Thousands of Iraqis are hoping to rebuild their lives after the devastations done by the Islamic State group on the country. There seems no hope as many have been rendered homeless. Watch report.

Rebuilding life in Iraq: No hope for homeless in Iraq

The war in Syria is entering its tenth year and there seems to be no end to Syrians grief and pain from the ravaging violence. The war has resulted in an unprecedented food crisis and crumbling infrastructure.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/india-bans-chinese-apps-what-does-the-decision-mean-for-beijing-309734" hreflang="en">India bans Chinese apps: What does the decision mean for Beijing?</a>

As the Syrians continue to live in fear and despair, the coronavirus pandemic has further wreaked havoc in the country, as the health sector is in tatters.&nbsp;

In an attempt to help Syria, over 60 governments and NGOs will attend a meeting lead by the European Union as the United Nations have sought 10 billion dollars for the country to fight the coronavirus pandemic. 
&nbsp; 
This is the tenth year of conflict and armed struggle in Syria. A fire fed by international actors and local groups. One of the deadliest in the century. The conflict broke out when Syrians took to the streets on March 15, 2011.

They were protesting against the government of President Bashar Al Assad. In response, the government launched a brutal crackdown. Rebel groups took shape turning a protest into a civil war.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/source-very-very-important-who-will-send-expert-team-to-china-to-investigate-covid-19s-origin-309694" hreflang="en">‘Source very, very important’: WHO will send expert team to China to investigate COVID-19’s origin</a>

By June 2013, 90 thousand people had been killed. International forces intervened and thus began a war which has killed over 380,000 people. And triggered the biggest refugee crisis since World War II.

The war divided global players. Russia and Iran back President Assad. The United States and Turkey support different rebel groups. Caught in the crossfire are the people of Syria.

More than 5.6 million people have fled the country and become international refugees. More than 6.5 million have been displaced internally. 9.3 million Syrians are fighting hunger.

70 per cent of the population doesn't have access to drinking water. Millions of children are out of school. Food prices have soared more than 200 per cent.

The World Health Organisation says over 90 per cent of the Syrian population lives on less than $2 a day making it one of the poorest countries in the world.

The so-called Islamic state tried to exploit the chaos. And declared a caliphate in 2014. Years of fighting have pushed them out of their last strongholds like Idlib.&nbsp;

But innocent Syrians have been collateral damage. The United Nations says there's evidence that all sides were guilty of war crimes including murder, torture and rape.

The Assad govt has been accused of using chemical weapons against its people. In 2013, the Sarin gas was used in Damascus, killing hundreds of people.&nbsp;

In 2014, chlorine was used. The ISIS has been accused of using sulphur mustard. Airstrikes have turned entire cities into ghost towns.&nbsp;

Nine years and counting, Syria remains caught in a deadly cycle of failed peace talks and proxy wars.&nbsp;

The war in Syria is entering its tenth year and there seems to be no end to Syrians grief and pain from the ravaging violence. The war has resulted in an unprecedented food crisis and crumbling infrastructure.

The war in Syria is entering its tenth year and there seems to be no end to Syrians grief and pain from the ravaging violence. The war has resulted in an unprecedented food crisis and crumbling infrastructure. Also read: India bans Chinese apps: What does the decision mean for Beijing? As the Syrians continue to live in fear and despair, the coronavirus pandemic has further wreaked havoc in the country, as the health sector is in tatters. In an attempt to help Syria, over 60 governments and NGOs will attend a meeting lead by the European Union as the United Nations have sought 10 billion dollars for the country to fight the coronavirus pandemic. This is the tenth year of conflict and armed struggle in Syria. A fire fed by international actors and local groups. One of the deadliest in the century. The conflict broke out when Syrians took to the streets on March 15, 2011. They were protesting against the government of President Bashar Al Assad. In response, the government launched a brutal crackdown. Rebel groups took shape turning a protest into a civil war. Also read: ‘Source very, very important’: WHO will send expert team to China to investigate COVID-19’s origin By June 2013, 90 thousand people had been killed. International forces intervened and thus began a war which has killed over 380,000 people. And triggered the biggest refugee crisis since World War II. The war divided global players. Russia and Iran back President Assad. The United States and Turkey support different rebel groups. Caught in the crossfire are the people of Syria. More than 5.6 million people have fled the country and become international refugees. More than 6.5 million have been displaced internally. 9.3 million Syrians are fighting hunger. 70 per cent of the population doesn't have access to drinking water. Millions of children are out of school. Food prices have soared more than 200 per cent. The World Health Organisation says over 90 per cent of the Syrian population lives on less than $2 a day making it one of the poorest countries in the world. The so-called Islamic state tried to exploit the chaos. And declared a caliphate in 2014. Years of fighting have pushed them out of their last strongholds like Idlib. But innocent Syrians have been collateral damage. The United Nations says there's evidence that all sides were guilty of war crimes including murder, torture and rape. The Assad govt has been accused of using chemical weapons against its people. In 2013, the Sarin gas was used in Damascus, killing hundreds of people. In 2014, chlorine was used. The ISIS has been accused of using sulphur mustard. Airstrikes have turned entire cities into ghost towns. Nine years and counting, Syria remains caught in a deadly cycle of failed peace talks and proxy wars.

Syria faces food crisis and crumbling infrastructure due to years of war

By Brian Glyn Williams 
 
An Islamic State follower posted the hashtag “#AmericaBurning” in a discussion on the Telegram chat system in early June, and another posted a message that read “You are waking up this morning to news of the destruction of America, the dismantling of its States, and civil war.”

Another Islamic State website proclaimed “Destruction, fragmentation. America is burning,” while an Islamic State supporter posted photos in the same Telegram forum of the riots, writing “O Allah, burn them like they burned the lands of the Muslims.”

IS supporters are rejoicing at tensions from both peaceful protests and occasional violence in US&nbsp;streets in the wake of George Floyd’s May 25 death. As a scholar who tracks the Islamic State group and its affiliates, I have followed how the Islamic State has been exploiting the effects of the coronavirus on its enemies and celebrating the effects of racial tensions and the pandemic in America.

An opportunity in the pandemic

Islamic State followers are excited at the prospect of a massive Western death toll from the coronavirus, which they defined as “God’s smallest soldier.”

They also see the virus at work in US&nbsp;military pullbacks related to the coronavirus – such as the March announcement from the Pentagon that it would stop sending troops to Iraq for at least two months.

In addition, the US&nbsp;pulled some troops out of Iraq, withdrew many more from six frontline operating bases and ordered the troops remaining in the country to stay on their bases – moves that ended most joint missions with local Iraqi and Kurdish troops.

In Iraq, the Islamic State has reacted by stepping up attacks. They have targeted pro-government Shiite militia members and Iraqi and Kurdish troops, who now have less U.S. support to help defend them.

British and US airstrikes are, however, still targeting the group’s fortified cave hideouts in northern Iraq, which Iraqi ground troops are also continuing to attack, albeit with fewer troops due to coronavirus base lockdowns.

In Syria, emboldened Islamic State forces have recently attacked government troops with land mines, heavy weapons and car bombings killing hundreds.

IS also fears the virus 
 
For all the opportunities the pandemic seemingly offers the Islamic State, the group is also worried about how the virus affects them. In Syria, Kurdish forces are holding captive as many as 12,000 Islamic State fighters and 70,000 of their family members, mostly women and children, in vast, cramped, unhygienic internment camps. There is no possibility of social distancing.

The prisoners live in terror of the pandemic breaking out among them and have been rioting in efforts to escape the camps. In May, Islamic State prisoners briefly rose up and took control of a prison holding as many as 5,000 captives before they were suppressed.

Islamic State leaders have not only called for their fighters to attack the lightly guarded camps to free the prisoners, but also expressed concern about the disease spreading among their own forces.

Calls for jihad in the West 
 
A US&nbsp;Department of Homeland Security bulletin in late March warned that the Islamic State’s newsletter had called for attacks on US&nbsp;and European health care targets that are strained by the pandemic. The Islamic State has ordered its followers not to travel to Europe, where the virus outbreak is far worse than in the Middle East. But the group has suggested that its followers who are already in Europe exploit the chaos, calling for “new strikes … similar to the strikes of Paris, London, Brussels and other places” where followers have used bombs and firearms to kill dozens of people in recent years.

The Islamic State is even suggesting that killing “infidels” could be a way for followers to protect themselves from the virus, stating, “They should also remember that obedience to God – the most beloved form of which is jihad – turns away the torment and wrath of God.”

Limited activity in Europe 
 
Those calls may have had some response.

On March 11, German authorities arrested four suspected members of an Islamic State cell who were allegedly planning an attack on American military facilities with explosives. In April, a Sudanese man stabbed seven people, killing two, in southeastern France. Most recently, on June 20, a Libyan man stabbed six people in a park in Reading, England, killing three.

I do not believe these attacks in France and Britain or the disrupted plot in Germany signal a resurgence in Islamic State activity in the West. IS’s messaging has lost much of its galvanizing appeal since the group lost its transnational state, which had inspired many followers, in a five-year war in Syria and Iraq.

My research shows that calls for attacks on the FIFA World Cup soccer finals in Russia in 2018 and against Fourth of July festivities in the US&nbsp;in 2019 were never acted on. While the Islamic State group can still carry out attacks in the Middle East and through its affiliates around the world, their gloating at American coronavirus deaths and racial tensions does not necessarily translate to a real threat to the US.

(Brian Glyn Williams is Professor of Islamic History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth) 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) &nbsp;

By Brian Glyn Williams An Islamic State follower posted the hashtag “#AmericaBurning” in a discussion on the Telegram chat system in early June, and another posted a message that read “You are waking up this morning to news of the destruction of America, the dismantling of its States, and civil war.

By Brian Glyn Williams An Islamic State follower posted the hashtag “#AmericaBurning” in a discussion on the Telegram chat system in early June, and another posted a message that read “You are waking up this morning to news of the destruction of America, the dismantling of its States, and civil war.” Another Islamic State website proclaimed “Destruction, fragmentation. America is burning,” while an Islamic State supporter posted photos in the same Telegram forum of the riots, writing “O Allah, burn them like they burned the lands of the Muslims.” IS supporters are rejoicing at tensions from both peaceful protests and occasional violence in US streets in the wake of George Floyd’s May 25 death. As a scholar who tracks the Islamic State group and its affiliates, I have followed how the Islamic State has been exploiting the effects of the coronavirus on its enemies and celebrating the effects of racial tensions and the pandemic in America. An opportunity in the pandemic Islamic State followers are excited at the prospect of a massive Western death toll from the coronavirus, which they defined as “God’s smallest soldier.” They also see the virus at work in US military pullbacks related to the coronavirus – such as the March announcement from the Pentagon that it would stop sending troops to Iraq for at least two months. In addition, the US pulled some troops out of Iraq, withdrew many more from six frontline operating bases and ordered the troops remaining in the country to stay on their bases – moves that ended most joint missions with local Iraqi and Kurdish troops. In Iraq, the Islamic State has reacted by stepping up attacks. They have targeted pro-government Shiite militia members and Iraqi and Kurdish troops, who now have less U.S. support to help defend them. British and US airstrikes are, however, still targeting the group’s fortified cave hideouts in northern Iraq, which Iraqi ground troops are also continuing to attack, albeit with fewer troops due to coronavirus base lockdowns. In Syria, emboldened Islamic State forces have recently attacked government troops with land mines, heavy weapons and car bombings killing hundreds. IS also fears the virus For all the opportunities the pandemic seemingly offers the Islamic State, the group is also worried about how the virus affects them. In Syria, Kurdish forces are holding captive as many as 12,000 Islamic State fighters and 70,000 of their family members, mostly women and children, in vast, cramped, unhygienic internment camps. There is no possibility of social distancing. The prisoners live in terror of the pandemic breaking out among them and have been rioting in efforts to escape the camps. In May, Islamic State prisoners briefly rose up and took control of a prison holding as many as 5,000 captives before they were suppressed. Islamic State leaders have not only called for their fighters to attack the lightly guarded camps to free the prisoners, but also expressed concern about the disease spreading among their own forces. Calls for jihad in the West A US Department of Homeland Security bulletin in late March warned that the Islamic State’s newsletter had called for attacks on US and European health care targets that are strained by the pandemic. The Islamic State has ordered its followers not to travel to Europe, where the virus outbreak is far worse than in the Middle East. But the group has suggested that its followers who are already in Europe exploit the chaos, calling for “new strikes … similar to the strikes of Paris, London, Brussels and other places” where followers have used bombs and firearms to kill dozens of people in recent years. The Islamic State is even suggesting that killing “infidels” could be a way for followers to protect themselves from the virus, stating, “They should also remember that obedience to God – the most beloved form of which is jihad – turns away the torment and wrath of God.” Limited activity in Europe Those calls may have had some response. On March 11, German authorities arrested four suspected members of an Islamic State cell who were allegedly planning an attack on American military facilities with explosives. In April, a Sudanese man stabbed seven people, killing two, in southeastern France. Most recently, on June 20, a Libyan man stabbed six people in a park in Reading, England, killing three. I do not believe these attacks in France and Britain or the disrupted plot in Germany signal a resurgence in Islamic State activity in the West. IS’s messaging has lost much of its galvanizing appeal since the group lost its transnational state, which had inspired many followers, in a five-year war in Syria and Iraq. My research shows that calls for attacks on the FIFA World Cup soccer finals in Russia in 2018 and against Fourth of July festivities in the US in 2019 were never acted on. While the Islamic State group can still carry out attacks in the Middle East and through its affiliates around the world, their gloating at American coronavirus deaths and racial tensions does not necessarily translate to a real threat to the US. (Brian Glyn Williams is Professor of Islamic History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article)

Islamic State militants incite attacks, gloat at US protests and pandemic deaths

Speaking to media on a conference call,&nbsp;US Special Representative Zalmay Khalilzad said a new date for the&nbsp;intra-Afghan peace talks is under discussion. He also assured that an inclusive Afghan government will be formed soon.

