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), reveals that the percentage of rich, privileged and those with a criminal background, total to nearly one-third of the elected members. CMS studies on poll expenditure over the last three general elections, bring out three critical points. First, a significant per cent of voters is being paid money across the states, both in rural and urban India. Second, the expenditure being incurred by parties and candidates has been going up in such a way that only millionaires can now contest. &nbsp;Third, the campaigns are focused on lure rather than on issues and concerns. Neither is there evidence that political parties have become accountable or are taking their manifestos seriously.</p>

<p>Despite ECI’s hundreds of “expenditure observers,” the extent of unaccounted money confiscated is on rise with no effect on the overall poll expenditure. Only one Assembly member was ever disqualified in UP, a couple of years ago, for not submitting accounts, as required. &nbsp;<br />
<br />
There have been several parliamentary panels on poll funding in the last four decades, but their recommendations have remained only on paper. If anything, recent government measures are aimed at facilitating funding, including from foreign corporates, with no transparency. It is tempting to ask why we have not pursued a different kind of electoral campaign or evaluated the actual requirements of a contesting candidate. There is no reason why a candidate should not reach out to voters, present his or her credentials, address voters’ concerns and propose what he or she will do if elected.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Candidates mainly stress on the negative aspects of their rivals. Increasingly, many of them spend more time on their opponents, than on what they propose to do.&nbsp;Big changes are needed. Candidates can campaign together so that voters can make a better choice more transparently. There must be minimum joint public meetings in every constituency.</p>

<p>It will help bring down poll expenditure substantially. When competing candidates address voters together, they are likely to be more positive and cordial. After all, if two bitter rivals can come together in a poll alliance, why can’t opposing candidates campaign together? Unless political leaders and parties come forward to restore the sanctity of electoral practices, nothing is going to change. And unless that happens, it is difficult to expect good governance, deepen democracy and inclusive development.</p>

<p>It is time to relook the relevance of ECI’s code of conduct. This is not possible without the support, cooperation and participation of the news media. The judiciary needs to be consulted in repositioning the ECI. India needs an electoral shake-up as the republic enters the 75th year. &nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-poll-code-nothing-really-model-about-it-2743200">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em></p>

<p><br />
&nbsp;</p>


As we approach the halfway mark of the seven-phase 2019 elections, it is clear that this is the ugliest campaign in India’s 70-year-old electoral history. As a witness to three general elections and an activist observer or researcher in 12 others, one has never witnessed so much bad blood as this seventeenth general election.

As we approach the halfway mark of the seven-phase 2019 elections, it is clear that this is the ugliest campaign in India’s 70-year-old electoral history. As a witness to three general elections and an activist observer or researcher in 12 others, one has never witnessed so much bad blood as this seventeenth general election. This, of course, has not happened overnight. It has reached this stage because critical issues confronting the electoral system have not been addressed over the years. To ensure fair and free polls, the Election Commission of India (ECI) was given statutory status. In 1962, the idea of a ‘model code’, experimented for the first time in Kerala in 1960, was adopted. In 1979, certain restraints were introduced for the party in power. In 1991, Election Commissioner T N Seshan demonstrated what a proactive and independent ECI could do to ensure independence. There were more than a couple of parliamentary committees set up to propose electoral reforms. But with political parties becoming all-powerful, despite losing much of their sheen, electoral practices have continued to decline. Take Indonesia. With a history of two decades of elections and 187 million voters, the country had a one-day national poll recently. Whereas in India, a voter has to wait for 43 days to know the winner, despite the EVMs. Never before has the ECI been seen to be as partisan as today and no efforts have been made to ensure that the electoral process regains credibility. Instruments like the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) have outlived their utility. The irrelevance of ECI’s instruments is evident from a cursory reading of the code. Neither of the eight provisions dealing with the conduct of poll is being observed either by the candidates or the political parties in the fray. The first of the eight is on “general conduct” of polls. This includes a ban on “caste and communal feelings”, “criticism of candidates on the basis of unverified reports”, and “bribing of voters”. “No political party can use pictures of defence and military personnel”, in a poll campaign, is another MCC guideline, which has been thrown out of the window. In 1979, MCC prohibited government advertisement of their ‘achievements’ and banned announcement of grants and schemes, so that the ruling party does not get an unfair advantage. The government or the ruling party “should not launch any welfare programmes, including ribbon cutting ceremonies”, said the code. However, what is happening is exactly the opposite and the Supreme Court had to remind the ECI that it is not toothless. An analysis of nominations filed for assemblies and Parliament in the last few elections, according to the Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR), reveals that the percentage of rich, privileged and those with a criminal background, total to nearly one-third of the elected members. CMS studies on poll expenditure over the last three general elections, bring out three critical points. First, a significant per cent of voters is being paid money across the states, both in rural and urban India. Second, the expenditure being incurred by parties and candidates has been going up in such a way that only millionaires can now contest. Third, the campaigns are focused on lure rather than on issues and concerns. Neither is there evidence that political parties have become accountable or are taking their manifestos seriously. Despite ECI’s hundreds of “expenditure observers,” the extent of unaccounted money confiscated is on rise with no effect on the overall poll expenditure. Only one Assembly member was ever disqualified in UP, a couple of years ago, for not submitting accounts, as required. There have been several parliamentary panels on poll funding in the last four decades, but their recommendations have remained only on paper. If anything, recent government measures are aimed at facilitating funding, including from foreign corporates, with no transparency. It is tempting to ask why we have not pursued a different kind of electoral campaign or evaluated the actual requirements of a contesting candidate. There is no reason why a candidate should not reach out to voters, present his or her credentials, address voters’ concerns and propose what he or she will do if elected. Candidates mainly stress on the negative aspects of their rivals. Increasingly, many of them spend more time on their opponents, than on what they propose to do. Big changes are needed. Candidates can campaign together so that voters can make a better choice more transparently. There must be minimum joint public meetings in every constituency. It will help bring down poll expenditure substantially. When competing candidates address voters together, they are likely to be more positive and cordial. After all, if two bitter rivals can come together in a poll alliance, why can’t opposing candidates campaign together? Unless political leaders and parties come forward to restore the sanctity of electoral practices, nothing is going to change. And unless that happens, it is difficult to expect good governance, deepen democracy and inclusive development. It is time to relook the relevance of ECI’s code of conduct. This is not possible without the support, cooperation and participation of the news media. The judiciary needs to be consulted in repositioning the ECI. India needs an electoral shake-up as the republic enters the 75th year. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Political leaders and parties must come forward to restore the sanctity of electoral practices

Watch this segment of India Election Watch for latest updates of India Election as on 26th April 2019.

India Election Watch; 26th April 2019

<p>Prime Minister<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-general-elections-2019/poll-scam-money-used-for-naamdars-campaign-pm-modi-targets-rahul-gandhi-213678"> Narendra Modi</a> Friday said opposition leaders are in a race to support Pakistan on the issue of military operations against terror camps in the neighbouring country.</p>

<p>Addressing an election rally in Jabalpur, he said after completion of voting in more than 300 Lok Sabha seats, his opponents have accepted that there is a (Modi) "wave" and have knelt before it.</p>

<p>Modi told the gathering that their votes in favour of the BJP in 2014 made India strong and forced the world to look at the country with a different perspective.</p>

<p>"Your one vote has made the country strong and changed the outlook of the world towards India in the last five years," Modi said.</p>

<p>The PM said the opposition has always stood against India's stance on key issues with other countries.</p>

<p>"They always stood in opposition to the countrys stand. Opposition leaders are in a race to support Pakistan on the issue of surgical strike, air strike or Doklam dispute (with China in 2017)," he said.</p>

<p>Speaking on the issue of terrorism, Modi said military operations against terror camps launched under his watch were just "trailer"".</p>

<p>"India is changing now. We have killed them (terrorists) by entering into their den. And whatever we have done is just a trailer, a sample. We have to wipe out terrorism from its roots," the prime minister said.</p>

<p>Modi said after the end of three phases of Lok Sabha polls, covering 303 seats, it is clear which way people have voted.</p>

<p>"The mandate for 300 seats is in. Those who were saying there was no wave, have now realised (that public opinion in favour of the BJP) and have now knelt before it," the prime minister said.</p>

<p>"A sea of people undeterred by the scorching heat have gathered here...This shows they have joined hands for a building a new India," he said, pointing to the large crowd gathered at the rally.</p>

<p>Modi said his government implemented the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in larger public interest and to boost the nations tax collection.</p>

<p>"The Congress mentioned about implementing the GST regime three times its manifesto but couldn't do so as it lacked (political) will," he added.</p>

<p>The rally was organised in support of BJP Lok Sabha candidate from Jabalpur Rakesh Singh, who is the sitting MP from the seat. Singh is also Madhya Pradesh BJP president.</p>

<p>Madhya Pradesh, which has 29 Lok Sabha seats, will vote in four phases starting from April 29.</p>


Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday said opposition leaders are in a race to support Pakistan on the issue of military operations against terror camps in the neighbouring country.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday said opposition leaders are in a race to support Pakistan on the issue of military operations against terror camps in the neighbouring country. Addressing an election rally in Jabalpur, he said after completion of voting in more than 300 Lok Sabha seats, his opponents have accepted that there is a (Modi) "wave" and have knelt before it. Modi told the gathering that their votes in favour of the BJP in 2014 made India strong and forced the world to look at the country with a different perspective. "Your one vote has made the country strong and changed the outlook of the world towards India in the last five years," Modi said. The PM said the opposition has always stood against India's stance on key issues with other countries. "They always stood in opposition to the countrys stand. Opposition leaders are in a race to support Pakistan on the issue of surgical strike, air strike or Doklam dispute (with China in 2017)," he said. Speaking on the issue of terrorism, Modi said military operations against terror camps launched under his watch were just "trailer"". "India is changing now. We have killed them (terrorists) by entering into their den. And whatever we have done is just a trailer, a sample. We have to wipe out terrorism from its roots," the prime minister said. Modi said after the end of three phases of Lok Sabha polls, covering 303 seats, it is clear which way people have voted. "The mandate for 300 seats is in. Those who were saying there was no wave, have now realised (that public opinion in favour of the BJP) and have now knelt before it," the prime minister said. "A sea of people undeterred by the scorching heat have gathered here...This shows they have joined hands for a building a new India," he said, pointing to the large crowd gathered at the rally. Modi said his government implemented the Goods and Services Tax (GST) in larger public interest and to boost the nations tax collection. "The Congress mentioned about implementing the GST regime three times its manifesto but couldn't do so as it lacked (political) will," he added. The rally was organised in support of BJP Lok Sabha candidate from Jabalpur Rakesh Singh, who is the sitting MP from the seat. Singh is also Madhya Pradesh BJP president. Madhya Pradesh, which has 29 Lok Sabha seats, will vote in four phases starting from April 29.

