<p>India will face Kenya in their second game of the Intercontinental Cup 2018 in Mumbai on Monday.</p>

<p>After beating Chinese Taipei in their first game, India will be high on confidence and will be looking to continue their winning momentum in today's game.&nbsp</p>

<p>India won the match 5-0.</p>

<p>The top two teams in the points table will qualify for the final which will be played on June 10 in Mumbai.&nbsp</p>

<p>India’s match against Kenya will be special for Sunil Chhetri as the India captain will become the first India football player to play 100 international games.&nbsp</p>

<p>The team will once again pic hopes on their captain as he has scored 59 goals for his team in his career so far.&nbsp</p>

<p>Chhetri is the second Indian after former India captain Bhaichung Bhutia to achieve the feat.&nbsp</p>

<p>Bhutia, who represented the country from 1995 to 2011, played 104 international matches, scoring 40 goals.</p>

<p>This tournament is a big opportunity for India to get their bases covered ahead of the AFC Asian Cup 2019.&nbsp</p>

<p>Kenya, on the other hand, racked up a couple of strikes in their win, but they were also exposed at the back.&nbsp</p>

<p>Issues in defence should see them struggle against India, but they’ve scored in seven of their last eight games.&nbsp</p>


India will face Kenya in their second game of the Intercontinental Cup 2018 in Mumbai on Monday. After beating Chinese Taipei in their first game, India will be high on confidence and will be looking to continue their winning momentum in today's game. India won the match 5-0. The top two teams in the points table will qualify for the final which will be played on June 10 in Mumbai. India’s match against Kenya will be special for Sunil Chhetri as the India captain will become the first India football player to play 100 international games. The team will once again pic hopes on their captain as he has scored 59 goals for his team in his career so far. Chhetri is the second Indian after former India captain Bhaichung Bhutia to achieve the feat. Bhutia, who represented the country from 1995 to 2011, played 104 international matches, scoring 40 goals. This tournament is a big opportunity for India to get their bases covered ahead of the AFC Asian Cup 2019. Kenya, on the other hand, racked up a couple of strikes in their win, but they were also exposed at the back. Issues in defence should see them struggle against India, but they’ve scored in seven of their last eight games.

Intercontinental Cup 2018: All eyes on Chhetri as India face Kenya in Mumbai

<p>By <strong>Ambassador Macharia Kamau and Siddharth Chatterjee</strong>*</p>

<p>In April 2018, Commonwealth leaders met in a retreat at a royal residence in the English county of Berkshire and agreed on strategies to deepen trade in their 53-member organisation, improve security, tackle climate change, and work together for the betterment of the lives of the people of the Commonwealth. &nbsp;</p>

<p>During the Commonwealth Summit, Kenya received support for its plan to host a High Level Sustainable Blue Economy Conference scheduled to take place from 26-28th November 2018 in Nairobi. Under the theme Blue Economy and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the conference presents an opportune moment for advancing global conversation on both the productive and sustainable side of the blue economy. The conference will lay the case for a sustainable exploitation of the oceans, Seas, rivers and lakes for the economic empowerment of all communities.</p>

<p>Canada stepped forward as a co-host during bilateral talks between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau at Lancaster House, London, on the margins of the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting. "Our meeting gives us an opportunity to speak about the great relationship between Kenya and Canada. Canada is pleased with the excellent conference on the blue economy you are hosting and is ready to partner with you," said Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.</p>

<p>Africa’s economies have continued to post remarkable growth rates, largely driven by the richness of its land-based natural resources. Yet even though 38 of the continent’s 54 states are coastal and 90% of its trade is sea-borne, Africa’s blue potential remains largely untapped. The African Great Lakes constitute the largest proportion of surface freshwater in the world and it is easy to see why the African Union refers to the Blue Economy as the "New Frontier of African Renaissance".</p>

<p>The potential of the blue economy in Africa is largely unexploited due to uneven focus on land as the most important factor of production. While Africa is endowed with large water bodies, the communities living in close proximity to such lakes, seas and oceans in the continent are among the poorest in the region. The realisation of the limitations presented by land as a factor of production in the continent, especially in view of climate change, has necessitated governments and other stakeholders to focus on the immense potential for growth presented by the water resources. A good illustration of Africa’s maritime resources potential is the island nation of Mauritius, one of the smallest countries in the world, which has territorial waters the size of South Africa but has one of the strongest blue economies in Africa, ranking 3rd in per capita income in 2015.</p>

<p>Ironically, the narrative on the continent’s maritime space has for long veered towards the bad news on illegal harvesting, degradation, depletion and maritime insecurity. This narrative is changing gradually, with recent initiatives indicating that countries are looking at full exploitation and management of Africa’s Blue Economy as a potential source of wealth for the continent’s growing population. With forecasts placing the value of maritime-related activities at 2.5 trillion euros per year by 2020, the continent’s hidden treasure could catapult its fortunes.</p>

<p>Kenya is one of several African countries that are formulating strategies to mainstream the Blue Economy in national development plans. Broadly the sub-sectors of the blue economy in Kenya include fisheries & aquaculture, maritime transport & logistics services, extractive industries which include offshore mining of gas & oil, titanium, rare earth (niobium), and culture, tourism and leisure & lifestyle. In the past the country has largely focused on fisheries both for domestic and export markets - a sector that accounts for only about 0.5 per cent of GDP - yet Kenya has a maritime territory of 230,000 square kilometres and 200 nautical miles offshore.</p>

<p>The groundwork for regulatory and policy changes has started, with the Fisheries Management and Development Act 2016 and establishment of the Blue Economy Implementation Committee indicating the government’s intention to utilise its marine resources for economic growth while conserving the same for future generations. The government ban on single use plastic bags is another demonstration of commitment to ensuring plastic waste does not continue to threaten the environment, including marine life. There has also been a move to protect the coral reef, home to one of the world’s most diverse marine eco-systems. &nbsp;</p>

<p>As Africa enjoins itself to a paradigm shift to the blue economy, and looks for pathways towards being at the centre of global trade based on the Blue Economy, rather than just the supplier of unprocessed raw materials, among the greatest hurdles will be responsible management, so that the wealth generation is inclusive and ecologically sound. To achieve this, countries must importantly work on current conflicts that are driven by lack of demarcation of maritime and aquatic boundaries. This has been a constant source of tensions between neighbouring countries, not only threating any long-term investment considerations, but also leading to irresponsible use of resources.</p>

<p>With the potential gains from the Blue Economy, states have no option but to fast-track resolution of disputes and strengthen their maritime and riparian cooperation mechanisms. This will provide grounds for working on interstate economies of scale and develop strategies for bridging technical and infrastructure gaps among states.</p>

<p>In line with SDG 14, development of this sector must also promote social inclusion while ensuring environmental sustainability. In this respect, the continent owes special consideration to people living along the shores of oceans, lakes and rivers, essentially youth and women. The question of how this “new frontier” can address poverty reduction and hunger when leaving no one behind must be a central consideration.</p>

<p>Sadly, global citizens have already demonstrated considerable recklessness in managing land-based resources. The relatively untouched frontier of Blue Economy must be handled with the highest environmental stewardship and social responsibility.</p>

<p>Kenya and Canada are committed to this and the United Nations family is fully in support of this important initiative which could leapfrog Kenya’s and indeed the world’s economic growth.</p>

<p><em><strong>*(Ambassador Macharia Kamau is the Principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Kenya)<br />
(Siddharth Chatterjee is the UN Resident Coordinator and UNDP Resident Representative in Kenya.)</strong></em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


Africa’s economies have continued to post remarkable growth rates, largely driven by the richness of its land-based natural resources.

By Ambassador Macharia Kamau and Siddharth Chatterjee* In April 2018, Commonwealth leaders met in a retreat at a royal residence in the English county of Berkshire and agreed on strategies to deepen trade in their 53-member organisation, improve security, tackle climate change, and work together for the betterment of the lives of the people of the Commonwealth. During the Commonwealth Summit, Kenya received support for its plan to host a High Level Sustainable Blue Economy Conference scheduled to take place from 26-28th November 2018 in Nairobi. Under the theme Blue Economy and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the conference presents an opportune moment for advancing global conversation on both the productive and sustainable side of the blue economy. The conference will lay the case for a sustainable exploitation of the oceans, Seas, rivers and lakes for the economic empowerment of all communities. Canada stepped forward as a co-host during bilateral talks between President Uhuru Kenyatta and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau at Lancaster House, London, on the margins of the Commonwealth Heads of Government (CHOGM) meeting. "Our meeting gives us an opportunity to speak about the great relationship between Kenya and Canada. Canada is pleased with the excellent conference on the blue economy you are hosting and is ready to partner with you," said Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Africa’s economies have continued to post remarkable growth rates, largely driven by the richness of its land-based natural resources. Yet even though 38 of the continent’s 54 states are coastal and 90% of its trade is sea-borne, Africa’s blue potential remains largely untapped. The African Great Lakes constitute the largest proportion of surface freshwater in the world and it is easy to see why the African Union refers to the Blue Economy as the "New Frontier of African Renaissance". The potential of the blue economy in Africa is largely unexploited due to uneven focus on land as the most important factor of production. While Africa is endowed with large water bodies, the communities living in close proximity to such lakes, seas and oceans in the continent are among the poorest in the region. The realisation of the limitations presented by land as a factor of production in the continent, especially in view of climate change, has necessitated governments and other stakeholders to focus on the immense potential for growth presented by the water resources. A good illustration of Africa’s maritime resources potential is the island nation of Mauritius, one of the smallest countries in the world, which has territorial waters the size of South Africa but has one of the strongest blue economies in Africa, ranking 3rd in per capita income in 2015. Ironically, the narrative on the continent’s maritime space has for long veered towards the bad news on illegal harvesting, degradation, depletion and maritime insecurity. This narrative is changing gradually, with recent initiatives indicating that countries are looking at full exploitation and management of Africa’s Blue Economy as a potential source of wealth for the continent’s growing population. With forecasts placing the value of maritime-related activities at 2.5 trillion euros per year by 2020, the continent’s hidden treasure could catapult its fortunes. Kenya is one of several African countries that are formulating strategies to mainstream the Blue Economy in national development plans. Broadly the sub-sectors of the blue economy in Kenya include fisheries & aquaculture, maritime transport & logistics services, extractive industries which include offshore mining of gas & oil, titanium, rare earth (niobium), and culture, tourism and leisure & lifestyle. In the past the country has largely focused on fisheries both for domestic and export markets - a sector that accounts for only about 0.5 per cent of GDP - yet Kenya has a maritime territory of 230,000 square kilometres and 200 nautical miles offshore. The groundwork for regulatory and policy changes has started, with the Fisheries Management and Development Act 2016 and establishment of the Blue Economy Implementation Committee indicating the government’s intention to utilise its marine resources for economic growth while conserving the same for future generations. The government ban on single use plastic bags is another demonstration of commitment to ensuring plastic waste does not continue to threaten the environment, including marine life. There has also been a move to protect the coral reef, home to one of the world’s most diverse marine eco-systems. As Africa enjoins itself to a paradigm shift to the blue economy, and looks for pathways towards being at the centre of global trade based on the Blue Economy, rather than just the supplier of unprocessed raw materials, among the greatest hurdles will be responsible management, so that the wealth generation is inclusive and ecologically sound. To achieve this, countries must importantly work on current conflicts that are driven by lack of demarcation of maritime and aquatic boundaries. This has been a constant source of tensions between neighbouring countries, not only threating any long-term investment considerations, but also leading to irresponsible use of resources. With the potential gains from the Blue Economy, states have no option but to fast-track resolution of disputes and strengthen their maritime and riparian cooperation mechanisms. This will provide grounds for working on interstate economies of scale and develop strategies for bridging technical and infrastructure gaps among states. In line with SDG 14, development of this sector must also promote social inclusion while ensuring environmental sustainability. In this respect, the continent owes special consideration to people living along the shores of oceans, lakes and rivers, essentially youth and women. The question of how this “new frontier” can address poverty reduction and hunger when leaving no one behind must be a central consideration. Sadly, global citizens have already demonstrated considerable recklessness in managing land-based resources. The relatively untouched frontier of Blue Economy must be handled with the highest environmental stewardship and social responsibility. Kenya and Canada are committed to this and the United Nations family is fully in support of this important initiative which could leapfrog Kenya’s and indeed the world’s economic growth. *(Ambassador Macharia Kamau is the Principal Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Kenya) (Siddharth Chatterjee is the UN Resident Coordinator and UNDP Resident Representative in Kenya.) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Harnessing the blue economy must consider social inclusion and responsible stewardship

<p>US forces concluded a nine-day military exercise "Flintlock 2018" in Niger aimed at stopping the spread of extremist organizations in the continent.</p>

<p>Reuters quoted colonel Craig Miller, US Air Force special operations Command Africa, saying: "Under-governed spaces might provide an opportunity and certainly that's something that our African partners are concerned about and we are trying to assist them in understanding the human dynamics." &nbsp;</p>

<p>A multinational headquarters was put up&nbsp;in Agadez, Niger to set the exercise in motion which was attended by forces from Niger, Burkina Faso and Senegal.</p>

<p>"We are working by, with and through our African partners to build stability, to provide some training and to help them conduct operations against the violent extremist organizations that are operating inside their territory," Craig Miller told Reuters.</p>

<p>Two US soldiers were killed in Tongo last year after an ambush by Islamic State-linked organization.</p>

<p>The US has ramped up its presence in Niger in order to stop the extremist&nbsp;group from mushrooming in Africa where Islamic State, Boko Haram and AQUIM regularly hit civilian targets.</p>


The US has ramped up its presence in Niger in order to stop the extremist group from mushrooming in Africa where Islamic State, Boko Haram and AQUIM regularly hit civilian targets.

US forces concluded a nine-day military exercise "Flintlock 2018" in Niger aimed at stopping the spread of extremist organizations in the continent. Reuters quoted colonel Craig Miller, US Air Force special operations Command Africa, saying: "Under-governed spaces might provide an opportunity and certainly that's something that our African partners are concerned about and we are trying to assist them in understanding the human dynamics." A multinational headquarters was put up in Agadez, Niger to set the exercise in motion which was attended by forces from Niger, Burkina Faso and Senegal. "We are working by, with and through our African partners to build stability, to provide some training and to help them conduct operations against the violent extremist organizations that are operating inside their territory," Craig Miller told Reuters. Two US soldiers were killed in Tongo last year after an ambush by Islamic State-linked organization. The US has ramped up its presence in Niger in order to stop the extremist group from mushrooming in Africa where Islamic State, Boko Haram and AQUIM regularly hit civilian targets.

Watch: US army exercises in Africa aims to combat extremists

<p>A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya.&nbsp;</p>

<p>According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet.</p>

<p>Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents.</p>

<p>The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse.</p>

<p>News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects.</p>

<p>The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity.</p>

<p>However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years.</p>

<p>The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner.</p>

<p>Families living around has fled the area.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>


A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the RIft valley of South-western Kenya

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya. According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet. Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents. The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse. News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects. The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity. However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years. The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner. Families living around has fled the area.

Africa one day could split into two continents!

<p>At least 15 people have drowned and scores of families have been displaced across the Kenya nation during two days of heavy rainfall that caused flooding in urban and rural areas.</p>

<p>The flooding has caused the water to swept through the towns of Kenya.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Local media have stated reports of collapsed buildings and road collisions by floodwaters.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Besides the number&nbsp;of deaths, several families have also been displaced.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The government in Kenya has blamed the previous power accusing them of poor governance and for diverting funds meant to repair the capital&#39;s drainage system.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Metrological department in Kerala has predicted heavy rain&nbsp;for another five days.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The country had experienced severe drought months before.</p>

<p><br />
&nbsp;</p>


Besides the number of deaths, several families have also been displaced

At least 15 people have drowned and scores of families have been displaced across the Kenya nation during two days of heavy rainfall that caused flooding in urban and rural areas. The flooding has caused the water to swept through the towns of Kenya. Local media have stated reports of collapsed buildings and road collisions by floodwaters. Besides the number of deaths, several families have also been displaced. The government in Kenya has blamed the previous power accusing them of poor governance and for diverting funds meant to repair the capital's drainage system. The Metrological department in Kerala has predicted heavy rain for another five days. The country had experienced severe drought months before.

15 dead, several displaced in Kenya floods

<p>India&#39;s External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said Thursday that three Indian girls had been rescued from Kenya.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Swaraj said the girls were victims of an &quot;organised crime syndicated that indulged in trafficking of girls&quot;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>She added that seven Nepalese girls had also been rescued.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Swaraj said the girls&#39; passports and phones had been taken from them and that they were being held captive in Mombasa.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Swaraj added that the Indian girls had been flown back to the country, and that the ministry of external affairs was &quot;sharing details&quot; with the government of Punjab so that a case can be registered against the agents and other people involved in the trafficking.&nbsp;</p>

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
<p dir="ltr" lang="en">I appreciate the efforts of Ms.Suchitra Durai, Indian High Commissioner in Kenya. Our First Secretary Karan Yadav deserves a special mention. We thank the Kenyan Police for their help./3 <a href="https://twitter.com/IndiainKenya?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@IndiainKenya</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/capt_amarinder?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@capt_amarinder</a></p>
&mdash; Sushma Swaraj (@SushmaSwaraj) <a href="https://twitter.com/SushmaSwaraj/status/948765376816365569?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 4, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

<p>It is unclear when the girls were taken to Kenya.&nbsp;</p>


Swaraj said the girls, who have been flown back to India, were being held captive in Mombasa

India's External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said Thursday that three Indian girls had been rescued from Kenya. Swaraj said the girls were victims of an "organised crime syndicated that indulged in trafficking of girls". She added that seven Nepalese girls had also been rescued. Swaraj said the girls' passports and phones had been taken from them and that they were being held captive in Mombasa. Swaraj added that the Indian girls had been flown back to the country, and that the ministry of external affairs was "sharing details" with the government of Punjab so that a case can be registered against the agents and other people involved in the trafficking. I appreciate the efforts of Ms.Suchitra Durai, Indian High Commissioner in Kenya. Our First Secretary Karan Yadav deserves a special mention. We thank the Kenyan Police for their help./3 @IndiainKenya @capt_amarinder — Sushma Swaraj (@SushmaSwaraj) January 4, 2018 × It is unclear when the girls were taken to Kenya.