Talking about his plans to travel soon to talk about release of prisoners, he said he feels that it would be best if the&nbsp;intra-Afghan talks began while there is still a significant U.S. military presence in Afghanistan.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/afghanistan/us-says-islamic-state-conducted-the-attack-on-kabul-hospital-298864">Also read:&nbsp;US says Islamic State conducted the attack on Kabul hospital</a>

Under a&nbsp;Feb. 29 U.S.-Taliban agreement for the withdrawal of U.S. troops, the talks had to happen on&nbsp;March 10. However, the release of prisoners, and the uncertainty and disagreements of&nbsp;Afghan government's composition delayed the talk.

Afghanistan was attacked twice in the past one week.&nbsp;One in a Kabul hospital's maternity ward and second at a funeral. More than 50 people died in these attacks, including kids. This raised questions on the US peace effort.

Khalilzad blamed ISIS for both the attacks, contrary to&nbsp;Afghan officials' claim that Taliban was responsible for the attack on the hospital, which killed two children.

"There are forces such as the ISIS that doesn't see peace in Afghanistan in its interest and are trying to increase violence to undermine the prospects for peace," Khalilzad told reporters. "We are urging both sides not to fall into that trap but indeed to cooperate against terrorists including ISIS. So, we want this to happen as soon as possible when now, we're still there in a significant way."

Talking about drawdown of AMerican troops from Afghanistan,&nbsp;Pentagon spokesman Jonathan Hoffman said during a press briefing,&nbsp;"That is still going forward. We expect to meet that within the timeline laid out under the agreement with the Taliban."

(With inputs from Reuters)

Speaking to media on a conference call, US Special Representative Zalmay Khalilzad said a new date for the intra-Afghan peace talks is under discussion. He also assured that an inclusive Afghan government will be formed soon.

Speaking to media on a conference call, US Special Representative Zalmay Khalilzad said a new date for the intra-Afghan peace talks is under discussion. He also assured that an inclusive Afghan government will be formed soon. Talking about his plans to travel soon to talk about release of prisoners, he said he feels that it would be best if the intra-Afghan talks began while there is still a significant U.S. military presence in Afghanistan. Also read: US says Islamic State conducted the attack on Kabul hospital Under a Feb. 29 U.S.-Taliban agreement for the withdrawal of U.S. troops, the talks had to happen on March 10. However, the release of prisoners, and the uncertainty and disagreements of Afghan government's composition delayed the talk. Afghanistan was attacked twice in the past one week. One in a Kabul hospital's maternity ward and second at a funeral. More than 50 people died in these attacks, including kids. This raised questions on the US peace effort. Khalilzad blamed ISIS for both the attacks, contrary to Afghan officials' claim that Taliban was responsible for the attack on the hospital, which killed two children. "There are forces such as the ISIS that doesn't see peace in Afghanistan in its interest and are trying to increase violence to undermine the prospects for peace," Khalilzad told reporters. "We are urging both sides not to fall into that trap but indeed to cooperate against terrorists including ISIS. So, we want this to happen as soon as possible when now, we're still there in a significant way." Talking about drawdown of AMerican troops from Afghanistan, Pentagon spokesman Jonathan Hoffman said during a press briefing, "That is still going forward. We expect to meet that within the timeline laid out under the agreement with the Taliban." (With inputs from Reuters)

New date for intra-Afghan peace talks in discussion: Zalmay Khalilzad

By Aviva Guttmann

In the shadow of the coronavirus pandemic, the crises of tomorrow can fester. A resurgence of Islamic State (IS) is likely to be one of them.

In recent weeks, IS has carried out a spate of attacks on security forces in Iraq and different areas of Syria. There are striking similarities between these current developments and events that happened in 2013-14 as IS seized huge swathes of territory in Iraq and Syria.

The threat of a resurgent IS is mounting and governments around the world could be about to make the same mistake again of missing it and reacting too late. Based on my ongoing research investigating why the rise of IS in 2013 came as a strategic surprise to European governments, I’ve identified the seven most eye-catching parallels between 2013 and today.

1. Declared dead prematurely

After the death of Osama Bin Laden in 2011, the various branches of al-Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and the Sahel and Maghreb refocused more locally. The remaining leadership directly addressed grievances against their respective local governments. Al-Qaida seemed to be on the defensive and leaders in Europe and the US expected it to stop posing a national threat.

Similarly to today, it was misleading to hope that IS would decline after its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi was killed in October 2019 in a US special forces raid. Like when it emerged out of al-Qaida in Iraq, IS might very well resurge under its new leader, Amir Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Mawli al-Salbi.

2. Risk of prison breaks 
 
One of IS’s most successful operations was its 2012-13 prison escape campaign Breaking the Walls to free veteran fighters. The campaign was remarkable due to its length and level of organisation, including the major break of Abu Ghraib, Iraq in July 2013 in which more than 500 prisoners escaped.

The IS prisons in northern Syria are currently run by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the primarily Kurdish militia that defeated IS with the support of the west. Overcrowded and understaffed, the SDF has called these prisons a ticking time bomb.

According to Iraqi intelligence, IS has been preparing a prison break campaign, which it calls Break Down the Fences. A systematic prison break campaign similar to Breaking the Walls could pave the way for a resurgence of IS in Iraq and Syria.

3. Car bombs and insurgency attacks 
 
In 2013 more than 8,000 Iraqis were killed by IS, mainly through choreographed suicide bombings. Today, IS is again launching increasingly sophisticated insurgent attacks in Syria and Iraq. This type of violence might be a prelude to a more forceful military return of IS in northern Iraq.

Concentrated in areas beyond the reach of Iraqi and Kurdish security forces, in January a UN report warned that IS is preparing for a steady and gradual return.

4. Western fatigue 
 
The coalition against IS proclaimed that the group had been defeated in March 2019 when it liberated Baghuz, the last city under control of the group. Should IS surge again, the coalition’s efforts would have been in vain. Military action would have to be continued, the SDF further reinforced, and the Iraqi security forces strengthened – not what western governments were hoping for.

In 2013, US and UK public opinion was very negative about the Iraq war, which was largely considered a failure. This resulting “war fatigue” and the desire to militarily leave the Middle East affected the UK’s decision not to intervene in Syria in 2013.

Today’s politicians are wary of contributing resources once again to the fight against this never-ending Jihadi whack-a-mole. The Iraqi parliament’s non-binding resolution to expel US troops after the American assassination of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in January has added another layer of complication.

5. Risk of a power vacuum in Iraq 
 
In a difference to 2013, the highly polarised sectarian divide between Sunnis and Shias in Iraq – one of the root causes of IS’s appeal to frustrated Iraqi Sunnis – seems to have faded. Yet, Iraq still has a very fragile government and a newly designated prime minister, Mustafa al-Kadhimi, who faces huge challenges.

For the time being the government is holding, although further protests like those which began in October 2019, a lack of reforms, and a weakening economy might destabilise the country. Another round of chaos caused by a collapsing government would quickly be exploited by IS to recruit disenchanted citizens.

6. Risk of a power vacuum in Syria

One element that helped IS gain strength in 2013-14 was the ongoing war in Syria, which created a power vacuum that was filled by IS. Other factors that contributed to the group’s success included the departure of US troops from Iraq in late 2011; and Turkey’s subsequent policy to relax its border controls with Syria, which allowed foreign fighters to join IS.

Today, the Syrian civil war and foreign actors might facilitate an IS revival. American disengagement from northern Syria and Turkey’s military campaign in the country that started in October 2019 forced the SDF to redirect its forces towards the north-east. The SDF therefore has fewer resources to devote to the sustained efforts that are needed to prevent IS from resurging.

In early March 2020, a Turkish-Russian deal was concluded, which among others agreed to stop the fighting in Idlib in Syria’s north west. Yet, given the strategic and symbolic importance of Idlib for those involved in the conflict, experts fear that the deal might not last.

Meanwhile, the SDF’s redeployment of forces to defend Kurdish regions against the Turkish incursion has already opened the door for IS to regain footholds in the Deir Ezzor area, IS’s last stronghold before its territorial defeat in March 2019.

7. Foreign fighters and a global presence 
 
In 2013 and 2014, IS was able to attract large numbers of foreign fighters, at the time estimated at 11,000 from 74 nations.

While the flow of foreign fighters coming to Iraq and Syria has now nearly halted, IS still maintains strong propaganda machinery. Groups around the world have kept affiliations with IS, such as in West Africa and south-east Asia, and IS still has the capacity to prepare or inspire terrorist attacks around the world.

Given these elements, it seems highly probable that IS will regroup, gain territories, and pose a global threat once again. With coronavirus now clouding the picture, governments around the world have neither paid attention nor devoted enough resources to prevent a possible IS surge.

The international community would be wise to learn from 2013 and tackle each of these different warning signals now. Addressing them individually is much more feasible and could prevent IS from rising again. 
 
(Aviva Guttmann is Research Associate in Intelligence and International Security, King's College London) 
 
(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/islamic-state-could-be-about-to-hit-back-and-the-world-is-paying-little-attention-136340">original article)</a> &nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Aviva Guttmann In the shadow of the coronavirus pandemic, the crises of tomorrow can fester. A resurgence of Islamic State (IS) is likely to be one of them. In recent weeks, IS has carried out a spate of attacks on security forces in Iraq and different areas of Syria.