Those who said there is no 'wave' have now knelt before it: PM Modi

<p>Maharashtra <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/strap-sceptical-opposition-leaders-on-rockets-to-balakot-fadnavis-212819">Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis</a> Thursday said the voters in the ongoing Lok Sabha elections have to choose between the BJP's development agenda and "anarchy" represented by the Congress-led opposition.</p>

<p>Fadnavis said the Congress-led UPA government had no guts to act when Mumbai was attacked by terrorists in 2008.</p>

<p>Addressing an election rally in support of BJP-Sena alliance's Lok Sabha candidate from Bhiwandi Kapil Patil, Fadnavis&nbsp;said the voters should give a second term to <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/new-india-gives-befitting-reply-to-terror-pm-modi-213515">Prime Minister Narendra Modi</a>.</p>

<p>Fadnavis came down heavily on the Congress for its string of "failures" during its decades-long rule in the country.</p>

<p>During his almost half an hour speech, the BJP leader listed the achievements of the Modi government.</p>

<p>"What the Congress gave to the common man during its 60-year rule was nothing but 'anachar' (misrule), 'brashtachar' (corruption), Fadnavis said.</p>

<p>Fadnavis said speeches of Congress chief Rahul Gandhi and other party leaders were "entertaining" as they are bereft of substance.</p>

<p>The Congress government did not take any action after the 2008 terror strikes in Mumbai, Fadnavis said, adding the then Prime Minister had no guts to punish Pakistan, from where the attackers had come.</p>

<p>Attacking the Congress further, Fadnavis said only Pakistan and the Rahul Gandhi-led party wanted proof of the causalities in the Balakot air strikes.</p>

<p>Seeking support of electors for the BJP, Fadnavis said these polls offer to the voters a choice between "those who are for development and those who are for anarchy".</p>


Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis Thursday said the voters in the ongoing Lok Sabha elections have to choose between the BJP's development agenda and "anarchy" represented by the Congress-led opposition.

Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis Thursday said the voters in the ongoing Lok Sabha elections have to choose between the BJP's development agenda and "anarchy" represented by the Congress-led opposition. Fadnavis said the Congress-led UPA government had no guts to act when Mumbai was attacked by terrorists in 2008. Addressing an election rally in support of BJP-Sena alliance's Lok Sabha candidate from Bhiwandi Kapil Patil, Fadnavis said the voters should give a second term to Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Fadnavis came down heavily on the Congress for its string of "failures" during its decades-long rule in the country. During his almost half an hour speech, the BJP leader listed the achievements of the Modi government. "What the Congress gave to the common man during its 60-year rule was nothing but 'anachar' (misrule), 'brashtachar' (corruption), Fadnavis said. Fadnavis said speeches of Congress chief Rahul Gandhi and other party leaders were "entertaining" as they are bereft of substance. The Congress government did not take any action after the 2008 terror strikes in Mumbai, Fadnavis said, adding the then Prime Minister had no guts to punish Pakistan, from where the attackers had come. Attacking the Congress further, Fadnavis said only Pakistan and the Rahul Gandhi-led party wanted proof of the causalities in the Balakot air strikes. Seeking support of electors for the BJP, Fadnavis said these polls offer to the voters a choice between "those who are for development and those who are for anarchy".

Polls offer choice between development, anarchy: Devendra Fadnavis

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi files his nomination from Varanasi, earlier today PM Modi visited Kal Bhairav temple. Watch this video to know more.

General Election 2019: PM Modi files his nomination from Varanasi

BJP's Om Birla and Congress' Ramnarayan Meena will be up in the key contest in Kota constituency. In the 4th phase, a total of 71 seats across 8 states will witness Lok Sabha election 2019.

WION Gravitas: Big ticket battles in phase 4

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is holding a grand roadshow in Varanasi, a day before he files the nomination papers from the Lok Sabha seat. Watch this video to know more.

WION Gravitas: PM Modi holds mega roadshow in Varanasi

<p>India’s grand opposition Congress party seems to be inflicted with conspicuous confusion with very little clarity on the direction it wants to move. Amidst its bid to arrest the sagging fortunes and improve its presence, the party is simultaneously conspiring for the defeat of the National Democratic Alliance government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). There is an old proverb: “One foot cannot stand on two boats.” And that is precisely what the Congress is doing. Can the Congress take on the ruling party when it itself is struggling to regain the space it ceded to the BJP and other regional parties in the last few years?</p>

<p>If the Congress has failed to stitch together an effective counter-alliance to the NDA, it is because of its refusal to give room to smaller but growing parties fearing further erosion in its shrinking base. As a result, not only did it miss the opportunity to be part of the ‘Mahagathbandhan’ in Uttar Pradesh, it is facing alliance blues in other states as well. The classic case is of Sharad Pawar-led National Congress party (NCP), which has been steadfastly associated with the Congress, has chosen to go it alone in Gujarat even though the two parties have pledged to contest together in Maharashtra. There is no doubt that with NCP choosing to contest all the 26 parliamentary seats in Gujarat, there will be a division of votes, which will ultimately benefit the BJP.</p>

<p>In fact, it was Sharad Pawar who had first taken the initiative to form a “Mahagathbandhan” of opposition parties to take on the ruling alliance. But his idea could not materialise as the Congress was not ready to play second fiddle to some parties which had grown in stature. The Congress, which was wiped out from Delhi in both the assembly and parliamentary elections, lacked maturity in entering into any understanding with the Aam Aadmi Party which also wanted the alliance in both Punjab and Haryana besides Delhi. But the Congress, which snatched power from the BJP-SAD alliance in Punjab and lost ground to the BJP in Haryana, did not want to share space with AAP which was spreading its wings there. As a result, what we see is a loosely-knit alliance led by Congress party with smaller parties in some states.&nbsp;</p>

<p>It reflects very poorly on the leadership of the Congress, which is not sagacious enough to come out of its shadow. Congress president Rahul Gandhi should realise that his party is not in a position to command a premium on its value. Had he been sensible and could see the writing on the wall; he would have gone ahead to accommodate as many parties which still wanted a solid and credible opposition alliance? The problem with the Congress leadership is that it wants to have the cake and eat it too. That’s not only practical but impossible also.</p>

<p>If the NDA alliance has been largely successful, it is due to the open-heartedness of the principal party, the BJP, which has been careful in creating a non-disturbing environment for smaller and regional parties. While continuing to pursue its agenda of maximising its reach in states where it does not have much influence, the BJP has been wise enough to enter into an alliance with regional parties.&nbsp;</p>

<p>With the Congress not having the stomach to accommodate the interests of other parties, it would have been better had it gone alone with an aim to improve its reach and tally. The Congress, which recorded its worst performance in the last general elections bagging just 44 seats, could corner only 19.5 per cent of votes then. Before it recovered some ground by winning state elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh last year, the Congress was only ruling Punjab and sharing power in Karnataka. The party showed some signs of recovery last year when elections to nine states – Tripura, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram, Rajasthan and Telangana – were held in 2018. Of the 1082 seats in these states, the Congress won 414 seats whereas the BJP won 355 seats.</p>

<p>The ideal strategy for Congress would have been to recoup and revitalise its organisation before going overboard with the aggressive approach of dislodging the Modi government. It has scored a self-goal by compromising with its prime objective of reviving the almost moribund party and simultaneously working to remove the present government. It is this confusion which has prevented it from allying with potential parties leading to three-cornered contests in several constituencies which is only going to help the BJP. In a nutshell, the present is tense and the future uncertain for the oldest political party.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
<em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em><br />
&nbsp;</p>


India’s grand opposition Congress party seems to be inflicted with conspicuous confusion with very little clarity on the direction it wants to move. Amidst its bid to arrest the sagging fortunes and improve its presence, the party is simultaneously conspiring for the defeat of the National Democratic Alliance government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

India’s grand opposition Congress party seems to be inflicted with conspicuous confusion with very little clarity on the direction it wants to move. Amidst its bid to arrest the sagging fortunes and improve its presence, the party is simultaneously conspiring for the defeat of the National Democratic Alliance government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). There is an old proverb: “One foot cannot stand on two boats.” And that is precisely what the Congress is doing. Can the Congress take on the ruling party when it itself is struggling to regain the space it ceded to the BJP and other regional parties in the last few years? If the Congress has failed to stitch together an effective counter-alliance to the NDA, it is because of its refusal to give room to smaller but growing parties fearing further erosion in its shrinking base. As a result, not only did it miss the opportunity to be part of the ‘Mahagathbandhan’ in Uttar Pradesh, it is facing alliance blues in other states as well. The classic case is of Sharad Pawar-led National Congress party (NCP), which has been steadfastly associated with the Congress, has chosen to go it alone in Gujarat even though the two parties have pledged to contest together in Maharashtra. There is no doubt that with NCP choosing to contest all the 26 parliamentary seats in Gujarat, there will be a division of votes, which will ultimately benefit the BJP. In fact, it was Sharad Pawar who had first taken the initiative to form a “Mahagathbandhan” of opposition parties to take on the ruling alliance. But his idea could not materialise as the Congress was not ready to play second fiddle to some parties which had grown in stature. The Congress, which was wiped out from Delhi in both the assembly and parliamentary elections, lacked maturity in entering into any understanding with the Aam Aadmi Party which also wanted the alliance in both Punjab and Haryana besides Delhi. But the Congress, which snatched power from the BJP-SAD alliance in Punjab and lost ground to the BJP in Haryana, did not want to share space with AAP which was spreading its wings there. As a result, what we see is a loosely-knit alliance led by Congress party with smaller parties in some states. It reflects very poorly on the leadership of the Congress, which is not sagacious enough to come out of its shadow. Congress president Rahul Gandhi should realise that his party is not in a position to command a premium on its value. Had he been sensible and could see the writing on the wall; he would have gone ahead to accommodate as many parties which still wanted a solid and credible opposition alliance? The problem with the Congress leadership is that it wants to have the cake and eat it too. That’s not only practical but impossible also. If the NDA alliance has been largely successful, it is due to the open-heartedness of the principal party, the BJP, which has been careful in creating a non-disturbing environment for smaller and regional parties. While continuing to pursue its agenda of maximising its reach in states where it does not have much influence, the BJP has been wise enough to enter into an alliance with regional parties. With the Congress not having the stomach to accommodate the interests of other parties, it would have been better had it gone alone with an aim to improve its reach and tally. The Congress, which recorded its worst performance in the last general elections bagging just 44 seats, could corner only 19.5 per cent of votes then. Before it recovered some ground by winning state elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh last year, the Congress was only ruling Punjab and sharing power in Karnataka. The party showed some signs of recovery last year when elections to nine states – Tripura, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Mizoram, Rajasthan and Telangana – were held in 2018. Of the 1082 seats in these states, the Congress won 414 seats whereas the BJP won 355 seats. The ideal strategy for Congress would have been to recoup and revitalise its organisation before going overboard with the aggressive approach of dislodging the Modi government. It has scored a self-goal by compromising with its prime objective of reviving the almost moribund party and simultaneously working to remove the present government. It is this confusion which has prevented it from allying with potential parties leading to three-cornered contests in several constituencies which is only going to help the BJP. In a nutshell, the present is tense and the future uncertain for the oldest political party. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress's woes: Present tense and future uncertain

Congress on Thursday ended all speculation around party general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra contesting Lok Sabha Election from Varanasi constituency. Watch this video to know more.