Have rescued 3 Indian girls from Kenya: Sushma Swaraj

<p>Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta was sworn-in for a second five-year term in front of a rapturous crowd on Tuesday as riot police sealed off an area where the opposition planned a rival gathering and teargassed people trying to reach it.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Kenyatta won a repeat presidential election on October 26 that was boycotted by opposition leader Raila Odinga, who said it would not be free and fair.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Supreme Court nullified the first presidential election, in August, over irregularities.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The extended election season has divided Kenya, a Western ally in a volatile region, and blunted growth in East Africa&#39;s richest economy.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Odinga&#39;s supporters, many drawn from poorer parts of the country, feel locked out of power and the patronage it brings.</p>

<p>Political arguments often have ethnic undercurrents, with Odinga&#39;s supporters pointing out that three of the country&#39;s four presidents have come from one ethnic group, although the country has 44 recognized groups.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But such arguments seemed far from the happy crowds at the celebration, who cheered wildly as Kenyatta was sworn into office and as he received a 21-gun salute.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;I ... do swear ... that I will always truly and diligently serve the people of the Republic of Kenya,&quot; Kenyatta said, his hand resting on a Bible.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Before he arrived, a military band in gold and blue uniforms serenaded heads of state from Somalia, Rwanda, Uganda, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Zambia and other nations as they arrived at the stadium where the ceremony took place.&nbsp;</p>

<p>More than 60,000 Kenyatta supporters, many clad in the red and yellow Jubilee party colours and carrying Kenyan flags, filled the stadium benches.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Thousands of others waited outside. Some, chafing at the restrictions, overwhelmed police and streamed in. Officers were forced to fire teargas to control them.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Burning Tyres</strong></p>

<p>Supporters of Kenyatta - who won with 98 percent of the vote after Odinga&#39;s boycott - was the opposition to engage in talks and move on.</p>

<p>&quot;I&#39;m sure Uhuru will be able to bring people together and unite them so we can all work for the country,&quot; said Eunice Jerobon, a trader who travelled overnight from the Rift Valley town of Kapsabet for the inauguration, before the disturbance.</p>

<p>But Odinga supporters say such talk of unity is tantamount to surrender. They accuse the ruling party of stealing the election, rampant corruption, directing abuse by the security forces and neglecting vast swathes of the country, including Odinga&#39;s heartland in the west.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;A return to the political backwardness of our past is more than unacceptable. It is intolerable ... This divide cannot be bridged by dialogue and compromise,&quot; Odinga`s National Super Alliance opposition alliance said in a statement.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The opposition planned to hold a prayer meeting in the capital on Tuesday, saying it wanted to commemorate the lives of Odinga supporters killed during confrontations with the security forces over the election period.&nbsp;</p>

<p>More than 70 people have been killed in political violence this election season, mostly by the police. Such killings are rarely investigated.</p>

<p>A Reuters team at the scene of the planned rally said the area had been sealed off by seven truckloads of police in riot gear. Two water cannons were standing by and a helicopter hovered overhead.</p>

<p>Police began firing teargas in nearby residential areas two hours before the rally was due to start, apparently attempting to prevent opposition supporters from gathering.</p>

<p>Several roads were blocked by burning tyres, rocks, glass and uprooted billboards. Police shot into the air to disperse anyone trying to gather.</p>

<p>But Dennis Onyango, a spokesman for Odinga, told Reuters on Tuesday morning they were still planning to hold the rally.&nbsp;</p>


Kenyatta won a repeat presidential election on October 26 that was boycotted by opposition leader Raila Odinga, who said it would not be free and fair

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta was sworn-in for a second five-year term in front of a rapturous crowd on Tuesday as riot police sealed off an area where the opposition planned a rival gathering and teargassed people trying to reach it. Kenyatta won a repeat presidential election on October 26 that was boycotted by opposition leader Raila Odinga, who said it would not be free and fair. The Supreme Court nullified the first presidential election, in August, over irregularities. The extended election season has divided Kenya, a Western ally in a volatile region, and blunted growth in East Africa's richest economy. Odinga's supporters, many drawn from poorer parts of the country, feel locked out of power and the patronage it brings. Political arguments often have ethnic undercurrents, with Odinga's supporters pointing out that three of the country's four presidents have come from one ethnic group, although the country has 44 recognized groups. But such arguments seemed far from the happy crowds at the celebration, who cheered wildly as Kenyatta was sworn into office and as he received a 21-gun salute. "I ... do swear ... that I will always truly and diligently serve the people of the Republic of Kenya," Kenyatta said, his hand resting on a Bible. Before he arrived, a military band in gold and blue uniforms serenaded heads of state from Somalia, Rwanda, Uganda, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Zambia and other nations as they arrived at the stadium where the ceremony took place. More than 60,000 Kenyatta supporters, many clad in the red and yellow Jubilee party colours and carrying Kenyan flags, filled the stadium benches. Thousands of others waited outside. Some, chafing at the restrictions, overwhelmed police and streamed in. Officers were forced to fire teargas to control them. Burning Tyres Supporters of Kenyatta - who won with 98 percent of the vote after Odinga's boycott - was the opposition to engage in talks and move on. "I'm sure Uhuru will be able to bring people together and unite them so we can all work for the country," said Eunice Jerobon, a trader who travelled overnight from the Rift Valley town of Kapsabet for the inauguration, before the disturbance. But Odinga supporters say such talk of unity is tantamount to surrender. They accuse the ruling party of stealing the election, rampant corruption, directing abuse by the security forces and neglecting vast swathes of the country, including Odinga's heartland in the west. "A return to the political backwardness of our past is more than unacceptable. It is intolerable ... This divide cannot be bridged by dialogue and compromise," Odinga`s National Super Alliance opposition alliance said in a statement. The opposition planned to hold a prayer meeting in the capital on Tuesday, saying it wanted to commemorate the lives of Odinga supporters killed during confrontations with the security forces over the election period. More than 70 people have been killed in political violence this election season, mostly by the police. Such killings are rarely investigated. A Reuters team at the scene of the planned rally said the area had been sealed off by seven truckloads of police in riot gear. Two water cannons were standing by and a helicopter hovered overhead. Police began firing teargas in nearby residential areas two hours before the rally was due to start, apparently attempting to prevent opposition supporters from gathering. Several roads were blocked by burning tyres, rocks, glass and uprooted billboards. Police shot into the air to disperse anyone trying to gather. But Dennis Onyango, a spokesman for Odinga, told Reuters on Tuesday morning they were still planning to hold the rally.

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta sworn-in for a second five-year term in front of a rapturous crowd

<p>Kenyan police fired teargas and clashed with both ruling party and opposition supporters Tuesday ahead of the swearing-in as president of Uhuru Kenyatta after two disputed polls that have left the nation deeply divided.</p>

<p>As foreign and local dignitaries poured into the 60,000-seat Kasarani stadium in Nairobi where the ceremony is to be held, the opposition attempted to gather for a &quot;memorial rally&quot; honouring the more than 50 people killed, mostly by police, in four months of political upheaval.</p>

<p>However, police fired volleys of teargas and beat opposition supporters, prompting running battles in the area, an AFP reporter said.</p>

<p>Meanwhile at the Kasarani stadium chaos erupted as a crowd attempted to force its way into the venue, prompting police to fire teargas at Kenyatta supporters who tried to fight their way in.</p>

<p>&quot;I just want to see President Uhuru Kenyatta because I voted for him, why are we being beaten like NASA (opposition),&quot; said Janet Wambua, who was among the angry crowd.</p>

<p>Joseph Irungu of the interior ministry planning committee had said there was space for 40,000 people who did not get in to watch the event on big screens outside the stadium. However, no such screens were provided, further angering the crowd.</p>

<p>Around 13 mostly African heads of state are expected to attend the ceremony where Kenyatta, 56, will be sworn in for his second and final five-year term.</p>

<p>These include the presidents of South Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Zambia, and Somalia - among others - while prime ministers, foreign ministers, and special envoys will represent other African nations, as well as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Ukraine and Serbia.</p>

<p><strong>Two elections and a historic court case&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>Kenyatta&#39;s inauguration comes after the Supreme Court validated his victory in last month&#39;s rerun poll.&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, the swearing-in may not draw a line under the country&#39;s political crisis with Odinga vowing to fight on.</p>

<p>The electoral strife goes back to an August 8 poll that was annulled in September by the Supreme Court, citing &quot;irregularities and illegalities&quot;.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The court ordered a rerun in October that was boycotted by the opposition, handing Kenyatta a landslide of 98 percent of votes cast by just 39 percent of the electorate.</p>

<p>The disputed election season has split the country along ethnic and regional lines, although political violence has not reached the scale of that which followed a 2007 poll when 1,100 were killed.</p>

<p>Odinga, denied the presidency for a fourth time this year, believes that he was cheated and the 72-year-old has refused to recognise the result.&nbsp;</p>

<p>He has promised to found a &quot;third republic&quot; - following independence from Britain in 1963 and a new constitution adopted in 2010 - as well as to continue a programme of protests and economic boycotts aimed at undermining Kenyatta&#39;s &quot;dictatorship&quot;.</p>

<p>The current political crisis draws on a deep well of social, ethnic and geographic grievances in the country of around 48 million people.</p>

<p>In areas loyal to Odinga, an ethnic Luo, there is a sense of having been ground down and discriminated against since independence, not least by Kenyatta&#39;s Kikuyu group, which has given Kenya three of its four presidents.</p>

<p>The months of disruption and unrest, plus the holding of two separate elections, have badly affected the economy, hitting the poorest hardest while leaving the wealthy political elites relatively unharmed.</p>


Chaos erupted as a crowd attempted to force its way into the venue, prompting police to fire teargas at Kenyatta supporters who tried to fight their way in

Kenyan police fired teargas and clashed with both ruling party and opposition supporters Tuesday ahead of the swearing-in as president of Uhuru Kenyatta after two disputed polls that have left the nation deeply divided. As foreign and local dignitaries poured into the 60,000-seat Kasarani stadium in Nairobi where the ceremony is to be held, the opposition attempted to gather for a "memorial rally" honouring the more than 50 people killed, mostly by police, in four months of political upheaval. However, police fired volleys of teargas and beat opposition supporters, prompting running battles in the area, an AFP reporter said. Meanwhile at the Kasarani stadium chaos erupted as a crowd attempted to force its way into the venue, prompting police to fire teargas at Kenyatta supporters who tried to fight their way in. "I just want to see President Uhuru Kenyatta because I voted for him, why are we being beaten like NASA (opposition)," said Janet Wambua, who was among the angry crowd. Joseph Irungu of the interior ministry planning committee had said there was space for 40,000 people who did not get in to watch the event on big screens outside the stadium. However, no such screens were provided, further angering the crowd. Around 13 mostly African heads of state are expected to attend the ceremony where Kenyatta, 56, will be sworn in for his second and final five-year term. These include the presidents of South Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Zambia, and Somalia - among others - while prime ministers, foreign ministers, and special envoys will represent other African nations, as well as Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Ukraine and Serbia. Two elections and a historic court case Kenyatta's inauguration comes after the Supreme Court validated his victory in last month's rerun poll. However, the swearing-in may not draw a line under the country's political crisis with Odinga vowing to fight on. The electoral strife goes back to an August 8 poll that was annulled in September by the Supreme Court, citing "irregularities and illegalities". The court ordered a rerun in October that was boycotted by the opposition, handing Kenyatta a landslide of 98 percent of votes cast by just 39 percent of the electorate. The disputed election season has split the country along ethnic and regional lines, although political violence has not reached the scale of that which followed a 2007 poll when 1,100 were killed. Odinga, denied the presidency for a fourth time this year, believes that he was cheated and the 72-year-old has refused to recognise the result. He has promised to found a "third republic" - following independence from Britain in 1963 and a new constitution adopted in 2010 - as well as to continue a programme of protests and economic boycotts aimed at undermining Kenyatta's "dictatorship". The current political crisis draws on a deep well of social, ethnic and geographic grievances in the country of around 48 million people. In areas loyal to Odinga, an ethnic Luo, there is a sense of having been ground down and discriminated against since independence, not least by Kenyatta's Kikuyu group, which has given Kenya three of its four presidents. The months of disruption and unrest, plus the holding of two separate elections, have badly affected the economy, hitting the poorest hardest while leaving the wealthy political elites relatively unharmed.

Teargas, chaos as Kenyatta to be sworn in for disputed second term

<p>Zimbabwe has a new leader. Robert Mugabe is out. His former ally turned rival, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is in. What now?</p>

<p>After ecstatic celebrations to mark Mugabe&rsquo;s resignation thoughts have begun to turn to what comes next. Mugabe may have exited the political scene, but it remains dominated by the same political party &ndash; Zanu-PF &ndash; that sustained his rule.</p>

<p>Moreover, the country&rsquo;s president-elect, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is hardly a breath of fresh air. Having held a series of cabinet positions under Mugabe, and served as First Vice President between December 2014 and his sacking in November 2017, he looks more like a force for continuity than change.</p>

<p>As a result, talk in Harare quickly turned to what kind of leader Mnangagwa will be, and the system of government that would best serve ordinary Zimbabweans.</p>

<p><strong>The fork in the road</strong></p>

<p>My conversations with people on the streets of the capital, Harare, about the political system the country needs suggests that two distinct camps are emerging: Those who want elections to be held as soon as possible, and those who say the polls should be postponed and a transitional government established.</p>

<p>Both of these options have genuine &ldquo;pros&rdquo; but also strong &ldquo;cons&rdquo;. As is so often the case, there is no perfect answer that solves all problems.</p>

<p>It is understandable that many Zimbabweans want a period of calm and orderly government after the twists and turns of recent weeks, and believe that it would be better to form an inclusive government that would feature representatives of all of the main political parties &ndash; a kind of power sharing in all but name.</p>

<p>Even though I have consistently argued in favour of the value of democracy and elections in Africa, I have to admit that the &ldquo;transitioners&rdquo; have some viable arguments.</p>

<p>The most obvious is that a period of stability and the more consensual government might facilitate much-needed reform of the economy and also the wider political and legal system. After all, rival parties are unlikely to come to an agreement on these issues if they are immediately thrust into an election campaign.</p>

<p>The &ldquo;transitioners&rdquo; also have a point when it comes to democracy. Few people in Zimbabwe believe that it&rsquo;s possible for elections to be free and fair if they are held between July and August next year, as currently scheduled. Given this, and the current divisions within the opposition, a rush to elections is likely to result in a convincing victory for Zanu-PF under problematic circumstances.</p>

<p>A transitional arrangement would allow for much needed electoral reforms to be put in place, creating the potential for a better quality process and a more consensual outcome later on.</p>

<p><strong>Testing the Crocodile</strong></p>

<p>But there is also another camp that wants to see Mnangagwa, popularly known as The Crocodile, to face an election as soon as possible.</p>

<p>Just like their counterparts in the &ldquo;transitioner&rdquo; camp, &ldquo;electioneers&rdquo;, have some strong arguments. Whatever one wants to call Mnangagwa&rsquo;s rise to power &ndash; from a coup to an internal party squabble &ndash; it is clear that it has not been a high-quality democratic transition. And while it is clear that the overthrow of Mugabe was hugely popular, we don&rsquo;t know if the same applies to a Mnangagwa presidency. An election would settle that question.</p>

<p>It would also give the new government a popular mandate to undertake economic reforms, whoever wins power. This could be important to the success of the reform project, because things are likely to get worse before they get better, and the country&rsquo;s economic medicine may prove to be a bitter pill to swallow.</p>

<p>Holding elections would also do one thing that postponing them will not; it will test the commitment of the new government to democratic norms and values from the get-go. One of the main reasons that Zimbabwean elections have been poor quality is that Zanu-PF and the military have intervened to make sure this was the case. As another friend put it, &ldquo;If they are really committed to doing the right thing, they can do it right away and the elections will not be too bad&rdquo;.</p>

<p><strong>Learning from the past</strong></p>

<p>&ldquo;Electioneers&rdquo; are also motivated by scepticism that an inclusive transitional government would get much done. Both Zimbabwe and Kenya have had power-sharing governments in the recent past, and while they both introduced new constitutions they also saw high levels of corruption and limited security sector reform. They also both led to elections that were denounced by opposition parties as being unfree and unfair.</p>

<p>It&rsquo;s fair to ask: why would it be different this time?</p>

<p>The question is particularly pertinent given the current composition of parliament. Because Morgan Tsvangirai&rsquo;s Movement for Democratic Change boycotted a series of by-elections on the basis that they would not be free and fair, it has lost many of the seats it won in 2013. As a result, any transitional arrangement that deferred elections and &ldquo;froze&rdquo; the current parliament for the next three years would have a big legislative advantage to Zanu-PF.</p>

<p>It is also important to keep in mind that economics cannot be divorced from politics: Zimbabwe&rsquo;s current economic difficulties stem precisely from an unaccountable political framework that ignored the interests of the people. Given that recent events have emboldened the military and given them an even stronger voice within government, this is a pressing concern.</p>

<p>Deferring electoral reforms in order to focus on economic recovery may, therefore, prove to be a self-defeating strategy.</p>

<p><strong>Next steps</strong></p>

<p>Ultimately, the form of government that evolves in Zimbabwe will not be a product of popular dialogue. One of the distinctive features of this process is that for the most part it has been conducted behind closed doors by a small elite.</p>

<p>Don&rsquo;t be fooled by the pictures of tens of thousands of people marching on Saturday &ndash; all sides have invoked popular support, but none have actually encouraged ordinary people to say what they want, or given them a seat at the table. This is a worrying sign if strengthening democracy is the long-term goal.</p>

<p>Recent public statements by the main parties at the time of going to press suggests that they are not converging on an interim administration, and so the &ldquo;electioneers&rdquo; may get their wish. That could still change because talks are ongoing and both sides would gain something from a delay. But if it doesn&rsquo;t the people will be able to have their say on how they want their country to be run.</p>

<p>Of course, voting will not actually equate to &ldquo;having a say&rdquo; unless the country&rsquo;s new leader follows through on his promise to build a &ldquo;new democracy&rdquo;, and the ruling party can kick the habit of a lifetime. Watch this space.</p>

<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/will-mnangagwa-usher-in-a-new-democracy-the-view-from-zimbabwe-88023" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)</em></p>


After the fall of autocratic ruler Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe faces a difficult choice between the stability of a transnational government or a potentially divisive election contest.