By Aviva Guttmann In the shadow of the coronavirus pandemic, the crises of tomorrow can fester. A resurgence of Islamic State (IS) is likely to be one of them. In recent weeks, IS has carried out a spate of attacks on security forces in Iraq and different areas of Syria. There are striking similarities between these current developments and events that happened in 2013-14 as IS seized huge swathes of territory in Iraq and Syria. The threat of a resurgent IS is mounting and governments around the world could be about to make the same mistake again of missing it and reacting too late. Based on my ongoing research investigating why the rise of IS in 2013 came as a strategic surprise to European governments, I’ve identified the seven most eye-catching parallels between 2013 and today. 1. Declared dead prematurely After the death of Osama Bin Laden in 2011, the various branches of al-Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, Yemen, the Horn of Africa, and the Sahel and Maghreb refocused more locally. The remaining leadership directly addressed grievances against their respective local governments. Al-Qaida seemed to be on the defensive and leaders in Europe and the US expected it to stop posing a national threat. Similarly to today, it was misleading to hope that IS would decline after its leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi was killed in October 2019 in a US special forces raid. Like when it emerged out of al-Qaida in Iraq, IS might very well resurge under its new leader, Amir Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Mawli al-Salbi. 2. Risk of prison breaks One of IS’s most successful operations was its 2012-13 prison escape campaign Breaking the Walls to free veteran fighters. The campaign was remarkable due to its length and level of organisation, including the major break of Abu Ghraib, Iraq in July 2013 in which more than 500 prisoners escaped. The IS prisons in northern Syria are currently run by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the primarily Kurdish militia that defeated IS with the support of the west. Overcrowded and understaffed, the SDF has called these prisons a ticking time bomb. According to Iraqi intelligence, IS has been preparing a prison break campaign, which it calls Break Down the Fences. A systematic prison break campaign similar to Breaking the Walls could pave the way for a resurgence of IS in Iraq and Syria. 3. Car bombs and insurgency attacks In 2013 more than 8,000 Iraqis were killed by IS, mainly through choreographed suicide bombings. Today, IS is again launching increasingly sophisticated insurgent attacks in Syria and Iraq. This type of violence might be a prelude to a more forceful military return of IS in northern Iraq. Concentrated in areas beyond the reach of Iraqi and Kurdish security forces, in January a UN report warned that IS is preparing for a steady and gradual return. 4. Western fatigue The coalition against IS proclaimed that the group had been defeated in March 2019 when it liberated Baghuz, the last city under control of the group. Should IS surge again, the coalition’s efforts would have been in vain. Military action would have to be continued, the SDF further reinforced, and the Iraqi security forces strengthened – not what western governments were hoping for. In 2013, US and UK public opinion was very negative about the Iraq war, which was largely considered a failure. This resulting “war fatigue” and the desire to militarily leave the Middle East affected the UK’s decision not to intervene in Syria in 2013. Today’s politicians are wary of contributing resources once again to the fight against this never-ending Jihadi whack-a-mole. The Iraqi parliament’s non-binding resolution to expel US troops after the American assassination of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in January has added another layer of complication. 5. Risk of a power vacuum in Iraq In a difference to 2013, the highly polarised sectarian divide between Sunnis and Shias in Iraq – one of the root causes of IS’s appeal to frustrated Iraqi Sunnis – seems to have faded. Yet, Iraq still has a very fragile government and a newly designated prime minister, Mustafa al-Kadhimi, who faces huge challenges. For the time being the government is holding, although further protests like those which began in October 2019, a lack of reforms, and a weakening economy might destabilise the country. Another round of chaos caused by a collapsing government would quickly be exploited by IS to recruit disenchanted citizens. 6. Risk of a power vacuum in Syria One element that helped IS gain strength in 2013-14 was the ongoing war in Syria, which created a power vacuum that was filled by IS. Other factors that contributed to the group’s success included the departure of US troops from Iraq in late 2011; and Turkey’s subsequent policy to relax its border controls with Syria, which allowed foreign fighters to join IS. Today, the Syrian civil war and foreign actors might facilitate an IS revival. American disengagement from northern Syria and Turkey’s military campaign in the country that started in October 2019 forced the SDF to redirect its forces towards the north-east. The SDF therefore has fewer resources to devote to the sustained efforts that are needed to prevent IS from resurging. In early March 2020, a Turkish-Russian deal was concluded, which among others agreed to stop the fighting in Idlib in Syria’s north west. Yet, given the strategic and symbolic importance of Idlib for those involved in the conflict, experts fear that the deal might not last. Meanwhile, the SDF’s redeployment of forces to defend Kurdish regions against the Turkish incursion has already opened the door for IS to regain footholds in the Deir Ezzor area, IS’s last stronghold before its territorial defeat in March 2019. 7. Foreign fighters and a global presence In 2013 and 2014, IS was able to attract large numbers of foreign fighters, at the time estimated at 11,000 from 74 nations. While the flow of foreign fighters coming to Iraq and Syria has now nearly halted, IS still maintains strong propaganda machinery. Groups around the world have kept affiliations with IS, such as in West Africa and south-east Asia, and IS still has the capacity to prepare or inspire terrorist attacks around the world. Given these elements, it seems highly probable that IS will regroup, gain territories, and pose a global threat once again. With coronavirus now clouding the picture, governments around the world have neither paid attention nor devoted enough resources to prevent a possible IS surge. The international community would be wise to learn from 2013 and tackle each of these different warning signals now. Addressing them individually is much more feasible and could prevent IS from rising again. (Aviva Guttmann is Research Associate in Intelligence and International Security, King's College London) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Islamic State could be about to hit back – and the world is paying little attention

The Afghan forces have killed five ISIS and Haqqani terrorists of the Kabul gurudwara attack. The terrorists were eliminated in 3 operations conducted by special operation forces. Watch report.

Terrorists behind Kabul Gurudwara attack killed by Afghan security forces

ISIS attack kills at least 10 Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) soldiers in Iraq. Watch this video to know more.

ISIS attack kills at least 10 PMF soldiers in Iraq

The Centre Tuesday told the Supreme Court that the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019 does not violate any fundamental right. The central government, in its 129-page affidavit in response to the pleas challenging the constitutional validity of CAA, termed the legislation legal and asserted that there was no question of it violating constitutional morality.

It also said CAA does not confer any arbitrary and unguided powers on the executive as the citizenship to the persecuted minorities of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh would be granted in a manner as specified under the law governing grant of citizenship. The affidavit has been filed by BC Joshi, Director in the Ministry of Home Affairs.

The Supreme Court on December 18 last year had decided to examine the constitutional validity of the CAA but had refused to stay its operation. The newly amended law seeks to grant citizenship to non-Muslim migrants belonging to Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Christian, Jain and Parsi communities who came to the country from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan on or before December 31, 2014.

The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), one of the petitioners out of over 100 pleas which have challenged the CAA, has said in its plea that it violates the fundamental Right to Equality and intends to grant citizenship to a section of illegal immigrants by making an exclusion on the basis of religion.

A bench, comprising Chief Justice S A Bobde and Justices B R Gavai and Surya Kant, had earlier issued notice to the Centre and sought its response on the batch of pleas, including those filed by the IUML and Congress leader Jairam Ramesh, challenging the CAA.

The bench had also agreed to the submission of lawyer Ashwini Upadhyay that common people should be made aware about the aim, objects and the contents of the CAA and had asked Attorney General K K Venugopal, representing the Centre, to consider using audio-visual medium to make citizens aware of the legislation.

Venugopal had agreed to the suggestion and said the needful would be done by the government.

Parliament had cleared the Act, which grants citizenship rights to religious minorities such as Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Parsis, Jains and Buddhists, who have come to India on or before December 31, 2014. President Ram Nath Kovind gave assent to the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2019 on December 12 last year, turning it into an Act.

The plea by IUML, filed through advocate Pallavi Pratap, had sought an interim stay on the operation of CAB and the Foreigner Amendment (Order), 2015 and Passport (Entry Into Rules), Amendment Rules, 2015. The petition has alleged that the government’s CAB was against the basic structure of the Constitution and intended to explicitly discriminate against Muslims as the Act extended benefits only to Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians.

The plea filed by Congress leader Jairam Ramesh, has said that the Act is a “brazen attack” on core fundamental rights envisaged under the Constitution and treats “equals as unequal”. In his petition, Ramesh has said that substantial questions of law, including whether religion can be a factor to either acquire or deny citizenship in India, arises for consideration of the court as it is a “patently unconstitutional” amendment to the Citizenship Act, 1955.

“The impugned Act creates two classifications, viz, classification on basis of religion and the classification on the basis of geography and both the classifications are completely unreasonable and share no rational nexus to the object of the impugned Act i.e., to provide shelter, safety and citizenship to communities who in their native country are facing persecution on grounds of religion,” the plea has said.

Several petitions have been filed challenging the constitutional validity of the CAA including by RJD leader Manoj Jha, Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra, AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi. Other petitioners include Muslim body Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, All Assam Students Union (AASU), Peace Party, CPI, NGOs ‘Rihai Manch’ and Citizens Against Hate, advocate M L Sharma, and law students have also approached the apex court challenging the Act.

The Centre Tuesday told the Supreme Court that the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019 does not violate any fundamental right. The central government, in its 129-page affidavit in response to the pleas challenging the constitutional validity of CAA, termed the legislation legal and asserted that there was no question of it violating constitutional morality.

The Centre Tuesday told the Supreme Court that the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA), 2019 does not violate any fundamental right. The central government, in its 129-page affidavit in response to the pleas challenging the constitutional validity of CAA, termed the legislation legal and asserted that there was no question of it violating constitutional morality. It also said CAA does not confer any arbitrary and unguided powers on the executive as the citizenship to the persecuted minorities of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh would be granted in a manner as specified under the law governing grant of citizenship. The affidavit has been filed by BC Joshi, Director in the Ministry of Home Affairs. The Supreme Court on December 18 last year had decided to examine the constitutional validity of the CAA but had refused to stay its operation. The newly amended law seeks to grant citizenship to non-Muslim migrants belonging to Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Christian, Jain and Parsi communities who came to the country from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan on or before December 31, 2014. The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), one of the petitioners out of over 100 pleas which have challenged the CAA, has said in its plea that it violates the fundamental Right to Equality and intends to grant citizenship to a section of illegal immigrants by making an exclusion on the basis of religion. A bench, comprising Chief Justice S A Bobde and Justices B R Gavai and Surya Kant, had earlier issued notice to the Centre and sought its response on the batch of pleas, including those filed by the IUML and Congress leader Jairam Ramesh, challenging the CAA. The bench had also agreed to the submission of lawyer Ashwini Upadhyay that common people should be made aware about the aim, objects and the contents of the CAA and had asked Attorney General K K Venugopal, representing the Centre, to consider using audio-visual medium to make citizens aware of the legislation. Venugopal had agreed to the suggestion and said the needful would be done by the government. Parliament had cleared the Act, which grants citizenship rights to religious minorities such as Hindus, Christians, Sikhs, Parsis, Jains and Buddhists, who have come to India on or before December 31, 2014. President Ram Nath Kovind gave assent to the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2019 on December 12 last year, turning it into an Act. The plea by IUML, filed through advocate Pallavi Pratap, had sought an interim stay on the operation of CAB and the Foreigner Amendment (Order), 2015 and Passport (Entry Into Rules), Amendment Rules, 2015. The petition has alleged that the government’s CAB was against the basic structure of the Constitution and intended to explicitly discriminate against Muslims as the Act extended benefits only to Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Parsis and Christians. The plea filed by Congress leader Jairam Ramesh, has said that the Act is a “brazen attack” on core fundamental rights envisaged under the Constitution and treats “equals as unequal”. In his petition, Ramesh has said that substantial questions of law, including whether religion can be a factor to either acquire or deny citizenship in India, arises for consideration of the court as it is a “patently unconstitutional” amendment to the Citizenship Act, 1955. “The impugned Act creates two classifications, viz, classification on basis of religion and the classification on the basis of geography and both the classifications are completely unreasonable and share no rational nexus to the object of the impugned Act i.e., to provide shelter, safety and citizenship to communities who in their native country are facing persecution on grounds of religion,” the plea has said. Several petitions have been filed challenging the constitutional validity of the CAA including by RJD leader Manoj Jha, Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra, AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi. Other petitioners include Muslim body Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, All Assam Students Union (AASU), Peace Party, CPI, NGOs ‘Rihai Manch’ and Citizens Against Hate, advocate M L Sharma, and law students have also approached the apex court challenging the Act.

CAA does not violate fundamental rights, Centre tells Supreme Court

A couple linked to the Islamic State's Khorasan module was on Sunday detained from South Delhi's Jamia Nagar for instigating anti-CAA riots in the national capital, police said.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/madras-high-court-directs-tn-dgp-to-take-into-custody-proanti-caa-protestors-who-agitate-without-permission-284489">Madras High Court directs TN DGP to take into custody pro/anti CAA protestors who agitate without permission</a>

They have been identified as Jahanjeb Sami and his wife Hina Bashir Beg, said Pramod Singh Kushwah, Deputy Commissioner of Police (Special Cell).