WION Gravitas: No Modi vs Priyanka in Varanasi as Congress names Ajay Rai as its candidate

<p>In politics, a strong challenge is never received lightly and if it comes across as a fake call, then the person is not taken seriously thereafter.</p>

<p>Priyanka Gandhi by maintaining the suspense on her candidature from Varanasi’s Lok Sabha seat has made a serious error which she must avoid in future or her image would coalesce into a politician who is all thunder sans rain.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In past, politicians like Arjun Singh and Sharad Pawar suffered the same fate. After a point in time, none of them was taken seriously as contenders in Delhi. Similarly, it may boomerang in the long run for Priyanka Gandhi too.&nbsp;</p>

<p>She allowed Congress to gain space in media but ended up giving a handle to BJP in the last 4 phases of elections.</p>

<p>Henceforth, the attack on Congress would be brutal and direct. Priyanka Gandhi will be attacked for not having a stomach for a strong political fight.&nbsp;</p>

<p>What prompted Priyanka to keep people guessing remains a mystery but even Congress party president Rahul Gandhi did nothing to clear the fog. He participated in it by stating that he would like to keep the suspense on. It did not work. It fuelled the expectations which were not met, eventually, disappointing many.</p>

<p>The issue is as to what was the thinking behind keeping the suspense on? Did Congress develop cold feet in the end? Did &nbsp;Rahul Gandhi overrule her on the ground that she cannot give a fight to Narendra Modi and her loss would affect both party and her career? &nbsp;Lastly, why did it take Congress a month to realise that Modi is unbeatable in Varanasi? Was it not visible right at the start of the election campaign? Did a real possibility exist on the ground to defeat Modi? My take is that no such circumstances ever existed but even then Priyanka Gandhi Vadra sought suggestions from her constituents during her meeting in Amethi and Raebareli on fighting from Varanasi.<br />
<br />
Whatever may be the real reason, it is not available to media. In its absence, BJP will make Priyanka’s exit an electoral issue. BJP now can go to town shouting that Priyanka Vadra shied away from the big battle of Uttar Pradesh.</p>

<p>The discourse will be shifted from her charismatic appeal and being natural to her inability to stand up to a strong challenge. This will invite a focus on the top leadership of the Congress and fuel discourse that ‘family’ &nbsp;cannot look beyond safe seats. It will also make Gandhi's look less serious in public discussion. Priyanka in 2012 had once said, "Main Aaun Kya." She did not. It has happened again.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em></p>


In politics, a strong challenge is never received lightly and if it comes across as a fake call, then the person is not taken seriously thereafter. Priyanka Gandhi by maintaining the suspense on her candidature from Varanasi’s Lok Sabha seat has made a serious error which she must avoid in future or her image would coalesce into a politician who is all thunder sans rain.

In politics, a strong challenge is never received lightly and if it comes across as a fake call, then the person is not taken seriously thereafter. Priyanka Gandhi by maintaining the suspense on her candidature from Varanasi’s Lok Sabha seat has made a serious error which she must avoid in future or her image would coalesce into a politician who is all thunder sans rain. In past, politicians like Arjun Singh and Sharad Pawar suffered the same fate. After a point in time, none of them was taken seriously as contenders in Delhi. Similarly, it may boomerang in the long run for Priyanka Gandhi too. She allowed Congress to gain space in media but ended up giving a handle to BJP in the last 4 phases of elections. Henceforth, the attack on Congress would be brutal and direct. Priyanka Gandhi will be attacked for not having a stomach for a strong political fight. What prompted Priyanka to keep people guessing remains a mystery but even Congress party president Rahul Gandhi did nothing to clear the fog. He participated in it by stating that he would like to keep the suspense on. It did not work. It fuelled the expectations which were not met, eventually, disappointing many. The issue is as to what was the thinking behind keeping the suspense on? Did Congress develop cold feet in the end? Did Rahul Gandhi overrule her on the ground that she cannot give a fight to Narendra Modi and her loss would affect both party and her career? Lastly, why did it take Congress a month to realise that Modi is unbeatable in Varanasi? Was it not visible right at the start of the election campaign? Did a real possibility exist on the ground to defeat Modi? My take is that no such circumstances ever existed but even then Priyanka Gandhi Vadra sought suggestions from her constituents during her meeting in Amethi and Raebareli on fighting from Varanasi. Whatever may be the real reason, it is not available to media. In its absence, BJP will make Priyanka’s exit an electoral issue. BJP now can go to town shouting that Priyanka Vadra shied away from the big battle of Uttar Pradesh. The discourse will be shifted from her charismatic appeal and being natural to her inability to stand up to a strong challenge. This will invite a focus on the top leadership of the Congress and fuel discourse that ‘family’ cannot look beyond safe seats. It will also make Gandhi's look less serious in public discussion. Priyanka in 2012 had once said, "Main Aaun Kya." She did not. It has happened again. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Disappointing many, Priyanka Gandhi's suspense game gives BJP a political handle

<p>India’s first Union cabinet under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru embraced the idea of lateral talent. Among the 15 members of the cabinet in 1947 was John Mathai, an economist who served as Railways Minister and then Finance Minister before leaving the government in 1950. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Over the years, inducting such lateral professional talent into the Union cabinet from outside party politics has grown rarer.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In welcome contrast, none of the nine professionals recently selected under the aegis of the UPSC to serve the government as joint secretaries, belong to a political party. All have specialised domain knowledge.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Amber Dubey, for example, was head of aerospace and defence at KPMG. He has been selected to join the civil aviation ministry where his experience of over 26 years in the aviation and defence domain will be useful as India reforms its aviation, space and defence technology sectors.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The selection of Dubey, an IIT Bombay and IIM Ahmedabad alumni, who has spent his entire career in the private sector, reflects the winds of change blowing over a critical area of Indian governance: technocratic talent. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The country is run at four levels. One, the Prime Minister-led Union cabinet and the Chief Minister-led state cabinets where specialised domain talent is slender. Two, the central and state bureaucracies which are largely filled with generalists, not specialists.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Three, local civic municipalities where again political affiliations often carry more weight than competence. Four, village panchayats and local bodies where caste and religion cast a long shadow.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the United States, the cabinet is small (16 members) and mostly technocratic, drawn from the private sector, the professions and academia. The Narendra Modi cabinet is large (over 70 ministers and ministers of state) and apart from some honourable exceptions, does not exactly overflow with talent.&nbsp;</p>

<p>That is why the lateral selection of nine professionals as joint secretaries is a welcome development.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Consider the core competencies of some of the new lateral recruits: Dinesh Jagdale, CEO of Panama Renewable Energy Group, will join the renewable energy ministry. Kakoli Ghosh, who has deep knowledge of the multilateral farm sector, will join the agriculture ministry. Most of the others have been placed in ministries where their professional experience and knowledge will be put to good use.&nbsp;</p>

<p>These infusions are just the beginning. Indian bureaucracies, central and state, must absorb UPSC-selected lateral appointments of technocrats with ever-greater urgency.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In a technology-enabled world, specialisation is mandatory. IAS officers, however competent and dedicated, have two handicaps, First, they are generalists with little specialised domain expertise. Second, they are transferred so often across the country – for example, from animal husbandry to defence acquisitions – that focus is lost.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
The certainty of tenure among civil servants also engenders a sense of complacency. Over the years, the ministries of finance and defence, in particular, have developed a reputation for cronyism and corruption.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Leaks to the media in the Rafale fighter jet case and examples of department officers surreptitiously encouraging arms dealers (though they were explicitly banned in 2014) have damaged the national interest.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The introduction of fresh professional blood should act as a deterrent when the minister in charge of a particular portfolio has not been able to impose his or her will with sufficient authority on department officers.&nbsp;</p>

<p>If Prime Minister Narendra Modi does win a second term, it’s possible the BJP’s majority in Parliament will be significantly reduced. That is not a bad thing. Modi was used to running a compact state like Gujarat with a group of loyal and competent bureaucrats who dared not defy his authority or miss deadlines on projects.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The same modus operandi has not worked in the Byzantine culture of Delhi. Days after he took office as prime minister, Modi called more than 70 senior bureaucrats to meet him. As they stood in a line before him, he told them to work without fear or favour. They could come to him with any problems they had, he said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The senior IAS officers, still standing in a parabolic line, nodded silently. But every one of them must have thought cynically to himself or herself that fear and favour were the time-honoured way bureaucracy worked. How would Modi break that habit? He hasn’t.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The series of legal setbacks in the 2G, Rafale and other cases has exposed the government’s poor selection of its law officers.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Equally lacklustre has been its communications strategy. Instead of being proactive over a range of contentious issues – from Rafale to electoral bonds – the government has been slow and reactive when perception damage has already been done.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In a 24x7 news cycle, every major government holds briefings in near real-time. The Chinese and American administrations respond to any issue concerning their government promptly and clearly.<br />
<br />
Even Pakistan’s information ministry reacts rapidly to events though in its case it is to add a positive spin to negative stories about, for example, Islamabad’s likely blacklisting by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for terror financing and money laundering.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The under-utilisation by the Indian government of an articulate and credible Information &amp; Broadcasting (I&amp;B) minister Rajyavardhan Rathore, an Olympian and a former soldier, in delivering daily media briefings underscores how unprofessionally the government has communicated its agenda to voters. They will now deliver their verdict. &nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-lateral-hiring-in-govt-bridging-the-talent-deficit-2742935">original article)</a></em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em></p>


India’s first Union cabinet under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru embraced the idea of lateral talent. Among the 15 members of the cabinet in 1947 was John Mathai, an economist who served as Railways Minister and then Finance Minister before leaving the government in 1950.

India’s first Union cabinet under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru embraced the idea of lateral talent. Among the 15 members of the cabinet in 1947 was John Mathai, an economist who served as Railways Minister and then Finance Minister before leaving the government in 1950. Over the years, inducting such lateral professional talent into the Union cabinet from outside party politics has grown rarer. In welcome contrast, none of the nine professionals recently selected under the aegis of the UPSC to serve the government as joint secretaries, belong to a political party. All have specialised domain knowledge. Amber Dubey, for example, was head of aerospace and defence at KPMG. He has been selected to join the civil aviation ministry where his experience of over 26 years in the aviation and defence domain will be useful as India reforms its aviation, space and defence technology sectors. The selection of Dubey, an IIT Bombay and IIM Ahmedabad alumni, who has spent his entire career in the private sector, reflects the winds of change blowing over a critical area of Indian governance: technocratic talent. The country is run at four levels. One, the Prime Minister-led Union cabinet and the Chief Minister-led state cabinets where specialised domain talent is slender. Two, the central and state bureaucracies which are largely filled with generalists, not specialists. Three, local civic municipalities where again political affiliations often carry more weight than competence. Four, village panchayats and local bodies where caste and religion cast a long shadow. In the United States, the cabinet is small (16 members) and mostly technocratic, drawn from the private sector, the professions and academia. The Narendra Modi cabinet is large (over 70 ministers and ministers of state) and apart from some honourable exceptions, does not exactly overflow with talent. That is why the lateral selection of nine professionals as joint secretaries is a welcome development. Consider the core competencies of some of the new lateral recruits: Dinesh Jagdale, CEO of Panama Renewable Energy Group, will join the renewable energy ministry. Kakoli Ghosh, who has deep knowledge of the multilateral farm sector, will join the agriculture ministry. Most of the others have been placed in ministries where their professional experience and knowledge will be put to good use. These infusions are just the beginning. Indian bureaucracies, central and state, must absorb UPSC-selected lateral appointments of technocrats with ever-greater urgency. In a technology-enabled world, specialisation is mandatory. IAS officers, however competent and dedicated, have two handicaps, First, they are generalists with little specialised domain expertise. Second, they are transferred so often across the country – for example, from animal husbandry to defence acquisitions – that focus is lost. The certainty of tenure among civil servants also engenders a sense of complacency. Over the years, the ministries of finance and defence, in particular, have developed a reputation for cronyism and corruption. Leaks to the media in the Rafale fighter jet case and examples of department officers surreptitiously encouraging arms dealers (though they were explicitly banned in 2014) have damaged the national interest. The introduction of fresh professional blood should act as a deterrent when the minister in charge of a particular portfolio has not been able to impose his or her will with sufficient authority on department officers. If Prime Minister Narendra Modi does win a second term, it’s possible the BJP’s majority in Parliament will be significantly reduced. That is not a bad thing. Modi was used to running a compact state like Gujarat with a group of loyal and competent bureaucrats who dared not defy his authority or miss deadlines on projects. The same modus operandi has not worked in the Byzantine culture of Delhi. Days after he took office as prime minister, Modi called more than 70 senior bureaucrats to meet him. As they stood in a line before him, he told them to work without fear or favour. They could come to him with any problems they had, he said. The senior IAS officers, still standing in a parabolic line, nodded silently. But every one of them must have thought cynically to himself or herself that fear and favour were the time-honoured way bureaucracy worked. How would Modi break that habit? He hasn’t. The series of legal setbacks in the 2G, Rafale and other cases has exposed the government’s poor selection of its law officers. Equally lacklustre has been its communications strategy. Instead of being proactive over a range of contentious issues – from Rafale to electoral bonds – the government has been slow and reactive when perception damage has already been done. In a 24x7 news cycle, every major government holds briefings in near real-time. The Chinese and American administrations respond to any issue concerning their government promptly and clearly. Even Pakistan’s information ministry reacts rapidly to events though in its case it is to add a positive spin to negative stories about, for example, Islamabad’s likely blacklisting by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for terror financing and money laundering. The under-utilisation by the Indian government of an articulate and credible Information & Broadcasting (I&B) minister Rajyavardhan Rathore, an Olympian and a former soldier, in delivering daily media briefings underscores how unprofessionally the government has communicated its agenda to voters. They will now deliver their verdict. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Inducting lateral professional skills into the cabinet by Narendra Modi government is a welcome step