Zimbabwe has a new leader. Robert Mugabe is out. His former ally turned rival, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is in. What now? After ecstatic celebrations to mark Mugabe’s resignation thoughts have begun to turn to what comes next. Mugabe may have exited the political scene, but it remains dominated by the same political party – Zanu-PF – that sustained his rule. Moreover, the country’s president-elect, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is hardly a breath of fresh air. Having held a series of cabinet positions under Mugabe, and served as First Vice President between December 2014 and his sacking in November 2017, he looks more like a force for continuity than change. As a result, talk in Harare quickly turned to what kind of leader Mnangagwa will be, and the system of government that would best serve ordinary Zimbabweans. The fork in the road My conversations with people on the streets of the capital, Harare, about the political system the country needs suggests that two distinct camps are emerging: Those who want elections to be held as soon as possible, and those who say the polls should be postponed and a transitional government established. Both of these options have genuine “pros” but also strong “cons”. As is so often the case, there is no perfect answer that solves all problems. It is understandable that many Zimbabweans want a period of calm and orderly government after the twists and turns of recent weeks, and believe that it would be better to form an inclusive government that would feature representatives of all of the main political parties – a kind of power sharing in all but name. Even though I have consistently argued in favour of the value of democracy and elections in Africa, I have to admit that the “transitioners” have some viable arguments. The most obvious is that a period of stability and the more consensual government might facilitate much-needed reform of the economy and also the wider political and legal system. After all, rival parties are unlikely to come to an agreement on these issues if they are immediately thrust into an election campaign. The “transitioners” also have a point when it comes to democracy. Few people in Zimbabwe believe that it’s possible for elections to be free and fair if they are held between July and August next year, as currently scheduled. Given this, and the current divisions within the opposition, a rush to elections is likely to result in a convincing victory for Zanu-PF under problematic circumstances. A transitional arrangement would allow for much needed electoral reforms to be put in place, creating the potential for a better quality process and a more consensual outcome later on. Testing the Crocodile But there is also another camp that wants to see Mnangagwa, popularly known as The Crocodile, to face an election as soon as possible. Just like their counterparts in the “transitioner” camp, “electioneers”, have some strong arguments. Whatever one wants to call Mnangagwa’s rise to power – from a coup to an internal party squabble – it is clear that it has not been a high-quality democratic transition. And while it is clear that the overthrow of Mugabe was hugely popular, we don’t know if the same applies to a Mnangagwa presidency. An election would settle that question. It would also give the new government a popular mandate to undertake economic reforms, whoever wins power. This could be important to the success of the reform project, because things are likely to get worse before they get better, and the country’s economic medicine may prove to be a bitter pill to swallow. Holding elections would also do one thing that postponing them will not; it will test the commitment of the new government to democratic norms and values from the get-go. One of the main reasons that Zimbabwean elections have been poor quality is that Zanu-PF and the military have intervened to make sure this was the case. As another friend put it, “If they are really committed to doing the right thing, they can do it right away and the elections will not be too bad”. Learning from the past “Electioneers” are also motivated by scepticism that an inclusive transitional government would get much done. Both Zimbabwe and Kenya have had power-sharing governments in the recent past, and while they both introduced new constitutions they also saw high levels of corruption and limited security sector reform. They also both led to elections that were denounced by opposition parties as being unfree and unfair. It’s fair to ask: why would it be different this time? The question is particularly pertinent given the current composition of parliament. Because Morgan Tsvangirai’s Movement for Democratic Change boycotted a series of by-elections on the basis that they would not be free and fair, it has lost many of the seats it won in 2013. As a result, any transitional arrangement that deferred elections and “froze” the current parliament for the next three years would have a big legislative advantage to Zanu-PF. It is also important to keep in mind that economics cannot be divorced from politics: Zimbabwe’s current economic difficulties stem precisely from an unaccountable political framework that ignored the interests of the people. Given that recent events have emboldened the military and given them an even stronger voice within government, this is a pressing concern. Deferring electoral reforms in order to focus on economic recovery may, therefore, prove to be a self-defeating strategy. Next steps Ultimately, the form of government that evolves in Zimbabwe will not be a product of popular dialogue. One of the distinctive features of this process is that for the most part it has been conducted behind closed doors by a small elite. Don’t be fooled by the pictures of tens of thousands of people marching on Saturday – all sides have invoked popular support, but none have actually encouraged ordinary people to say what they want, or given them a seat at the table. This is a worrying sign if strengthening democracy is the long-term goal. Recent public statements by the main parties at the time of going to press suggests that they are not converging on an interim administration, and so the “electioneers” may get their wish. That could still change because talks are ongoing and both sides would gain something from a delay. But if it doesn’t the people will be able to have their say on how they want their country to be run. Of course, voting will not actually equate to “having a say” unless the country’s new leader follows through on his promise to build a “new democracy”, and the ruling party can kick the habit of a lifetime. Watch this space. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)

Opinion: Will Mnangagwa usher democracy in Zimbabwe?

<p>Kenya&#39;s Supreme Court&nbsp;on Monday&nbsp;dismissed two petitions to overturn the country&#39;s October presidential election re-run, validating the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta.</p>

<p>Celebrations erupted in ruling party strongholds, but tensions remained high in areas loyal to veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga, which have been rocked by protests during the dramatic four-month election process.</p>

<p>The ruling paves the way for Kenyatta to be sworn in on&nbsp;November 28.</p>

<p>&quot;The court has unanimously determined that the petitions are not merited. As a consequence, the presidential election of 26 October is hereby upheld as is the election of the third respondent,&quot; said Chief Justice David Maraga, referring to Kenyatta.</p>

<p>Maraga had in September annulled an August election due to &quot;irregularities and illegalities&quot;, a historic decision hailed across the globe as an opportunity to boost Kenyan democracy.</p>

<p>However, the ruling -- a rare victory for Odinga -- only deepened acrimony and protests that have left 52 people dead -- mostly at the hands of police -- since the first election.</p>

<p>Accusing the IEBC elections commission of failing to make fundamental reforms to improve the vote, Odinga withdrew from the October ballot which he urged his followers to boycott.&nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>&nbsp;&#39;Toxic environment&#39;&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>In the run-up to the vote, a top election official fled the country, saying the poll would not be credible, and IEBC chairman Wafula Chebukati himself said he could not guarantee a free and fair election.</p>

<p>Election day was marred by chaos in opposition strongholds, with polling stations unable to open in 25 constituencies.</p>

<p>The boycott handed Kenyatta a landslide victory of 98 percent, although turnout was only 39 percent.</p>

<p>This time, Odinga and his National Super Alliance (NASA) coalition did not go to court to challenge the second election, but a former politician and two rights activists did.</p>

<p>They pointed to procedural questions, the toxic democratic environment, and Chebukati&#39;s own questioning of the process.</p>

<p>However the six-judge bench dismissed the petitions in a matter of minutes.</p>

<p><strong>&nbsp;&#39;Decision under duress&#39;&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>In a statement, Odinga said the ruling &quot;did not come as a surprise&quot;, nor did it alter his opposition to a government he regards as illegitimate.</p>

<p>&quot;It was a decision taken under duress. We do not condemn the court, we sympathise with it,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>News of the court&#39;s decision sparked celebrations in Kenyatta&#39;s strongholds.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;Let NASA people now go and mourn quietly and allow us to celebrate. They were laughing last time, today it is our turn,&quot; said Jackson Mandago the governor of Uasin Gishu county.</p>

<p>&quot;We are happy that we will not have another election until 2022.&quot;</p>

<p>But while many will be breathing a sigh of relief that the prolonged election process is drawing to an end, tensions remain high and it was unclear how Odinga&#39;s supporters would react to Kenyatta being sworn in.</p>

<p>Protesters began gathering in the western city of Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold, where they set a vehicle alight, an AFP correspondent said.</p>

<p>&quot;Maraga has gone against our wish. They could have nullified it because that was not an election. It was just done in parts of the country,&quot; said Mercyline Akinyi.</p>

<p>&quot;We will wait for Baba (Odinga), to tell us the way forward.&quot;</p>

<p>Clashes had erupted in Nairobi&#39;s Mathare slum&nbsp;on Sunday&nbsp;after four bodies were found in the street, with outrage spreading to Kibera and protests also taking place in Kisumu.</p>

<p>Nairobi police chief Japheth Koome said the cause of the four deaths was not immediately clear but that the victims appeared to have been hit by a blunt object, while one had also been cut.&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, the opposition claimed the four had been shot dead, and angry residents blamed members of Kenyatta&#39;s Kikuyu tribe.</p>

<p>Tensions had also risen&nbsp;on Friday&nbsp;when a mass opposition demonstration to welcome Odinga back from a trip overseas turned violent, with three demonstrators shot dead in Muthurwa, a suburb not far from Mathare.</p>


Kenya's Supreme Court?on Monday?dismissed two petitions to overturn the country's October presidential election re-run, validating the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta

Kenya's Supreme Court on Monday dismissed two petitions to overturn the country's October presidential election re-run, validating the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta. Celebrations erupted in ruling party strongholds, but tensions remained high in areas loyal to veteran opposition leader Raila Odinga, which have been rocked by protests during the dramatic four-month election process. The ruling paves the way for Kenyatta to be sworn in on November 28. "The court has unanimously determined that the petitions are not merited. As a consequence, the presidential election of 26 October is hereby upheld as is the election of the third respondent," said Chief Justice David Maraga, referring to Kenyatta. Maraga had in September annulled an August election due to "irregularities and illegalities", a historic decision hailed across the globe as an opportunity to boost Kenyan democracy. However, the ruling -- a rare victory for Odinga -- only deepened acrimony and protests that have left 52 people dead -- mostly at the hands of police -- since the first election. Accusing the IEBC elections commission of failing to make fundamental reforms to improve the vote, Odinga withdrew from the October ballot which he urged his followers to boycott. 'Toxic environment' In the run-up to the vote, a top election official fled the country, saying the poll would not be credible, and IEBC chairman Wafula Chebukati himself said he could not guarantee a free and fair election. Election day was marred by chaos in opposition strongholds, with polling stations unable to open in 25 constituencies. The boycott handed Kenyatta a landslide victory of 98 percent, although turnout was only 39 percent. This time, Odinga and his National Super Alliance (NASA) coalition did not go to court to challenge the second election, but a former politician and two rights activists did. They pointed to procedural questions, the toxic democratic environment, and Chebukati's own questioning of the process. However the six-judge bench dismissed the petitions in a matter of minutes. 'Decision under duress' In a statement, Odinga said the ruling "did not come as a surprise", nor did it alter his opposition to a government he regards as illegitimate. "It was a decision taken under duress. We do not condemn the court, we sympathise with it," he said. News of the court's decision sparked celebrations in Kenyatta's strongholds. "Let NASA people now go and mourn quietly and allow us to celebrate. They were laughing last time, today it is our turn," said Jackson Mandago the governor of Uasin Gishu county. "We are happy that we will not have another election until 2022." But while many will be breathing a sigh of relief that the prolonged election process is drawing to an end, tensions remain high and it was unclear how Odinga's supporters would react to Kenyatta being sworn in. Protesters began gathering in the western city of Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold, where they set a vehicle alight, an AFP correspondent said. "Maraga has gone against our wish. They could have nullified it because that was not an election. It was just done in parts of the country," said Mercyline Akinyi. "We will wait for Baba (Odinga), to tell us the way forward." Clashes had erupted in Nairobi's Mathare slum on Sunday after four bodies were found in the street, with outrage spreading to Kibera and protests also taking place in Kisumu. Nairobi police chief Japheth Koome said the cause of the four deaths was not immediately clear but that the victims appeared to have been hit by a blunt object, while one had also been cut. However, the opposition claimed the four had been shot dead, and angry residents blamed members of Kenyatta's Kikuyu tribe. Tensions had also risen on Friday when a mass opposition demonstration to welcome Odinga back from a trip overseas turned violent, with three demonstrators shot dead in Muthurwa, a suburb not far from Mathare.

Kenya's Supreme Court upholds Kenyatta election win

<p>An estimated 6.55 million Kenyans voted in Thursday&#39;s presidential election re-run, just 34.5 per cent of registered voters, Wafula Chebukati, election commission chairman, said on Twitter.</p>

<p>Turnout in the August vote that was later annulled by the courts was 80 percent. Opposition leader Raila Odinga boycotted the re-run, saying the election commission had failed to change any of the key personnel involved in the botched first attempt.</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">35,564 polling stations opened in today&#39;s poll. Turn-out 48% (est.). 27,124 form 34As have been posted on portal <a href="https://t.co/0f0tlSfOVC">https://t.co/0f0tlSfOVC</a></p>
&mdash; IEBC (@IEBCKenya) <a href="https://twitter.com/IEBCKenya/status/923624663342776321?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 26, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<p>Kenyans began voting Thursday in a repeat election that has polarised the nation and is likely to be fiercely disputed in the absence of opposition leader Raila Odinga, who is boycotting the vote.</p>

<p>The election is the chaotic climax of a political drama that began when the Supreme Court overturned the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta in the August 8 elections.</p>


Kenyans began voting Thursday in a repeat election that has polarised the nation and is likely to be fiercely disputed in the absence of opposition leader Raila Odinga, who is boycotting the vote.

An estimated 6.55 million Kenyans voted in Thursday's presidential election re-run, just 34.5 per cent of registered voters, Wafula Chebukati, election commission chairman, said on Twitter. Turnout in the August vote that was later annulled by the courts was 80 percent. Opposition leader Raila Odinga boycotted the re-run, saying the election commission had failed to change any of the key personnel involved in the botched first attempt. 35,564 polling stations opened in today's poll. Turn-out 48% (est.). 27,124 form 34As have been posted on portal https://t.co/0f0tlSfOVC — IEBC (@IEBCKenya) October 26, 2017 × Kenyans began voting Thursday in a repeat election that has polarised the nation and is likely to be fiercely disputed in the absence of opposition leader Raila Odinga, who is boycotting the vote. The election is the chaotic climax of a political drama that began when the Supreme Court overturned the victory of President Uhuru Kenyatta in the August 8 elections.

34.5 per cent turnout in Kenya vote re-run: Election Commission head

<p>Polls opened Thursday in a repeat presidential election in Kenya that is mired in uncertainty as opposition leader Raila Odinga has called on his supporters to boycott the vote.</p>

<p>&quot;It is my duty to vote. Last time the queue was all around the block and I waited six hours to vote, this time the people are few,&quot; said taxi driver David Njeru, 26, as he waited to vote in Nairobi&#39;s Mathare slum.</p>

<p>In Odinga&#39;s western stronghold of Kisumu, several polling stations remained closed in stark contrast to the scenes during the first election on August 8, when people lined up overnight to vote.</p>

<p>Ballot boxes and electronic kits to identify voters and transmit results had not arrived in polling stations, with some officials facing attacks from opposition supporters while trying to deliver voting material.</p>

<p>&quot;So far, we have not deployed any material, and we have not deployed election officials. The reason is security, election officials do not want to go against the will of this community,&quot; said returning officer John Ngutai.</p>

<p>&quot;We hope to be able to deploy later in the day. We hope for the best but prepare for the worst. The worst would be no elected officials.&quot;</p>

<p>Odinga has refused to take part in the vote, arguing that the election commission has failed to make reforms after the Supreme Court last month overturned the result from August citing &quot;irregularities&quot; and mismanagement.</p>

<p>His withdrawal assures victory for President Uhuru Kenyatta, while likely opening the way for further legal battles after the election.</p>


Polls opened Thursday in a repeat presidential election in Kenya that is mired in uncertainty as opposition leader Raila Odinga has called on his supporters to boycott the vote.

Polls opened Thursday in a repeat presidential election in Kenya that is mired in uncertainty as opposition leader Raila Odinga has called on his supporters to boycott the vote. "It is my duty to vote. Last time the queue was all around the block and I waited six hours to vote, this time the people are few," said taxi driver David Njeru, 26, as he waited to vote in Nairobi's Mathare slum. In Odinga's western stronghold of Kisumu, several polling stations remained closed in stark contrast to the scenes during the first election on August 8, when people lined up overnight to vote. Ballot boxes and electronic kits to identify voters and transmit results had not arrived in polling stations, with some officials facing attacks from opposition supporters while trying to deliver voting material. "So far, we have not deployed any material, and we have not deployed election officials. The reason is security, election officials do not want to go against the will of this community," said returning officer John Ngutai. "We hope to be able to deploy later in the day. We hope for the best but prepare for the worst. The worst would be no elected officials." Odinga has refused to take part in the vote, arguing that the election commission has failed to make reforms after the Supreme Court last month overturned the result from August citing "irregularities" and mismanagement. His withdrawal assures victory for President Uhuru Kenyatta, while likely opening the way for further legal battles after the election.

Polls open in Kenya election, opposition boycotts

<p>Last year, I visited Embu a town in Eastern Kenya and met female farmers who had received seeds under a regular seed based intervention program - the community-based seed production programmes (CBSPP). The objective of CBSPP is to develop commercial seeds with the help of farmers.</p>

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<h5>Under CBSPP the farmer receives &lsquo;x&rsquo; kg of seeds and returns &lsquo;2x&rsquo; kg of seed to the programme.</h5>
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<p>The case of CBSPP further strengthens the point that security in terms of seed and access to market may not guarantee the success of a seed distribution programme. It is extremely important to understand the role played by local institutional setup and gender, to mention few key factors.</p>

<p>Under CBSPP the farmer receives &lsquo;x&rsquo; kg of seeds and returns &lsquo;2x&rsquo; kg of seed to the programme. The seeds received by the programme are redistributed to another set of farmers. The intervention adapts to the local seed market by building on the assumption that after giving &lsquo;2x&rsquo; kg of seed back to the organisation, the farmer will keep a certain amount of seed for him/herself and will sell the remaining seeds to other farmers (trader) either personally or via the local market.</p>

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<h5>The programme quite often failed as it was unable to create a local demand for high-quality seeds.</h5>
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<p>This is an important step because the informal economy (local seed market) is the backbone of Kenyan agriculture, usually, it remains active even during droughts and it supplies almost 90 per cent of seeds to the farmers. In most cases, CBSPP could facilitate temporary access to good quality seeds. However, the programme quite often failed as it was unable to create a local demand for high-quality seeds, had poor buy-back arrangements and provided inadequate information about the seeds sold by the groups.</p>

<p>The design of CBSPP sheds light on the way the policy sought to encourage interaction between the formal knowledge of laboratories and the experiential knowledge of the farmers.</p>

<p>By formulating CBSPP, an intervention that redistributes non-certified seeds and allows farmers to mix the different kinds of seeds in their farming, the government seemed to be encouraging farmers&rsquo; practice of generating new seeds, and can, therefore, be construed as encouraging integration of farmer&rsquo;s knowledge with the formal knowledge base of the laboratories.</p>

<p>However, a deeper scrutiny reveals otherwise. The interactions with the farmers revealed that the programme did not leave much scope for farmers&rsquo; participation in a decision-making capacity. In other words, the seeds come with a set of instructions about the way they should be used, based on the laboratory knowledge about their best possible application.</p>

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<h5>By ensuring that every farmer follows the same set of instructions, the intervention restricts the development of the diverse traditional agricultural practices and the farmers&rsquo; problem-solving attitude.</h5>
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<p>The set of instructions are prepared when the seeds are under the supervision of the Kenyan Agricultural Research Institute and the Kenya Plant Health Directorate Service. A few farmers may participate in the preparation of these instructions. However, claiming that these farmers are representative of the entire farming community in the region is surely not what such a response would mean.</p>

<p>The input ingredient used by every farmer varies based on the agro-ecological context in which they are living. Hence, by ensuring that every farmer follows the same set of instructions, the intervention restricts the development of the diverse traditional agricultural practices and the farmers&rsquo; problem-solving attitude. Thus, policies relying on &lsquo;top-down approach&rsquo; may crowd out local innovative capacity and the advantage of building on a local understanding of the institutional and biophysical context.</p>

<p>The inadequate overlap between the knowledge that informs policies and the local contexts becomes more apparent when one investigates, for example, the link between the programme, local politics, and irrigation requirements. The Kamba group of farmers in Embu used to participate in the programme but they discontinued this following a drought when they lost all their harvest and nothing was left for the buy-back programme.</p>

