After Mamata Banerjee, another Opposition's warrior has stepped up&nbsp;efforts to unite anti-BJP forces ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019.

Over the past few weeks, Naidu met several opposition leaders and gave some brazen statements against the ruling party. He said that it's the responsibility of opposition leaders to defeat the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and save the democracy.

Most importantly, Naidu dropped his 'non-Congress Third Front' plank and met party president Rahul Gandhi. Both the leaders stressed on the need for Opposition unity to save the nation. They maintained it's a democratic compulsion for the TDP and Congress to come together setting aside their differences.

Furthermore, Naidu also met West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, National Conference chief Farooq Abdullah, NCP chief Sharad Pawar, former prime minister HD Deve Gowda, his son and chief minister of Karnataka HD Kumaraswamy and DMK chief MK Stalin to put up united face against the BJP.

Asserting that the nation is under threat, the TDP chief has convened a meeting of the Opposition leaders in December to discuss future strategies to defeat the BJP in 2019 elections.

Naidu had pulled out of the NDA in March this year over the Centre's refusal to grant special status to Andhra Pradesh.

A few days ago, Mamata Banerjee was running from pillar to post to unite the opposition, but now Chandrababu Naidu is racing ahead of her. However, they both are in sync with each other to achieve their common goal - demolishing BJP.

The two interlocutors - Naidu and Mamata, have been trying to stitch an anti-BJP alliance for quite some time now. They have made communalism, attack on institutions like RBI, CBI and economic crisis under the NDA-rule as main grounds to garner the support of the Opposition parties.&nbsp;

The 'Third Front' could be a definite possibility in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and several state elections prove it quite clearly. In Uttar Pradesh bypolls, Samajwadi Party, backed by the BSP, defeated the BJP in Phulpur and Gorakhpur constituency. &nbsp;

In 2018 Karnataka Assembly elections, the Saffron party met a similar fate when Congress and JD(S) formed a coalition government in the state despite BJP emerging as the single largest party.&nbsp;

Moreover, in the recent Karnataka bypolls, the ruling coalition - JDS-Congress stunned BJP by winning both the Assembly seats and two of the three Lok Sabha seats. This came as a morale booster for the Opposition in the run-up to 2019 Assembly elections.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, in another significant development, PDP, with the support of Congress and National Conference, has staked claim to form the government in Jammu and Kashmir. This is an important realignment of political forces in the state wherein NC and PDP have set aside their rivalry to take on the BJP.

It seems there is no competition among the opposition leaders for declaring the face of Opposition (at least for now). Acting wisely, Naidu has chosen to go along with Mamata Banerjee on this, and after a round of talks both the leaders announced - "Everyone will be the face of Mahagathbandhan."

Senior Opposition leaders like Sharad Pawar, Farooq Abdullah have authorised Naidu to speak to various state leaders to bring all anti-BJP forces together. The TDP chief has reportedly assured them of convincing Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati to become part of the 'Grand Secular Alliance' against the saffron party.

Currently, there is no credible alternative leader to lead the pack of anti-BJP forces. With major Opposition parties singing in chorus against the BJP, 'Third Front' is no more a distant dream.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

After Mamata Banerjee, another Opposition's warrior has stepped up efforts to unite anti-BJP forces ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019. Over the past few weeks, Naidu met several opposition leaders and gave some brazen statements against the ruling party.