Mulayam Singh Yadav is a six-time Lok Sabha Member and he contesting election from Mainpuri, Uttar Pradesh. Watch video to know more.

India Election Watch: Know your Candidate: Mulayam Singh Yadav

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know about the key battles of phase 3 of Lok Sabha Elections 2019

India Election Watch: Phase 3 of LS Polls: Key Battles

<p>The Indian politico-diplomatic policy contour, in relation to two major events slated for end April in the Chinese calendar, is indicative of a carefully nuanced posture that Delhi is adopting towards Beijing, even as the world’s largest democracy is in the middle of a major national election.</p>

<p>The Modi led NDA government is in caretaker mode and a new Prime Minister will assume office after May 23 but some import-laden Indian policies that are unfolding this week warrant scrutiny.</p>

<p>On April 23 (Tuesday), two Indian naval ships – the INS Kolkata, a guided-missile destroyer and INS Shakti the fleet tanker will be part of the International Fleet Review (IFR) that China is conducting off Qingdao as part of the 70th-anniversary celebrations of the PLA Navy. Chinese President Xi Jinping will review the 50 naval ships assembled from 13 nations (excluding the host) on Tuesday. Major foreign navies represented at the PLA(N) IFR &nbsp;include Russia, Japan and India and some ASEAN nations. It may be recalled that India had conducted an IFR in February 2016 that saw 100 ships from 50 navies anchored off Visakhapatnam and the assemblage included two PLA(N) frigates.</p>

<p>International fleet reviews are a demonstration of a nation’s politico-diplomatic and military credibility as also acceptability and China is engaged in a similar pursuit against the backdrop of regional anxiety and unease over the kind of military assertiveness that Beijing has demonstrated in recent years in relation to its territorial claims in the East Asia-western Pacific continuum.</p>

<p>But in contrast to this friendly overture apropos the Qingdao IFR, Delhi has decided that India will not be part of the second OBOR (one belt-one road) summit being held in Beijing later in the week (April 26). This summit meeting has been billed as the biggest diplomatic event for China in 2019 and is acknowledged as a hugely ambitious personal project of President Xi Jinping that has complex strategic implications linked to the ‘rise of China’.</p>

<p>Delhi had stayed away from the inaugural summit in 2017 due to the manner in which India’s sovereignty claims over POK (Pakistan occupied Kashmir) were ignored among other concerns. Yet given the manner in which the post-Doklam tension was sought to be assuaged at the informal Xi-Modi summit Wuhan, it was expected that India would review its non-participation at the second OBOR (aka Belt and Road Initiative) &nbsp;summit. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, in what was seen as a major disappointment for Beijing, earlier in March, the Indian ambassador to China Vikram Misri explained the rationale for the Indian refusal to be part of the 2019 summit. Misri noted: &nbsp;"Above all, connectivity initiatives must be pursued in a manner that respects the sovereignty, equality and territorial integrity of nations".</p>

<p>He further added: "No country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity. To be honest, we have made no secret of our views and our position on the BRI is clear and consistent and one that we have conveyed to the authorities concerned.”&nbsp;<br />
<br />
It is understood that most of the global community would be present at the second BRI &nbsp;summit, including nations with whom China currently has an uneasy or tense relationship including the USA and Japan and India’s determined ‘absence’ would be visible.</p>

<p>The inference that could be made is that by adopting two very different policy &nbsp;options in relation to the PLA (Navy) IFR on April 23 and the BRI summit on April 26, Delhi &nbsp;is signalling both malleability and resolve in what may be described as an ‘issue-based’ and carefully calibrated approach in its overall China policy.</p>

<p>In yet another development, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has set up a new division designated the Indo-Pacific and it is understood that this division will integrate policies pertaining to the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and deliberations related to the Quad. The latter refers to maritime/naval consultations between the USA, Japan, India and Australia.</p>

<p>The Indo-Pacific is both a geographic entity that links the two oceans – the Indian and the Pacific; and a nascent strategic construct mooted by the USA in some detail in October 2017. The Indian formulation in relation to the Indo-Pacific was outlined by PM Modi at the Shangri-La dialogue in mid-2018 which dwelt on the centrality of ASEAN in this maritime framework. China has its own reservations about this yoking of the two oceans and the strategic sub-text advanced by the USA and the Indian decision to formally create a new division dedicated to the Indo-Pacific will not go unnoticed.</p>

<p>Managing the bilateral with China will be a major challenge for the next Indian government and the policy contours of end April, as manifest in the IFR and the BRI summit, will remain important punctuation in this uneasy relationship between the two Asian giants.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em><br />
&nbsp;</p>


The Indian politico-diplomatic policy contour, in relation to two major events slated for end April in the Chinese calendar, is indicative of a carefully nuanced posture that Delhi is adopting towards Beijing, even as the world’s largest democracy is in the middle of a major national election.

The Indian politico-diplomatic policy contour, in relation to two major events slated for end April in the Chinese calendar, is indicative of a carefully nuanced posture that Delhi is adopting towards Beijing, even as the world’s largest democracy is in the middle of a major national election. The Modi led NDA government is in caretaker mode and a new Prime Minister will assume office after May 23 but some import-laden Indian policies that are unfolding this week warrant scrutiny. On April 23 (Tuesday), two Indian naval ships – the INS Kolkata, a guided-missile destroyer and INS Shakti the fleet tanker will be part of the International Fleet Review (IFR) that China is conducting off Qingdao as part of the 70th-anniversary celebrations of the PLA Navy. Chinese President Xi Jinping will review the 50 naval ships assembled from 13 nations (excluding the host) on Tuesday. Major foreign navies represented at the PLA(N) IFR include Russia, Japan and India and some ASEAN nations. It may be recalled that India had conducted an IFR in February 2016 that saw 100 ships from 50 navies anchored off Visakhapatnam and the assemblage included two PLA(N) frigates. International fleet reviews are a demonstration of a nation’s politico-diplomatic and military credibility as also acceptability and China is engaged in a similar pursuit against the backdrop of regional anxiety and unease over the kind of military assertiveness that Beijing has demonstrated in recent years in relation to its territorial claims in the East Asia-western Pacific continuum. But in contrast to this friendly overture apropos the Qingdao IFR, Delhi has decided that India will not be part of the second OBOR (one belt-one road) summit being held in Beijing later in the week (April 26). This summit meeting has been billed as the biggest diplomatic event for China in 2019 and is acknowledged as a hugely ambitious personal project of President Xi Jinping that has complex strategic implications linked to the ‘rise of China’. Delhi had stayed away from the inaugural summit in 2017 due to the manner in which India’s sovereignty claims over POK (Pakistan occupied Kashmir) were ignored among other concerns. Yet given the manner in which the post-Doklam tension was sought to be assuaged at the informal Xi-Modi summit Wuhan, it was expected that India would review its non-participation at the second OBOR (aka Belt and Road Initiative) summit. However, in what was seen as a major disappointment for Beijing, earlier in March, the Indian ambassador to China Vikram Misri explained the rationale for the Indian refusal to be part of the 2019 summit. Misri noted: "Above all, connectivity initiatives must be pursued in a manner that respects the sovereignty, equality and territorial integrity of nations". He further added: "No country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity. To be honest, we have made no secret of our views and our position on the BRI is clear and consistent and one that we have conveyed to the authorities concerned.” It is understood that most of the global community would be present at the second BRI summit, including nations with whom China currently has an uneasy or tense relationship including the USA and Japan and India’s determined ‘absence’ would be visible. The inference that could be made is that by adopting two very different policy options in relation to the PLA (Navy) IFR on April 23 and the BRI summit on April 26, Delhi is signalling both malleability and resolve in what may be described as an ‘issue-based’ and carefully calibrated approach in its overall China policy. In yet another development, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has set up a new division designated the Indo-Pacific and it is understood that this division will integrate policies pertaining to the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and deliberations related to the Quad. The latter refers to maritime/naval consultations between the USA, Japan, India and Australia. The Indo-Pacific is both a geographic entity that links the two oceans – the Indian and the Pacific; and a nascent strategic construct mooted by the USA in some detail in October 2017. The Indian formulation in relation to the Indo-Pacific was outlined by PM Modi at the Shangri-La dialogue in mid-2018 which dwelt on the centrality of ASEAN in this maritime framework. China has its own reservations about this yoking of the two oceans and the strategic sub-text advanced by the USA and the Indian decision to formally create a new division dedicated to the Indo-Pacific will not go unnoticed. Managing the bilateral with China will be a major challenge for the next Indian government and the policy contours of end April, as manifest in the IFR and the BRI summit, will remain important punctuation in this uneasy relationship between the two Asian giants. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Managing bilateral relations with China will be a major challenge for the next Indian government

<p>Bharatiya Janata Party on Sunday released a list of candidates for four out of seven parliamentary seats in Delhi for the ongoing Lok Sabha elections.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="hi">Bharatiya Janata Party releases list of candidates for Delhi, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and UP; Dr Harsh Vardhan to contest from Delhi's Chandni Chowk, Manoj Tiwari- North East Delhi, Pravesh Verma- West Delhi, Ramesh Bidhuri -South Delhi and Hardeep Puri from Amritsar <a href="https://t.co/VDaivg0A7n">pic.twitter.com/VDaivg0A7n</a></p>
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<p>Union Minister Dr Harsh Vardhan will be contesting from Delhi's Chandni Chowk, singer and actor Manoj Tiwari from North East Delhi. Pravesh Verma will be contesting from West Delhi and Ramesh Bidhuri from South Delhi.</p>

<p>Delhi's seven Lok Sabha constituencies include Chandni Chowk, East Delhi, New Delhi, North East Delhi, North West Delhi, South Delhi and West Delhi.</p>

<p>The party, meanwhile, also released names of candidates from Punjab's Amritsar constituency, Madhya Pradesh's Indore and Uttar Pradesh's Ghosi constituency.</p>

<p>Hardeep Singh Puri, current Union Minister of State, has been fielded to contest from Amritsar.</p>

<p>In Madhya Pradesh, the BJP has fielded Shankar Lalwani as its candidate from Indore in place of Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan. Lalwani is the chairman of Indore Development Authority.</p>

<p>In Uttar Pradesh, Shri Harinarayan Rajbhar has been fielded from Ghosi.</p>

<p>The twenty-nine Lok Sabha seats in Madhya Pradesh will go to polls in four phases beginning April 29. Punjab will go to polls on May 19 for all thirteen constituencies. Delhi will go to polls on May 12.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The counting for all states will be done on May 23.</p>


Bharatiya Janata Party on Sunday released a list of candidates for four out of seven parliamentary seats in Delhi for the ongoing Lok Sabha elections. Bharatiya Janata Party releases list of candidates for Delhi, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and UP; Dr Harsh Vardhan to contest from Delhi's Chandni Chowk, Manoj Tiwari- North East Delhi, Pravesh Verma- West Delhi, Ramesh Bidhuri -South Delhi and Hardeep Puri from Amritsar pic.