Also see:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/expect-shaheen-bagh-protesters-to-come-up-with-amicable-solutions-says-sanjay-hegde-284220">&nbsp;Expect Shaheen Bagh protesters to come up with amicable solutions, says Sanjay Hegde</a>

"They were involved in instigating anti-Citizenship (Amendment) Act protests," he said.

A couple linked to the Islamic State's Khorasan module was on Sunday detained from South Delhi's Jamia Nagar for instigating anti-CAA riots in the national capital, police said.

A couple linked to the Islamic State's Khorasan module was on Sunday detained from South Delhi's Jamia Nagar for instigating anti-CAA riots in the national capital, police said. Also read: Madras High Court directs TN DGP to take into custody pro/anti CAA protestors who agitate without permission They have been identified as Jahanjeb Sami and his wife Hina Bashir Beg, said Pramod Singh Kushwah, Deputy Commissioner of Police (Special Cell). Also see: Expect Shaheen Bagh protesters to come up with amicable solutions, says Sanjay Hegde "They were involved in instigating anti-Citizenship (Amendment) Act protests," he said.

Delhi Police detains couple linked to ISIS for instigating Anti-CAA protests

Over 30 people have been killed in an attack, claimed by the ISIS group, at a ceremony in the Afghan capital where a top Afghan political leader, Abdullah Abdullah, was present but escaped unharmed.

Dozens killed in Kabul ceremony attack claimed by Islamic State

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Wednesday questioned 10 accused in connection with ISIS terror-related case.

"They had obtained SIM cards on forged identities, pursuant to a conspiracy hatched with ISIS/Daish member Khaja Mohideen and his associates to carry out activities for furthering objectives of ISIS/Daish in India," said NIA in a statement.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/accused-in-pulwama-attack-case-held-remanded-to-15-days-nia-custody-283406">Accused in Pulwama attack case held, remanded to 15 days NIA custody</a>

NIA took the 10 arrested accused in custody for six days with effect from February 27 to March 3 for their detailed interrogation.

Also see: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/in-joint-statement-india-us-call-on-pakistan-to-bring-to-justice-pathankot-and-2611-attackers-282741">In joint statement, India, US call on Pakistan to bring to justice Pathankot and 26/11 attackers</a>

The case was originally registered by Q Branch of Tamil Nadu Police.

During NIA custody of the accused persons, evidence regarding their participation in the conspiracy and pursuant overt acts has been collected and the same would be submitted to the Special Court for Trial of NIA cases, Chennai.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Wednesday questioned 10 accused in connection with ISIS terror-related case. "They had obtained SIM cards on forged identities, pursuant to a conspiracy hatched with ISIS/Daish member Khaja Mohideen and his associates to carry out activities for furthering objectives of ISIS/Daish in India," said NIA in a statement.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Wednesday questioned 10 accused in connection with ISIS terror-related case. "They had obtained SIM cards on forged identities, pursuant to a conspiracy hatched with ISIS/Daish member Khaja Mohideen and his associates to carry out activities for furthering objectives of ISIS/Daish in India," said NIA in a statement. Also read: Accused in Pulwama attack case held, remanded to 15 days NIA custody NIA took the 10 arrested accused in custody for six days with effect from February 27 to March 3 for their detailed interrogation. Also see: In joint statement, India, US call on Pakistan to bring to justice Pathankot and 26/11 attackers The case was originally registered by Q Branch of Tamil Nadu Police. During NIA custody of the accused persons, evidence regarding their participation in the conspiracy and pursuant overt acts has been collected and the same would be submitted to the Special Court for Trial of NIA cases, Chennai.

NIA interrogates 10 accused in IS terror module case

In a bold move, Indonesia has barred the return of more than 600 of its citizens as they are believed to be fighters of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria.&nbsp;

The suspected militants are currently stranded in Syrian refugee camps and have remained there since US-led coalition forces defeated ISIS in March 2019.

After meeting President Joko Widodo, the coordinating Political, Legal and Security Minister Mahfud MD stated that they do not intend to take back foreign terrorists for Indonesia, but they are willing to consider making an exception for orphaned minors, depending on their case.

Per data from the US Central Intelligence Agency, Mahfud stated that 689 Indonesians were stranded in Syria, but they had only been able to confirm identities of around 288. Indonesians who travelled to Syria to join ISIS reportedly burned their Indonesian passports and all forms of identification.

Head of Indonesia's counter-terrorism agency, Inspector-General Suhardi Alius stated that the government had set up a task force under Mr Mahfud to evaluate and come up with proposed options for Mr Joko to deal with the issue.

Preceding the recent announcement is heated debates among the masses of Indonesia over allowing countrymen and their families to return home.

Mr Mahfud's adviser Dr Sri Yunanto stated that security concerns of neighbouring countries would be among the factors Indonesia would consider before deciding on the matter.

In a bold move, Indonesia has barred the return of more than 600 of its citizens as they are believed to be fighters of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The suspected militants are currently stranded in Syrian refugee camps and have remained there since US-led coalition forces defeated ISIS in March 2019.

In a bold move, Indonesia has barred the return of more than 600 of its citizens as they are believed to be fighters of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The suspected militants are currently stranded in Syrian refugee camps and have remained there since US-led coalition forces defeated ISIS in March 2019. After meeting President Joko Widodo, the coordinating Political, Legal and Security Minister Mahfud MD stated that they do not intend to take back foreign terrorists for Indonesia, but they are willing to consider making an exception for orphaned minors, depending on their case. Per data from the US Central Intelligence Agency, Mahfud stated that 689 Indonesians were stranded in Syria, but they had only been able to confirm identities of around 288. Indonesians who travelled to Syria to join ISIS reportedly burned their Indonesian passports and all forms of identification. Head of Indonesia's counter-terrorism agency, Inspector-General Suhardi Alius stated that the government had set up a task force under Mr Mahfud to evaluate and come up with proposed options for Mr Joko to deal with the issue. Preceding the recent announcement is heated debates among the masses of Indonesia over allowing countrymen and their families to return home. Mr Mahfud's adviser Dr Sri Yunanto stated that security concerns of neighbouring countries would be among the factors Indonesia would consider before deciding on the matter.

Indonesia bans 600 nationals from returning home due to connections with ISIS

By Brian Glyn Williams

In a series of bloody campaigns from 2014 to 2019, a multinational military coalition drove the Islamic State group, often known as ISIS, out of much of the Iraqi and Syrian territory that the strict militant theocracy had brutally governed.

But the Pentagon and the United Nations both estimate that the group still has as many as 30,000 active insurgents in the region. Thousands more IS-aligned fighters are spread across Africa and Asia, from the scrublands of Mali and Niger to the deserts of Iraq and mountains of Afghanistan, to the island jungles of the Philippines.

I keep track of the loose alliance of various global affiliates and insurgent groups collectively known as the Islamic State. It’s part of my research chronicling America’s wars in remote lands where I have worked for the CIA and the US&nbsp;Army. I also monitor Islamic State activities around the world for a University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth project I lead called MappingISIS.com

In recent months, the Islamic State group has reconstituted itself in the Syria-Iraq region and continues to inspire mayhem across the globe.

Iraq, the homeland of jihadocracy

The “Dawla Islamia,” or Islamic State, began as a Sunni Muslim insurgent group in Iraq amid the maelstrom of sectarian violence that followed the US-led 2003 invasion. Up until then, Saddam Hussein’s ruling Baathist party had suppressed Islamist jihadi groups of all stripes, limiting influence in Iraq from Shiite-dominated Iran and Sunni-fundamentalist Saudi Arabia.

In 2014 IS blitzed across the region and took over a wide swath of Iraq and Syria, where it functioned as a de facto government. It also maintained a ferocious fighting force, always seeking to expand the reach of its so-called “caliphate” fundamentalist Islamic regime.

Since major defeats in 2017, the Islamic State group has retreated to a largely inaccessible sanctuary in the remote Qara Chok, Hamrin and Makhmoul mountains of northeastern Iraq. From there, they regularly attack U.S. and Iraqi troops, Kurdish forces and local Shiite militias. They also attract new Sunni recruits, resentful of discrimination and repression from the currently Shiite-dominated Iraqi government.

The group’s terror campaigns include dressing up as government troops at fake checkpoints and executing “traitors,” killing pro-government tribal and village elders and executing government employees in night raids on their homes.

In the summer of 2019, IS fighters in northern Iraq also burned hundreds of acres of crops belonging to suspected pro-government villagers whom they labeled “infidels.”

Most recently, IS fighters have been heartened by the US drone strike that killed Iranian Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who had led Iraqi Shiite militias against them. Soleimani’s death, which Islamic State leaders hailed as “divine intervention,” led to a halt in joint US-Iraqi operations against the Islamic State. Iraq’s parliament and prime minister have called for all US&nbsp;troops to leave Iraq, which would provide opportunity for IS forces to expand their operations.

Syria, the former terror capital

From 2015 to 2019, the Islamic State ran a government in the Syrian territory it occupied, based in the Raqqa province of northeastern Syria. That organisation slowly collapsed under assaults by US-backed Kurdish forces and the Syrian Arab Army, backed by Russia and Iran. As they retreated, IS leaders hid weapons caches and millions of dollars in the vast Syrian desert, and reconstituted their movement as a guerrilla fighting force.

Since the defeat of their physical state, resilient IS insurgents in Syria have killed pro-government Russian soldiers, massacred pro-government Druze tribesmen, and attacked anti-ISIS Kurdish fighters and intelligence officers with car bombs and roadside bombs.

Since President Donald Trump’s October 2019 announcement that US&nbsp;troops would retreat from their bases in northern Syria, many Islamic State fighters taken prisoner by the Kurds have also broken out of their prisons.

Nevertheless, roughly 70,000 Islamic State members and supporters – men, women and children – still remain in their Kurdish-guarded internment camps, which have, however, become training centers for a new generation of jihadist “Cubs of the Calihphate.”

A November 2019 US Delta Force operation led to the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the Islamic State’s messianic leader – but the group has already chosen a successor and has vowed to avenge al-Baghdadi’s death.

Nigeria, the jungle bastion

In 2015, the members of the Boko Haram Islamist terrorist group, notorious for kidnapping local schoolgirls, swore allegiance to the Islamic State.

As many as 4,000 of its fighters operate in the northeastern jungles of Nigeria, attacking army outposts, remote villages and even towns. They kidnap civilians and kill soldiers not just in Nigeria, but in the neighboring countries of Chad, Niger and Burkina Faso, defying multi-national military efforts to suppress their activity.

Afghanistan, the fortress in the mountains

In 2015, disgruntled, hardcore ex-Taliban from Pakistan and Afghanistan’s dominant tribe, the Aryan Pashtuns, formed an Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State in the remote, forested mountains of the country’s eastern Nangarhar Province.

From this rugged base, they carried out a deadly wave of massive suicide bombings in Kabul and elsewhere. They also publicly executed tribesmen and even Taliban whom they accused of having insufficiently extreme Islamist beliefs.

At its peak, this group had about 3,000 fighters, but US&nbsp;and Afghan National Army attacks, including one that used the world’s largest non-nuclear bomb, have whittled their numbers down to about 300. A top Afghan leader, Abdullah Abdullah, described them to me as “fanatics who are beyond the pale and are incapable of being negotiated with.”

Egypt, the Bedouin desert stronghold

Since 2014, a group of Bedouin in the northern Sinai Peninsula, angry with the secular policies of the Egyptian government and perceived economic discrimination, have conducted several attacks in the name of the Islamic State. The group blew up a Russian airliner carrying more than 200 people, massacred dozens of Coptic Christians in their churches, and slaughtered more than 200 worshipers at a Sufi Muslim mosque in the Sinai.

The group remains active despite counter-terrorism operations by the Egyptian military, sometimes with assistance from the Israeli Air Force.

The Philippines, the Pacific outpost

In 2016, several groups of local jihadist terrorists and kidnappers in the lawless jungles of the predominantly Muslim islands of Basilan and Mindanao swore an oath of allegiance to the Islamic State.

These groups’ most notable attack was their bloody conquest of the town of Marawi in 2017. They burned Catholic churches and took over 1,700 people hostage before being driven back by a U.S.-backed army of 10,000 Filipino troops. The battle saw the most intense fighting in the nation since World War II and led to the deaths of over 900 insurgents. The Philippine IS franchise nonetheless remains active and most recently blew up a Catholic church in January 2019.