After Mamata Banerjee, another Opposition's warrior has stepped up efforts to unite anti-BJP forces ahead of Lok Sabha elections 2019. Over the past few weeks, Naidu met several opposition leaders and gave some brazen statements against the ruling party. He said that it's the responsibility of opposition leaders to defeat the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and save the democracy. Most importantly, Naidu dropped his 'non-Congress Third Front' plank and met party president Rahul Gandhi. Both the leaders stressed on the need for Opposition unity to save the nation. They maintained it's a democratic compulsion for the TDP and Congress to come together setting aside their differences. Furthermore, Naidu also met West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee, National Conference chief Farooq Abdullah, NCP chief Sharad Pawar, former prime minister HD Deve Gowda, his son and chief minister of Karnataka HD Kumaraswamy and DMK chief MK Stalin to put up united face against the BJP. Asserting that the nation is under threat, the TDP chief has convened a meeting of the Opposition leaders in December to discuss future strategies to defeat the BJP in 2019 elections. Naidu had pulled out of the NDA in March this year over the Centre's refusal to grant special status to Andhra Pradesh. A few days ago, Mamata Banerjee was running from pillar to post to unite the opposition, but now Chandrababu Naidu is racing ahead of her. However, they both are in sync with each other to achieve their common goal - demolishing BJP. The two interlocutors - Naidu and Mamata, have been trying to stitch an anti-BJP alliance for quite some time now. They have made communalism, attack on institutions like RBI, CBI and economic crisis under the NDA-rule as main grounds to garner the support of the Opposition parties. The 'Third Front' could be a definite possibility in 2019 Lok Sabha elections and several state elections prove it quite clearly. In Uttar Pradesh bypolls, Samajwadi Party, backed by the BSP, defeated the BJP in Phulpur and Gorakhpur constituency. In 2018 Karnataka Assembly elections, the Saffron party met a similar fate when Congress and JD(S) formed a coalition government in the state despite BJP emerging as the single largest party. Moreover, in the recent Karnataka bypolls, the ruling coalition - JDS-Congress stunned BJP by winning both the Assembly seats and two of the three Lok Sabha seats. This came as a morale booster for the Opposition in the run-up to 2019 Assembly elections. Meanwhile, in another significant development, PDP, with the support of Congress and National Conference, has staked claim to form the government in Jammu and Kashmir. This is an important realignment of political forces in the state wherein NC and PDP have set aside their rivalry to take on the BJP. It seems there is no competition among the opposition leaders for declaring the face of Opposition (at least for now). Acting wisely, Naidu has chosen to go along with Mamata Banerjee on this, and after a round of talks both the leaders announced - "Everyone will be the face of Mahagathbandhan." Senior Opposition leaders like Sharad Pawar, Farooq Abdullah have authorised Naidu to speak to various state leaders to bring all anti-BJP forces together. The TDP chief has reportedly assured them of convincing Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati to become part of the 'Grand Secular Alliance' against the saffron party. Currently, there is no credible alternative leader to lead the pack of anti-BJP forces. With major Opposition parties singing in chorus against the BJP, 'Third Front' is no more a distant dream. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Chandrababu Naidu - Opposition's trump card to unite anti-BJP forces

WION Exclusive: In conversation with BJP president Amit Shah

A large swathe of India is now governed by the BJP alone or in coalition with its allies. The biggest victory for the BJP in state elections was undoubtedly the landslide win in Uttar Pradesh in 2017. Since then the BJP has struggled to replicate that success. In Gujarat elections held in December 2017, the BJP won the election with a much narrower margin. However, in Karnataka elections earlier this year, the BJP despite trying every hook and trick in the book failed to dislodge the Congress which remains in government in coalition with JD(S).&nbsp;

Since then the BJP has lost several bypolls (both Lok Sabha and Assembly) in multiple states. It has looked increasingly desperate and lacking in the innovation and ability to re-endear itself to the voter. &nbsp;The overexposure of ‘Brand Modi’ coupled with the oversaturation of the public’s mind with Modi-centric messaging and campaigns seem to have led to people’s disenchantment with the central government. The most recent Lok Sabha bypolls in Karnataka where BJP lost its stronghold of Bellary by a margin of more than two lakh votes shows the extent to which people are disillusioned with the saffron party’s unkempt promise of ‘Ache Din’. &nbsp;It has also given a further boost to the idea of a united opposition’s ability to take on the BJP in the 2019 elections.&nbsp;

Notwithstanding the fact that the Congress could not ally with the BSP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, opposition unity remains a distinct possibility for the Lok Sabha elections this year. The BJP’s principal opposition party in these states is the Congress. In both Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, the BJP is facing a huge anti-incumbency factor and its national leadership was under massive pressure from state units to fight alone instead of ceding space to other parties. 
 
In Chhattisgarh where one round of voting is over, and the second round takes place today, early surveys show that the electorate has voted for ‘Badlav’. It remains to be seen whether this Badlav will mean a Congress sweep or a Karnataka style Congress in an alliance (with Ajit Jogi and Mayawati who are fighting this election together). It is this innate longing for change that the Congress and a united opposition are banking on. In Rajasthan, the contest is heavily skewed against the incumbent BJP government. It is only in MP that the Congress, riven by factionalism, still looks unsure. However, here too the widespread discontentment with Shivraj –led BJP government could give the Congress just enough edge over the BJP. It is for the Congress to convert the desire for change into electoral victory.&nbsp;

It is being speculated that the lack of a credible and universally acceptable face is one of the main weaknesses of the proposed Mahagathbandhan; that a faceless opposition will not be able to take on the popularity and charisma of Brand Modi. It’s hard to disagree completely with this view as it quite likely that 2019 elections will be a contest between personalities: Prime Minister Modi on the NDA side and Rahul Gandhi from the Congress- UPA&nbsp;side. 
 