Bharatiya Janata Party on Sunday released a list of candidates for four out of seven parliamentary seats in Delhi for the ongoing Lok Sabha elections. Bharatiya Janata Party releases list of candidates for Delhi, Punjab, Madhya Pradesh and UP; Dr Harsh Vardhan to contest from Delhi's Chandni Chowk, Manoj Tiwari- North East Delhi, Pravesh Verma- West Delhi, Ramesh Bidhuri -South Delhi and Hardeep Puri from Amritsar pic.twitter.com/VDaivg0A7n — ANI (@ANI) April 21, 2019 × Union Minister Dr Harsh Vardhan will be contesting from Delhi's Chandni Chowk, singer and actor Manoj Tiwari from North East Delhi. Pravesh Verma will be contesting from West Delhi and Ramesh Bidhuri from South Delhi. Delhi's seven Lok Sabha constituencies include Chandni Chowk, East Delhi, New Delhi, North East Delhi, North West Delhi, South Delhi and West Delhi. The party, meanwhile, also released names of candidates from Punjab's Amritsar constituency, Madhya Pradesh's Indore and Uttar Pradesh's Ghosi constituency. Hardeep Singh Puri, current Union Minister of State, has been fielded to contest from Amritsar. In Madhya Pradesh, the BJP has fielded Shankar Lalwani as its candidate from Indore in place of Lok Sabha Speaker Sumitra Mahajan. Lalwani is the chairman of Indore Development Authority. In Uttar Pradesh, Shri Harinarayan Rajbhar has been fielded from Ghosi. The twenty-nine Lok Sabha seats in Madhya Pradesh will go to polls in four phases beginning April 29. Punjab will go to polls on May 19 for all thirteen constituencies. Delhi will go to polls on May 12. The counting for all states will be done on May 23.

BJP releases list of candidates for Delhi, Harsh Vardhan to contest from Chandni Chowk

<p>The Lok Sabha election of 2019 has become presidential. The campaign theme of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the opposition are both Modi-centric. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The BJP’s election slogan is “phir ek bar Modi sarkar (Modi once again) ”.The opposition has reinforced this thrust by launching a unifocal attack on the Prime Minister’s persona, and by trying to posit the Mahagathbandhan (grand alliance) as an anti-Modi front. The grand alliance has so far come a cropper, damaging the opposition plank and derailing its credibility.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The election has been turned into a referendum on Modi; The absence of any towering pan-Indian personality in the opposition ranks has added to the sheen and glamour of the Teflon Modi imagery.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The NDA has come up as a cohesive election machinery. The opposition, conversely, is at each other’s throat in most states. Their antipathy for Modi has not helped them sink their differences.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The much-touted idea of Mahagathbandhan has fallen flat and Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears invincible as the second phase of polling comes to an end.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Some disgruntled party leaders like Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie, who have been strategising with the Congress chief Rahul Gandhi, wanted one joint opposition candidate against the NDA in all the 543 constituencies.</p>

<p>The so-called grand alliance is solely focused on stopping Modi at all costs. The template for this is nearly like the 1971 Grand Alliance pitched against Indira Gandhi. The then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s famous campaign lines were, “I want to remove poverty; they want to remove me”.</p>

<p>Little under five decades later, a similar situation has emerged in the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election — the only difference being that the protagonist of the new grand alliance now is Indira Gandhi’s grandson.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But it has failed to take off mainly because of the decline of the Congress as a central force and the reluctance of other opposition parties to accept Rahul Gandhi as their leader.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the past one year, Rahul had approached nearly all regional leaders mooting this idea. After the big show of opposition unity in Bengaluru in June 2018, the impression had gained ground that the Congress was stooping to conquer.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The euphoria, however, was shortlived. Ego clashes in the opposition ranks came to the surface in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra and three Congress-ruled states in the north.&nbsp;</p>

<p>For the Mahagathbandhan, each state presented a conflicting picture, as each party wanted to maximise their gain and expand at the expense of the Congress.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Senior opposition leaders like N Chandrababu Naidu in Andhra, Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal, Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav in UP were unwilling to play second fiddle to the Congress president.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In Andhra, the attempt failed because of the humiliating defeat of the Congress-TDP alliance in Telangana in the December Assembly elections.</p>

<p>Leaders like Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao in Telangana, Naveen Patnaik in Orissa and Jagmohan Reddy of YSR Congress in Andhra, were keener on a federal front, which is yet to take shape.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In Uttar Pradesh, which sends the largest contingent of MPs to the Lok Sabha, Mayawati and Akhilesh formed a tie-up without so much as accommodating the Congress. &nbsp;</p>

<p>This irritated the Congress and the party decided to stage a counteroffensive by projecting Priyanka Vadra and launching a desperate campaign in at least two dozen constituencies, putting up formidable candidates.</p>

<p>The Congress was able to work out respectable partnerships only in Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Bihar.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In Tamil Nadu and Bihar, it is the junior partner while in Maharashtra, it is at the mercy of Sharad Pawar’s NCP, which has a history of hobnobbing with the BJP.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Congress and the CPM attempted a tie-up in West Bengal but failed. The same seems to be the case in Haryana, Punjab and Delhi, where its talks with the AAP are still hazy.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Rahul Gandhi’s decision to also contest from Wayanad in Kerala, a minority- dominated, backward constituency in Kerala, has spoiled his chemistry with the Left. Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has accused him of fighting the Left, “after trying to stop Modi all these years”.&nbsp;</p>

<p>BSP supremo Mayawati is piqued with Rahul Gandhi for failing to accommodate BSP in MP and Chhattisgarh in the December 2018 Assembly election. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The break down of negotiations with BSP on seat sharing in these states, sealed any chance of adjustment in UP in the Lok Sabha poll.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the end, there are at least a dozen contestants against Narendra Modi’s candidates in almost all the 543 Lok Sabha constituencies. Talk about post-poll adjustments are unconvincing. Voters want to know the alternative to Modi.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Congress strategy from the beginning was flawed. In their personal attacks, they only helped to project a larger than life image for the prime minister. Every time the opposition spoke of stopping Modi without offering a convincing governance agenda, it has looked power hungry. &nbsp;</p>

<p>This has helped invest Modi with the “underdog image”, gaining voters’ sympathy. &nbsp;</p>

<p>National security and the Balakot air strikes proved the defining moments. Modi stood for taking India forward, protecting it from Pak-sponsored terror and forces hostile to India. &nbsp;</p>

<p>As against this, the Congress manifesto, which offered repeal of AFSPA, the sedition law and expressed a pro-separatist stand on Jammu and Kashmir, has convinced the voter that Modi stood for a strong and united India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-there-is-no-alternative-to-narendra-modi-2741055">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em></p>


The Lok Sabha election of 2019 has become presidential. The campaign theme of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the opposition are both Modi-centric. The BJP’s election slogan is “phir ek bar Modi sarkar (Modi once again) ”.

The Lok Sabha election of 2019 has become presidential. The campaign theme of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the opposition are both Modi-centric. The BJP’s election slogan is “phir ek bar Modi sarkar (Modi once again) ”.The opposition has reinforced this thrust by launching a unifocal attack on the Prime Minister’s persona, and by trying to posit the Mahagathbandhan (grand alliance) as an anti-Modi front. The grand alliance has so far come a cropper, damaging the opposition plank and derailing its credibility. The election has been turned into a referendum on Modi; The absence of any towering pan-Indian personality in the opposition ranks has added to the sheen and glamour of the Teflon Modi imagery. The NDA has come up as a cohesive election machinery. The opposition, conversely, is at each other’s throat in most states. Their antipathy for Modi has not helped them sink their differences. The much-touted idea of Mahagathbandhan has fallen flat and Prime Minister Narendra Modi appears invincible as the second phase of polling comes to an end. Some disgruntled party leaders like Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie, who have been strategising with the Congress chief Rahul Gandhi, wanted one joint opposition candidate against the NDA in all the 543 constituencies. The so-called grand alliance is solely focused on stopping Modi at all costs. The template for this is nearly like the 1971 Grand Alliance pitched against Indira Gandhi. The then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s famous campaign lines were, “I want to remove poverty; they want to remove me”. Little under five decades later, a similar situation has emerged in the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election — the only difference being that the protagonist of the new grand alliance now is Indira Gandhi’s grandson. But it has failed to take off mainly because of the decline of the Congress as a central force and the reluctance of other opposition parties to accept Rahul Gandhi as their leader. In the past one year, Rahul had approached nearly all regional leaders mooting this idea. After the big show of opposition unity in Bengaluru in June 2018, the impression had gained ground that the Congress was stooping to conquer. The euphoria, however, was shortlived. Ego clashes in the opposition ranks came to the surface in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra and three Congress-ruled states in the north. For the Mahagathbandhan, each state presented a conflicting picture, as each party wanted to maximise their gain and expand at the expense of the Congress. Senior opposition leaders like N Chandrababu Naidu in Andhra, Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal, Mayawati and Akhilesh Yadav in UP were unwilling to play second fiddle to the Congress president. In Andhra, the attempt failed because of the humiliating defeat of the Congress-TDP alliance in Telangana in the December Assembly elections. Leaders like Chief Minister K Chandrashekhar Rao in Telangana, Naveen Patnaik in Orissa and Jagmohan Reddy of YSR Congress in Andhra, were keener on a federal front, which is yet to take shape. In Uttar Pradesh, which sends the largest contingent of MPs to the Lok Sabha, Mayawati and Akhilesh formed a tie-up without so much as accommodating the Congress. This irritated the Congress and the party decided to stage a counteroffensive by projecting Priyanka Vadra and launching a desperate campaign in at least two dozen constituencies, putting up formidable candidates. The Congress was able to work out respectable partnerships only in Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Bihar. In Tamil Nadu and Bihar, it is the junior partner while in Maharashtra, it is at the mercy of Sharad Pawar’s NCP, which has a history of hobnobbing with the BJP. The Congress and the CPM attempted a tie-up in West Bengal but failed. The same seems to be the case in Haryana, Punjab and Delhi, where its talks with the AAP are still hazy. Rahul Gandhi’s decision to also contest from Wayanad in Kerala, a minority- dominated, backward constituency in Kerala, has spoiled his chemistry with the Left. Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has accused him of fighting the Left, “after trying to stop Modi all these years”. BSP supremo Mayawati is piqued with Rahul Gandhi for failing to accommodate BSP in MP and Chhattisgarh in the December 2018 Assembly election. The break down of negotiations with BSP on seat sharing in these states, sealed any chance of adjustment in UP in the Lok Sabha poll. In the end, there are at least a dozen contestants against Narendra Modi’s candidates in almost all the 543 Lok Sabha constituencies. Talk about post-poll adjustments are unconvincing. Voters want to know the alternative to Modi. The Congress strategy from the beginning was flawed. In their personal attacks, they only helped to project a larger than life image for the prime minister. Every time the opposition spoke of stopping Modi without offering a convincing governance agenda, it has looked power hungry. This has helped invest Modi with the “underdog image”, gaining voters’ sympathy. National security and the Balakot air strikes proved the defining moments. Modi stood for taking India forward, protecting it from Pak-sponsored terror and forces hostile to India. As against this, the Congress manifesto, which offered repeal of AFSPA, the sedition law and expressed a pro-separatist stand on Jammu and Kashmir, has convinced the voter that Modi stood for a strong and united India. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Narendra Modi stands tall and imposing during polls

As the 72-hour campaigning ban imposed on him by the Election Commission came to an end, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath Friday said that respect for constitutional bodies was part of the BJP's ideology.