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<h5>The need for a proper diagnosis of local social relations becomes more heightened when we analyze the gender dimensions of decision-making processes across different Kenyan tribes &ndash; Kikuyu &amp; Kamba.</h5>
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<p>Ironically, the Kamba tribe is not located very far from a river but is not able to use the river water for irrigation, arguably due to local politics. This illustrates the inadequate level of understanding of the local area in designing the programme, where local (political) practices and social relations were perhaps not factored in when supplying seeds which would require a timely supply of water for survival. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The need for a proper diagnosis of local social relations becomes more heightened when we analyse the gender dimensions of decision-making processes across different Kenyan tribes &ndash; Kikuyu &amp; Kamba.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Kikuyu women&rsquo;s group explained that they need to get permission from their husbands only when they contact someone new for farming. The Kamba women&rsquo;s group, on the other hand, remained dependent on their husbands for almost every decision pertaining to farming. This difference in their decision-making power was reflected in the way the Kikuyu women collectively found a local solution to their water problems. The farmland of the Kikuyu women&rsquo;s farming group is in an area that crucially depends on rainwater for irrigation.</p>

<p>However, 20 years ago the Kikuyu women decided to dig a big well and started water harvesting. As a result, they are no longer dependent on rainwater for irrigation. Also, during the conversation with them, the Kikuyu group identified four innovative farming practices carried out by three farmers in their locality - digging a well to harvest rainwater, planting maize in polythene bags, preparing insecticide, and soil conservation.</p>

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<h5>It is vital to actively include the experience, knowledge and voice of the farmer in the agricultural policies to ensure sustainable food security.</h5>
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<p>In comparison, the Kamba group could only identify two innovative activities taken up by two of their members: one of them owned a bullock, and one member finished land preparation before other group members. Without knowing the distribution of wealth and income within the group, it remains difficult to judge whether such acts were reflective of innovative conduct or merely reveal better access to capital or human resources on the part of those farmers. In both the cases, the farmers relied on personal experience embedded in the local agro-ecological context, experimentation and intuitive reasoning.</p>

<p>By not paying attention to these crucial local factors the policies help in the erosion of local agricultural practices and knowledge base. Embu is a town in Kenya but similar narratives and stories are present all over India. It is vital to actively include the experience, knowledge and voice of the farmer in the agricultural policies to ensure sustainable food security.</p>

<p>Photo credit:&nbsp;K. Kinsuk Mani Sinha</p>


Experience, knowledge and voice of the farmer, is important to ensure sustainable food security

Last year, I visited Embu a town in Eastern Kenya and met female farmers who had received seeds under a regular seed based intervention program - the community-based seed production programmes (CBSPP). The objective of CBSPP is to develop commercial seeds with the help of farmers. Under CBSPP the farmer receives ‘x’ kg of seeds and returns ‘2x’ kg of seed to the programme. × The case of CBSPP further strengthens the point that security in terms of seed and access to market may not guarantee the success of a seed distribution programme. It is extremely important to understand the role played by local institutional setup and gender, to mention few key factors. Under CBSPP the farmer receives ‘x’ kg of seeds and returns ‘2x’ kg of seed to the programme. The seeds received by the programme are redistributed to another set of farmers. The intervention adapts to the local seed market by building on the assumption that after giving ‘2x’ kg of seed back to the organisation, the farmer will keep a certain amount of seed for him/herself and will sell the remaining seeds to other farmers (trader) either personally or via the local market. The programme quite often failed as it was unable to create a local demand for high-quality seeds. × This is an important step because the informal economy (local seed market) is the backbone of Kenyan agriculture, usually, it remains active even during droughts and it supplies almost 90 per cent of seeds to the farmers. In most cases, CBSPP could facilitate temporary access to good quality seeds. However, the programme quite often failed as it was unable to create a local demand for high-quality seeds, had poor buy-back arrangements and provided inadequate information about the seeds sold by the groups. The design of CBSPP sheds light on the way the policy sought to encourage interaction between the formal knowledge of laboratories and the experiential knowledge of the farmers. By formulating CBSPP, an intervention that redistributes non-certified seeds and allows farmers to mix the different kinds of seeds in their farming, the government seemed to be encouraging farmers’ practice of generating new seeds, and can, therefore, be construed as encouraging integration of farmer’s knowledge with the formal knowledge base of the laboratories. However, a deeper scrutiny reveals otherwise. The interactions with the farmers revealed that the programme did not leave much scope for farmers’ participation in a decision-making capacity. In other words, the seeds come with a set of instructions about the way they should be used, based on the laboratory knowledge about their best possible application. By ensuring that every farmer follows the same set of instructions, the intervention restricts the development of the diverse traditional agricultural practices and the farmers’ problem-solving attitude. × The set of instructions are prepared when the seeds are under the supervision of the Kenyan Agricultural Research Institute and the Kenya Plant Health Directorate Service. A few farmers may participate in the preparation of these instructions. However, claiming that these farmers are representative of the entire farming community in the region is surely not what such a response would mean. The input ingredient used by every farmer varies based on the agro-ecological context in which they are living. Hence, by ensuring that every farmer follows the same set of instructions, the intervention restricts the development of the diverse traditional agricultural practices and the farmers’ problem-solving attitude. Thus, policies relying on ‘top-down approach’ may crowd out local innovative capacity and the advantage of building on a local understanding of the institutional and biophysical context. The inadequate overlap between the knowledge that informs policies and the local contexts becomes more apparent when one investigates, for example, the link between the programme, local politics, and irrigation requirements. The Kamba group of farmers in Embu used to participate in the programme but they discontinued this following a drought when they lost all their harvest and nothing was left for the buy-back programme. The need for a proper diagnosis of local social relations becomes more heightened when we analyze the gender dimensions of decision-making processes across different Kenyan tribes – Kikuyu & Kamba. × Ironically, the Kamba tribe is not located very far from a river but is not able to use the river water for irrigation, arguably due to local politics. This illustrates the inadequate level of understanding of the local area in designing the programme, where local (political) practices and social relations were perhaps not factored in when supplying seeds which would require a timely supply of water for survival. The need for a proper diagnosis of local social relations becomes more heightened when we analyse the gender dimensions of decision-making processes across different Kenyan tribes – Kikuyu & Kamba. The Kikuyu women’s group explained that they need to get permission from their husbands only when they contact someone new for farming. The Kamba women’s group, on the other hand, remained dependent on their husbands for almost every decision pertaining to farming. This difference in their decision-making power was reflected in the way the Kikuyu women collectively found a local solution to their water problems. The farmland of the Kikuyu women’s farming group is in an area that crucially depends on rainwater for irrigation. However, 20 years ago the Kikuyu women decided to dig a big well and started water harvesting. As a result, they are no longer dependent on rainwater for irrigation. Also, during the conversation with them, the Kikuyu group identified four innovative farming practices carried out by three farmers in their locality - digging a well to harvest rainwater, planting maize in polythene bags, preparing insecticide, and soil conservation. It is vital to actively include the experience, knowledge and voice of the farmer in the agricultural policies to ensure sustainable food security. × In comparison, the Kamba group could only identify two innovative activities taken up by two of their members: one of them owned a bullock, and one member finished land preparation before other group members. Without knowing the distribution of wealth and income within the group, it remains difficult to judge whether such acts were reflective of innovative conduct or merely reveal better access to capital or human resources on the part of those farmers. In both the cases, the farmers relied on personal experience embedded in the local agro-ecological context, experimentation and intuitive reasoning. By not paying attention to these crucial local factors the policies help in the erosion of local agricultural practices and knowledge base. Embu is a town in Kenya but similar narratives and stories are present all over India. It is vital to actively include the experience, knowledge and voice of the farmer in the agricultural policies to ensure sustainable food security. Photo credit: K. Kinsuk Mani Sinha

Farmer's perspective about the seed distribution programme in Embu, Kenya

<p>Kenya&#39;s opposition vowed to pursue a campaign of protest for electoral reform, defying a ban on rallies in main city centres announced by the government Thursday.</p>

<p>The ban came after the opposition National Super Alliance (NASA) called for daily protests next week.</p>

<p>The country remains gripped by uncertainty over whether an October 26 presidential election will go ahead after NASA chief Raila Odinga refused to take part.</p>

<p>Security Minister Fred Matiangi said lawlessness during recent protests led to his decision to ban gatherings in three main city centres.</p>

<p>&quot;Due to the clear, present and imminent danger of breach of peace, the government notifies the public that, for the time being, we will not allow demonstrations within the central business districts of Nairobi, Mombasa and Kisumu,&quot; Matiangi said.</p>

<p>NASA said it would defy the order and protest Friday and all of next week.</p>

<p>The protests have seen hundreds of opposition supporters march through the streets, sometimes burning tyres and clashing with police who have used tear gas to disperse crowds.</p>

<p>&quot;We will continue with our demonstrations as planned across the country. The law is very clear on peaceful demonstrations,&quot; said one of the coalition&#39;s leaders Moses Wetangula.<br />
Though relatively small, the protests have caused outsized disruption, forcing shops to close up and deterring some from visiting city centres on demonstration days.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There have also been incidents of pickpocketing and muggings on the edges of the protests.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Matiangi said the protests had resulted in &quot;attacks on police stations, attacks on police officers occasioning grievous bodily harm, serious disruption of normal business, assault on innocent civilians, destruction, and looting of property.&quot;</p>

<p>He threatened legal action.</p>

<p>&quot;It is the responsibility of the organiser that all participants remain peaceful. The organisers shall be held personally liable for any breach of law during the demonstrations,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Violence in the days following August&#39;s vote left at least 37 dead, according to a rights group, with almost all of the victims killed by police, according to a local human rights group.</p>

<p>No deaths have been reported since however several people were left with gunshot injuries in the western opposition stronghold Kisumu on Wednesday.</p>

<p><strong>Senate approves election laws&nbsp;</strong></p>

<p>Odinga said this week that he was withdrawing from the scheduled re-run against President Uhuru Kenyatta whose victory in the original August poll was annulled last month by the Supreme Court citing widespread irregularities.</p>

<p>Odinga said that without fundamental reforms to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), the vote would not be free and fair.</p>

<p>&quot;All indications are that the election scheduled for 26 October will be worse than the previous one,&quot; he said, announcing his withdrawal Tuesday.</p>

<p>The IEBC has dismissed most of Odinga&#39;s demands and on Wednesday said he had not filled in the appropriate form for withdrawing from the re-run and therefore was still a candidate alongside Kenyatta.</p>

<p>The commission also agreed to add six candidates who contested the original poll after the High Court ruled they should not be excluded.</p>

<p>On Thursday the country&#39;s Senate approved a raft of amendments to electoral laws that Odinga has charged will make the &quot;irregularities&quot; cited by the Supreme Court legal.</p>

<p>The new laws will allow manual vote counting to supersede electronically transmitted results and make tally forms count even if there is &quot;a deviation from the requirements of the form&quot;.</p>

<p>Among the irregularities noted by the Supreme Court was the number of votes tallying sheets that were unsigned, not stamped, or did not contain watermarks or serial numbers -- despite the fact that one company was hired to print them out.</p>

<p>Kenyatta has said he will sign the amendments into law without hesitation.</p>


The ban came after the opposition National Super Alliance (NASA) called for daily protests next week

Kenya's opposition vowed to pursue a campaign of protest for electoral reform, defying a ban on rallies in main city centres announced by the government Thursday. The ban came after the opposition National Super Alliance (NASA) called for daily protests next week. The country remains gripped by uncertainty over whether an October 26 presidential election will go ahead after NASA chief Raila Odinga refused to take part. Security Minister Fred Matiangi said lawlessness during recent protests led to his decision to ban gatherings in three main city centres. "Due to the clear, present and imminent danger of breach of peace, the government notifies the public that, for the time being, we will not allow demonstrations within the central business districts of Nairobi, Mombasa and Kisumu," Matiangi said. NASA said it would defy the order and protest Friday and all of next week. The protests have seen hundreds of opposition supporters march through the streets, sometimes burning tyres and clashing with police who have used tear gas to disperse crowds. "We will continue with our demonstrations as planned across the country. The law is very clear on peaceful demonstrations," said one of the coalition's leaders Moses Wetangula. Though relatively small, the protests have caused outsized disruption, forcing shops to close up and deterring some from visiting city centres on demonstration days. There have also been incidents of pickpocketing and muggings on the edges of the protests. Matiangi said the protests had resulted in "attacks on police stations, attacks on police officers occasioning grievous bodily harm, serious disruption of normal business, assault on innocent civilians, destruction, and looting of property." He threatened legal action. "It is the responsibility of the organiser that all participants remain peaceful. The organisers shall be held personally liable for any breach of law during the demonstrations," he said. Violence in the days following August's vote left at least 37 dead, according to a rights group, with almost all of the victims killed by police, according to a local human rights group. No deaths have been reported since however several people were left with gunshot injuries in the western opposition stronghold Kisumu on Wednesday. Senate approves election laws Odinga said this week that he was withdrawing from the scheduled re-run against President Uhuru Kenyatta whose victory in the original August poll was annulled last month by the Supreme Court citing widespread irregularities. Odinga said that without fundamental reforms to the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), the vote would not be free and fair. "All indications are that the election scheduled for 26 October will be worse than the previous one," he said, announcing his withdrawal Tuesday. The IEBC has dismissed most of Odinga's demands and on Wednesday said he had not filled in the appropriate form for withdrawing from the re-run and therefore was still a candidate alongside Kenyatta. The commission also agreed to add six candidates who contested the original poll after the High Court ruled they should not be excluded. On Thursday the country's Senate approved a raft of amendments to electoral laws that Odinga has charged will make the "irregularities" cited by the Supreme Court legal. The new laws will allow manual vote counting to supersede electronically transmitted results and make tally forms count even if there is "a deviation from the requirements of the form". Among the irregularities noted by the Supreme Court was the number of votes tallying sheets that were unsigned, not stamped, or did not contain watermarks or serial numbers -- despite the fact that one company was hired to print them out. Kenyatta has said he will sign the amendments into law without hesitation.

Kenya opposition vows to defy protest ban amid election crisis

<p>A&nbsp;Kenyan&nbsp;court&nbsp;said on Wednesday an also-ran candidate in August&#39;s presidential&nbsp;elections could contest this month&#39;s re-run, a day&nbsp;after&nbsp;the main opposition leader pulled&nbsp;out.</p>

<p>But the High&nbsp;Court&nbsp;ruling in favour of Ekuru Aukot failed to dispel concerns about&nbsp;how a deepening political crisis would play&nbsp;out, as he said he had doubts about&nbsp;standing while opposition supporters gathered in response to calls to demonstrate for electoral reform.</p>

<p>The repeat&nbsp;election&nbsp;between incumbent President Uhuru&nbsp;Kenyatta and challenger Raila&nbsp;Odinga was scheduled for Oct. 26,&nbsp;after&nbsp;the Supreme&nbsp;Court&nbsp;annulled the original ballot -- in which Kenyatta was declared the winner -- due to procedural irregularities.</p>

<p>Odinga&nbsp;said on Tuesday he was withdrawing amid concerns that the re-run would not be free and fair, renewing calls for a new electoral board (IEBC), whose current members he blamed for the irregularities, to be appointed.</p>

<p>Further&nbsp;muddying the political&nbsp;waters,&nbsp;parliament&nbsp;passed an amendment on Wednesday to the country&#39;s&nbsp;election&nbsp;laws, saying that if one candidate withdrew from a repeat presidential&nbsp;election, the other one would automatically win.</p>

<p>Once the president signed it, the law would immediately take effect, said&nbsp;parliamentary spokesman Martin Mutua.</p>

<p>The vote was boycotted by opposition lawmakers.</p>

<p><strong>UNEASE</strong></p>

<p>Tuesday&#39;s declaration by&nbsp;Odinga&nbsp;fed into a mood of unease that has stoked citizens&#39; fears over a potential descent into violence and blunted growth in East Africa&#39;s richest nation, a long-time ally of the West.</p>

<p>A repeat of the widespread ethnic clashes that killed 1,200 people followed a disputed presidential poll in 2007 appears unlikely at this stage.</p>

<p>But at least 37 people were killed in protests immediately following the vote, almost all of them by police, a&nbsp;Kenyan rights group said Monday. Opposition supporters on Wednesday again demonstrated for changes at the electoral board.</p>

<p>Protesters lit bonfires in Kisumu, an&nbsp;Odinga&nbsp;stronghold in the country&#39;s west, while hundreds of other supporters gathered in the main park in the capital Nairobi.</p>

<p>&quot;We want a reformed IEBC,&quot; said Elisha Odhiambo, an opposition legislator, referring to the electoral board, which has frequently relied on riot police dispersing protests&nbsp;outside its offices in recent weeks.</p>

<p>Aukot told reporters&nbsp;outside the High&nbsp;Court&nbsp;that he still had concerns about&nbsp;the board and would issue a statement in a day or two giving clarity about&nbsp;his plans.</p>

<p>Justice John Mativo said earlier he could &quot;find nothing to bar the petitioner (Aukot) from contesting the fresh&nbsp;election.&quot;</p>

<p>It was unclear if other candidates from the first ballot with little support would also seek to be included, but the&nbsp;election&nbsp;board said it still had time to print ballot papers.</p>

<p>The Sept. 1 Supreme&nbsp;Court&nbsp;judgement that nullified&nbsp;Kenyatta&#39;s 1.4 million vote win also stipulated elections had to be held within 60 days.</p>

<p>If that schedule is not met, the constitution provides for the speaker of&nbsp;parliament, a member of Kenyatta&#39;s party, to take power.</p>


But the High?Court?ruling in favour of Ekuru Aukot failed to dispel concerns about?how a deepening political crisis would play?out, as he said he had doubts about?standing while opposition supporters gathered in response to calls to demonstrate for electoral reform

A Kenyan court said on Wednesday an also-ran candidate in August's presidential elections could contest this month's re-run, a day after the main opposition leader pulled out. But the High Court ruling in favour of Ekuru Aukot failed to dispel concerns about how a deepening political crisis would play out, as he said he had doubts about standing while opposition supporters gathered in response to calls to demonstrate for electoral reform. The repeat election between incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta and challenger Raila Odinga was scheduled for Oct. 26, after the Supreme Court annulled the original ballot -- in which Kenyatta was declared the winner -- due to procedural irregularities. Odinga said on Tuesday he was withdrawing amid concerns that the re-run would not be free and fair, renewing calls for a new electoral board (IEBC), whose current members he blamed for the irregularities, to be appointed. Further muddying the political waters, parliament passed an amendment on Wednesday to the country's election laws, saying that if one candidate withdrew from a repeat presidential election, the other one would automatically win. Once the president signed it, the law would immediately take effect, said parliamentary spokesman Martin Mutua. The vote was boycotted by opposition lawmakers. UNEASE Tuesday's declaration by Odinga fed into a mood of unease that has stoked citizens' fears over a potential descent into violence and blunted growth in East Africa's richest nation, a long-time ally of the West. A repeat of the widespread ethnic clashes that killed 1,200 people followed a disputed presidential poll in 2007 appears unlikely at this stage. But at least 37 people were killed in protests immediately following the vote, almost all of them by police, a Kenyan rights group said Monday. Opposition supporters on Wednesday again demonstrated for changes at the electoral board. Protesters lit bonfires in Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold in the country's west, while hundreds of other supporters gathered in the main park in the capital Nairobi. "We want a reformed IEBC," said Elisha Odhiambo, an opposition legislator, referring to the electoral board, which has frequently relied on riot police dispersing protests outside its offices in recent weeks. Aukot told reporters outside the High Court that he still had concerns about the board and would issue a statement in a day or two giving clarity about his plans. Justice John Mativo said earlier he could "find nothing to bar the petitioner (Aukot) from contesting the fresh election." It was unclear if other candidates from the first ballot with little support would also seek to be included, but the election board said it still had time to print ballot papers. The Sept. 1 Supreme Court judgement that nullified Kenyatta's 1.4 million vote win also stipulated elections had to be held within 60 days. If that schedule is not met, the constitution provides for the speaker of parliament, a member of Kenyatta's party, to take power.