If that indeed turns out to be true then Gandhi with his unproven track record in government and the considerable baggage of Congress will not pass muster. Undoubtedly, an opposition with a universally acceptable face would have been a better bet but the lack of one gives it an opportunity to avoid a personality contest and instead emphasise the democratic nature of the Mahagathbandhan.&nbsp;

Therefore, it is only an opposition with a broadly shared understanding, region-wise local leaders and strategic vote-pooling can take on an opponent like Prime Minister Modi and the BJP.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

A large swathe of India is now governed by the BJP alone or in coalition with its allies. The biggest victory for the BJP in state elections was undoubtedly the landslide win in Uttar Pradesh in 2017.

A large swathe of India is now governed by the BJP alone or in coalition with its allies. The biggest victory for the BJP in state elections was undoubtedly the landslide win in Uttar Pradesh in 2017. Since then the BJP has struggled to replicate that success. In Gujarat elections held in December 2017, the BJP won the election with a much narrower margin. However, in Karnataka elections earlier this year, the BJP despite trying every hook and trick in the book failed to dislodge the Congress which remains in government in coalition with JD(S). Since then the BJP has lost several bypolls (both Lok Sabha and Assembly) in multiple states. It has looked increasingly desperate and lacking in the innovation and ability to re-endear itself to the voter. The overexposure of ‘Brand Modi’ coupled with the oversaturation of the public’s mind with Modi-centric messaging and campaigns seem to have led to people’s disenchantment with the central government. The most recent Lok Sabha bypolls in Karnataka where BJP lost its stronghold of Bellary by a margin of more than two lakh votes shows the extent to which people are disillusioned with the saffron party’s unkempt promise of ‘Ache Din’. It has also given a further boost to the idea of a united opposition’s ability to take on the BJP in the 2019 elections. Notwithstanding the fact that the Congress could not ally with the BSP in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, opposition unity remains a distinct possibility for the Lok Sabha elections this year. The BJP’s principal opposition party in these states is the Congress. In both Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, the BJP is facing a huge anti-incumbency factor and its national leadership was under massive pressure from state units to fight alone instead of ceding space to other parties. In Chhattisgarh where one round of voting is over, and the second round takes place today, early surveys show that the electorate has voted for ‘Badlav’. It remains to be seen whether this Badlav will mean a Congress sweep or a Karnataka style Congress in an alliance (with Ajit Jogi and Mayawati who are fighting this election together). It is this innate longing for change that the Congress and a united opposition are banking on. In Rajasthan, the contest is heavily skewed against the incumbent BJP government. It is only in MP that the Congress, riven by factionalism, still looks unsure. However, here too the widespread discontentment with Shivraj –led BJP government could give the Congress just enough edge over the BJP. It is for the Congress to convert the desire for change into electoral victory. It is being speculated that the lack of a credible and universally acceptable face is one of the main weaknesses of the proposed Mahagathbandhan; that a faceless opposition will not be able to take on the popularity and charisma of Brand Modi. It’s hard to disagree completely with this view as it quite likely that 2019 elections will be a contest between personalities: Prime Minister Modi on the NDA side and Rahul Gandhi from the Congress- UPA side. If that indeed turns out to be true then Gandhi with his unproven track record in government and the considerable baggage of Congress will not pass muster. Undoubtedly, an opposition with a universally acceptable face would have been a better bet but the lack of one gives it an opportunity to avoid a personality contest and instead emphasise the democratic nature of the Mahagathbandhan. Therefore, it is only an opposition with a broadly shared understanding, region-wise local leaders and strategic vote-pooling can take on an opponent like Prime Minister Modi and the BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

What Opposition unity could mean for BJP

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday.

The state will have a total of 1,164 polling stations for the November 28 Assembly polls.

Along with the state armed police, 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) would also be deployed in critical polling stations and also in those at vulnerable locations, Zorammuana told PTI.

While the training for poll officials is on, the state election machinery is preparing to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls as was done in the past.

Meanwhile, poll campaign in the state is in full swing with candidates including Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, former chief minister and opposition MNF president Zoramthanga campaigning not only in their respective constituencies but also in other parts of the state.

Public meetings, joint platforms and door-to-door canvassing were being held in almost all the places.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday. The state will have a total of 1,164 polling stations for the November 28 Assembly polls. Along with the state armed police, 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) would also be deployed in critical polling stations and also in those at vulnerable locations, Zorammuana told PTI. While the training for poll officials is on, the state election machinery is preparing to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls as was done in the past. Meanwhile, poll campaign in the state is in full swing with candidates including Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, former chief minister and opposition MNF president Zoramthanga campaigning not only in their respective constituencies but also in other parts of the state. Public meetings, joint platforms and door-to-door canvassing were being held in almost all the places.