IEW: Back from Ban, Yogi Adityanath Campaigns

While addressing rally in Gujarat Amit Shah hits out at Rahul Gandhi by saying that Rahul has not done anything for poor.

IEW: Parties begin Campaign for Phase 3

The voting for the second phase of 17th Lok Sabha elections underway across India today.

Kamal Haasan, P Chidambaram and Rajinikanth cast their votes in phase of Lok Sabha polls

Here's a look at key electoral battles in phase 2 of Lok Sabha polls.

Key electoral battles in phase 2 of Lok Sabha polls

<p>The world’s largest democratic election is already in the process. Around 900 million people are eligible to vote, 53 million for the first time. It is not only the 'largest democratic exercise' in history, but it is also among the world’s most expensive. The cost of ensuring democracy is increasing day by day. From 1951 to 2019 the expense per vote has increased many folds. One should not take it lightly while thinking about voting. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The irony of the matter lies in the fact that the Election Commission (EC) puts expenditure limit as only Rs. 50 lakh to 70 lakh per candidate to campaign for his/her election. The configuration of elections has changed post-independence. Now the mode of transport is no more the ‘Paidal Yatras’ but helicopters have taken over it. The mode of advertisements have also changed in this electronic age; now they have their own websites, blogs, Facebook pages and Twitter handle over the internet and a hefty sum is spent over them.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There’s no denying the fact that elections are an expensive affair in India. In 1952, Rs 10.45 crore was spent on conducting the first general election by the government. The expenditure was less than Rs 100 crore till the 8th general election in 1984-85.</p>

<p>The expenditure crossed Rs 500 crore for the first time during the 11th general election in 1996 and it crossed Rs 1000 crore during the 14th general election in 2004. In 2009 Lok Sabha polls, the cost to the exchequer was Rs 1114.4 crores. In 2014, Lok Sabha elections were most expensive entailing a cost of Rs 3870 crore to the national exchequer. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Regardless of the ubiquity of various offers and favours, a number of factors explain why campaigns are getting more expensive.&nbsp;</p>

<p>First, a slow and steady increase in the size of various constituencies may play a major role. By March 2019, the voter size in the country already swelled by a record-breaking number of 52.6 million. This increase is because of the post-Millennia’s — the ones born at the dawn of the 21st century. They have come of age at a crucial time and no political party can afford to ignore. Simply, increasing populations require candidates to spend more. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Secondly, in the new age of electronic media, there are changes in campaigning strategies. While radio and television have emerged as the preferred traditional media platform, all political parties have gone beyond it this year. A series of amusing videos, which entered into people's screens through WhatsApp and YouTube, which increase the cost of the campaigning. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Thirdly, and most importantly, a steady rise in the number of candidates and competition has sparked a race in campaign spending. &nbsp;<br />
<br />
<strong>How to reduce the cost of elections:</strong></p>

<p>To reduce the overall cost of conducting the election, we should think about One Nation One Election. The basic idea behind this concept is to conduct a single election for the Lok Sabha, the State Legislatures and the local governments in place of series of elections done regularly over a period of time. This concept is increasingly growing popular within India as many eminent political leaders have put forth their views over its application within India, which includes Narendra Modi (Prime Minister of India), former President of India Pranab Mukherjee and also Ram Nath Kovind (President of India).<br />
<br />
In Indian democracy, the number of candidates has been increased, political competition has also increased and the cost of campaigning has also amplified. ‘One Nation One Election’ is a much-awaited policy, which after implementation shall completely change the electoral scenario in India. Hence for this general election, vote wisely to safeguard the democratic process in India.&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(The article is co-authored by Meenakshi. She is currently pursuing a PhD&nbsp;in Political Science from Amity University)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em><br />
&nbsp;</p>


The world’s largest democratic election is already in the process. Around 900 million people are eligible to vote, 53 million for the first time. It is not only the 'largest democratic exercise' in history, but it is also among the world’s most expensive.

The world’s largest democratic election is already in the process. Around 900 million people are eligible to vote, 53 million for the first time. It is not only the 'largest democratic exercise' in history, but it is also among the world’s most expensive. The cost of ensuring democracy is increasing day by day. From 1951 to 2019 the expense per vote has increased many folds. One should not take it lightly while thinking about voting.  The irony of the matter lies in the fact that the Election Commission (EC) puts expenditure limit as only Rs. 50 lakh to 70 lakh per candidate to campaign for his/her election. The configuration of elections has changed post-independence. Now the mode of transport is no more the ‘Paidal Yatras’ but helicopters have taken over it. The mode of advertisements have also changed in this electronic age; now they have their own websites, blogs, Facebook pages and Twitter handle over the internet and a hefty sum is spent over them. There’s no denying the fact that elections are an expensive affair in India. In 1952, Rs 10.45 crore was spent on conducting the first general election by the government. The expenditure was less than Rs 100 crore till the 8th general election in 1984-85. The expenditure crossed Rs 500 crore for the first time during the 11th general election in 1996 and it crossed Rs 1000 crore during the 14th general election in 2004. In 2009 Lok Sabha polls, the cost to the exchequer was Rs 1114.4 crores. In 2014, Lok Sabha elections were most expensive entailing a cost of Rs 3870 crore to the national exchequer. Regardless of the ubiquity of various offers and favours, a number of factors explain why campaigns are getting more expensive. First, a slow and steady increase in the size of various constituencies may play a major role. By March 2019, the voter size in the country already swelled by a record-breaking number of 52.6 million. This increase is because of the post-Millennia’s — the ones born at the dawn of the 21st century. They have come of age at a crucial time and no political party can afford to ignore. Simply, increasing populations require candidates to spend more. Secondly, in the new age of electronic media, there are changes in campaigning strategies. While radio and television have emerged as the preferred traditional media platform, all political parties have gone beyond it this year. A series of amusing videos, which entered into people's screens through WhatsApp and YouTube, which increase the cost of the campaigning. Thirdly, and most importantly, a steady rise in the number of candidates and competition has sparked a race in campaign spending. How to reduce the cost of elections: To reduce the overall cost of conducting the election, we should think about One Nation One Election. The basic idea behind this concept is to conduct a single election for the Lok Sabha, the State Legislatures and the local governments in place of series of elections done regularly over a period of time. This concept is increasingly growing popular within India as many eminent political leaders have put forth their views over its application within India, which includes Narendra Modi (Prime Minister of India), former President of India Pranab Mukherjee and also Ram Nath Kovind (President of India). In Indian democracy, the number of candidates has been increased, political competition has also increased and the cost of campaigning has also amplified. ‘One Nation One Election’ is a much-awaited policy, which after implementation shall completely change the electoral scenario in India. Hence for this general election, vote wisely to safeguard the democratic process in India. (The article is co-authored by Meenakshi. She is currently pursuing a PhD in Political Science from Amity University) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: 'One nation, one election' will help India reduce the poll expenses

<p>As the second phase of the Lok Sabha election started today, actor and politician Kamal Haasan was seen with daughter Shruti as they became early voters in Tamil Nadu.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The father-daughter duo was seen in a queue in the morning today outside a booth in Chennai. Shruti got up pretty early and tweeted to her fans urging them to use their constitutional right and vote today. Read her tweet here:&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Today is the day !! Vote because it matters !</p>
— shruti haasan (@shrutihaasan) <a href="https://twitter.com/shrutihaasan/status/1118671051720810496?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">April 18, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Shruthi and Kamal Sir voted ..... <a href="https://t.co/PjysA4SCXB">pic.twitter.com/PjysA4SCXB</a></p>
— GOKUL BHARATH (@iamgokulbarath) <a href="https://twitter.com/iamgokulbarath/status/1118719001696145408?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">April 18, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>The two also featured in her Instagram posts after they exercised their right. In one, Shruti showed her ink stain while in another she posed a pretty picture with father.&nbsp;</p>

<p>See the photos here:</p>

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<p style=" margin:8px 0 0 0; padding:0 4px;"><a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BwYUfMHhHxn/?utm_source=ig_embed&amp;utm_medium=loading" style=" color:#000; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none; word-wrap:break-word;" target="_blank">VOTING DAY !!! Proud of you my dear father @ikamalhaasan 🖤 I’m on my way to vote, are you ? 🔦 #bigday</a></p>

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<p style=" margin:8px 0 0 0; padding:0 4px;"><a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BwYePR2hJjI/?utm_source=ig_embed&amp;utm_medium=loading" style=" color:#000; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none; word-wrap:break-word;" target="_blank">Vote for the change you want to see ! #everyvotecounts</a></p>

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<p>She wrote: "Vote for the change you want to see!"</p>

<p>Kamal Haasan has entered politics by forming a new party Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) that is debuting in the election. He has put up candidates in all 39 Lok Sabha seats and the bypolls as well, hoping to make a dent in the vote share.</p>

<p>This is the first major election in Tamil Nadu after the death of towering personalities of state politics, DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa.</p>


As the second phase of the Lok Sabha election started today, actor and politician Kamal Haasan was seen with daughter Shruti as they became early voters in Tamil Nadu.

As the second phase of the Lok Sabha election started today, actor and politician Kamal Haasan was seen with daughter Shruti as they became early voters in Tamil Nadu. The father-daughter duo was seen in a queue in the morning today outside a booth in Chennai. Shruti got up pretty early and tweeted to her fans urging them to use their constitutional right and vote today. Read her tweet here: Today is the day !! Vote because it matters ! — shruti haasan (@shrutihaasan) April 18, 2019 × Shruthi and Kamal Sir voted ..... pic.twitter.com/PjysA4SCXB — GOKUL BHARATH (@iamgokulbarath) April 18, 2019 × The two also featured in her Instagram posts after they exercised their right. In one, Shruti showed her ink stain while in another she posed a pretty picture with father. See the photos here: View this post on Instagram VOTING DAY !!! Proud of you my dear father @ikamalhaasan 🖤 I’m on my way to vote, are you ? 🔦 #bigday A post shared by @ shrutzhaasan on Apr 17, 2019 at 7:23pm PDT × View this post on Instagram Vote for the change you want to see ! #everyvotecounts A post shared by @ shrutzhaasan on Apr 17, 2019 at 8:49pm PDT × She wrote: "Vote for the change you want to see!" Kamal Haasan has entered politics by forming a new party Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) that is debuting in the election. He has put up candidates in all 39 Lok Sabha seats and the bypolls as well, hoping to make a dent in the vote share. This is the first major election in Tamil Nadu after the death of towering personalities of state politics, DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa.