Libya, the fallback capital

North Libyan jihadists swore allegiance to the Islamic State in 2015 and received assistance, training and financial support from IS commanders dispatched from Syria. The terrorists captured the north Libyan coastal town of Sirte, which they nicknamed “Raqqa by the Sea,” as a fallback capital should IS lose its core lands in Syria and Iraq.

In early 2015 Libyan IS militants beheaded dozens of captured Coptic Christians and Ethiopian Christians.

After months of intense urban combat, US-backed militias from the nearby town of Misurata retook Sirte and surrounding regions in late 2016. Islamic State fighters retreated into the remote southern desert, now their base for bold insurgent attacks, such as the April 2019 seizure of a town and public beheading of a local leader. The Pentagon continues to conduct airstrikes on the group’s bases.

There are other Islamic State affiliates in lands as far afield as Niger, Mali, Yemen and Somalia. Terror cells claiming affiliation with IS have carried out attacks in the name of the Islamic State in places like Turkey, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Dagestan and Kashmir.

Among IS’s resilient supporters are diehards who see military setbacks not as permanent defeats, but as tests of their faith in a trans-generational forever war designed to bring about the apocalypse.

(Brian Glyn Williams is Professor of Islamic History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/despite-defeats-the-islamic-state-remains-unbroken-and-defiant-around-the-world-128971">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

By Brian Glyn Williams In a series of bloody campaigns from 2014 to 2019, a multinational military coalition drove the Islamic State group, often known as ISIS, out of much of the Iraqi and Syrian territory that the strict militant theocracy had brutally governed.

By Brian Glyn Williams In a series of bloody campaigns from 2014 to 2019, a multinational military coalition drove the Islamic State group, often known as ISIS, out of much of the Iraqi and Syrian territory that the strict militant theocracy had brutally governed. But the Pentagon and the United Nations both estimate that the group still has as many as 30,000 active insurgents in the region. Thousands more IS-aligned fighters are spread across Africa and Asia, from the scrublands of Mali and Niger to the deserts of Iraq and mountains of Afghanistan, to the island jungles of the Philippines. I keep track of the loose alliance of various global affiliates and insurgent groups collectively known as the Islamic State. It’s part of my research chronicling America’s wars in remote lands where I have worked for the CIA and the US Army. I also monitor Islamic State activities around the world for a University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth project I lead called MappingISIS.com In recent months, the Islamic State group has reconstituted itself in the Syria-Iraq region and continues to inspire mayhem across the globe. Iraq, the homeland of jihadocracy The “Dawla Islamia,” or Islamic State, began as a Sunni Muslim insurgent group in Iraq amid the maelstrom of sectarian violence that followed the US-led 2003 invasion. Up until then, Saddam Hussein’s ruling Baathist party had suppressed Islamist jihadi groups of all stripes, limiting influence in Iraq from Shiite-dominated Iran and Sunni-fundamentalist Saudi Arabia. In 2014 IS blitzed across the region and took over a wide swath of Iraq and Syria, where it functioned as a de facto government. It also maintained a ferocious fighting force, always seeking to expand the reach of its so-called “caliphate” fundamentalist Islamic regime. Since major defeats in 2017, the Islamic State group has retreated to a largely inaccessible sanctuary in the remote Qara Chok, Hamrin and Makhmoul mountains of northeastern Iraq. From there, they regularly attack U.S. and Iraqi troops, Kurdish forces and local Shiite militias. They also attract new Sunni recruits, resentful of discrimination and repression from the currently Shiite-dominated Iraqi government. The group’s terror campaigns include dressing up as government troops at fake checkpoints and executing “traitors,” killing pro-government tribal and village elders and executing government employees in night raids on their homes. In the summer of 2019, IS fighters in northern Iraq also burned hundreds of acres of crops belonging to suspected pro-government villagers whom they labeled “infidels.” Most recently, IS fighters have been heartened by the US drone strike that killed Iranian Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who had led Iraqi Shiite militias against them. Soleimani’s death, which Islamic State leaders hailed as “divine intervention,” led to a halt in joint US-Iraqi operations against the Islamic State. Iraq’s parliament and prime minister have called for all US troops to leave Iraq, which would provide opportunity for IS forces to expand their operations. Syria, the former terror capital From 2015 to 2019, the Islamic State ran a government in the Syrian territory it occupied, based in the Raqqa province of northeastern Syria. That organisation slowly collapsed under assaults by US-backed Kurdish forces and the Syrian Arab Army, backed by Russia and Iran. As they retreated, IS leaders hid weapons caches and millions of dollars in the vast Syrian desert, and reconstituted their movement as a guerrilla fighting force. Since the defeat of their physical state, resilient IS insurgents in Syria have killed pro-government Russian soldiers, massacred pro-government Druze tribesmen, and attacked anti-ISIS Kurdish fighters and intelligence officers with car bombs and roadside bombs. Since President Donald Trump’s October 2019 announcement that US troops would retreat from their bases in northern Syria, many Islamic State fighters taken prisoner by the Kurds have also broken out of their prisons. Nevertheless, roughly 70,000 Islamic State members and supporters – men, women and children – still remain in their Kurdish-guarded internment camps, which have, however, become training centers for a new generation of jihadist “Cubs of the Calihphate.” A November 2019 US Delta Force operation led to the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the Islamic State’s messianic leader – but the group has already chosen a successor and has vowed to avenge al-Baghdadi’s death. Nigeria, the jungle bastion In 2015, the members of the Boko Haram Islamist terrorist group, notorious for kidnapping local schoolgirls, swore allegiance to the Islamic State. As many as 4,000 of its fighters operate in the northeastern jungles of Nigeria, attacking army outposts, remote villages and even towns. They kidnap civilians and kill soldiers not just in Nigeria, but in the neighboring countries of Chad, Niger and Burkina Faso, defying multi-national military efforts to suppress their activity. Afghanistan, the fortress in the mountains In 2015, disgruntled, hardcore ex-Taliban from Pakistan and Afghanistan’s dominant tribe, the Aryan Pashtuns, formed an Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State in the remote, forested mountains of the country’s eastern Nangarhar Province. From this rugged base, they carried out a deadly wave of massive suicide bombings in Kabul and elsewhere. They also publicly executed tribesmen and even Taliban whom they accused of having insufficiently extreme Islamist beliefs. At its peak, this group had about 3,000 fighters, but US and Afghan National Army attacks, including one that used the world’s largest non-nuclear bomb, have whittled their numbers down to about 300. A top Afghan leader, Abdullah Abdullah, described them to me as “fanatics who are beyond the pale and are incapable of being negotiated with.” Egypt, the Bedouin desert stronghold Since 2014, a group of Bedouin in the northern Sinai Peninsula, angry with the secular policies of the Egyptian government and perceived economic discrimination, have conducted several attacks in the name of the Islamic State. The group blew up a Russian airliner carrying more than 200 people, massacred dozens of Coptic Christians in their churches, and slaughtered more than 200 worshipers at a Sufi Muslim mosque in the Sinai. The group remains active despite counter-terrorism operations by the Egyptian military, sometimes with assistance from the Israeli Air Force. The Philippines, the Pacific outpost In 2016, several groups of local jihadist terrorists and kidnappers in the lawless jungles of the predominantly Muslim islands of Basilan and Mindanao swore an oath of allegiance to the Islamic State. These groups’ most notable attack was their bloody conquest of the town of Marawi in 2017. They burned Catholic churches and took over 1,700 people hostage before being driven back by a U.S.-backed army of 10,000 Filipino troops. The battle saw the most intense fighting in the nation since World War II and led to the deaths of over 900 insurgents. The Philippine IS franchise nonetheless remains active and most recently blew up a Catholic church in January 2019. Libya, the fallback capital North Libyan jihadists swore allegiance to the Islamic State in 2015 and received assistance, training and financial support from IS commanders dispatched from Syria. The terrorists captured the north Libyan coastal town of Sirte, which they nicknamed “Raqqa by the Sea,” as a fallback capital should IS lose its core lands in Syria and Iraq. In early 2015 Libyan IS militants beheaded dozens of captured Coptic Christians and Ethiopian Christians. After months of intense urban combat, US-backed militias from the nearby town of Misurata retook Sirte and surrounding regions in late 2016. Islamic State fighters retreated into the remote southern desert, now their base for bold insurgent attacks, such as the April 2019 seizure of a town and public beheading of a local leader. The Pentagon continues to conduct airstrikes on the group’s bases. There are other Islamic State affiliates in lands as far afield as Niger, Mali, Yemen and Somalia. Terror cells claiming affiliation with IS have carried out attacks in the name of the Islamic State in places like Turkey, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Tunisia, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Dagestan and Kashmir. Among IS’s resilient supporters are diehards who see military setbacks not as permanent defeats, but as tests of their faith in a trans-generational forever war designed to bring about the apocalypse. (Brian Glyn Williams is Professor of Islamic History, University of Massachusetts Dartmouth) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Despite defeats, the Islamic State remains unbroken and defiant around the world

Islamic State has confirmed Amir Mohammed Abdul Rahman al Mawli al-Salbi as its new leader, The Guardian reported based on information from two intelligence services.

Reportedly, Salbi was named the leader hours after the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in October. After his death, Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Quraishi was perceived as the next leader but failed to gain recognition from other senior leaders.

One of the founding members of the terror outfit, he was behind the enslavement of Iraq's Yazidi minority and has overseen operations around the globe.

Islamic State or ISIS, which was pronounced dead by many global organisations has regained traction with a new leader. Salbi was born into an Iraqi-Turkish family in the town of Tal Afar, and is one of the few non-Arabs on board. &nbsp;

<h6><img alt="ISIS" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="02d5e446-24fb-4dad-8719-7be733abc024" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design_54.jpg" /> 
 
In this file photo taken on January 13, 2020 A picture during a press tour organised by the US-led coalition fighting the remnants of the Islamic State group, shows a view of the damage at Ain al-Asad military airbase housing US and other foreign troops in the western Iraqi province of Anbar. At least 11 American troops were injured in an Iranian attack on an Iraqi base where American soldiers were deployed, US Central Command said Thursday, although the US military had previously maintained there were no casualties | AFP 
&nbsp;</h6>

He is also known by the alias Haji Abdullah, and by many as Abdullah Qardash, even though Iraqi authorities claim that Qardash was a separate ISIS figure who died two years ago.&nbsp;

An Islamic scholar, Salbi used to give religious rulings which triggered a genocide against the Yazidis. He also plundered the Nieveh Plains in northern Iraq in an IS rampage.

In the aftermath of Baghdadi's death, spies have deciphered information and found Salbi at the centre of the Islamic State decisions. He is portrayed as a hardened veteran along the same lines as Baghdadi, with unmatched loyalty towards his group.&nbsp;&nbsp;

A graduate from the University of Mosul, he holds a degree in Sharia law. Earlier in 2004, he was detained by American forces in southern Iraq where he stumbled upon Baghdadi. The Guardian reported that he has at least one offspring.

Way before Baghdadi was killed in a US military raid on October 27 in Syria, the State Department of the country had put a $5 million bounty on Salbi's head and on two other senior members of the group. With Baghdadi's deteriorating health in August, Salbi was perceived as the heir.

<h6><img alt="is" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="af2f9c98-e3f5-41be-b951-5a5cd429b62a" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%281%29_60.jpg" /> 
A woman pushes a stroller next to tents at the Kurdish-run al-Hol camp for the displaced in the al-Hasakeh governorate in northeastern Syria on January 14, 2020, where families of Islamic State (IS) foreign fighters are held. Kurdish authorities in northeast Syria warned that a UN vote to scrap The Yaroubiya entry point for cross-border aid will cripple at least half of the healthcare response in an area ravaged by battles, disrupting 60 to 70 percent of medical assistance to Al-Hol", an overcrowded desert camp brimming with tens of thousands of civilians and IS families, a Kurdish aid official said | AFP 
&nbsp;</h6>

The ISIS is now witnessing a demographic shift, with most people at the helm of the organisation being youngsters who had no or very little role to play in the battle against US forces in 2004.

Islamic State had gained considerable momentum in 2014 when Baghdadi proclaimed himself a caliph of the Islamic world. However, the organisation has been regrouping lately.