Election Commission identifies 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical'

Karnataka bypoll results have once again proven that the vote share of combined Opposition can defeat BJP easily. It has been a repeat of Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party wrested Phulpur and Gorakhpur from BJP.&nbsp;

Both BSP and SP were ideologically opposed to each other but votes at the time of the polls were transferred. Even in this case, JDS and Congress were able to transfer votes to each other.&nbsp;

The victory adds gravity to the idea of sensible state-level alliances against BJP throughout the country. There is no doubt that BJP has become the new Congress of Indian politics and all new axis would be organised against BJP the way socialist organised anti-Congress politics in the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. But there exists a lesson for both BJP and Congress Party.

The biggest problem for the Congress in the 1990s was its slowly reduced status in north India but it continued to fall prey to hubris that being the oldest and biggest party it will not go for alliances at the state level. On the other hand, BJP was the resurgent party and its problem was untouchability.&nbsp;

Times were changing quickly. Congress which used to be untouchable for the Opposition was becoming okay for the third front after Babri Masjid demolition. BJP was able to break its marginalisation by getting through like-minded regional parties opposed to the Congress whereas Congress in both 1998 and 1999 continued to fight the election like a hegemon where both ego and size were mismatched. Vajpayee was able to stitch a coalition by 1998.

Congress had to do a BJP in 2004 wherein Sonia made smart tie-ups and UPA 1 came into power. Similarly, today BJP is suffering from a massive hubris.&nbsp;

Its expansion has taken place at the expense of its alliance partner. As of now, its focus is to break the partnership of the Opposition and forward the logic that there is no alternative.&nbsp;

The same reason - 'there is no alternative', was forwarded by Congress also when the party was in power, but that could not stop Deve Gowda and I K Gujral from becoming the Prime Ministers.

It is this inability of BJP like Congress of 1996 and 1998 that is likely to hurt the prospect of the party. There is always a limit to expansion. The Roman Empire expanded because of unbridled expansion. Congress collapsed because its leadership in the state was not in the sync with emerging intermediate castes who continue to compromise the core of regional parties today. For any political party, both cooperation and hegemony are required in equal measure.&nbsp;

Any loss of balance impacts that fortune of the party. The lesson for the BJP is that as it has discovered the power of number and hegemony, it will also need to understand the power of cooperation as in long run it helps you achieve far more than brute numbers.&nbsp;

Indira Gandhi, under whose leadership India played a vital role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and conducted Pokhran test in 1974, could not manage social coalition at the local level despite having numbers.

Congress, on the other hand, will benefit tactically by these alliances. It will build the confidence of the Congress to fight the Lok Sabha elections by cooperating with the regional parties but it will, unlike BJP, need to focus on rebuilding its hegemony. Without basic core hegemony, Congress will not be taken seriously by the regional players. So, victory is sweet but it cannot be the long-term goal of the Congress Party as electoral victories at cost of the organisation will devour the party itself.

What one will have to see is whether state-level alliances be able to stop the heady mix of religion and nationalism which BJP has adopted to fight the Lok Sabha elections. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Karnataka bypoll results have once again proven that the vote share of combined Opposition can defeat BJP easily. It has been a repeat of Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party wrested Phulpur and Gorakhpur from BJP.

Karnataka bypoll results have once again proven that the vote share of combined Opposition can defeat BJP easily. It has been a repeat of Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party wrested Phulpur and Gorakhpur from BJP. Both BSP and SP were ideologically opposed to each other but votes at the time of the polls were transferred. Even in this case, JDS and Congress were able to transfer votes to each other. The victory adds gravity to the idea of sensible state-level alliances against BJP throughout the country. There is no doubt that BJP has become the new Congress of Indian politics and all new axis would be organised against BJP the way socialist organised anti-Congress politics in the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. But there exists a lesson for both BJP and Congress Party. The biggest problem for the Congress in the 1990s was its slowly reduced status in north India but it continued to fall prey to hubris that being the oldest and biggest party it will not go for alliances at the state level. On the other hand, BJP was the resurgent party and its problem was untouchability. Times were changing quickly. Congress which used to be untouchable for the Opposition was becoming okay for the third front after Babri Masjid demolition. BJP was able to break its marginalisation by getting through like-minded regional parties opposed to the Congress whereas Congress in both 1998 and 1999 continued to fight the election like a hegemon where both ego and size were mismatched. Vajpayee was able to stitch a coalition by 1998. Congress had to do a BJP in 2004 wherein Sonia made smart tie-ups and UPA 1 came into power. Similarly, today BJP is suffering from a massive hubris. Its expansion has taken place at the expense of its alliance partner. As of now, its focus is to break the partnership of the Opposition and forward the logic that there is no alternative. The same reason - 'there is no alternative', was forwarded by Congress also when the party was in power, but that could not stop Deve Gowda and I K Gujral from becoming the Prime Ministers. It is this inability of BJP like Congress of 1996 and 1998 that is likely to hurt the prospect of the party. There is always a limit to expansion. The Roman Empire expanded because of unbridled expansion. Congress collapsed because its leadership in the state was not in the sync with emerging intermediate castes who continue to compromise the core of regional parties today. For any political party, both cooperation and hegemony are required in equal measure. Any loss of balance impacts that fortune of the party. The lesson for the BJP is that as it has discovered the power of number and hegemony, it will also need to understand the power of cooperation as in long run it helps you achieve far more than brute numbers. Indira Gandhi, under whose leadership India played a vital role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and conducted Pokhran test in 1974, could not manage social coalition at the local level despite having numbers. Congress, on the other hand, will benefit tactically by these alliances. It will build the confidence of the Congress to fight the Lok Sabha elections by cooperating with the regional parties but it will, unlike BJP, need to focus on rebuilding its hegemony. Without basic core hegemony, Congress will not be taken seriously by the regional players. So, victory is sweet but it cannot be the long-term goal of the Congress Party as electoral victories at cost of the organisation will devour the party itself. What one will have to see is whether state-level alliances be able to stop the heady mix of religion and nationalism which BJP has adopted to fight the Lok Sabha elections. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Karnataka bypoll results have a lesson for both BJP and Congress