Kenya court, parliament muddy election waters after Odinga pulls out

<p>Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga said on Tuesday he would not stand in a court-ordered re-run of August&#39;s presidential election that is scheduled for October 26.</p>

<p>Odinga has repeatedly said he would boycott the polls if the election board did not replace officials he blamed for irregularities in August.</p>

<p>&quot;In the interest of the people of Kenya, the region and world at large, we believe that all will be best served by (opposition grouping) NASA vacating the presidential candidature of elections slated for 26th of October, 2017,&quot; Odinga told a news conference in the capital of Nairobi.</p>

<p>Last month, the Supreme Court nullified incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta&#39;s win on August 8 due to procedural irregularities and ordered a new poll to be held within 60 days.</p>

<p>On Tuesday, legislators from the ruling party were debating proposed amendments to the election laws, which said if a candidate boycotted an election, the remaining candidate automatically wins.</p>

<p>Opposition legislators boycotted the session.</p>

<p>Ruling party legislators told Reuters on Monday that they were trying to head off a constitutional crisis if Odinga pulled out of the election.</p>


Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga said on Tuesday he would not stand in a court-ordered re-run of August's presidential election that is scheduled for October 26

Kenyan opposition leader Raila Odinga said on Tuesday he would not stand in a court-ordered re-run of August's presidential election that is scheduled for October 26. Odinga has repeatedly said he would boycott the polls if the election board did not replace officials he blamed for irregularities in August. "In the interest of the people of Kenya, the region and world at large, we believe that all will be best served by (opposition grouping) NASA vacating the presidential candidature of elections slated for 26th of October, 2017," Odinga told a news conference in the capital of Nairobi. Last month, the Supreme Court nullified incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta's win on August 8 due to procedural irregularities and ordered a new poll to be held within 60 days. On Tuesday, legislators from the ruling party were debating proposed amendments to the election laws, which said if a candidate boycotted an election, the remaining candidate automatically wins. Opposition legislators boycotted the session. Ruling party legislators told Reuters on Monday that they were trying to head off a constitutional crisis if Odinga pulled out of the election.

Kenyan opposition leader withdraws from repeat presidential poll

<p>Kenya&#39;s Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This unprecedented move is also a sign of hope for veteran Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who has over the years accused the electoral body of irregularities.</p>

<p>&ldquo;The declaration of Kenyatta&rsquo;s win&nbsp;is invalid, null and void,&rdquo; said Judge David Maraga, announcing the verdict of four out of the six judges.</p>

<p>The Supreme Court ruled on last Friday that the election board had committed irregularities that rendered the August 8 poll invalid, thereby,&nbsp;overturning&nbsp;President Uhuru Kenyatta&#39;s win. Incidentally,&nbsp;Kenyatta won&nbsp;by a margin of 1.4 million votes.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga&#39;s 40 per cent.</h5>
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<p>Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga&#39;s 40 per cent.</p>

<p>Main Opposition leader Raila Odinga headed to the Court with a petition, citing irregularities by the electoral body and hacking of results which he considered to have&nbsp;favoured&nbsp;Kenyatta&#39;s campaign. Kenya&#39;s election body acknowledged hacking attempts but said those attempts were unsuccessful.</p>

<p>Kenyatta&#39;s victory had the backing of election observers, they all welcomed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission&#39;s report of free and fair elections.</p>

<p>The Election Commission&#39;s stand on a fair election, however, did not go down very well with Odinga&#39;s followers who took to violence, resulting in dozens of death. To put an end to the violence,&nbsp;Odinga approached&nbsp;the Supreme Court.</p>

<p>This is not the first time, however, that Odinga has approached the Court hoping that the judges will be impartial. He did the same in 2013<strong>&nbsp;</strong>when he lost the election to the same rival Uhuru Kenyatta.&nbsp;There was light at the end of the tunnel for Odinga when the Supreme Court granted his coalition, NASA, limited access to the electoral body&rsquo;s data.</p>

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<p>Kenya Supreme Court&#39;s ruling has brought&nbsp;hope to other Opposition candidates across Africa. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court&#39;s impartiality. The latest post-election Constitutional Court battle is in Gabon, where the main Opposition, led by former African Union (AU) chief, Jean Ping is seeking to overturn results of the last presidential election. Approaching the Courts proved to be effective to curb instability, it is a move that Odinga took and many others in Africa.</p>

<p>But what does it mean for the winner?</p>

<p>Observers are watching as events unfold in Kenya after the Supreme Court ruling. The elections body was ordered to conduct fresh polls in sixty days.&nbsp;</p>

<p>With all eyes on Kenyatta&#39;s response to the unprecedented ruling,&nbsp;Kenyatta said that he has accepted a Court ruling annulling his re-election on August 8. He, however, expressed his disagreement with the judges&rsquo; position. The 55-year-old, now a serving president and not president-elect, had some uncharitable words for the Supreme Court describing them as &lsquo;thugs&#39;, local media reported.</p>

<p>For the poll re- run to take place peacefully, there has to be a consensus between President Kenyatta and the Opposition leader on the electoral board to run&nbsp;the election. For now, both leaders have voiced their differences, with Odinga calling for a new electoral board while Kenyatta insisting&nbsp;the poll should re-run with the current electoral board.</p>

<p>Kenya has a history of post-election violence, it remains to be seen how&nbsp;these&nbsp;two leaders will handle the re-run and ensure stability in this sixty days.</p>


Kenya's Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This gives hope to Opposition leaders in Africa.

Kenya's Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This unprecedented move is also a sign of hope for veteran Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who has over the years accused the electoral body of irregularities. “The declaration of Kenyatta’s win is invalid, null and void,” said Judge David Maraga, announcing the verdict of four out of the six judges. The Supreme Court ruled on last Friday that the election board had committed irregularities that rendered the August 8 poll invalid, thereby, overturning President Uhuru Kenyatta's win. Incidentally, Kenyatta won by a margin of 1.4 million votes. Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga's 40 per cent. × Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga's 40 per cent. Main Opposition leader Raila Odinga headed to the Court with a petition, citing irregularities by the electoral body and hacking of results which he considered to have favoured Kenyatta's campaign. Kenya's election body acknowledged hacking attempts but said those attempts were unsuccessful. Kenyatta's victory had the backing of election observers, they all welcomed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission's report of free and fair elections. The Election Commission's stand on a fair election, however, did not go down very well with Odinga's followers who took to violence, resulting in dozens of death. To put an end to the violence, Odinga approached the Supreme Court. This is not the first time, however, that Odinga has approached the Court hoping that the judges will be impartial. He did the same in 2013 when he lost the election to the same rival Uhuru Kenyatta. There was light at the end of the tunnel for Odinga when the Supreme Court granted his coalition, NASA, limited access to the electoral body’s data. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court's impartiality. × Kenya Supreme Court's ruling has brought hope to other Opposition candidates across Africa. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court's impartiality. The latest post-election Constitutional Court battle is in Gabon, where the main Opposition, led by former African Union (AU) chief, Jean Ping is seeking to overturn results of the last presidential election. Approaching the Courts proved to be effective to curb instability, it is a move that Odinga took and many others in Africa. But what does it mean for the winner? Observers are watching as events unfold in Kenya after the Supreme Court ruling. The elections body was ordered to conduct fresh polls in sixty days. With all eyes on Kenyatta's response to the unprecedented ruling, Kenyatta said that he has accepted a Court ruling annulling his re-election on August 8. He, however, expressed his disagreement with the judges’ position. The 55-year-old, now a serving president and not president-elect, had some uncharitable words for the Supreme Court describing them as ‘thugs', local media reported. For the poll re- run to take place peacefully, there has to be a consensus between President Kenyatta and the Opposition leader on the electoral board to run the election. For now, both leaders have voiced their differences, with Odinga calling for a new electoral board while Kenyatta insisting the poll should re-run with the current electoral board. Kenya has a history of post-election violence, it remains to be seen how these two leaders will handle the re-run and ensure stability in this sixty days.

Kenya's Supreme Court's verdict on election malpractices will have wider repercussions in Africa

<p>Kenyan police killed at least 11 people in a crackdown on protests as anger at the re-election of President Uhuru Kenyatta erupted in the western city of Kisumu and slums surrounding the capital, officials and witnesses said on Saturday.</p>

<p>However, the NASA opposition coalition, led by four-time presidential hopeful Raila Odinga, put the death toll at more than 100, including 10 children, albeit without providing evidence. Odinga has rejected the poll and its result as &quot;massive&quot; fraud.</p>

<p>Reuters was able to confirm 11 deaths, including one girl, in the space of 24 hours, and the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights said 24 people had been shot dead by police since Tuesday, election day.</p>

<p>Top Odinga lieutenant Johnson Muthama said police had been packing corpses into body bags and dumping them, remarks likely to exacerbate the tensions that followed Friday night&#39;s official announcement that Kenyatta had won, with 54.3 percent of votes.</p>

<p>The eruption of violence has revived dark memories of a decade ago, when Odinga, 72, lost an election in controversial circumstances that sparked a wave of ethnic unrest in which 1,200 people were killed and 600,000 displaced.</p>

<p>Interior Minister Fred Matiang&#39;i said the trouble was localised and blamed it on &quot;criminal elements&quot; rather than legitimate political protest. He also denied accusations of police brutality.</p>

<p>&quot;Let us be honest - there are no demonstrations happening,&quot; he told reporters.</p>

<p>&quot;Individuals or gangs that are looting shops, that want to endanger lives, that are breaking into people&#39;s businesses &ndash; those are not demonstrators. They are criminals and we expect police to deal with criminals how criminals should be dealt with.&quot;</p>

<p><strong>State Terror</strong></p>

<p>However, James Orengo, another top NASA official, said the killings were part of a carefully laid plan by 55-year-old Kenyatta&#39;s Jubilee party and the security forces to rig the poll, crush dissent and then hide the evidence.</p>

<p>&quot;This violence, this state terror is being executed following very meticulous preparation,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>&quot;It&#39;s like they knew what they were going to do. They knew they were going to steal an election. They knew the people would be unhappy, and therefore all the instruments of violence were put in place.&quot;</p>

<p>He and Muthama urged Odinga supporters to stay calm and out of harm&#39;s way but, ominously, said there would be no backing down. &quot;We will not be cowed. We will not relent,&quot; Muthama said.</p>

<p>As with previous votes in 2007 and 2013, this year&#39;s elections have exposed the underlying ethnic tensions in the nation of 45 million people, the economic engine of East Africa and the region&#39;s main trading hub.</p>

<p>In particular, Odinga&#39;s Luo tribe, who hail from the west, hoped an Odinga presidency would break the Kikuyu and Kalenjin dominance of central government since independence in 1963. Kenyatta, the son of Kenya&#39;s first president, is a Kikuyu.</p>

<p>Most of the trouble has been in the western city of Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold, and the large, ethnically mixed slums on the outskirts of Nairobi.</p>

<p>The bodies of nine young men shot dead in the capital&#39;s run-down Mathare neighbourhood were brought to the city morgue, a security official said. A young girl was also killed by a stray bullet in Mathare, according to a witness.</p>

<p>A government official said one man had been killed in Kisumu county. A Reuters reporter in the city heard tear gas grenades and gunshots overnight and on Saturday morning.</p>

<p>In addition to the deaths, officials at Kisumu&#39;s main hospital said they had treated 26 people since Friday night, including four with gunshot wounds and others who had been beaten by police.</p>

<p><strong>&quot;This is just a warm-up&quot;</strong></p>

<p>One man, 28-year-old Moses Oduor, was inside his home in Kisumu&#39;s impoverished district of Obunga when police conducting house-to-house raids dragged him out of his bedroom and set about him with clubs.</p>

<p>&quot;He was not out fighting them. He was rescued by my sister who lives next to him,&quot; said his brother, Charles Ochieng. &quot;She came outside screaming at the police, asking why they are beating people.&quot;</p>

<p>In Nairobi, armed police backed by water cannon moved through the rubble-strewn streets of Kibera, another pro-Odinga slum.</p>

<p>At one point they fired volleys of tear gas and live rounds to force a convoy of pick-up trucks containing senior NASA officials to retreat, a Reuters witness said. It was not clear why they were going to Kibera.</p>

<p>Fleeing Odinga loyalists vowed to vent their rage at the seat of Kenyatta&#39;s administration in central Nairobi.</p>

<p>&quot;This is just a warm-up. Tomorrow we will go to State House and they can kill us there,&quot; shouted Felix Oduor, 18, as he ran from clouds of tear gas along Kibera&#39;s railway line. &quot;They can&#39;t kill us all,&quot; those around him shouted in response.</p>

<p>Even before the official result was declared, NASA had rejected the poll&#39;s outcome, saying the election commission&#39;s systems had been hacked, the count was irregular, and foreign observers who endorsed the poll and the count were biased.</p>

<p>NASA provided no evidence for any of its accusations but singled out former US Secretary of State John Kerry and former South African president Thabo Mbeki - who both led teams of observers - for criticism.</p>

<p>In addition to the thumbs-up from foreign monitors, Kenya&#39;s ELOG domestic observation group, which had 8,300 agents on the ground, published a parallel vote tally on Saturday that conformed with the official results.</p>

<p>ELOG&#39;s projected outcome put Kenyatta on 54 per cent with a 1.9 per cent error margin, and its chairwoman said there was no evidence of manipulation.</p>


However, the NASA opposition coalition, led by four-time presidential hopeful Raila Odinga, put the death toll at more than 100, including 10 children

Kenyan police killed at least 11 people in a crackdown on protests as anger at the re-election of President Uhuru Kenyatta erupted in the western city of Kisumu and slums surrounding the capital, officials and witnesses said on Saturday. However, the NASA opposition coalition, led by four-time presidential hopeful Raila Odinga, put the death toll at more than 100, including 10 children, albeit without providing evidence. Odinga has rejected the poll and its result as "massive" fraud. Reuters was able to confirm 11 deaths, including one girl, in the space of 24 hours, and the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights said 24 people had been shot dead by police since Tuesday, election day. Top Odinga lieutenant Johnson Muthama said police had been packing corpses into body bags and dumping them, remarks likely to exacerbate the tensions that followed Friday night's official announcement that Kenyatta had won, with 54.3 percent of votes. The eruption of violence has revived dark memories of a decade ago, when Odinga, 72, lost an election in controversial circumstances that sparked a wave of ethnic unrest in which 1,200 people were killed and 600,000 displaced. Interior Minister Fred Matiang'i said the trouble was localised and blamed it on "criminal elements" rather than legitimate political protest. He also denied accusations of police brutality. "Let us be honest - there are no demonstrations happening," he told reporters. "Individuals or gangs that are looting shops, that want to endanger lives, that are breaking into people's businesses – those are not demonstrators. They are criminals and we expect police to deal with criminals how criminals should be dealt with." State Terror However, James Orengo, another top NASA official, said the killings were part of a carefully laid plan by 55-year-old Kenyatta's Jubilee party and the security forces to rig the poll, crush dissent and then hide the evidence. "This violence, this state terror is being executed following very meticulous preparation," he said. "It's like they knew what they were going to do. They knew they were going to steal an election. They knew the people would be unhappy, and therefore all the instruments of violence were put in place." He and Muthama urged Odinga supporters to stay calm and out of harm's way but, ominously, said there would be no backing down. "We will not be cowed. We will not relent," Muthama said. As with previous votes in 2007 and 2013, this year's elections have exposed the underlying ethnic tensions in the nation of 45 million people, the economic engine of East Africa and the region's main trading hub. In particular, Odinga's Luo tribe, who hail from the west, hoped an Odinga presidency would break the Kikuyu and Kalenjin dominance of central government since independence in 1963. Kenyatta, the son of Kenya's first president, is a Kikuyu. Most of the trouble has been in the western city of Kisumu, an Odinga stronghold, and the large, ethnically mixed slums on the outskirts of Nairobi. The bodies of nine young men shot dead in the capital's run-down Mathare neighbourhood were brought to the city morgue, a security official said. A young girl was also killed by a stray bullet in Mathare, according to a witness. A government official said one man had been killed in Kisumu county. A Reuters reporter in the city heard tear gas grenades and gunshots overnight and on Saturday morning. In addition to the deaths, officials at Kisumu's main hospital said they had treated 26 people since Friday night, including four with gunshot wounds and others who had been beaten by police. "This is just a warm-up" One man, 28-year-old Moses Oduor, was inside his home in Kisumu's impoverished district of Obunga when police conducting house-to-house raids dragged him out of his bedroom and set about him with clubs. "He was not out fighting them. He was rescued by my sister who lives next to him," said his brother, Charles Ochieng. "She came outside screaming at the police, asking why they are beating people." In Nairobi, armed police backed by water cannon moved through the rubble-strewn streets of Kibera, another pro-Odinga slum. At one point they fired volleys of tear gas and live rounds to force a convoy of pick-up trucks containing senior NASA officials to retreat, a Reuters witness said. It was not clear why they were going to Kibera. Fleeing Odinga loyalists vowed to vent their rage at the seat of Kenyatta's administration in central Nairobi. "This is just a warm-up. Tomorrow we will go to State House and they can kill us there," shouted Felix Oduor, 18, as he ran from clouds of tear gas along Kibera's railway line. "They can't kill us all," those around him shouted in response. Even before the official result was declared, NASA had rejected the poll's outcome, saying the election commission's systems had been hacked, the count was irregular, and foreign observers who endorsed the poll and the count were biased. NASA provided no evidence for any of its accusations but singled out former US Secretary of State John Kerry and former South African president Thabo Mbeki - who both led teams of observers - for criticism. In addition to the thumbs-up from foreign monitors, Kenya's ELOG domestic observation group, which had 8,300 agents on the ground, published a parallel vote tally on Saturday that conformed with the official results. ELOG's projected outcome put Kenyatta on 54 per cent with a 1.9 per cent error margin, and its chairwoman said there was no evidence of manipulation.