Lok Sabha elections: Superstar Kamal Haasan, daughter Shruti pose vote selfies

A unique story of patriotism & dedication came into light from Assam’s Karimganj. A 116-year-old man is all set for Lok Sabha elections 2019. Mahmud Ali never misses a chance to vote and even encourages his family to use their ‘right’ properly.

116-year-old man is all set for Lok Sabha elections 2019

<p>These are elections times. This appears that unprecedented dirt-digging has been a key feature of this election.</p>

<p>The Rafale saga goes on unending. We have had the very credibility of EVMs being challenged and proved baseless. Still, the Honourable Supreme Court's interventions prescribed the safeguard of VVPAT being benchmarked. Not satisfied with this, some political stakeholders have asked for 50% verification of EVM votes through VVPAT. Does it betray an agenda? I believe it does.</p>

<p>Further, the content of the campaign indeed has also been not just divisive but also unchaste and acrimonious, with star campaigners being brought from across the border.</p>

<p>Each of these may have adverse consequences for the future government in power. Let us see how?</p>

<p><strong>Structure of the election machinery</strong></p>

<p>First, let us get the structure right. Constitutionally, the Election Commission of India is an independent and autonomous body vested with the superintendence and oversight of the elections. Elections are conducted through an instrumentality of state governments. Each state government has a Chief Electoral Officer. District Magistrates and Collectors are the returning officers of the designated constituency covered by their districts.</p>

<p>Further, the incumbency of compiling the electoral rolls is with the state electoral officers. The logistics for the elections are provided by the state government. The number of electors in each booth is the domain of the state government. How many voters shall vote in a particular booth is solely the domain of the state government. It could be anything between 500 to 1200, depending on the number of voters and resource and space availability, etc.&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, as a ballpark figure based on the time-motion study, each voter in the normal circumstance is accorded approximately 3 minutes for voting after s/he reports to the booth, and this does not include the time spent in long queues.</p>

<p><strong>Effect of increasing VVPAT samples</strong></p>

<p>If VVPAT is insisted on and the sample size is increased, each such VVPAT procedure increases the time required for a voter to approximately 7 minutes. This will delay and dilate the pace of voting. Given the unprecedented voting percentages in certain areas in the first phase, the insistence on increasing the VVPAT sample is an attempt to adversely affect the voting percentage. The political stakeholders can play mischief by intervening to delay the voting percentage in booths which do not have their strengths.</p>

<p><strong>Unpleasant statements</strong></p>

<p>Now let me share some of the statements made by stakeholders. At the outset, let us take the case of Mayawati's direct appeal to voters of a particular community. Indeed, it was not in good taste. Rightly, the Election Commission of India intervened and banned her from campaigning for 48 hours. This concurrently happened with the Chief Minister of UP Yogiji referring to the Muslim League with not-so-kind words. It was appropriate that he too was reprimanded and sanctioned by Election Commission of India with a ban for 72 hours.</p>

<p>Similarly, we had Maneka Gandhi, a Union Minister, giving the ABCD paradigm. my personal view is that there was nothing wrong in this. I don't hold any brief for Maneka Gandhi. But this is common in many democracies. Elected representatives always pander to their strengths. There are examples of this in many countries. After all, it is the voter who choses, and has the overriding right to an extension of support on public utilities from his elected representative.&nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Absolutely unacceptable</strong></p>

<p>But what took the cake is the unparliamentary utterances of Azam Khan against his co-contestant, a woman. Such condemnable remarks should have attracted exemplary sanctions, But he too was sanctioned with a 72-hour ban.</p>

<p>On the issue of this sanction, his son has audaciously stated that Azam Khan and Mayawati are reprimanded because they are Muslim and Dalit respectively. I also hear that Navjot Singh Sidhu has again sought votes on communal lines from a particular community, which is also unpardonable should attract sanctions.</p>

<p>Bangladeshi campaigners</p>

<p>Another interesting episode comes to light. It has come to light that two Bangladeshi artists have been found campaigning for TMC candidates in West Bengal. This is fraught with dangerous consequences. Being an border state with huge flux of illegal immigration, human trafficking happening through its borders, this is an unacceptable situation in West Bengal.</p>

<p>Ironically, Mr Basu, the Additional Chief Electoral Officer in West Bengal, has informed that the Representation of People Act does not proscribe foreigners from campaigning in Indian elections.</p>

<p>Let us get it right, the draftsmen of the RP Act never envisaged that foreigners will be called into the campaign, and that they trusted the political parties with a benchmark of integrity. Further, from a legal perspective, the golden rule is that when specific legislation does not cover illegality, then the general criminal provisions relating to that offence shall cover that.</p>

<p>This is corroborated by the fact that several provisions of the Indian Penal Code have been dovetailed in the Election Manual, as may be confirmed from Election Commission's website.</p>

<p>Going by the spirit of this, the conditions of the visa, whatever be the category of visas of these artists, is that the visiting foreigners cannot interfere in matters of state and sovereignty in the host country. Participation in elections campaign is surely an act covered under this condition.</p>

<p><strong>Home Ministry intervened and Bangladesh government as well</strong><br />
<br />
The Ministry of Home Affairs should have immediately cancelled their visas and deported them, and such an action would have been legitimate and not have been prejudicial to the ongoing electoral process. Instead, the MHA sought a report from FRRO of the state, who is again an officer of the state government, whose ruling dispensation these two artists were supporting.</p>

<p>Let me clear any doubts here that the Foreigner Regional Registration Officer of the state is under the state police, except for Delhi, where there is a separate FRRO. The report will either not come or the content of the report can be easily foreseen. However, as per last the report has come that the Ministry of Home Affairs had, relying upon the report from the Bureau of Immigration, cancelled the visa and given a leave-India notice to these two artists.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Concurrently, it is reported that the Bangladeshi High Commission also did a more professional job by warning these artists and asking them to report their mission office is Kolkata for further deportation.</p>

<p><strong>The denigrating election process in foreign lands</strong><br />
<br />
On an earlier occasion too we have had such instances, not of the same content but all the same denigrating Indian elections processes and institutions. The so-called EVM efficacy test was conducted in UK is still fresh in public memory. But, may I also flag your memory that Salman Khurshid, before 2014 general elections, had made statements in the UK denigrating the overarching trend of the Election Commission and Supreme Court. But these are games in which political stakeholders play and although unacceptable, it is still expected.</p>

<p><strong>Alleged petitions by occupational groups</strong><br />
<br />
What has been more unprecedented in this election is the fake petitions floating on social media that several groups with professional and occupational affinity appealing not to vote for A or B party.</p>

<p>First, we had some 600 artists of Bollywood who signed an appeal not to vote for Narendra Modi. Later on, it was reported that some of the artists included in the list of signatories denied it. Later, another fake petition alleged to have been sent to the President of India by retired officers of the defence forces. The list again included names of former Army Chief, Air Force Chief, etc, who have publicly denied it. Yesterday, I received a message on Whatsapp that "A group of bureaucrats &amp; defence officers will make a representation to the President".&nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Fraught with dangerous consequences</strong><br />
<br />
Such tendencies are fraught with danger for the security and economy of the country. It can be with the objective of derailing the economic strides, avenge Pulwama or tearing the social fabric to shreds.</p>

<p>The question to the readers is, who is behind all this? Who is vitiating the poll atmosphere? Is it an evil design to manipulate the electoral process, which has stood the test of time over all these years. The nation seeks answers.</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/many-undesirable-dangerous-trends-in-2019-lok-sabha-elections-2196324.html">original article)</a></em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em></p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


These are elections times. This appears that unprecedented dirt-digging has been a key feature of this election. The Rafale saga goes on unending. We have had the very credibility of EVMs being challenged and proved baseless.

These are elections times. This appears that unprecedented dirt-digging has been a key feature of this election. The Rafale saga goes on unending. We have had the very credibility of EVMs being challenged and proved baseless. Still, the Honourable Supreme Court's interventions prescribed the safeguard of VVPAT being benchmarked. Not satisfied with this, some political stakeholders have asked for 50% verification of EVM votes through VVPAT. Does it betray an agenda? I believe it does. Further, the content of the campaign indeed has also been not just divisive but also unchaste and acrimonious, with star campaigners being brought from across the border. Each of these may have adverse consequences for the future government in power. Let us see how? Structure of the election machinery First, let us get the structure right. Constitutionally, the Election Commission of India is an independent and autonomous body vested with the superintendence and oversight of the elections. Elections are conducted through an instrumentality of state governments. Each state government has a Chief Electoral Officer. District Magistrates and Collectors are the returning officers of the designated constituency covered by their districts. Further, the incumbency of compiling the electoral rolls is with the state electoral officers. The logistics for the elections are provided by the state government. The number of electors in each booth is the domain of the state government. How many voters shall vote in a particular booth is solely the domain of the state government. It could be anything between 500 to 1200, depending on the number of voters and resource and space availability, etc. However, as a ballpark figure based on the time-motion study, each voter in the normal circumstance is accorded approximately 3 minutes for voting after s/he reports to the booth, and this does not include the time spent in long queues. Effect of increasing VVPAT samples If VVPAT is insisted on and the sample size is increased, each such VVPAT procedure increases the time required for a voter to approximately 7 minutes. This will delay and dilate the pace of voting. Given the unprecedented voting percentages in certain areas in the first phase, the insistence on increasing the VVPAT sample is an attempt to adversely affect the voting percentage. The political stakeholders can play mischief by intervening to delay the voting percentage in booths which do not have their strengths. Unpleasant statements Now let me share some of the statements made by stakeholders. At the outset, let us take the case of Mayawati's direct appeal to voters of a particular community. Indeed, it was not in good taste. Rightly, the Election Commission of India intervened and banned her from campaigning for 48 hours. This concurrently happened with the Chief Minister of UP Yogiji referring to the Muslim League with not-so-kind words. It was appropriate that he too was reprimanded and sanctioned by Election Commission of India with a ban for 72 hours. Similarly, we had Maneka Gandhi, a Union Minister, giving the ABCD paradigm. my personal view is that there was nothing wrong in this. I don't hold any brief for Maneka Gandhi. But this is common in many democracies. Elected representatives always pander to their strengths. There are examples of this in many countries. After all, it is the voter who choses, and has the overriding right to an extension of support on public utilities from his elected representative. Absolutely unacceptable But what took the cake is the unparliamentary utterances of Azam Khan against his co-contestant, a woman. Such condemnable remarks should have attracted exemplary sanctions, But he too was sanctioned with a 72-hour ban. On the issue of this sanction, his son has audaciously stated that Azam Khan and Mayawati are reprimanded because they are Muslim and Dalit respectively. I also hear that Navjot Singh Sidhu has again sought votes on communal lines from a particular community, which is also unpardonable should attract sanctions. Bangladeshi campaigners Another interesting episode comes to light. It has come to light that two Bangladeshi artists have been found campaigning for TMC candidates in West Bengal. This is fraught with dangerous consequences. Being an border state with huge flux of illegal immigration, human trafficking happening through its borders, this is an unacceptable situation in West Bengal. Ironically, Mr Basu, the Additional Chief Electoral Officer in West Bengal, has informed that the Representation of People Act does not proscribe foreigners from campaigning in Indian elections. Let us get it right, the draftsmen of the RP Act never envisaged that foreigners will be called into the campaign, and that they trusted the political parties with a benchmark of integrity. Further, from a legal perspective, the golden rule is that when specific legislation does not cover illegality, then the general criminal provisions relating to that offence shall cover that. This is corroborated by the fact that several provisions of the Indian Penal Code have been dovetailed in the Election Manual, as may be confirmed from Election Commission's website. Going by the spirit of this, the conditions of the visa, whatever be the category of visas of these artists, is that the visiting foreigners cannot interfere in matters of state and sovereignty in the host country. Participation in elections campaign is surely an act covered under this condition. Home Ministry intervened and Bangladesh government as well The Ministry of Home Affairs should have immediately cancelled their visas and deported them, and such an action would have been legitimate and not have been prejudicial to the ongoing electoral process. Instead, the MHA sought a report from FRRO of the state, who is again an officer of the state government, whose ruling dispensation these two artists were supporting. Let me clear any doubts here that the Foreigner Regional Registration Officer of the state is under the state police, except for Delhi, where there is a separate FRRO. The report will either not come or the content of the report can be easily foreseen. However, as per last the report has come that the Ministry of Home Affairs had, relying upon the report from the Bureau of Immigration, cancelled the visa and given a leave-India notice to these two artists. Concurrently, it is reported that the Bangladeshi High Commission also did a more professional job by warning these artists and asking them to report their mission office is Kolkata for further deportation. The denigrating election process in foreign lands On an earlier occasion too we have had such instances, not of the same content but all the same denigrating Indian elections processes and institutions. The so-called EVM efficacy test was conducted in UK is still fresh in public memory. But, may I also flag your memory that Salman Khurshid, before 2014 general elections, had made statements in the UK denigrating the overarching trend of the Election Commission and Supreme Court. But these are games in which political stakeholders play and although unacceptable, it is still expected. Alleged petitions by occupational groups What has been more unprecedented in this election is the fake petitions floating on social media that several groups with professional and occupational affinity appealing not to vote for A or B party. First, we had some 600 artists of Bollywood who signed an appeal not to vote for Narendra Modi. Later on, it was reported that some of the artists included in the list of signatories denied it. Later, another fake petition alleged to have been sent to the President of India by retired officers of the defence forces. The list again included names of former Army Chief, Air Force Chief, etc, who have publicly denied it. Yesterday, I received a message on Whatsapp that "A group of bureaucrats & defence officers will make a representation to the President". Fraught with dangerous consequences Such tendencies are fraught with danger for the security and economy of the country. It can be with the objective of derailing the economic strides, avenge Pulwama or tearing the social fabric to shreds. The question to the readers is, who is behind all this? Who is vitiating the poll atmosphere? Is it an evil design to manipulate the electoral process, which has stood the test of time over all these years. The nation seeks answers. (This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Many undesirable, dangerous trends in 2019 Lok Sabha elections