Over 1,200 candidates will fight it out for 90 seats in the upcoming Chhattisgarh Assembly polls where besides the BJP and the Congress, smaller parties have also thrown their hat in the ring.

In the two-phase elections, voting for 18 seats spread across eight Left Wing Extremism (LWE) affected districts, will be held on November 12 and for the other 72 seats on November 20. The counting of votes will be held on December 11.

This time, the coalition between the Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), former chief minister Ajit Jogi's Janata Congress Chhattisgarh (J) and the Communist Party of India (CPI) has added another dimension to the electoral politics of Chhattisgarh, which has always been dominated by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the opposition Congress.

While 190 candidates are in the fray for the first phase of polls, 1,101 nominees will battle it out in the second phase of the state elections. 
After the deadline for withdrawal of nomination papers for the second phase of polls expired on Monday, 1,101 candidates are in the fray for 72 seats, a public relation officer at the office of state's Chief Electoral Officer here said.

As many as 2,655 nominations were filed for the second phase and of them, papers of 1,249 candidates were found valid after scrutiny. Of these, 148 candidates withdrew their nominations, leaving 1,101 aspirants for the polls on November 20, he said.

The deadline for withdrawal of nomination papers for the first phase of polls had ended on October 26.

With this, total 1,291 candidates are in fray now for the two-phase Chhattisgarh Assembly elections.

BJP state general secretary Santosh Pandey said his party has set a target to win 65 plus out of the total 90 seats this time and that they are "confident of achieving it".

"Booth-level workers have been asked to inform people about welfare schemes of the Centre and the state government and put in all their efforts to register victory for the fourth consecutive term," he said.&nbsp;

Chief of the state Congress communication wing Shailesh Nitin Trivedi also exuded confidence that his party will win the elections this time.

He said the Congress has fielded seniors as well as youth leaders to ensure victory.

"The party, during its campaign, has been highlighting the 15-year misrule of the Raman Singh government and reaching out to people. It is a well-planned strategy to win the election with a thumping majority," he added.

The first phase of voting will cover Antagarh, Bhanupratappur, Kanker, Kondagaon, Narayanpur, Bastar, Jagdalpur, Keshkal, Chitrakot, Dantewada, Bijapur, Konta, Khairagarh, Dongargarh, Rajnandgaon, Dongargaon, Khujji and Mohla-Manpur seats.

The highest number of 30 candidates will lock horns in the Rajnandgaon constituency, while the lowest number of five nominees will fight it out in Bastar and Kondagaon seats each.

The keenly-watched constituency will be Rajnandgaon, where Chief Minister Raman Singh of the ruling BJP and Congress candidate Karuna Shukla, niece of former prime minister late Atal Bihari Vajpayee, are in the fray.

Stakes are very high for the BJP on these 18 seats as it had lost 12 of them in the last polls in 2013.

In the last Assembly polls, of the total 90 seats, the BJP had won 49 seats, Congress 39, BSP 1 and independent 1.