In northern Iraq, Kurdish forces have warned of an increase in attacks in the central and northern areas of the country. Between December 20 and 26, ISIS claimed to have carried out 106 attacks to avenge the death of Baghdadi and the Isis propaganda chief, Abu Hassan al-Muhaji.

Governments and agencies are now looking for Salbi, by tracking his brother Adel Salbi, a representative of the political party Turkmen Iraqi Front.

Most of the remaining ISIS mechanism is stationed at Mosul, where the communities are trying to rebuild after five years of war.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-arrests-147-islamic-state-suspects-271125">Turkey arrests 147 Islamic State suspects</a>

Islamic State has confirmed Amir Mohammed Abdul Rahman al Mawli al-Salbi as its new leader, The Guardian reported based on information from two intelligence services.

Islamic State has confirmed Amir Mohammed Abdul Rahman al Mawli al-Salbi as its new leader, The Guardian reported based on information from two intelligence services. Reportedly, Salbi was named the leader hours after the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in October. After his death, Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Quraishi was perceived as the next leader but failed to gain recognition from other senior leaders. One of the founding members of the terror outfit, he was behind the enslavement of Iraq's Yazidi minority and has overseen operations around the globe. Islamic State or ISIS, which was pronounced dead by many global organisations has regained traction with a new leader. Salbi was born into an Iraqi-Turkish family in the town of Tal Afar, and is one of the few non-Arabs on board. In this file photo taken on January 13, 2020 A picture during a press tour organised by the US-led coalition fighting the remnants of the Islamic State group, shows a view of the damage at Ain al-Asad military airbase housing US and other foreign troops in the western Iraqi province of Anbar. At least 11 American troops were injured in an Iranian attack on an Iraqi base where American soldiers were deployed, US Central Command said Thursday, although the US military had previously maintained there were no casualties | AFP He is also known by the alias Haji Abdullah, and by many as Abdullah Qardash, even though Iraqi authorities claim that Qardash was a separate ISIS figure who died two years ago. An Islamic scholar, Salbi used to give religious rulings which triggered a genocide against the Yazidis. He also plundered the Nieveh Plains in northern Iraq in an IS rampage. In the aftermath of Baghdadi's death, spies have deciphered information and found Salbi at the centre of the Islamic State decisions. He is portrayed as a hardened veteran along the same lines as Baghdadi, with unmatched loyalty towards his group. A graduate from the University of Mosul, he holds a degree in Sharia law. Earlier in 2004, he was detained by American forces in southern Iraq where he stumbled upon Baghdadi. The Guardian reported that he has at least one offspring. Way before Baghdadi was killed in a US military raid on October 27 in Syria, the State Department of the country had put a $5 million bounty on Salbi's head and on two other senior members of the group. With Baghdadi's deteriorating health in August, Salbi was perceived as the heir. A woman pushes a stroller next to tents at the Kurdish-run al-Hol camp for the displaced in the al-Hasakeh governorate in northeastern Syria on January 14, 2020, where families of Islamic State (IS) foreign fighters are held. Kurdish authorities in northeast Syria warned that a UN vote to scrap The Yaroubiya entry point for cross-border aid will cripple at least half of the healthcare response in an area ravaged by battles, disrupting 60 to 70 percent of medical assistance to Al-Hol", an overcrowded desert camp brimming with tens of thousands of civilians and IS families, a Kurdish aid official said | AFP The ISIS is now witnessing a demographic shift, with most people at the helm of the organisation being youngsters who had no or very little role to play in the battle against US forces in 2004. Islamic State had gained considerable momentum in 2014 when Baghdadi proclaimed himself a caliph of the Islamic world. However, the organisation has been regrouping lately. In northern Iraq, Kurdish forces have warned of an increase in attacks in the central and northern areas of the country. Between December 20 and 26, ISIS claimed to have carried out 106 attacks to avenge the death of Baghdadi and the Isis propaganda chief, Abu Hassan al-Muhaji. Governments and agencies are now looking for Salbi, by tracking his brother Adel Salbi, a representative of the political party Turkmen Iraqi Front. Most of the remaining ISIS mechanism is stationed at Mosul, where the communities are trying to rebuild after five years of war. Also read: Turkey arrests 147 Islamic State suspects

Founding member Al-Salbi confirmed as Islamic State's new leader: Sources

Norway’s anti-immigration Progress Party has resigned from the ruling coalition over a cabinet decision to repatriate a woman suspected of belonging to Islamic State from Syria so one of her young children could receive medical treatment.

Norway Populist Progress party quits from ruling coalition

Pakistan's dodgy record on democracy continues. #ISIS has seized copies of the iconic novel 'A case of exploding mangoes' written by Pakistani author Mohammed Hanif. The reason? The novel is a satire on the last days of military dictator Gen. Zia ul-Haq and Pakistan army want to stifle any and every voice of dissent. WION's Molly Gambhir explains. #NovelBanned #Gravitas # MohammedHanif

Gravitas:  Row over 'A Case Of Exploding Mangoes' novel written by Mohammed Hanif

A leaked draft letter from a top US general overseeing the fight against ISIS in Iraq to the Iraqi military sparked concerns that the US was preparing to withdraw troops from the country. #US #Pentagon #USleakedletter

Confusion after US military letter talks of troop withdrawal

A Bosnian Muslim who pleaded guilty to terrorism charges was sentenced to four years in prison on Friday for organising a terrorist group and fighting for <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/isis-has-a-new-leader-we-know-exactly-who-he-is-donald-trump-259336">Islamic State</a> (IS) in Syria, a Bosnian court said.

Ibro Cufurovic, from the northwestern town of Velika Kladusa, has been in custody since his extradition from Syria in April. He had previously been detained for about two years by a Kurdish militia in Syria.

The court cited mitigating circumstances while explaining its ruling on Cufurovic, who had used the name Abu Kasim Albosni during his five years in Syria, where he took part in militant activities alongside other Bosnians.

"The defendant admitted he was guilty," said Hasija Masovic, the court council's chairwoman. "At the time when he made the decision to leave for Syria, the defendant was only 19".

Masovic said Cufurovic had repeatedly expressed regret for his actions and had attempted to return to Bosnia, according to the defence and witnesses.

Hundreds of Bosnian citizens are believed to have left to fight for IS in Syria and <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/5-years-after-islamic-state-massacre-an-iraqi-minority-is-transformed-by-trauma-264933">Iraq</a>. Many foreign nationals are now in detention camps waiting to be handed over to their countries of origin.

Also Watch: Trump warns Russia, Syria, Iran against killing civilians in Idlib

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Last week, a group of 25 former IS fighters, women and children, some of them orphaned, returned to <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/diseases-food-shortages-plague-migrant-jungle-camp-in-bosnia-230757">Bosnia</a>.

Seven men were detained and questioned, while six women and 12 children, among them Cufurovic's wife and children, were taken to a reception centre for further examination and medical assistance.

Cufurovic had told the court that he fought in Syria in 2014 and 2015, but that he was detained in 2016 while trying to escape to Turkey with his family, and imprisoned.

Bosnia's state court has tried and convicted 46 people who returned from Syria or Iraq over the past few years.

A Bosnian Muslim who pleaded guilty to terrorism charges was sentenced to four years in prison on Friday for organising a terrorist group and fighting for Islamic State (IS) in Syria, a Bosnian court said.

A Bosnian Muslim who pleaded guilty to terrorism charges was sentenced to four years in prison on Friday for organising a terrorist group and fighting for Islamic State (IS) in Syria, a Bosnian court said. Ibro Cufurovic, from the northwestern town of Velika Kladusa, has been in custody since his extradition from Syria in April. He had previously been detained for about two years by a Kurdish militia in Syria. The court cited mitigating circumstances while explaining its ruling on Cufurovic, who had used the name Abu Kasim Albosni during his five years in Syria, where he took part in militant activities alongside other Bosnians. "The defendant admitted he was guilty," said Hasija Masovic, the court council's chairwoman. "At the time when he made the decision to leave for Syria, the defendant was only 19". Masovic said Cufurovic had repeatedly expressed regret for his actions and had attempted to return to Bosnia, according to the defence and witnesses. Hundreds of Bosnian citizens are believed to have left to fight for IS in Syria and Iraq. Many foreign nationals are now in detention camps waiting to be handed over to their countries of origin. Also Watch: Trump warns Russia, Syria, Iran against killing civilians in Idlib × Last week, a group of 25 former IS fighters, women and children, some of them orphaned, returned to Bosnia. Seven men were detained and questioned, while six women and 12 children, among them Cufurovic's wife and children, were taken to a reception centre for further examination and medical assistance. Cufurovic had told the court that he fought in Syria in 2014 and 2015, but that he was detained in 2016 while trying to escape to Turkey with his family, and imprisoned. Bosnia's state court has tried and convicted 46 people who returned from Syria or Iraq over the past few years.

Bosnia jails former Islamic State fighter for four years

Libyan National Army (LNA) spokesman Ahmed <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/tripoli-residents-denounce-trumps-call-to-libyan-commander-haftar-211945">Mismari</a> warned other carriers against transporting weapons using civilian planes, adding that "the army will down and strike any plane" that carries weapons.

"The civilian status of aircraft is revoked as soon as they are used for military purposes," Mismari told Reuters.

Mismari also said, in a video released on Sunday, that the LNA was extending an ultimatum it had given fighters in Misrata aligned with the internationally recognised Government of National Accord based in <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/air-raids-in-libyan-capital-tripoli-kill-five-wound-ten-sources-265847">Tripoli</a>. They would now have until Wednesday at midnight to withdraw from the city instead of midnight on Sunday.

Withdrawing forces would not be targeted, he said.

The LNA, led by commander Khalifa Haftar, has been trying since April to take Tripoli from the GNA, which was set up in 2016 following a U.N.-brokered deal.

Eastern Libyan forces seized a Grenada-flagged ship with a <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/erdogan-says-turkey-will-increase-military-support-to-libya-if-necessary-269588">Turkish</a> crew on Saturday off the Libyan coast, a spokesman said, amid rising tensions with Turkey, which supports the rival GNA in Tripoli.

Libyan National Army (LNA) spokesman Ahmed Mismari warned other carriers against transporting weapons using civilian planes, adding that "the army will down and strike any plane" that carries weapons.

Libyan National Army (LNA) spokesman Ahmed Mismari warned other carriers against transporting weapons using civilian planes, adding that "the army will down and strike any plane" that carries weapons. "The civilian status of aircraft is revoked as soon as they are used for military purposes," Mismari told Reuters. Mismari also said, in a video released on Sunday, that the LNA was extending an ultimatum it had given fighters in Misrata aligned with the internationally recognised Government of National Accord based in Tripoli. They would now have until Wednesday at midnight to withdraw from the city instead of midnight on Sunday. Withdrawing forces would not be targeted, he said. The LNA, led by commander Khalifa Haftar, has been trying since April to take Tripoli from the GNA, which was set up in 2016 following a U.N.-brokered deal. Eastern Libyan forces seized a Grenada-flagged ship with a Turkish crew on Saturday off the Libyan coast, a spokesman said, amid rising tensions with Turkey, which supports the rival GNA in Tripoli.

Libyan force warns against transporting military equipment in civilian planes

One of the most disturbing realities of a warzone is the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war, subjugation and terrorism.

In a recent interview aired on Iraq's Al-Iraqiya tv, a Yazidi woman who was abducted by ISIS and kept as a sex slave, bravely confronted her rapist on live tv.

19-year-old Ashwaq Haji Hamid faced Mohammed Rashid, the ISIS terrorist who had handcuffed and raped her repeatedly when she was only 14.

Ashwaq stood facing her attacker, the ISIS terrorist, who was in a prison jumpsuit and was forced to listen to the pain he had inflicted on her.

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Watch | Yazidi Woman To ISIS Rapist: You Destroyed My Life <a href="https://t.co/GvVbW37Qvn">pic.twitter.com/GvVbW37Qvn</a>
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After the emotional speech, the interview ended with Ashwaq collapsing at Rashid’s feet, evidently re-opening the traumatic wounds of her past.

Ashwaq is one of 7,000 Yazidi women who were raped and had to endure unspeakable atrocities at the hands of ISIS terrorists.