11 killed in Kenyan police crackdown on protesters after re-election of Kenyatta as president

<p>There are eight candidates for the presidency in Kenya&rsquo;s 2017 election. Of these, two are the main contenders; Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta and Raila Amolo Odinga. This is a replica of the 2013 polls where the two presidential candidates were the dominant opponents.</p>

<p>The running mate configuration has not changed either, with both retaining their previous partners. William Ruto for Kenyatta and Kalonzo Musyoka for Odinga. The only thing that has changed is their party identities.</p>

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<h5>Kenyatta&rsquo;s 2013 Jubilee coalition is now the Jubilee Party, comprising most of the constituent parties that had been part of the coalition.</h5>
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<p>Kenyatta&rsquo;s 2013 Jubilee coalition is now the <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/13-parties-wind-up-today-for--Jubilee-merger/1064-3373120-qu3trbz/index.html">Jubilee Party</a>, comprising most of the constituent parties that had been part of the coalition. The 2013 Jubilee formation was an alliance between parties loyal to the president, and his deputy William Ruto.</p>

<p>For its part Odinga&rsquo;s camp underwent a <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/politics/Opposition-joint-team-to-run-Nasa/1064-3794236-11lvmvo/index.html">coalition overhaul</a>, morphing from the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy to the National Super Alliance. The coalition brings together several parties, both old and new, led by the Orange Democratic Movement, Odinga&rsquo;s longtime party.</p>

<p>Latest polls have indicated that the two candidates are neck-and-neck. Both have factors working for and against them.</p>

<p><strong>Uhuru Kenyatta</strong></p>

<p>A few things are in Kenyatta&rsquo;s favor. At 55 years of age, he is a young president who represents generational change. Kenyatta also comes from one of the wealthiest families in Kenya. Forbes Magazine ranks him as the <a href="https://www.forbes.com/lists/2011/89/africa-billionaires-11_Uhuru-Kenyatta_FO2Q.html">26th richest</a> person in Africa, with an estimated fortune of $500 million. This means that he&rsquo;s been able to contribute financially to a vibrant campaign.</p>

<p>As the incumbent, some would also argue that he has had <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/06/14/uhuru-using-public-resources-in-jubilee-campaigns-knchr_c1578970">access to state resources</a> and agencies to facilitate his re-election. Incumbency has also allowed him to drive his campaign on the steam of his development record and <a href="https://www.delivery.go.ke/flagship#projects">flagship projects</a> in infrastructure, the energy sector and public service delivery.</p>

<p>In terms of voting blocs, Kenyatta has the support of Kenya&rsquo;s two <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/News/-/1056/817696/-/view/printVersion/-/hvs5ioz/-/index.html">most populous ethnic groupings</a>: the Gikuyu, Embu and Meru (GEMA) and the Kalenjin. <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2017/02/21/iebc-releases-final-new-voters-figures-nairobi-and-kiambu-lead_c1510996">The registered voters</a> in the GEMA grouping are approximately 5,588,389, in the Kalenjin are 2,324,559.</p>

<p>Combined, that&rsquo;s 7,912,948 votes, which is equivalent to 40 per cent of the electorate. That&rsquo;s a formidable start when you consider that presidential strongholds have historically recorded a <a href="http://epaper.peopledaily.co.ke/?iid=153479#folio=12">higher voter turnout</a> during elections.</p>

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<h5>Kenyatta&rsquo;s four-year tenure has been riddled with corruption allegations, including the Eurobond and National Youth Service scandals.</h5>
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<p>On the other hand, Kenyatta&rsquo;s four-year tenure has been riddled with corruption allegations, including the <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000215138/audit-sh215b-eurobond-cash-unaccounted-for">Eurobond</a> and <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/newsplex/NYS-loss-Raila-Odinga/2718262-3986036-tpbb6uz/index.html">National Youth Service</a> scandals.</p>

<p>His <a href="http://nairobinews.nation.co.ke/news/what-do-you-want-me-to-do-frustrated-president-asks-on-war-on-graft/">admitted inability</a> to rein in corruption in his government has worked against him. Additionally, his government is also accused of <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2016/07/20/mp-cheruiyot-says-jubilee-is-a-party-of-two-communities_c1388905">ethnic exclusion</a>.</p>

<p>The Jubilee presidency is seen as a two-man show. This has contributed to the perception that Jubilee is not ethnically representative.</p>

<p><strong>Raila Odinga</strong></p>

<p>Odinga has many things going for him. High up on the list are his charisma and strong political mobilisation skills. Historically, Odinga has always been a formidable opposition politician; <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2001238116/fourth-time-lucky-for-raila-tales-from-africa-s-top-opposition-politicians">not being an incumbent</a> has enabled him to galvanise effectively.</p>

<p>Odinga enjoys wider ethnic support compared to President Kenyatta, comprising among others the Kamba, Luhya, Luo and Maasai tribes. These communities comprise over a third of the voting population. But the disadvantage is their historically <a href="http://epaper.peopledaily.co.ke/?iid=153479#folio=12">lower record</a> of voter turnout.</p>

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<h5>At 72 years of age, Odinga represents the older generation of Kenyan leaders who joined politics in the 1970s and 80s.</h5>
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<p>At 72 years of age, Odinga represents the older generation of Kenyan leaders who joined politics in the 1970s and 80s. And this being his <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-39734302">fourth attempt</a> at the presidency, there&rsquo;s lethargy among some of his supporters.</p>

<p>He&rsquo;s viewed by some as power hungry and <a href="http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21587054">untrustworthy</a>, especially because of his alleged association with Kenya&rsquo;s <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/lifestyle/DN2/How-1982-coup-changed-Kenya/957860-1467488-10gpwg/index.html">1982 coup</a>. His calls for <a href="http://www.news24.com/Africa/News/Odinga-calls-for-mass-action-20071231">mass action</a> after the contentious 2007 election, during a period that saw the displacement and death of thousands of Kenyans, also contributed to this perception.</p>

<p>Also to his disadvantage is an association with past corruption scandals during his <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2013/01/19/how-uhuru-and-raila-performed-in-the-coalition-government_c727133">term as prime minister</a>, including the <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/business/article/2000030197/raila-s-family-was-involved-in-maize-scandal-claim-us-cables">maize</a> and Kazi Kwa Vijana <a href="https://www.standardmedia.co.ke/business/article/2000045447/scandal-raila-under-fire-over-missing-cash">youth programme</a> scandals.</p>

<p><strong>The main political formations</strong></p>

<p>There are two main formations in the 2017 election - the Jubilee Party and the National Super Alliance.</p>

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<h5>The Jubilee Party also has the support of other political parties including the Kenya African National Union, NARC Kenya, the Labour Party and the Democratic Party amongst others.</h5>
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<p>The Jubilee Party, formed in September 2016, followed a merger between the National Alliance and the United Republican Party representing two ethnic communities - the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. The Jubilee Party also has the support of other political parties including the Kenya African National Union, NARC Kenya, the Labour Party and the Democratic Party amongst others.</p>

<p>The National Super Alliance is a coalition of political parties formed in April 2017. Its leading lights are Odinga&rsquo;s Orange Democratic Movement, the Wiper Democratic Movement led by Kalonzo Musyoka, the Amani National Congress led by Musalia Mudavadi, Ford Kenya led by Moses Wetangula and Isaac Ruto&rsquo;s Chama Cha Mashinani. The coalition brings together the Luo, Kamba and Luhya ethnic groups, and a section of the Kalenjin community.</p>

<p>In this election cycle, party manifestos have become increasingly important. This explains the Jubilee administration&rsquo;s scramble to complete <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ld6ixrWZdkI">promises</a> outlined in its 2013 document.</p>

<p>The Jubilee Party has made even <a href="https://jubileepamoja.co.ke">more promises</a> in its recently launched manifesto. Three that have caught the public attention include the creation of 1.3 million jobs a year, free public secondary education and the expansion of Kenya&rsquo;s food production capacity.</p>

<p>The National Super Alliance&rsquo;s promises are <a href="https://nasacoalition.com">more political</a>. They include a constitutional amendment to provide for a hybrid executive system to foster national cohesion. Two other notable promises are to lower the cost of rent by enforcing the Rent Restriction Act and to implement free secondary education.</p>

<p><strong>Strengths and weaknesses</strong></p>

<p>The strengths of the Jubilee Party lie mainly in its incumbency and its development track record over the last four-and-a-half years. But the party has been weakened by divisions within its ranks. These were amplified during the campaign as disagreements broke out over the leadership of campaign teams. The ruling party is also handicapped to the extent that it&rsquo;s not as ethnically diverse as its competitor.</p>

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<h5>The National Super Alliance&rsquo;s main strength lies in its ethnic diversity.</h5>
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<p>The National Super Alliance&rsquo;s main strength lies in its ethnic diversity. Its <a href="http://nairobinews.nation.co.ke/news/raila-nasa-flag-bearer/">five principals</a> represent different ethnic communities.</p>

<p>The super alliance also creatively captures the zeitgeist of a section of the electorate, with some of its campaign slogans such as -&nbsp;<em>vindu </em><em>vichenjanga</em> (&lsquo;things are a-changing&rsquo; in the Luhya dialect) making their way into popular use. It is riding on the euphoric wave that usually accompanies the hope of regime change.</p>

<p>One of its weaknesses, however, includes a perceived predilection to violence because the opposition has previously resorted to mass action. In 2016 for example, it organised a <a href="http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2016/05/cord-vows-continue-monday-protests-iebc/">series of protests</a> to mobilise for the removal of key members of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries commission, the body responsible for organising the general election.</p>

<p>Another weakness is its close association with allegedly <a href="http://www.nation.co.ke/news/State-capture--Kenya-s-most-feared-oligarch/1056-3987356-dek8hy/index.html">corrupt financiers</a>.</p>

<p><strong>Key concerns</strong></p>

<p>There is a perception that historically, the presidency has been the preserve of <a href="http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/2016/02/12/tribe-and-patronage-bitter-fruit-of-the-gikuyu-kalenjin-union_c1293510">two ethnic groups</a> &ndash; the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. This feeling of disenfranchisement has become a key campaign issue.</p>

<p><img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81837/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />There are, however, some <a href="http://www.capitalfm.co.ke/news/2017/07/high-cost-living-top-kenyans-list-concerns/">non-tribal issues</a> that have taken the foreground. These include corruption, economic and social stability, lower cost of living and improved security.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/explainer-a-breakdown-of-what-you-need-to-know-about-the-kenyan-elections-81837">original article</a>.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


From Orange Democratic Movement's weaknesses to Jubilee Party's strengths, both the parties' contenders are going neck and neck in 2017 presidential elections.

There are eight candidates for the presidency in Kenya’s 2017 election. Of these, two are the main contenders; Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta and Raila Amolo Odinga. This is a replica of the 2013 polls where the two presidential candidates were the dominant opponents. The running mate configuration has not changed either, with both retaining their previous partners. William Ruto for Kenyatta and Kalonzo Musyoka for Odinga. The only thing that has changed is their party identities. Kenyatta’s 2013 Jubilee coalition is now the Jubilee Party, comprising most of the constituent parties that had been part of the coalition. × Kenyatta’s 2013 Jubilee coalition is now the Jubilee Party, comprising most of the constituent parties that had been part of the coalition. The 2013 Jubilee formation was an alliance between parties loyal to the president, and his deputy William Ruto. For its part Odinga’s camp underwent a coalition overhaul, morphing from the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy to the National Super Alliance. The coalition brings together several parties, both old and new, led by the Orange Democratic Movement, Odinga’s longtime party. Latest polls have indicated that the two candidates are neck-and-neck. Both have factors working for and against them. Uhuru Kenyatta A few things are in Kenyatta’s favor. At 55 years of age, he is a young president who represents generational change. Kenyatta also comes from one of the wealthiest families in Kenya. Forbes Magazine ranks him as the 26th richest person in Africa, with an estimated fortune of $500 million. This means that he’s been able to contribute financially to a vibrant campaign. As the incumbent, some would also argue that he has had access to state resources and agencies to facilitate his re-election. Incumbency has also allowed him to drive his campaign on the steam of his development record and flagship projects in infrastructure, the energy sector and public service delivery. In terms of voting blocs, Kenyatta has the support of Kenya’s two most populous ethnic groupings: the Gikuyu, Embu and Meru (GEMA) and the Kalenjin. The registered voters in the GEMA grouping are approximately 5,588,389, in the Kalenjin are 2,324,559. Combined, that’s 7,912,948 votes, which is equivalent to 40 per cent of the electorate. That’s a formidable start when you consider that presidential strongholds have historically recorded a higher voter turnout during elections. Kenyatta’s four-year tenure has been riddled with corruption allegations, including the Eurobond and National Youth Service scandals. × On the other hand, Kenyatta’s four-year tenure has been riddled with corruption allegations, including the Eurobond and National Youth Service scandals. His admitted inability to rein in corruption in his government has worked against him. Additionally, his government is also accused of ethnic exclusion. The Jubilee presidency is seen as a two-man show. This has contributed to the perception that Jubilee is not ethnically representative. Raila Odinga Odinga has many things going for him. High up on the list are his charisma and strong political mobilisation skills. Historically, Odinga has always been a formidable opposition politician; not being an incumbent has enabled him to galvanise effectively. Odinga enjoys wider ethnic support compared to President Kenyatta, comprising among others the Kamba, Luhya, Luo and Maasai tribes. These communities comprise over a third of the voting population. But the disadvantage is their historically lower record of voter turnout. At 72 years of age, Odinga represents the older generation of Kenyan leaders who joined politics in the 1970s and 80s. × At 72 years of age, Odinga represents the older generation of Kenyan leaders who joined politics in the 1970s and 80s. And this being his fourth attempt at the presidency, there’s lethargy among some of his supporters. He’s viewed by some as power hungry and untrustworthy, especially because of his alleged association with Kenya’s 1982 coup. His calls for mass action after the contentious 2007 election, during a period that saw the displacement and death of thousands of Kenyans, also contributed to this perception. Also to his disadvantage is an association with past corruption scandals during his term as prime minister, including the maize and Kazi Kwa Vijana youth programme scandals. The main political formations There are two main formations in the 2017 election - the Jubilee Party and the National Super Alliance. The Jubilee Party also has the support of other political parties including the Kenya African National Union, NARC Kenya, the Labour Party and the Democratic Party amongst others. × The Jubilee Party, formed in September 2016, followed a merger between the National Alliance and the United Republican Party representing two ethnic communities - the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. The Jubilee Party also has the support of other political parties including the Kenya African National Union, NARC Kenya, the Labour Party and the Democratic Party amongst others. The National Super Alliance is a coalition of political parties formed in April 2017. Its leading lights are Odinga’s Orange Democratic Movement, the Wiper Democratic Movement led by Kalonzo Musyoka, the Amani National Congress led by Musalia Mudavadi, Ford Kenya led by Moses Wetangula and Isaac Ruto’s Chama Cha Mashinani. The coalition brings together the Luo, Kamba and Luhya ethnic groups, and a section of the Kalenjin community. In this election cycle, party manifestos have become increasingly important. This explains the Jubilee administration’s scramble to complete promises outlined in its 2013 document. The Jubilee Party has made even more promises in its recently launched manifesto. Three that have caught the public attention include the creation of 1.3 million jobs a year, free public secondary education and the expansion of Kenya’s food production capacity. The National Super Alliance’s promises are more political. They include a constitutional amendment to provide for a hybrid executive system to foster national cohesion. Two other notable promises are to lower the cost of rent by enforcing the Rent Restriction Act and to implement free secondary education. Strengths and weaknesses The strengths of the Jubilee Party lie mainly in its incumbency and its development track record over the last four-and-a-half years. But the party has been weakened by divisions within its ranks. These were amplified during the campaign as disagreements broke out over the leadership of campaign teams. The ruling party is also handicapped to the extent that it’s not as ethnically diverse as its competitor. The National Super Alliance’s main strength lies in its ethnic diversity. × The National Super Alliance’s main strength lies in its ethnic diversity. Its five principals represent different ethnic communities. The super alliance also creatively captures the zeitgeist of a section of the electorate, with some of its campaign slogans such as - vindu vichenjanga (‘things are a-changing’ in the Luhya dialect) making their way into popular use. It is riding on the euphoric wave that usually accompanies the hope of regime change. One of its weaknesses, however, includes a perceived predilection to violence because the opposition has previously resorted to mass action. In 2016 for example, it organised a series of protests to mobilise for the removal of key members of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries commission, the body responsible for organising the general election. Another weakness is its close association with allegedly corrupt financiers. Key concerns There is a perception that historically, the presidency has been the preserve of two ethnic groups – the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. This feeling of disenfranchisement has become a key campaign issue. There are, however, some non-tribal issues that have taken the foreground. These include corruption, economic and social stability, lower cost of living and improved security. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Kenyan elections: Why it is important

<p>By: Justin Willis, Gabrielle Lynch and Nic Cheeseman</p>

<p>The threat of controversy and unrest looms over Kenya&rsquo;s elections, which will be held on 8 August. Incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta is ahead by a whisker in the most recent opinion poll. His main challenger, Raila Odinga, has repeatedly alleged that Kenyatta plans to rig the elections.</p>

<p>Kenya has an unhappy history of violence, and of alleged election rigging, and the recent gruesome murder of a key official at the electoral commission has heightened anxiety. Some fear that &ndash; whatever the electoral laws say &ndash; no holds are barred in Kenyan politics.</p>

<p>That history of electoral problems is interwoven with a dynastic political drama that goes back more than 50 years. Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga were political allies turned enemies in the 1960s; now their sons continue the rivalry.</p>

<p><strong>Dynasties</strong></p>

<p>Kenya&rsquo;s most powerful politicians are a small group, many of whom know one another socially, and many of whom have served in the government together over the years. Raila Odinga&rsquo;s running mate was in office for years under the old ruling party. So too was Musalia Mudavadi, one of Odinga&rsquo;s close allies in the opposition coalition, whose father was also a senior politician.</p>

<p>Kenya&rsquo;s politics can sometimes look like long-running squabbles amongst a gang of cronies, and newspaper cartoonists like to portray the Kenyan voter &ndash; routinely personified as an oppressed but doughty woman, Wanjiku &ndash; as the victim of these scheming rivals.</p>

<p>All the more so because these dynasties are linked to the ethnic rivalry. The muted background narrative of Kenyan politics is that access to the presidency has made some communities rich while others stay poor, and politicians stand accused of fostering that narrative, stirring up tribalism to win office and pitching ordinary Kenyans into violent confrontations.</p>

<p>Politicians are blamed, too, for the widespread use of gifts, and cash handouts, in elections &ndash; buying votes for a few shillings and a bottle of fizzy drink and then going on to abuse their elected office to enrich themselves through corruption.</p>

<p>Kenya&rsquo;s elections then, appear as the ruthless game of leaders who pursue power at the expense of their people, not on their behalf. But talk to any candidate at a level below the presidency &ndash; for Kenya&rsquo;s elections involve six separate ballots, for multiple positions in national and county government &ndash; and a slightly different picture appears.</p>

<p><strong>The moral economy of elections</strong></p>

<p>Candidates constantly complain of the <a href="http://democracyinafrica.org/impact-of-elections/">demands of voters</a>.</p>

<p>Need to meet women voters in a particular village? It can be arranged, but often requires &lsquo;facilitation&rsquo; to be provided &ndash; money to organise soft drinks, and hire chairs. And once you have spoken, you cannot leave your audience empty-handed. Each person must get at least a token gift, even if it is only fifty shillings (about half a dollar).</p>

<p>Need to reach a wider group of influential people? Easy &ndash; speak at the funeral of some well-known local elder. But if you are to do that, you must make a donation to the grieving family.</p>

<p>Or perhaps you are anxious about the youth vote? Here is a youth group, willing and ready to hear your message. But they might also expect that you will help them set up as motorcycle taxi riders.</p>

<p>And then there are the personal requests: the voter who cannot afford school fees for their children; the constituent who needs help with mounting hospital bills.</p>