Prominent candidates from the BJP for the November 20 polls include nine incumbent ministers - Brijmohan Agrawal (Raipur city south seat), Rajesh Munat (Raipur city west), Amar Agrawal (Bilaspur), Bhaiyyalal Rajwade (Baikunthpur), Ramsevak Paikra (Pratappur), Punnulal Mohile (Mungeli), Prem Prakash Pandey (Bhilai Nagar), Dayaldas Baghel (Nawagarh) and Ajay Chandrakar (Kurud) besides BJP state president Dharamlal Kaushik (Bilha). 
The key Congress candidates include its state chief Bhupesh Baghel (Patan), Leader of Opposition in the Assembly T S Singhdeo (Ambikapur), party MP from Durg Lok Sabha seat Tamradhwaj Sahu (Durg rural) and former Union minister Charandas Mahant (Shakti).

Besides, Ajit Jogi is contesting from Marwahi, his wife Renu Jogi from Kota while his daughter-in-law Richa Jogi is a BSP nominee from Akaltara seat. 
In the second phase, the highest number of 46 nominees will contest in the Raipur city south seat, while the lowest number of six will fight in the Bindranavagarh seat.

Of the 90 Assembly segments, 51 are general while 10 are reserved for Scheduled Castes and 29 for Scheduled Tribes.

As per the final electoral rolls, total 1,85,59,936 voters, including 92,95,301 males, 92,49,459 females and 1,059 third gender voters, will be exercising their franchise.

There are 19 constituencies where more than two ballot units will be used in the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) as more than 16 candidates are in the fray there.

Similarly, more than three ballot units will be used in three constituencies as over 32 candidates are contesting from there.

Over 1,200 candidates will fight it out for 90 seats in the upcoming Chhattisgarh Assembly polls where besides the BJP and the Congress, smaller parties have also thrown their hat in the ring.

Over 1,200 candidates will fight it out for 90 seats in the upcoming Chhattisgarh Assembly polls where besides the BJP and the Congress, smaller parties have also thrown their hat in the ring. In the two-phase elections, voting for 18 seats spread across eight Left Wing Extremism (LWE) affected districts, will be held on November 12 and for the other 72 seats on November 20. The counting of votes will be held on December 11. This time, the coalition between the Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), former chief minister Ajit Jogi's Janata Congress Chhattisgarh (J) and the Communist Party of India (CPI) has added another dimension to the electoral politics of Chhattisgarh, which has always been dominated by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the opposition Congress. While 190 candidates are in the fray for the first phase of polls, 1,101 nominees will battle it out in the second phase of the state elections. After the deadline for withdrawal of nomination papers for the second phase of polls expired on Monday, 1,101 candidates are in the fray for 72 seats, a public relation officer at the office of state's Chief Electoral Officer here said. As many as 2,655 nominations were filed for the second phase and of them, papers of 1,249 candidates were found valid after scrutiny. Of these, 148 candidates withdrew their nominations, leaving 1,101 aspirants for the polls on November 20, he said. The deadline for withdrawal of nomination papers for the first phase of polls had ended on October 26. With this, total 1,291 candidates are in fray now for the two-phase Chhattisgarh Assembly elections. BJP state general secretary Santosh Pandey said his party has set a target to win 65 plus out of the total 90 seats this time and that they are "confident of achieving it". "Booth-level workers have been asked to inform people about welfare schemes of the Centre and the state government and put in all their efforts to register victory for the fourth consecutive term," he said. Chief of the state Congress communication wing Shailesh Nitin Trivedi also exuded confidence that his party will win the elections this time. He said the Congress has fielded seniors as well as youth leaders to ensure victory. "The party, during its campaign, has been highlighting the 15-year misrule of the Raman Singh government and reaching out to people. It is a well-planned strategy to win the election with a thumping majority," he added. The first phase of voting will cover Antagarh, Bhanupratappur, Kanker, Kondagaon, Narayanpur, Bastar, Jagdalpur, Keshkal, Chitrakot, Dantewada, Bijapur, Konta, Khairagarh, Dongargarh, Rajnandgaon, Dongargaon, Khujji and Mohla-Manpur seats. The highest number of 30 candidates will lock horns in the Rajnandgaon constituency, while the lowest number of five nominees will fight it out in Bastar and Kondagaon seats each. The keenly-watched constituency will be Rajnandgaon, where Chief Minister Raman Singh of the ruling BJP and Congress candidate Karuna Shukla, niece of former prime minister late Atal Bihari Vajpayee, are in the fray. Stakes are very high for the BJP on these 18 seats as it had lost 12 of them in the last polls in 2013. In the last Assembly polls, of the total 90 seats, the BJP had won 49 seats, Congress 39, BSP 1 and independent 1. Prominent candidates from the BJP for the November 20 polls include nine incumbent ministers - Brijmohan Agrawal (Raipur city south seat), Rajesh Munat (Raipur city west), Amar Agrawal (Bilaspur), Bhaiyyalal Rajwade (Baikunthpur), Ramsevak Paikra (Pratappur), Punnulal Mohile (Mungeli), Prem Prakash Pandey (Bhilai Nagar), Dayaldas Baghel (Nawagarh) and Ajay Chandrakar (Kurud) besides BJP state president Dharamlal Kaushik (Bilha). The key Congress candidates include its state chief Bhupesh Baghel (Patan), Leader of Opposition in the Assembly T S Singhdeo (Ambikapur), party MP from Durg Lok Sabha seat Tamradhwaj Sahu (Durg rural) and former Union minister Charandas Mahant (Shakti). Besides, Ajit Jogi is contesting from Marwahi, his wife Renu Jogi from Kota while his daughter-in-law Richa Jogi is a BSP nominee from Akaltara seat. In the second phase, the highest number of 46 nominees will contest in the Raipur city south seat, while the lowest number of six will fight in the Bindranavagarh seat. Of the 90 Assembly segments, 51 are general while 10 are reserved for Scheduled Castes and 29 for Scheduled Tribes. As per the final electoral rolls, total 1,85,59,936 voters, including 92,95,301 males, 92,49,459 females and 1,059 third gender voters, will be exercising their franchise. There are 19 constituencies where more than two ballot units will be used in the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) as more than 16 candidates are in the fray there. Similarly, more than three ballot units will be used in three constituencies as over 32 candidates are contesting from there.