More than 3,000 Yazidi women remain missing, the more fortunate ones have escaped like Ashwaq and have taken refuge elsewhere.

Overall, nearly 100,000 Yazidi men and women have fled abroad.

For many, the persecution of their people has spawned new, passionate champions of human rights.

One of them is Nadia Murad - winner of the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize.

Murad escaped from captivity as an Islamic State sex slave and lost nine male siblings in massacres.

She turned her pain into inspiration and went on to become an advocate for the rights of her community around the world.

Like Nadia Murad, the brave Yazidi girl Ashwaq's dramatic confrontation with the ISIS predator portrays that facing your fears and standing up for yourself is sometimes the best way to move forward.

Various conflicts in the Middle East that are ongoing in one form or the other, have reduced once prosperous nations to mere husks of their former selves.

Millions of people have had their lives taken away from them.&nbsp;

Innocent children have been pummelled by indiscriminate airstrikes.

Minority groups have been at the receiving end of bombs, tear gas and even the use of chemical weapons. 
 
(With inputs from agencies)

One of the most disturbing realities of a warzone is the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war, subjugation and terrorism. In a recent interview aired on Iraq's Al-Iraqiya tv, a Yazidi woman who was abducted by ISIS and kept as a sex slave, bravely confronted her rapist on live tv.

One of the most disturbing realities of a warzone is the use of sexual violence as a tactic of war, subjugation and terrorism. In a recent interview aired on Iraq's Al-Iraqiya tv, a Yazidi woman who was abducted by ISIS and kept as a sex slave, bravely confronted her rapist on live tv. 19-year-old Ashwaq Haji Hamid faced Mohammed Rashid, the ISIS terrorist who had handcuffed and raped her repeatedly when she was only 14. Ashwaq stood facing her attacker, the ISIS terrorist, who was in a prison jumpsuit and was forced to listen to the pain he had inflicted on her. Watch | Yazidi Woman To ISIS Rapist: You Destroyed My Life pic.twitter.com/GvVbW37Qvn — WION (@WIONews) December 4, 2019 × After the emotional speech, the interview ended with Ashwaq collapsing at Rashid’s feet, evidently re-opening the traumatic wounds of her past. Ashwaq is one of 7,000 Yazidi women who were raped and had to endure unspeakable atrocities at the hands of ISIS terrorists. More than 3,000 Yazidi women remain missing, the more fortunate ones have escaped like Ashwaq and have taken refuge elsewhere. Overall, nearly 100,000 Yazidi men and women have fled abroad. For many, the persecution of their people has spawned new, passionate champions of human rights. One of them is Nadia Murad - winner of the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize. Murad escaped from captivity as an Islamic State sex slave and lost nine male siblings in massacres. She turned her pain into inspiration and went on to become an advocate for the rights of her community around the world. Like Nadia Murad, the brave Yazidi girl Ashwaq's dramatic confrontation with the ISIS predator portrays that facing your fears and standing up for yourself is sometimes the best way to move forward. Various conflicts in the Middle East that are ongoing in one form or the other, have reduced once prosperous nations to mere husks of their former selves. Millions of people have had their lives taken away from them. Innocent children have been pummelled by indiscriminate airstrikes. Minority groups have been at the receiving end of bombs, tear gas and even the use of chemical weapons. (With inputs from agencies)

Warzone atrocities against women: Former Yazidi sex slave confronts ISIS rapist on live tv

Just hours after US President Trump said nobody needs NATO more than France, the US president met French President Emmanuel Macron in London ahead of the&nbsp;NATO anniversary summit.

On NATO, the US president said: "There are some countries that aren't fulfilling their commitments and those countries are going to be dealt with. Maybe I will deal with them from a trade standpoint, maybe I will deal with them in a different way."

"NATO is becoming different than it was, much bigger than it was and much stronger than it was. Because people are now fulfilling their commitments," the US president added.

The French president said NATO is "not just about money" while asserting "the first burden we share, the first cost we pay, is our soldiers'' lives. And I do believe that in such circumstances, we do pay what we have to pay for collective security."

Watch Video:

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Macron acknowledged that the US had "invested decades after decades" on NATO. "I do share the statements, that is why I am a strong supporter of a stronger European component in NATO," he said.

Macron had earlier called NATO "brain dead", during the meeting with Trump the French president said he stood by his statement made last month.&nbsp;

"It's a tough statement, though, when you make a statement like that, that is a very, very nasty statement to essentially 28, including them, 28 countries," Trump had told reporters.

Trump also spoke on the Frech digital tax calling it a "minor dispute" as the US threatened to impose tariffs on French cheese, champagne and handbags.

"We do a lot of trade with France and we have a minor dispute," Trump said.&nbsp;

I think we'll probably be able to work it out but we have a big trade relationship and I'm sure that within a short period of time things will be looking very rosy," the US president added.

On Turkey, Macron alleged that Turkish forces "sometimes" worked with fighters linked to the Islamic State group in its operation in northern Syria.

"When I look at Turkey, they now are fighting against those who fought with us. And sometimes they work with ISIS proxies," Macron said at a news conference with US President Donald.

"We have lost cooperation with Turkey, on security and trade and migration and European Union and France," Macron added.

The French president is due to meet Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan later in the day ahead of the NATO summit.

In a surprise move, the French president called for "strategic dialogue with Russia" but cautioned that the alliance should do so "with its eyes wide open". 
&nbsp;

Just hours after US President Trump said nobody needs NATO more than France, the US president met French President Emmanuel Macron in London ahead of the NATO anniversary summit.

Just hours after US President Trump said nobody needs NATO more than France, the US president met French President Emmanuel Macron in London ahead of the NATO anniversary summit. On NATO, the US president said: "There are some countries that aren't fulfilling their commitments and those countries are going to be dealt with. Maybe I will deal with them from a trade standpoint, maybe I will deal with them in a different way." "NATO is becoming different than it was, much bigger than it was and much stronger than it was. Because people are now fulfilling their commitments," the US president added. The French president said NATO is "not just about money" while asserting "the first burden we share, the first cost we pay, is our soldiers'' lives. And I do believe that in such circumstances, we do pay what we have to pay for collective security." Watch Video: Macron acknowledged that the US had "invested decades after decades" on NATO. "I do share the statements, that is why I am a strong supporter of a stronger European component in NATO," he said. Macron had earlier called NATO "brain dead", during the meeting with Trump the French president said he stood by his statement made last month. "It's a tough statement, though, when you make a statement like that, that is a very, very nasty statement to essentially 28, including them, 28 countries," Trump had told reporters. Trump also spoke on the Frech digital tax calling it a "minor dispute" as the US threatened to impose tariffs on French cheese, champagne and handbags. "We do a lot of trade with France and we have a minor dispute," Trump said. I think we'll probably be able to work it out but we have a big trade relationship and I'm sure that within a short period of time things will be looking very rosy," the US president added. On Turkey, Macron alleged that Turkish forces "sometimes" worked with fighters linked to the Islamic State group in its operation in northern Syria. "When I look at Turkey, they now are fighting against those who fought with us. And sometimes they work with ISIS proxies," Macron said at a news conference with US President Donald. "We have lost cooperation with Turkey, on security and trade and migration and European Union and France," Macron added. The French president is due to meet Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan later in the day ahead of the NATO summit. In a surprise move, the French president called for "strategic dialogue with Russia" but cautioned that the alliance should do so "with its eyes wide open".

Some countries not fulfilling their commitments in NATO, they will be dealt with: Trump

WION Dispatch: Woman Faints after Emotional Speech

As many as 31 Islamic State terrorists, along with 62 women and children have surrendered to the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/no-phones-scripted-tweets-how-trumps-afghanistan-trip-was-kept-under-wraps-265368">Afghan </a>security forces in the eastern province of Nangarhar, the government said on Saturday.

The terrorists gave themselves in to the security forces in the Achin district, Sputnik reported, citing a government`s press release.

A number of heavy and light weapons were also seized.

On November 16, 18 Islamic State terrorists along with 24 women and 31 children surrendered to Afghan forces in the Achin district.

The government has maintained its stance that the increase in the number of surrenders is due to ramped-up military operations by the forces.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

As many as 31 Islamic State terrorists, along with 62 women and children have surrendered to the Afghan security forces in the eastern province of Nangarhar, the government said on Saturday.

As many as 31 Islamic State terrorists, along with 62 women and children have surrendered to the Afghan security forces in the eastern province of Nangarhar, the government said on Saturday. The terrorists gave themselves in to the security forces in the Achin district, Sputnik reported, citing a government`s press release. A number of heavy and light weapons were also seized. On November 16, 18 Islamic State terrorists along with 24 women and 31 children surrendered to Afghan forces in the Achin district. The government has maintained its stance that the increase in the number of surrenders is due to ramped-up military operations by the forces.

Afghanistan: Nearly 31 Islamic State terrorists surrender to security forces

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Saturday conducted searches at Thanjavur and Tiruchirapalli districts in connection with a Tamil Nadu-Kerala ISIS module case. 
 
The searches were conducted based on the warrants issued by Ernakulam's special NIA court. In June earlier this year, a raid was conducted in Coimbatore following which two people, namely, Mohammed Azarudheen and Shiek Hidayathulla were arrested. 
 
"...the accused persons and their associates have been propagating the ideology of the proscribed terrorist organisation ISIS (Daish) on social media with intention of recruiting vulnerable youth and carrying out terrorist attacks in Kerala and Tamil Nadu," the agency said in a statement. 
 
Today, the search was conducted at the associates of the two arrested accused. The NIA recovered digital devices including two laptops, six mobile phones, one pen drive, one hard disc, one memory card, one axe and seventeen documents from the spot. 
 
"The seized items including the digital devices will be submitted to the NIA Special Court, Ernakulam, and the digital devices will be sent for forensic examination," it stated. 
The agency said that the suspects are being examined to ascertain their association with the arrested accused and involvement in any unlawful activity.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Saturday conducted searches at Thanjavur and Tiruchirapalli districts in connection with a Tamil Nadu-Kerala ISIS module case.

The National Investigation Agency (NIA) on Saturday conducted searches at Thanjavur and Tiruchirapalli districts in connection with a Tamil Nadu-Kerala ISIS module case. The searches were conducted based on the warrants issued by Ernakulam's special NIA court. In June earlier this year, a raid was conducted in Coimbatore following which two people, namely, Mohammed Azarudheen and Shiek Hidayathulla were arrested. "...the accused persons and their associates have been propagating the ideology of the proscribed terrorist organisation ISIS (Daish) on social media with intention of recruiting vulnerable youth and carrying out terrorist attacks in Kerala and Tamil Nadu," the agency said in a statement. Today, the search was conducted at the associates of the two arrested accused. The NIA recovered digital devices including two laptops, six mobile phones, one pen drive, one hard disc, one memory card, one axe and seventeen documents from the spot. "The seized items including the digital devices will be submitted to the NIA Special Court, Ernakulam, and the digital devices will be sent for forensic examination," it stated. The agency said that the suspects are being examined to ascertain their association with the arrested accused and involvement in any unlawful activity.

ISIS case: NIA conducts searches at two locations in Tamil Nadu

By Tutku Ayhan and Güneş Murat Tezcür

It’s been five years since the Islamic State killed 3,100 Yazidi people in Iraq – mostly men and the elderly – forced 6,800 women and children into sexual slavery, marriage or religious conversion and sent hundreds of thousands fleeing.

The Islamic State saw the Yazidis as infidels with no right to exist under the extremist group’s rule. The Yazidis are a Kurdish-speaking Mideast minority whose monotheistic religion differs from Islam, Judaism and Christianity. They have a distinct historical lineage and no systematic requirement of fasting or prayer for the faithful. The Yazidis have lived in northern Iraq since at least the 12th century.

Today, more than 3,000 enslaved Yazidi women and children in Iraq have been freed from IS captivity, but life is far from normal.

Since 2017, we have interviewed over a hundred Yazidi survivors, both in Iraqi Kurdistan and in Germany, where several thousand Yazidis have sought asylum since the massacre. Our research documented long-lasting emotional, cultural and spiritual effects from the violence they experienced.