<p>Every election season witnesses politicians making objectionable remarks against their rivals, and every poll season has the Election Commission of India warning the offenders and reminding them of the code of conduct. On a few occasion the poll panel ‘acts’ by banning the accused from conducting or attending poll meetings for a few days. After that, it’s back to normal. So, why do politicians make comments that are violative of the Code of Conduct? Not only that, why do they use offensive words that are also against basic norms of civility?&nbsp;</p>

<p>The first reason is to do with the toothlessness of the Election Commission of India. If it finds some remark adversarial to the Model Code&nbsp;of Conduct, it can take two steps: Warn the accused, or bar him from campaigning. The second usually follows after the first. On paper, it can even debar a candidate from contesting, but that’s rare. Bal Thackeray had been disqualified from contesting elections for six years after he was found guilty of appealing to religious sentiments on behalf of a Shiv Sena leader in the 1987 Maharashtra Assembly elections. But that was after the court stepped in and Section 123 (3) of the Representation of the People Act was invoked. The Election Commission of India has often pointed out that its orders are usually non-binding in nature and that the Code of Conduct must be made legally binding to check objectionable content during poll campaigning. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The poll panel’s helplessness has only emboldened the political class. Already, in the course of the ongoing poll campaign, various offensive remarks have been made by leaders ranging from one end of the political spectrum to another. The Election Commission of India sought details of these statements but seemed to be taking its own time, leading the Supreme Court to step in and said, “Mr Election Commission, you have to act very promptly. You cannot drag matters like this. Get into action immediately.” &nbsp;</p>

<p>Thus prompted, the poll panel swung into action and placed restrictions on a bunch of leaders — Mayawati, Yogi Adityanath, Azam Khan, Maneka Gandhi. They were barred from addressing rallies for periods ranging from 48 hours to 72 hours. Expectedly, the affected leaders cried foul, claiming they had done no wrong.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But even within the restrictions, it is fettered with, the poll panel can be at least a bit more effective. As Chief Election Commissioner, TN Seshan had managed to curb offensive speeches in the 1990s through a mix of dire threats against such offence and action on the ground. He expressed his resolve to cancel or postpone elections in case the candidates failed to adhere to the code.&nbsp;</p>

<p>His warnings had the desired impact, though it did not fully stamp out the practice, especially when it came to appealing to religious sentiments.&nbsp;</p>

<p>It is ironical that various politicians flout a code of conduct which they themselves contributed to framing. The set of norms which comprise the Model Conduct of Conduct had been created through a consensus among political parties which agreed to abide by it. There are eight parts to the code, each dealing with different aspects of the norms to be followed by parties and candidates during poll campaigning. They are: Guidelines on poll manifestos; steps that the party in power should take; observers that the poll panel appoints; entry into polling booths; rules to be followed on polling day; organisation of processions; conduct of meetings; and, general conduct. The last one covers a range of dos and don’t, such as refraining from appealing to caste or religion to attract votes or using corrupt means, avoiding personal or private criticism of rivals and instead limiting criticism to policies or programmes, and not resorting to any activity which “may aggravate existing differences or create mutual hatred or cause tension between different castes and communities, religious or linguistic”. &nbsp;The code comes into effect from the day poll dates are announced.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The code of conduct is in keeping with Article 324 of the Constitution of India, which gives the Election Commission of India the power to supervise elections to Parliament and state legislatures. The code was first introduced back in 1960 in the Kerala Assembly elections, and then in the 1962 general elections. Over the years, it has evolved with experience and feedback from political parties. In 1979, a provision to regulate the party in power was introduced; in 2013, on directions of the Apex Court, the poll panel added a section on guidelines concerning election manifestos to ensure that the documents did not offer objectionable material.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Given that the fact that the Model Code of Conduct is not enforceable by law, aggrieved parties have to fall back on various others legal provisions in the Indian Penal Code, Code of Criminal procedure and the Representation of the People Act, to get justice. But the process is time-consuming, and a verdict is more likely than not, to come after polling is done and even results are out. In a report on electoral reforms, the Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice had recommended the inclusion of the model code of conduct into the Representation of the People Act, for effective redressal. The time has come to give the Election Commission more teeth.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em></p>


Every election season witnesses politicians making objectionable remarks against their rivals, and every poll season has the Election Commission of India warning the offenders and reminding them of the code of conduct.

Every election season witnesses politicians making objectionable remarks against their rivals, and every poll season has the Election Commission of India warning the offenders and reminding them of the code of conduct. On a few occasion the poll panel ‘acts’ by banning the accused from conducting or attending poll meetings for a few days. After that, it’s back to normal. So, why do politicians make comments that are violative of the Code of Conduct? Not only that, why do they use offensive words that are also against basic norms of civility? The first reason is to do with the toothlessness of the Election Commission of India. If it finds some remark adversarial to the Model Code of Conduct, it can take two steps: Warn the accused, or bar him from campaigning. The second usually follows after the first. On paper, it can even debar a candidate from contesting, but that’s rare. Bal Thackeray had been disqualified from contesting elections for six years after he was found guilty of appealing to religious sentiments on behalf of a Shiv Sena leader in the 1987 Maharashtra Assembly elections. But that was after the court stepped in and Section 123 (3) of the Representation of the People Act was invoked. The Election Commission of India has often pointed out that its orders are usually non-binding in nature and that the Code of Conduct must be made legally binding to check objectionable content during poll campaigning. The poll panel’s helplessness has only emboldened the political class. Already, in the course of the ongoing poll campaign, various offensive remarks have been made by leaders ranging from one end of the political spectrum to another. The Election Commission of India sought details of these statements but seemed to be taking its own time, leading the Supreme Court to step in and said, “Mr Election Commission, you have to act very promptly. You cannot drag matters like this. Get into action immediately.” Thus prompted, the poll panel swung into action and placed restrictions on a bunch of leaders — Mayawati, Yogi Adityanath, Azam Khan, Maneka Gandhi. They were barred from addressing rallies for periods ranging from 48 hours to 72 hours. Expectedly, the affected leaders cried foul, claiming they had done no wrong. But even within the restrictions, it is fettered with, the poll panel can be at least a bit more effective. As Chief Election Commissioner, TN Seshan had managed to curb offensive speeches in the 1990s through a mix of dire threats against such offence and action on the ground. He expressed his resolve to cancel or postpone elections in case the candidates failed to adhere to the code. His warnings had the desired impact, though it did not fully stamp out the practice, especially when it came to appealing to religious sentiments. It is ironical that various politicians flout a code of conduct which they themselves contributed to framing. The set of norms which comprise the Model Conduct of Conduct had been created through a consensus among political parties which agreed to abide by it. There are eight parts to the code, each dealing with different aspects of the norms to be followed by parties and candidates during poll campaigning. They are: Guidelines on poll manifestos; steps that the party in power should take; observers that the poll panel appoints; entry into polling booths; rules to be followed on polling day; organisation of processions; conduct of meetings; and, general conduct. The last one covers a range of dos and don’t, such as refraining from appealing to caste or religion to attract votes or using corrupt means, avoiding personal or private criticism of rivals and instead limiting criticism to policies or programmes, and not resorting to any activity which “may aggravate existing differences or create mutual hatred or cause tension between different castes and communities, religious or linguistic”. The code comes into effect from the day poll dates are announced. The code of conduct is in keeping with Article 324 of the Constitution of India, which gives the Election Commission of India the power to supervise elections to Parliament and state legislatures. The code was first introduced back in 1960 in the Kerala Assembly elections, and then in the 1962 general elections. Over the years, it has evolved with experience and feedback from political parties. In 1979, a provision to regulate the party in power was introduced; in 2013, on directions of the Apex Court, the poll panel added a section on guidelines concerning election manifestos to ensure that the documents did not offer objectionable material. Given that the fact that the Model Code of Conduct is not enforceable by law, aggrieved parties have to fall back on various others legal provisions in the Indian Penal Code, Code of Criminal procedure and the Representation of the People Act, to get justice. But the process is time-consuming, and a verdict is more likely than not, to come after polling is done and even results are out. In a report on electoral reforms, the Standing Committee on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice had recommended the inclusion of the model code of conduct into the Representation of the People Act, for effective redressal. The time has come to give the Election Commission more teeth. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Campaign ban on Mayawati, Maneka, Azam, Yogi: Election Commission needs more teeth to tackle poll code violations