1,291 candidates in fray for high-octane Chhattisgarh polls

Didi has apparently learned from her mistakes in the recent past. The TMC supremo is eager to prove that she doesn't differentiate between Hindu and Muslims, Bengalis and Non-Bengalis.

TMC swept the West Bengal Panchayat elections in May and the BJP emerged as the main challenger to the party. The CPI-M was at the third position, while the Congress was literally wiped out.&nbsp;

On the one hand, BJP's performance worked as a morale booster for the Saffron party, and a wake-up call for the TMC on the other. Panchayat election was the last significant electoral event before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections and BJP has emerged as a strong player.

Mamata, accused of dividing people of the state on the religious lines to secure its vote bank, is trying to balance it out to avoid the backlash of the Hindu community.

Durga Puja&nbsp;

Last year, Banerjee drew massive criticism for her decision to impose restrictions on idol immersion during Durga Puja as it collided with Muharram. The Kolkata high court too slammed the state government for creating a divide between the two communities. “Let them (Hindus and Muslims) live in harmony, do not create a line between them," the court had observed.

To cover up the lapses, the chief minister, this year, announced a grant of Rs 28 Crore to 28,000 Puja committees across the state. This is not all. She also penned a theme song for a popular Durga Puja in the city.

The state government then also urged the Muslim community to avoid displaying weapons in processions during Muharram as this could hurt members of other communities.

Cyber War

To widen the use of social media in the run up for 2019 elections, Didi, last month, announced that her party will form a team of 30,000 'cyber sainiks' to counter BJP IT cell for their alleged vindictive politics.

Mamata said the warriors, without using any foul language, will take on the IT cell members of the BJP for their malicious attempts to defame TMC. According to reports, the warriors will respond to the BJP not just in Bengali but in Hindi as well.

BJP too is all set for the cyber war. Party chief Amit Shah and IT Cell head Amit Malviya met the IT cell members in Kolkata recently and reportedly asked them to take government's plans and policies to masses through social media.

TMC Hindi Wing&nbsp;

TMC has announced opening a Hindi wing in the party for a broader reach. Mamata also announced her desire to open a Hindu University in the state. This is again an effort by TMC to revamp its image and win the confidence of BJP's non-Bengali support base in the state.

Federal Front

Mamata Banerjee has been urging opposition parties to set aside their differences and come together to take on the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Leading the pack to unite the opposition, Mamata has announced a massive anti-BJP rally to be held in Kolkata in January, 2019.

She has also met leaders of regional and opposition parties as her efforts to stitch an anti-BJP alliance. Several top opposition leaders, like &nbsp;Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao and former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah, have already confirmed their presence.

TMC has also planned to invite BSP Supremo Mayawati, Samajwadi Party Chief Akhilesh Yadav, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Congress President Rahul Gandhi.&nbsp;

With all the above strategies, TMC is attempting to overhaul its image of being a party which indulges in minority appeasement and opportunistic politics.&nbsp;

To counter TMC's strategies, BJP has appointed Mukul Roy as the convener of the party's election management committee in West Bengal. Roy, who had quit the TMC to join BJP, is familiar with Mamata Banerjee's style of working.

Beginning December, the Saffron party will take out three Rath Yatras covering all the 42 parliamentary constituencies of the state. Through these Rath Yatras, the party also plans to reach out to the general people to garner support for Assam’s National Register of Citizens.