<p>A commentator even recently suggested that the demand for &ldquo;something small&rdquo; was so high that the 2017 elections had made the 50-shilling note an &ldquo;endangered species&rdquo;.</p>

<p>Faced with these multiple demands, candidates find little support from the party whose colours they wear. They spend their savings or sell their assets. They borrow from family and friends. Some lose everything, impoverishing themselves and their families &ndash; and still lose the election.</p>

<p>Those who do win election take up the office with multiple debts. The temptation to use office corruptly to repay those debts, and build up funds for the next campaign, is a strong one.</p>

<p>Yet many voters don&rsquo;t consider their demands wrong; after all, they say, those elected often enrich themselves and ignore their constituents. Voters&rsquo; demands are a moral test.</p>

<p>The overall message of elections in Kenya is a simple one: government exists to bring development, and those elected are delegates, sent by their constituents to secure at least a fair portion of development - which may take any material form from youth training centres to tarred roads to a cabinet seat for a local. Voters need to be sure both that their representatives can deliver, and will respond to local demands. As a result, the campaign becomes a prolonged test of politicians&rsquo; virtue &ndash; will they meet constituents&rsquo; expectations?</p>

<p>Ethnicity plays into this. Bureaucratic accountability does not always work in Kenya: people don&rsquo;t necessarily follow the rules. So having someone on the inside &ndash; a cousin, an in-law, a friend of a friend &ndash; is always useful. So too with politics: voters want representatives on whom they feel have some moral claim. That need not be ethnic &ndash; but it may often coincide with ethnicity.</p>

<p>And, of course, voters want to feel that their representative, in turn, has similar claims on people further up in the hierarchy of power. Ordinary people do not need to be &lsquo;tribalists&rsquo; to vote on ethnic lines; they just need to doubt the impartiality of the system.</p>

<p>Once they do, they will begin to think that development may be denied them unless &lsquo;their man&rsquo; wins office.</p>

<p>Which is not to say that Kenya&rsquo;s politicians are not culpable, for their behaviour has encouraged ethnic politics and lavish electoral spending. Nor is it to excuse the high-stakes games around the presidential election that currently threaten to generate political unrest.</p>

<p><img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81957/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />But this moral economy of elections does help to explain why Kenyan voters turn out in large numbers to cast their ballots. Kenya&rsquo;s electoral politics are not just an elite game of thrones; they are driven by the demands and concerns of ordinary people, trying to navigate their way to the uncertain promised land of development.</p>

<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/kenyas-elections-are-much-more-than-just-a-ruthless-game-of-thrones-81957">original article</a>.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Elections in Kenya have been riddled with dynastic political drama since 50 years

By: Justin Willis, Gabrielle Lynch and Nic Cheeseman The threat of controversy and unrest looms over Kenya’s elections, which will be held on 8 August. Incumbent President Uhuru Kenyatta is ahead by a whisker in the most recent opinion poll. His main challenger, Raila Odinga, has repeatedly alleged that Kenyatta plans to rig the elections. Kenya has an unhappy history of violence, and of alleged election rigging, and the recent gruesome murder of a key official at the electoral commission has heightened anxiety. Some fear that – whatever the electoral laws say – no holds are barred in Kenyan politics. That history of electoral problems is interwoven with a dynastic political drama that goes back more than 50 years. Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga were political allies turned enemies in the 1960s; now their sons continue the rivalry. Dynasties Kenya’s most powerful politicians are a small group, many of whom know one another socially, and many of whom have served in the government together over the years. Raila Odinga’s running mate was in office for years under the old ruling party. So too was Musalia Mudavadi, one of Odinga’s close allies in the opposition coalition, whose father was also a senior politician. Kenya’s politics can sometimes look like long-running squabbles amongst a gang of cronies, and newspaper cartoonists like to portray the Kenyan voter – routinely personified as an oppressed but doughty woman, Wanjiku – as the victim of these scheming rivals. All the more so because these dynasties are linked to the ethnic rivalry. The muted background narrative of Kenyan politics is that access to the presidency has made some communities rich while others stay poor, and politicians stand accused of fostering that narrative, stirring up tribalism to win office and pitching ordinary Kenyans into violent confrontations. Politicians are blamed, too, for the widespread use of gifts, and cash handouts, in elections – buying votes for a few shillings and a bottle of fizzy drink and then going on to abuse their elected office to enrich themselves through corruption. Kenya’s elections then, appear as the ruthless game of leaders who pursue power at the expense of their people, not on their behalf. But talk to any candidate at a level below the presidency – for Kenya’s elections involve six separate ballots, for multiple positions in national and county government – and a slightly different picture appears. The moral economy of elections Candidates constantly complain of the demands of voters. Need to meet women voters in a particular village? It can be arranged, but often requires ‘facilitation’ to be provided – money to organise soft drinks, and hire chairs. And once you have spoken, you cannot leave your audience empty-handed. Each person must get at least a token gift, even if it is only fifty shillings (about half a dollar). Need to reach a wider group of influential people? Easy – speak at the funeral of some well-known local elder. But if you are to do that, you must make a donation to the grieving family. Or perhaps you are anxious about the youth vote? Here is a youth group, willing and ready to hear your message. But they might also expect that you will help them set up as motorcycle taxi riders. And then there are the personal requests: the voter who cannot afford school fees for their children; the constituent who needs help with mounting hospital bills. A commentator even recently suggested that the demand for “something small” was so high that the 2017 elections had made the 50-shilling note an “endangered species”. Faced with these multiple demands, candidates find little support from the party whose colours they wear. They spend their savings or sell their assets. They borrow from family and friends. Some lose everything, impoverishing themselves and their families – and still lose the election. Those who do win election take up the office with multiple debts. The temptation to use office corruptly to repay those debts, and build up funds for the next campaign, is a strong one. Yet many voters don’t consider their demands wrong; after all, they say, those elected often enrich themselves and ignore their constituents. Voters’ demands are a moral test. The overall message of elections in Kenya is a simple one: government exists to bring development, and those elected are delegates, sent by their constituents to secure at least a fair portion of development - which may take any material form from youth training centres to tarred roads to a cabinet seat for a local. Voters need to be sure both that their representatives can deliver, and will respond to local demands. As a result, the campaign becomes a prolonged test of politicians’ virtue – will they meet constituents’ expectations? Ethnicity plays into this. Bureaucratic accountability does not always work in Kenya: people don’t necessarily follow the rules. So having someone on the inside – a cousin, an in-law, a friend of a friend – is always useful. So too with politics: voters want representatives on whom they feel have some moral claim. That need not be ethnic – but it may often coincide with ethnicity. And, of course, voters want to feel that their representative, in turn, has similar claims on people further up in the hierarchy of power. Ordinary people do not need to be ‘tribalists’ to vote on ethnic lines; they just need to doubt the impartiality of the system. Once they do, they will begin to think that development may be denied them unless ‘their man’ wins office. Which is not to say that Kenya’s politicians are not culpable, for their behaviour has encouraged ethnic politics and lavish electoral spending. Nor is it to excuse the high-stakes games around the presidential election that currently threaten to generate political unrest. But this moral economy of elections does help to explain why Kenyan voters turn out in large numbers to cast their ballots. Kenya’s electoral politics are not just an elite game of thrones; they are driven by the demands and concerns of ordinary people, trying to navigate their way to the uncertain promised land of development. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Kenya?s elections are much more than just a ruthless game of thrones

<p>The foundation stone was <a href="http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/corporate/Hilton-kicks-off-second-Nairobi-high-end-hotel/539550-3939084-10rcyg7/">laid this week</a>&nbsp;in Nairobi, Kenya for what could be Africa&#39;s tallest building. The Pinnacle Towers, when completed, will stand 300 metres tall, 77 metres more than the current record holder -- the Carlton Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa.</p>

<p><iframe allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen" allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="244" id="datawrapper-chart-FN22w" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" msallowfullscreen="msallowfullscreen" oallowfullscreen="oallowfullscreen" scrolling="no" src="//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/FN22w/1/" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" width="100%"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["FN22w"]={},window.datawrapper["FN22w"].embedDeltas={"100":433,"200":304,"300":270,"400":244,"500":244,"600":227,"700":227,"800":227,"900":227,"1000":227},window.datawrapper["FN22w"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-FN22w"),window.datawrapper["FN22w"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["FN22w"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["FN22w"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("FN22w"==b)window.datawrapper["FN22w"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"});</script></p>

<p>But how will the Pinnacle Towers compare to the world&#39;s tallest buildings?</p>

<p><iframe allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen" allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="388" id="datawrapper-chart-0TWdi" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" msallowfullscreen="msallowfullscreen" oallowfullscreen="oallowfullscreen" scrolling="no" src="//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/0TWdi/1/" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" width="100%"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["0TWdi"]={},window.datawrapper["0TWdi"].embedDeltas={"100":543,"200":457,"300":431,"400":388,"500":388,"600":388,"700":388,"800":388,"900":388,"1000":388},window.datawrapper["0TWdi"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-0TWdi"),window.datawrapper["0TWdi"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["0TWdi"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["0TWdi"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("0TWdi"==b)window.datawrapper["0TWdi"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"});</script></p>

<p>From the chart above, we see that the Pinnacle Towers will be just a third of the height of the world&#39;s tallest building, the Burj Khalifa in Dubai. There is an even taller building under construction in the Persian Gulf, the 1000-metre-tall Jeddah Tower in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, which will be completed by 2020.</p>

<p>And what do the tallest buildings in South Asia compare to the world&#39;s tallest?</p>

<p><iframe allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen" allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="220" id="datawrapper-chart-NqFvF" mozallowfullscreen="mozallowfullscreen" msallowfullscreen="msallowfullscreen" oallowfullscreen="oallowfullscreen" scrolling="no" src="//datawrapper.dwcdn.net/NqFvF/1/" webkitallowfullscreen="webkitallowfullscreen" width="100%"></iframe><script type="text/javascript">if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["NqFvF"]={},window.datawrapper["NqFvF"].embedDeltas={"100":444,"200":286,"300":260,"400":246,"500":246,"600":220,"700":220,"800":220,"900":220,"1000":220},window.datawrapper["NqFvF"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-NqFvF"),window.datawrapper["NqFvF"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["NqFvF"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["NqFvF"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("NqFvF"==b)window.datawrapper["NqFvF"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"});</script></p>

<p>The tallest building in South Asia at present is the 256-metre-tall Imperial 1 building in Mumbai, India. This will soon be&nbsp;displaced&nbsp;by the 442-metre-tall World One building under construction in the same city.</p>


The 300-metre-tall Pinnacle Towers, when completed, will still be hundreds of metres shorter than the world's tallest buildings

The foundation stone was laid this week in Nairobi, Kenya for what could be Africa's tallest building. The Pinnacle Towers, when completed, will stand 300 metres tall, 77 metres more than the current record holder -- the Carlton Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa. But how will the Pinnacle Towers compare to the world's tallest buildings? From the chart above, we see that the Pinnacle Towers will be just a third of the height of the world's tallest building, the Burj Khalifa in Dubai. There is an even taller building under construction in the Persian Gulf, the 1000-metre-tall Jeddah Tower in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, which will be completed by 2020. And what do the tallest buildings in South Asia compare to the world's tallest? The tallest building in South Asia at present is the 256-metre-tall Imperial 1 building in Mumbai, India. This will soon be displaced by the 442-metre-tall World One building under construction in the same city.

Africa's tallest building is coming up in Kenya. How does it compare to the world's tallest?

<p>At least 25 people were killed in an oil tanker explosion on&nbsp;one of Kenya&#39;s main highways and engulfed several vehicles,&nbsp;a Red Cross official said on Sunday.</p>

<p>&quot;We have so far collected 25 bodies from the scene of the accident after a lorry heading to Uganda lost control and rammed into several vehicles,&quot; said Red Cross official Felister Kioko at the scene.</p>

<p>The fire accident took place late on Saturday night north&nbsp;of the central town of Naivasha.</p>

<p>A lorry carrying petrol had caught fire and killed more than 100 people near Molo town in 2009.</p>

<p>(With inputs from Reuters)</p>


A lorry heading to Uganda lost control and rammed into several vehicles, a Red Cross official at the scene said

At least 25 people were killed in an oil tanker explosion on one of Kenya's main highways and engulfed several vehicles, a Red Cross official said on Sunday. "We have so far collected 25 bodies from the scene of the accident after a lorry heading to Uganda lost control and rammed into several vehicles," said Red Cross official Felister Kioko at the scene. The fire accident took place late on Saturday night north of the central town of Naivasha. A lorry carrying petrol had caught fire and killed more than 100 people near Molo town in 2009. (With inputs from Reuters)

Kenya oil tanker explosion kills at least 25 in fire

Kenya on Thursday was removed from the the World Anti-Doping Agency&#39;s (WADA) list of nations deemed &#39;non-compliant&#39; in their efforts to tackle doping after the Kenyan parliament introduced new legislation to punish drug cheats.<br />
<br />
Kenya&#39;s reputation has been tarnished by more than 40 doping cases in the last four years and at one point the East African nation&#39;s participation at the Rio Olympics, which start on Friday, was deemed to be in jeopardy.<br />
<br />
WADA in May put Kenya on its non-compliant list as an anti-doping law passed by the Kenyan parliament was not in line with WADA&#39;s own code. The government later amended the bill.<br />
<br />
&quot;Kenya has drafted and adopted anti-doping legislation now deemed to be in line with the Code,&quot; WADA said in a statement.<br />
<br />
It added that it had &quot;removed the Anti-Doping Agency of Kenya (ADAK) from the list of signatories previously deemed non-compliant&quot;.<br />
<br />
Among the Kenyan athletes who failed drug tests are former Boston City Marathon and Chicago Marathon champion, Rita Jeptoo, and twice world cross-country champion Emily Chebet.<br />
<br />
(Reuters)

Kenya's reputation has been tarnished by more than 40 doping cases in last four years. It's Rio Olympics participation was also in jeopardy

Kenya on Thursday was removed from the the World Anti-Doping Agency's (WADA) list of nations deemed 'non-compliant' in their efforts to tackle doping after the Kenyan parliament introduced new legislation to punish drug cheats. Kenya's reputation has been tarnished by more than 40 doping cases in the last four years and at one point the East African nation's participation at the Rio Olympics, which start on Friday, was deemed to be in jeopardy. WADA in May put Kenya on its non-compliant list as an anti-doping law passed by the Kenyan parliament was not in line with WADA's own code. The government later amended the bill. "Kenya has drafted and adopted anti-doping legislation now deemed to be in line with the Code," WADA said in a statement. It added that it had "removed the Anti-Doping Agency of Kenya (ADAK) from the list of signatories previously deemed non-compliant". Among the Kenyan athletes who failed drug tests are former Boston City Marathon and Chicago Marathon champion, Rita Jeptoo, and twice world cross-country champion Emily Chebet. (Reuters)

Rio 2016: WADA removes Kenya from list of 'non-compliant' nations

Hinduja Group flagship Ashok Leyland will be setting up a bus assembly plant in Kenya with an investment of 700 million Indian Rupee as part of its global expansion plans.<br />
<br />
&quot;We are setting up a bus assembly plant in Kenya through a wholly-owned subsidiary. This plant will have an annual capacity of 1,200 buses,&quot; Ashok Leyland senior vice-president (Global Buses), T Venkataraman told PTI.<br />
<br />
He said the setting up of the Kenya plant will begin this quarter itself.<br />
<br />
&quot;This plant will also serve as an export hub for three neighbouring countries, besides meeting local demand in Kenya,&quot; he added.<br />
<br />
Amid tough global market conditions, the company has been working to enhance its international presence. The company already has a manufacturing facility at Ras Al Khaimah in the UAE, which was set up as a joint venture with the Ras Al Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA).<br />
<br />
The plant has an annual capacity of 2,000 vehicles and caters to demand of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) and African markets from the plant.<br />
<br />
Ashok Leyland&#39;s overall commercial vehicles exports, however, have been in decline so far this fiscal, which stood at 2,226 units in April-June, down 34.16 per cent from the year-ago period.<br />
<br />
Besides conventional buses, Ashok Leyland has been focusing on new technology such as hybrids through its UK arm Optare Plc, in which it holds a 75.1 per cent stake.<br />
<br />
Optare operates a range of &#39;low carbon&#39;, low-floor, mid-sized and modern range of city buses in the UK, Europe and North America, among others.<br />
<br />
(PTI)

The new plant in Kenya with a capacity of 1,200 buses will serve at least three neighbouring countries, besides catering to local demand

Hinduja Group flagship Ashok Leyland will be setting up a bus assembly plant in Kenya with an investment of 700 million Indian Rupee as part of its global expansion plans. "We are setting up a bus assembly plant in Kenya through a wholly-owned subsidiary. This plant will have an annual capacity of 1,200 buses," Ashok Leyland senior vice-president (Global Buses), T Venkataraman told PTI. He said the setting up of the Kenya plant will begin this quarter itself. "This plant will also serve as an export hub for three neighbouring countries, besides meeting local demand in Kenya," he added. Amid tough global market conditions, the company has been working to enhance its international presence. The company already has a manufacturing facility at Ras Al Khaimah in the UAE, which was set up as a joint venture with the Ras Al Khaimah Investment Authority (RAKIA). The plant has an annual capacity of 2,000 vehicles and caters to demand of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) and African markets from the plant. Ashok Leyland's overall commercial vehicles exports, however, have been in decline so far this fiscal, which stood at 2,226 units in April-June, down 34.16 per cent from the year-ago period. Besides conventional buses, Ashok Leyland has been focusing on new technology such as hybrids through its UK arm Optare Plc, in which it holds a 75.1 per cent stake. Optare operates a range of 'low carbon', low-floor, mid-sized and modern range of city buses in the UK, Europe and North America, among others. (PTI)

Ashok Leyland to set up bus assembly unit in Kenya

The crackdown on athletes caught up in recent doping scandals is a step in the right direction for the sport, Allyson Felix says, but the American sprinter is still worried it will not be a level playing field at next month&#39;s Rio Olympics.<br />
<br />
The 30-year-old qualified for her fourth Olympics earlier this month but will not be gunning for a 200-400 metres double after finishing fourth over the shorter distance at the US trials in Oregon.<br />
<br />
Athletics has been under the spotlight due to a doping scandal that saw Russia banned from competing in the sport at the Rio Games after a World Anti-Doping Agency report uncovered systematic abuse in the country.<br />
<br />
Kenya&#39;s team were also in danger of missing Rio before their government passed legislation that complied with anti-doping codes.<br />
<br />
&quot;The number of scandals we see now just shows the real issues that are there in sports,&quot; Felix told reporters in Beverley Hills. &quot;I would say that my confidence isn&#39;t high to think that there are not real issues.&nbsp;I would hope that the playing field is more level (but) it is very hard to deal with as a clean athlete.&nbsp;You are going to the biggest race of your life and you hope that that is a clean race. But can you say that you are a 100 per cent that you are sure?&nbsp;I don&#39;t think that you can say that.&quot;<br />
<br />
Felix said athletics was working hard to clean up the sport.<br />
<br />
&quot;It is hard ... but I hope we are moving in the right direction,&quot; she added. &quot;I think that exposing athletes that are happening now is I think is a step in the right direction.&quot;<br />
<br />
Felix, who won the 200 at the London Games in 2012, had been attempting to do a 200-400 double at Rio but battled an ankle injury in the leadup to the trials in Oregon.&nbsp;The injury had affected her conditioning and she failed to qualify for the 200 by 0.01 seconds.<br />
<br />
&quot;I think that what happened to me was just unfortunate. I think injuries are a part of sport and it is something that you just have to deal with,&quot; she added.&nbsp;&quot;For me I feel so grateful to have made this team at all as two months ago I was not walking at all.&nbsp;So it&#39;s pretty amazing to me that I&#39;m still going to Rio and while it doesn&#39;t look exactly how I hoped it would. But I&#39;m still going after it with everything I have.&quot;<br />
<br />
(Reuters)

'...My confidence isn't high to think that there are not real issues...it is very hard to deal with as a clean athlete'--Allyson Felix

The crackdown on athletes caught up in recent doping scandals is a step in the right direction for the sport, Allyson Felix says, but the American sprinter is still worried it will not be a level playing field at next month's Rio Olympics. The 30-year-old qualified for her fourth Olympics earlier this month but will not be gunning for a 200-400 metres double after finishing fourth over the shorter distance at the US trials in Oregon. Athletics has been under the spotlight due to a doping scandal that saw Russia banned from competing in the sport at the Rio Games after a World Anti-Doping Agency report uncovered systematic abuse in the country. Kenya's team were also in danger of missing Rio before their government passed legislation that complied with anti-doping codes. "The number of scandals we see now just shows the real issues that are there in sports," Felix told reporters in Beverley Hills. "I would say that my confidence isn't high to think that there are not real issues. I would hope that the playing field is more level (but) it is very hard to deal with as a clean athlete. You are going to the biggest race of your life and you hope that that is a clean race. But can you say that you are a 100 per cent that you are sure? I don't think that you can say that." Felix said athletics was working hard to clean up the sport. "It is hard ... but I hope we are moving in the right direction," she added. "I think that exposing athletes that are happening now is I think is a step in the right direction." Felix, who won the 200 at the London Games in 2012, had been attempting to do a 200-400 double at Rio but battled an ankle injury in the leadup to the trials in Oregon. The injury had affected her conditioning and she failed to qualify for the 200 by 0.01 seconds. "I think that what happened to me was just unfortunate. I think injuries are a part of sport and it is something that you just have to deal with," she added. "For me I feel so grateful to have made this team at all as two months ago I was not walking at all. So it's pretty amazing to me that I'm still going to Rio and while it doesn't look exactly how I hoped it would. But I'm still going after it with everything I have." (Reuters)

American sprinter doubts Olympic competitors are clean

The World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) urged the Kenyan government to act &quot;quickly in the interest of protecting clean sport&quot; after the athletics powerhouse found itself caught in the eye of a fresh doping storm.<br />
<br />
A new investigation by German television channel ARD and Britain&#39;s <em>Sunday Times</em> newspaper alleged on Saturday that doping is rife at the elite training centre in Iten.<br />
<br />
Previous joint research by ARD and the British newspaper led to the banning of the Russian athletics team from the Olympic Games for state-sponsored doping.<br />
<br />
Over the past three years, around 40 Kenyan athletes have failed doping tests, shredding their reputation for probity and laying bare the reality behind their reputation as the most dominant middle-to-long distance running nation in the world.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
The allegations are a major blow as they follow only weeks after Kenyan lawmakers passed a law, having been threatened with a similar sanction as the Russians by WADA - making it a criminal act to either dope or to supply such products.<br />
<br />
The documentary, largely filmed with a hidden camera, says it successfully infiltrated a team, posing as an athlete, in the training centre, a favoured spot for distance runners, both Kenyan and European, as it is at high altitude - 2,400 metres above sea level.<br />
<br />
The documentary shows images of boxes of the endurance-boosting drug EPO on the inside of the training centre and used syringes dumped in a bin.<br />
<br />
EPO is shown to be widely available in the pharmacies around the centre whilst two doctors are only too willing to propose supplying the journalist posing as an athlete with doping products.<br />
&nbsp;<br />
One of the two doctors claims to have supplied to &quot;more than 50 athletes, including three British runners, based on his guarantee he could dramatically improve their performances in &quot;three months&quot;.<br />
<br />
&quot;Even if the athletes are subjected to doping tests they will find nothing,&quot; says the doctor.<br />
<br />
&quot;That is what the top level athletes take.&quot;<br />
<br />
The same doctor, according to ARD, when approached again retracted his claims and said he had nothing to do with doping and to have made up supplying the products.<br />
<br />
However, both he and the other doctor featured have since been arrested by Kenyan police, according to ARD.<br />
<br />
A man said to be the coach of an Olympic champion, appearing with his face hidden, confirms the claims made in the documentary.<br />
&quot;The great majority of the athletes who appear out of nowhere are doped,&quot; he says.<br />
<br />
The chief executive of UK Anti-Doping, Nicole Sapstead, said the report was &quot;of grave concern and of significant interest&quot;, adding they were investigating.<br />
<br />
&quot;I can confirm that this evidence is being treated with the utmost importance and urgency, and two UKAD staff are currently in Kenya pursuing a number of lines of enquiry,&quot; she said in a statement.<br />
<br />
Newly-installed WADA director-general Olivier Niggli, in a statement issued from the organisation&#39;s Montreal headquarters, said he had &quot;full confidence &quot; in UKAD.<br />
<br />
He added: &quot;This article is one in a series of reports questioning Kenya`s ability to effectively address doping; and, suggesting that there exists a culture of doping in the country.<br />
<br />
&quot;At the very least, this is an indication that the Kenyan government must quickly put the necessary human resources behind Anti-Doping Agency of Kenya (ADAK) in the interest of protecting clean sport.&quot;<br />
<br />
Earlier, ADAK head Japhter Rugut told ARD: &quot;We can see that we have a lot of problems at grassroots level and we will work with the police so as to weed out all those implicated in these criminal activities, both sports people and doctors, who will have to answer for their actions.<br />
<br />
&quot;We want to go to Rio with a clean team.&quot;<br />
<br />
(AFP)

A documentary by German TV and British newspaper showed boxes of endurance-boosting drug EPO and syringes inside the training centre at Iten

The World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) urged the Kenyan government to act "quickly in the interest of protecting clean sport" after the athletics powerhouse found itself caught in the eye of a fresh doping storm. A new investigation by German television channel ARD and Britain's Sunday Times newspaper alleged on Saturday that doping is rife at the elite training centre in Iten. Previous joint research by ARD and the British newspaper led to the banning of the Russian athletics team from the Olympic Games for state-sponsored doping. Over the past three years, around 40 Kenyan athletes have failed doping tests, shredding their reputation for probity and laying bare the reality behind their reputation as the most dominant middle-to-long distance running nation in the world. The allegations are a major blow as they follow only weeks after Kenyan lawmakers passed a law, having been threatened with a similar sanction as the Russians by WADA - making it a criminal act to either dope or to supply such products. The documentary, largely filmed with a hidden camera, says it successfully infiltrated a team, posing as an athlete, in the training centre, a favoured spot for distance runners, both Kenyan and European, as it is at high altitude - 2,400 metres above sea level. The documentary shows images of boxes of the endurance-boosting drug EPO on the inside of the training centre and used syringes dumped in a bin. EPO is shown to be widely available in the pharmacies around the centre whilst two doctors are only too willing to propose supplying the journalist posing as an athlete with doping products. One of the two doctors claims to have supplied to "more than 50 athletes, including three British runners, based on his guarantee he could dramatically improve their performances in "three months". "Even if the athletes are subjected to doping tests they will find nothing," says the doctor. "That is what the top level athletes take." The same doctor, according to ARD, when approached again retracted his claims and said he had nothing to do with doping and to have made up supplying the products. However, both he and the other doctor featured have since been arrested by Kenyan police, according to ARD. A man said to be the coach of an Olympic champion, appearing with his face hidden, confirms the claims made in the documentary. "The great majority of the athletes who appear out of nowhere are doped," he says. The chief executive of UK Anti-Doping, Nicole Sapstead, said the report was "of grave concern and of significant interest", adding they were investigating. "I can confirm that this evidence is being treated with the utmost importance and urgency, and two UKAD staff are currently in Kenya pursuing a number of lines of enquiry," she said in a statement. Newly-installed WADA director-general Olivier Niggli, in a statement issued from the organisation's Montreal headquarters, said he had "full confidence " in UKAD. He added: "This article is one in a series of reports questioning Kenya`s ability to effectively address doping; and, suggesting that there exists a culture of doping in the country. "At the very least, this is an indication that the Kenyan government must quickly put the necessary human resources behind Anti-Doping Agency of Kenya (ADAK) in the interest of protecting clean sport." Earlier, ADAK head Japhter Rugut told ARD: "We can see that we have a lot of problems at grassroots level and we will work with the police so as to weed out all those implicated in these criminal activities, both sports people and doctors, who will have to answer for their actions. "We want to go to Rio with a clean team." (AFP)

World agency calls for 'quick action' after another Kenya doping scandal

Kenyan police said on Saturday that &quot;more than 100&quot; Islamist fighters raided a police station in North East Kenya overnight, injuring one officer and making off with arms and ammunition.<br />
<br />
The attack on Diff police station in Wajir district, close to the Somali border, happened at 1:00 am (2200 GMT Friday) and was blamed on militants from the Shabaab, a Somali-led al-Qaeda group.<br />
<br />
Police chief Joseph Boinnet confirmed the attack. &quot;Officers put up stiff resistance and fought them off despite Shabaab numbering over 100 in three trucks and heavy mortar fire,&quot; he said.<br />
<br />
A police source speaking on condition of anonymity said more than 10,000 bullets plus 13 AK-47 assault rifles, police uniforms and other items were stolen from the station.<br />
<br />
Diff police station suffered a similar raid in April this year when three officers were wounded and a police vehicle stolen. Officials said around 100 Shabaab fighters were also involved in that raid.<br />
<br />
(AFP)

Around?10,000 bullets,13 AK-47 assault rifles, police uniforms and other items were stolen from the station

Kenyan police said on Saturday that "more than 100" Islamist fighters raided a police station in North East Kenya overnight, injuring one officer and making off with arms and ammunition. The attack on Diff police station in Wajir district, close to the Somali border, happened at 1:00 am (2200 GMT Friday) and was blamed on militants from the Shabaab, a Somali-led al-Qaeda group. Police chief Joseph Boinnet confirmed the attack. "Officers put up stiff resistance and fought them off despite Shabaab numbering over 100 in three trucks and heavy mortar fire," he said. A police source speaking on condition of anonymity said more than 10,000 bullets plus 13 AK-47 assault rifles, police uniforms and other items were stolen from the station. Diff police station suffered a similar raid in April this year when three officers were wounded and a police vehicle stolen. Officials said around 100 Shabaab fighters were also involved in that raid. (AFP)

Shabaab raid Kenya police station

An anti-doping amendment was signed by Kenya&#39;s president on Thursday after the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) said Kenyan legislation passed in April needed further changes if the country was to be declared compliant with WADA codes.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
Renowned for its distance runners, Kenya has faced frequent allegations of doping with about 40 cases reported in the past four years.<br />
<br />
Among the high-profile Kenyan athletes who have failed doping tests was former three-time Boston City and Chicago marathon winner, Rita Jeptoo.<br />
<br />
Recently, WADA declared Kenya non-compliant with its anti-doping code, prompting the country to introduce new legislation. The International Olympic Committee said on Tuesday that competitors from Russia and Kenya, given their countries&#39; recent history of doping, would have to be screened individually before being allowed to participate in the Rio Games.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
After WADA still found flaws, such as the presence of government officials in Kenya&#39;s anti-doping agency, Kenya began working on amendments.<br />
<br />
&quot;We look forward to WADA&#39;s review and declaration of Kenya as compliant with existing rules,&quot; President Uhuru Kenyatta said after signing the amendments into law. &quot;Kenya has always supported clean sport and will continue to do so.&quot;<br />
<br />
Last week, Kenyan officials said that WADA had approved the amendments to prevent doping by Kenyan athletics.<br />
<br />
&quot;The president instructed me to ensure all athletes going to the Games are screened and the results reported to him personally,&quot; National Olympic Committee of Kenya (NOCK) Chairman Kipchoge Keino told Reuters after signing the document.&nbsp;<br />
<br />
&quot;We must fight doping and all forms of cheating in sports and Olympic movement,&quot; said Keino.<br />
<br />
(Reuters)&nbsp;<br />
<br />
<br />
&nbsp;

Renowned for its distance runners, Kenya has faced frequent allegations of doping with about 40 cases reported in the past four years

An anti-doping amendment was signed by Kenya's president on Thursday after the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) said Kenyan legislation passed in April needed further changes if the country was to be declared compliant with WADA codes. Renowned for its distance runners, Kenya has faced frequent allegations of doping with about 40 cases reported in the past four years. Among the high-profile Kenyan athletes who have failed doping tests was former three-time Boston City and Chicago marathon winner, Rita Jeptoo. Recently, WADA declared Kenya non-compliant with its anti-doping code, prompting the country to introduce new legislation. The International Olympic Committee said on Tuesday that competitors from Russia and Kenya, given their countries' recent history of doping, would have to be screened individually before being allowed to participate in the Rio Games. After WADA still found flaws, such as the presence of government officials in Kenya's anti-doping agency, Kenya began working on amendments. "We look forward to WADA's review and declaration of Kenya as compliant with existing rules," President Uhuru Kenyatta said after signing the amendments into law. "Kenya has always supported clean sport and will continue to do so." Last week, Kenyan officials said that WADA had approved the amendments to prevent doping by Kenyan athletics. "The president instructed me to ensure all athletes going to the Games are screened and the results reported to him personally," National Olympic Committee of Kenya (NOCK) Chairman Kipchoge Keino told Reuters after signing the document. "We must fight doping and all forms of cheating in sports and Olympic movement," said Keino. (Reuters)

Kenyan President signs anti-doping document

World athletics federation IAAF has&nbsp;come closer to destroying sport in Russia than helping it develop by suspending the country&#39;s track and field team over doping offences, the Russian sport minister said.<br />
<br />
First imposed in November, the IAAF ban was extended on Friday and supported by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) on Saturday.<br />
<br />
&quot;I have written an open letter to (the IAAF)... If you are an organisation whose aim is to develop athletics then you have done everything to destroy it,&quot; Vitaly Mutko told Reuters in an interview.<br />
<br />
Russian track and field athletes had not participated in international competitions in January.<br />
<br />
&quot;I, on behalf of the state, cannot finance the country&#39;s national team. That means all this is falling apart. Next, I cannot finance the training centre, all these are closing down. The young athletes do not have any motivation,&quot; Mutko said.<br />
<br />
Individual Russian track and field athletes assessed as clean will be able to compete for their country in Brazil, IOC President Thomas Bach said on Tuesday, diluting the IAAF&#39;s ban.<br />
<br />
International Olympic Committee president Thomas Bach also said all competitors from both Russia and Kenya would, given their countries&#39; recent history of doping, have to be screened individually before being allowed to participate in the Games.<br />
<br />
He did not elaborate on what the evaluation would include.<br />
<br />
The Russian track and field team remains suspended from Rio de Janeiro after the IOC supported the ban, for systemic doping, which world athletics federation IAAF had extended on Friday.<br />
<br />
But Bach, speaking at the end of a summit on doping, offered a limited number of Russian athletes the chance to race under their flag.<br />
<br />
In a decision welcomed by the sports ministry in Moscow, he said those cleared by the IAAF or the Court of Arbitration for Sport as clean and eligible would be able to compete in Brazil.<br />
<br />
The unsatisfactory record of anti-doping bodies in Russia, as well as Kenya, had put &quot;very serious doubts on the presumption of innocence&quot; of their athletes, Bach said.<br />
<br />
But they had the right of appeal and &quot;if there are (Russian) athletes qualified then they will compete as members of the Russian Olympic Committee team,&quot; he told reporters.<br />
<br />
The IAAF had said on Friday that any Russian athlete would have to compete under a neutral flag, a recommendation it reiterated on Tuesday following Bach&#39;s comments.<br />
<br />
&quot;This decision has been unequivocally supported across sport and the IOC Summit today unanimously agreed to fully respect the IAAF decision,&quot; the federation said in a statement.<br />
<br />
(Reuters)&nbsp;

However, Russia's sports minister has said that the suspensions are destroying sport in the country

World athletics federation IAAF has come closer to destroying sport in Russia than helping it develop by suspending the country's track and field team over doping offences, the Russian sport minister said. First imposed in November, the IAAF ban was extended on Friday and supported by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) on Saturday. "I have written an open letter to (the IAAF)... If you are an organisation whose aim is to develop athletics then you have done everything to destroy it," Vitaly Mutko told Reuters in an interview. Russian track and field athletes had not participated in international competitions in January. "I, on behalf of the state, cannot finance the country's national team. That means all this is falling apart. Next, I cannot finance the training centre, all these are closing down. The young athletes do not have any motivation," Mutko said. Individual Russian track and field athletes assessed as clean will be able to compete for their country in Brazil, IOC President Thomas Bach said on Tuesday, diluting the IAAF's ban. International Olympic Committee president Thomas Bach also said all competitors from both Russia and Kenya would, given their countries' recent history of doping, have to be screened individually before being allowed to participate in the Games. He did not elaborate on what the evaluation would include. The Russian track and field team remains suspended from Rio de Janeiro after the IOC supported the ban, for systemic doping, which world athletics federation IAAF had extended on Friday. But Bach, speaking at the end of a summit on doping, offered a limited number of Russian athletes the chance to race under their flag. In a decision welcomed by the sports ministry in Moscow, he said those cleared by the IAAF or the Court of Arbitration for Sport as clean and eligible would be able to compete in Brazil. The unsatisfactory record of anti-doping bodies in Russia, as well as Kenya, had put "very serious doubts on the presumption of innocence" of their athletes, Bach said. But they had the right of appeal and "if there are (Russian) athletes qualified then they will compete as members of the Russian Olympic Committee team," he told reporters. The IAAF had said on Friday that any Russian athlete would have to compete under a neutral flag, a recommendation it reiterated on Tuesday following Bach's comments. "This decision has been unequivocally supported across sport and the IOC Summit today unanimously agreed to fully respect the IAAF decision," the federation said in a statement. (Reuters)

IOC offers Rio lifeline to Russian track and field athletes

&nbsp;Al Shabaab militants killed five police officers in a border region in northeastern Kenya today, a regional official said.<br />
<br />
&quot;We condemn the attack by al Shabaab at Dimu this morning five police officers killed. The info about their presence was long shared by the locals,&quot; Mandera county governor Ali Roba said on his Twitter account.<br />
(Reuters)

Mandera county governor Ali Roba condemned the attack at Dimu and said locals alerted the authorities

Al Shabaab militants killed five police officers in a border region in northeastern Kenya today, a regional official said. "We condemn the attack by al Shabaab at Dimu this morning five police officers killed. The info about their presence was long shared by the locals," Mandera county governor Ali Roba said on his Twitter account. (Reuters)

5 police officers killed by al-Shabaab militants in Kenya

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