BJP is likely to score brownie points over TMC on NRC issue after Banerjee faced flak over her U-turn. Mamata, in 2005, had favoured NRC in West Bengal, claiming that the illegal immigrants in Bangladesh had spelt disaster for West Bengal.

However, this year she opposed the Assam’s National Register of Citizens.

West Bengal is crucial for the BJP for its growth in the Lok Sabha elections and the party is targetting at least 22 seats in the state. Meanwhile, TMC, confident of triggering a revolution by uniting the opposition to defeat the BJP in 2019, is putting its best efforts to maintain its stronghold in the state.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Didi has apparently learned from her mistakes in the recent past. The TMC supremo is eager to prove that she doesn't differentiate between Hindu and Muslims, Bengalis and Non-Bengalis.

Didi has apparently learned from her mistakes in the recent past. The TMC supremo is eager to prove that she doesn't differentiate between Hindu and Muslims, Bengalis and Non-Bengalis. TMC swept the West Bengal Panchayat elections in May and the BJP emerged as the main challenger to the party. The CPI-M was at the third position, while the Congress was literally wiped out. On the one hand, BJP's performance worked as a morale booster for the Saffron party, and a wake-up call for the TMC on the other. Panchayat election was the last significant electoral event before the upcoming Lok Sabha elections and BJP has emerged as a strong player. Mamata, accused of dividing people of the state on the religious lines to secure its vote bank, is trying to balance it out to avoid the backlash of the Hindu community. Durga Puja Last year, Banerjee drew massive criticism for her decision to impose restrictions on idol immersion during Durga Puja as it collided with Muharram. The Kolkata high court too slammed the state government for creating a divide between the two communities. “Let them (Hindus and Muslims) live in harmony, do not create a line between them," the court had observed. To cover up the lapses, the chief minister, this year, announced a grant of Rs 28 Crore to 28,000 Puja committees across the state. This is not all. She also penned a theme song for a popular Durga Puja in the city. The state government then also urged the Muslim community to avoid displaying weapons in processions during Muharram as this could hurt members of other communities. Cyber War To widen the use of social media in the run up for 2019 elections, Didi, last month, announced that her party will form a team of 30,000 'cyber sainiks' to counter BJP IT cell for their alleged vindictive politics. Mamata said the warriors, without using any foul language, will take on the IT cell members of the BJP for their malicious attempts to defame TMC. According to reports, the warriors will respond to the BJP not just in Bengali but in Hindi as well. BJP too is all set for the cyber war. Party chief Amit Shah and IT Cell head Amit Malviya met the IT cell members in Kolkata recently and reportedly asked them to take government's plans and policies to masses through social media. TMC Hindi Wing TMC has announced opening a Hindi wing in the party for a broader reach. Mamata also announced her desire to open a Hindu University in the state. This is again an effort by TMC to revamp its image and win the confidence of BJP's non-Bengali support base in the state. Federal Front Mamata Banerjee has been urging opposition parties to set aside their differences and come together to take on the BJP in 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Leading the pack to unite the opposition, Mamata has announced a massive anti-BJP rally to be held in Kolkata in January, 2019. She has also met leaders of regional and opposition parties as her efforts to stitch an anti-BJP alliance. Several top opposition leaders, like Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu, Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrashekar Rao and former Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Omar Abdullah, have already confirmed their presence. TMC has also planned to invite BSP Supremo Mayawati, Samajwadi Party Chief Akhilesh Yadav, Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan and Congress President Rahul Gandhi. With all the above strategies, TMC is attempting to overhaul its image of being a party which indulges in minority appeasement and opportunistic politics. To counter TMC's strategies, BJP has appointed Mukul Roy as the convener of the party's election management committee in West Bengal. Roy, who had quit the TMC to join BJP, is familiar with Mamata Banerjee's style of working. Beginning December, the Saffron party will take out three Rath Yatras covering all the 42 parliamentary constituencies of the state. Through these Rath Yatras, the party also plans to reach out to the general people to garner support for Assam’s National Register of Citizens. BJP is likely to score brownie points over TMC on NRC issue after Banerjee faced flak over her U-turn. Mamata, in 2005, had favoured NRC in West Bengal, claiming that the illegal immigrants in Bangladesh had spelt disaster for West Bengal. However, this year she opposed the Assam’s National Register of Citizens. West Bengal is crucial for the BJP for its growth in the Lok Sabha elections and the party is targetting at least 22 seats in the state. Meanwhile, TMC, confident of triggering a revolution by uniting the opposition to defeat the BJP in 2019, is putting its best efforts to maintain its stronghold in the state. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

How TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee plans to take on BJP in West Bengal