Cynicism and secularisation 
 
This once tight-knit religious community has been transformed by the Islamic State’s assault, albeit in different ways for different people.

Those who survived the August 2014 massacre – which the United Nations has declared a genocide – now live as displaced people in Iraqi Kurdistan or as refugees abroad.

For many Yazidis, religious practice has been replaced by a struggle to survive.

“I don’t care what will happen to the Yazidi identity in the future, or if all Yazidis live in foreign countries,” said Gule, a displaced Yazidi woman we met in a Yazidi village in Duhok, Iraq.

To protect the anonymity of our interviewees, who continue to be vulnerable and insecure, we refer to them by their first names only.

Gule, who once had a house in her village, now lives in a tent with her children and chronically ill husband. All she wants for Yazidis is “a house, an income.”

Being targeted for their religious identity has made Xidir, a young man in his late 20s, disillusioned with religion in general.

“When you look at what has happened, not only this genocide [but] all these wars, all this violence, you see it is because of religion,” Xidir told us.

Xidir lives in a camp for displaced Yazidis in Iraqi Kurdistan and struggles to provide for his family.

“I don’t believe in any religion anymore,” he told us. “I wish I could erase all religions from the Earth.”

Embracing Yazidi identity

Others have had the opposite experience.

The Yazidis have long led a precarious existence alongside their Muslim and Christian neighbours in Iraq. The Islamic State’s assault was a bitter reminder that they are a persecuted people, causing many to feel more strongly committed to their faith.

“Before I would say, I am a Yazidi, and that was it. But now it is different,” said Azad, who had escaped to Kurdistan with his family during the IS attacks. “When I say I am a Yazidi [now], I embrace it in a whole new way.”

Some of the Yazidis we spoke with expressed greater concern for Yazidi holy sites like the Lalish temple complex in Iraqi Kurdistan. They said they were determined to preserve Yazidi oral traditions, such as religious hymns known as “qawls,” and to pass their faith on to future generations.

But they are not necessarily strict practitioners of the Yazidi religion, praying daily or making pilgrimages to the Lalish. In fact, many Yazidis we interviewed in Germany – like other war refugees just struggling to survive in their new homes – had become more secular.

Their renewed interest in their Yazidi identity was primarily cultural and political. They advocate for their community on social media and see Yazidis as a separate ethnic group with a unique history – a people that should have autonomous political representation in Iraq, perhaps even self-rule.

Yazidi women find power and struggle

The status of women in Yazidi society has also changed since the massacre, our research found.

Despite some recent advances in women’s rights, the Yazidi culture remains deeply patriarchal. Women’s educational attainment, labor participation and political representation is very low. Many Yazidi women marry as young as 15 and become financially dependent on, and socially subordinate to, their husbands for the rest of their lives.

This social structure was upended by the Islamic State’s highly gendered attack, in which men were killed, while women and girls were kidnapped.

Some Iraqi Yazidi women actually gained real or symbolic power. The 2018 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Nadia Murad, for example, survived IS captivity to become an international activist.

We also met some Yazidi women working outside the home for the first time.

“I work with people from all backgrounds, I travel alone,” said Leila, a college graduate from Sinjar who works for an international Christian philanthropy.

“My family respects this, as I contribute to the family budget,” she said. “I feel confident and proud of myself.”

The lives of most Yazidi women, however, are more precarious than before.

Many lost not only their homes but also their husbands, fathers and brothers – the breadwinners. And while the Yazidi religious leadership welcomed women survivors back from IS captivity, the community strongly opposes integrating the children born of rape by IS members, forcing some mothers to make an impossible choice between their children and their people.

‘I am not afraid to tell my story’

When we met 31-year-old Nesreen in the summer of 2018, she was living in a Yazidi village in Duhok, Iraq. She told us her husband was killed by IS and that she and her two children had endured almost three years of enslavement.

No one in her family had received therapy. They all live together in a tent, dependent on a monthly allowance of 100,000 Iraqi dinars – around $84 – from the Kurdistan regional government.

With the help of her brother, Nesreen had written a manuscript telling the story of her captivity.

“I escaped the hell and I am not scared to tell my story,” she told us. But, she wondered, “How can we get a normal life after all this?

(Tutku Ayhan is PhD Candidate, University of Central Florida; Güneş Murat Tezcür is Jalal Talabani Chair and Professor of Political Science, University of Central Florida)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/5-years-after-islamic-state-massacre-an-iraqi-minority-is-transformed-by-trauma-126917">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp; 
&nbsp;

By Tutku Ayhan and Güneş Murat Tezcür It’s been five years since the Islamic State killed 3,100 Yazidi people in Iraq – mostly men and the elderly – forced 6,800 women and children into sexual slavery, marriage or religious conversion and sent hundreds of thousands fleeing.

By Tutku Ayhan and Güneş Murat Tezcür It’s been five years since the Islamic State killed 3,100 Yazidi people in Iraq – mostly men and the elderly – forced 6,800 women and children into sexual slavery, marriage or religious conversion and sent hundreds of thousands fleeing. The Islamic State saw the Yazidis as infidels with no right to exist under the extremist group’s rule. The Yazidis are a Kurdish-speaking Mideast minority whose monotheistic religion differs from Islam, Judaism and Christianity. They have a distinct historical lineage and no systematic requirement of fasting or prayer for the faithful. The Yazidis have lived in northern Iraq since at least the 12th century. Today, more than 3,000 enslaved Yazidi women and children in Iraq have been freed from IS captivity, but life is far from normal. Since 2017, we have interviewed over a hundred Yazidi survivors, both in Iraqi Kurdistan and in Germany, where several thousand Yazidis have sought asylum since the massacre. Our research documented long-lasting emotional, cultural and spiritual effects from the violence they experienced. Cynicism and secularisation This once tight-knit religious community has been transformed by the Islamic State’s assault, albeit in different ways for different people. Those who survived the August 2014 massacre – which the United Nations has declared a genocide – now live as displaced people in Iraqi Kurdistan or as refugees abroad. For many Yazidis, religious practice has been replaced by a struggle to survive. “I don’t care what will happen to the Yazidi identity in the future, or if all Yazidis live in foreign countries,” said Gule, a displaced Yazidi woman we met in a Yazidi village in Duhok, Iraq. To protect the anonymity of our interviewees, who continue to be vulnerable and insecure, we refer to them by their first names only. Gule, who once had a house in her village, now lives in a tent with her children and chronically ill husband. All she wants for Yazidis is “a house, an income.” Being targeted for their religious identity has made Xidir, a young man in his late 20s, disillusioned with religion in general. “When you look at what has happened, not only this genocide [but] all these wars, all this violence, you see it is because of religion,” Xidir told us. Xidir lives in a camp for displaced Yazidis in Iraqi Kurdistan and struggles to provide for his family. “I don’t believe in any religion anymore,” he told us. “I wish I could erase all religions from the Earth.” Embracing Yazidi identity Others have had the opposite experience. The Yazidis have long led a precarious existence alongside their Muslim and Christian neighbours in Iraq. The Islamic State’s assault was a bitter reminder that they are a persecuted people, causing many to feel more strongly committed to their faith. “Before I would say, I am a Yazidi, and that was it. But now it is different,” said Azad, who had escaped to Kurdistan with his family during the IS attacks. “When I say I am a Yazidi [now], I embrace it in a whole new way.” Some of the Yazidis we spoke with expressed greater concern for Yazidi holy sites like the Lalish temple complex in Iraqi Kurdistan. They said they were determined to preserve Yazidi oral traditions, such as religious hymns known as “qawls,” and to pass their faith on to future generations. But they are not necessarily strict practitioners of the Yazidi religion, praying daily or making pilgrimages to the Lalish. In fact, many Yazidis we interviewed in Germany – like other war refugees just struggling to survive in their new homes – had become more secular. Their renewed interest in their Yazidi identity was primarily cultural and political. They advocate for their community on social media and see Yazidis as a separate ethnic group with a unique history – a people that should have autonomous political representation in Iraq, perhaps even self-rule. Yazidi women find power and struggle The status of women in Yazidi society has also changed since the massacre, our research found. Despite some recent advances in women’s rights, the Yazidi culture remains deeply patriarchal. Women’s educational attainment, labor participation and political representation is very low. Many Yazidi women marry as young as 15 and become financially dependent on, and socially subordinate to, their husbands for the rest of their lives. This social structure was upended by the Islamic State’s highly gendered attack, in which men were killed, while women and girls were kidnapped. Some Iraqi Yazidi women actually gained real or symbolic power. The 2018 Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Nadia Murad, for example, survived IS captivity to become an international activist. We also met some Yazidi women working outside the home for the first time. “I work with people from all backgrounds, I travel alone,” said Leila, a college graduate from Sinjar who works for an international Christian philanthropy. “My family respects this, as I contribute to the family budget,” she said. “I feel confident and proud of myself.” The lives of most Yazidi women, however, are more precarious than before. Many lost not only their homes but also their husbands, fathers and brothers – the breadwinners. And while the Yazidi religious leadership welcomed women survivors back from IS captivity, the community strongly opposes integrating the children born of rape by IS members, forcing some mothers to make an impossible choice between their children and their people. ‘I am not afraid to tell my story’ When we met 31-year-old Nesreen in the summer of 2018, she was living in a Yazidi village in Duhok, Iraq. She told us her husband was killed by IS and that she and her two children had endured almost three years of enslavement. No one in her family had received therapy. They all live together in a tent, dependent on a monthly allowance of 100,000 Iraqi dinars – around $84 – from the Kurdistan regional government. With the help of her brother, Nesreen had written a manuscript telling the story of her captivity. “I escaped the hell and I am not scared to tell my story,” she told us. But, she wondered, “How can we get a normal life after all this? (Tutku Ayhan is PhD Candidate, University of Central Florida; Güneş Murat Tezcür is Jalal Talabani Chair and Professor of Political Science, University of Central Florida) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

5 years after Islamic State massacre, an Iraqi minority is transformed by trauma

A woman, who was believed to have joined Islamic State (IS) group returned back to Germany along with her three children, police said, reports&nbsp;an agency.&nbsp;

Laura is the first adult female member to return to Germany from Syria through official channels. The 30-year-old, who originally hailed from Hesse state arrived at Frankfurt airport on a flight from Erbil in Iraq late on Saturday.&nbsp;

As per a report by German newsweekly Spiegel, Laura was not immediately arrested on arrival but remains the subject of an investigation on suspicion of her membership to a terrorist organisation as well as failure to properly take care of her children.&nbsp;

The woman's passport has been confiscated and the two children are being entrusted to a close relative, the report added.&nbsp;

The weekly magazine also said that the woman travelled to Syria to join IS with her two children and husband, a Somalia-born US citizen.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
The woman had already been linked to Salafist (Islamic fundamentalist) circles in Germany and she had also allegedly posted an online call for aid donation for Syria that in reality went to a fundamentalist organisation. Following her own capture by Kurdish forces and the reported killing of her husband, Laura claims to have turned away from IS ideology.&nbsp;

A US aid organisation helped Laura move to Erbil from from the Al-Hol prison camp in northeastern Syria, the weekly reported.&nbsp;

Kurdish authorities have repeatedly urged Western countries to accept their nationals linked to IS. So far, the countries have majorly avoided the repatriation.&nbsp;

Laura is the first adult who is repatriated to Germany, a country which has allowed a few orphans to return back.&nbsp;

After Turkey invaded northern Syria last month, a lot of people broke out from Kurdish-led jails and camps.&nbsp;

Two weeks earlier, Turkey said that it will repatriate seven captured IS fighters to Germany.

Austria, Belgium, Britain and France have repatriated some orphaned children. A number of women and children were accepted by the United States.&nbsp;

Earlier this month, an Albanian boy taken by his mother to join IS in Syria returned to his home in Italy.&nbsp;

Dozens of women and children were repatriated by Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kosovo too.

(with inputs from AFP and Reuters)

A woman, who was believed to have joined Islamic State (IS) group returned back to Germany along with her three children, police said, reports an agency. Laura is the first adult female member to return to Germany from Syria through official channels.

A woman, who was believed to have joined Islamic State (IS) group returned back to Germany along with her three children, police said, reports an agency. Laura is the first adult female member to return to Germany from Syria through official channels. The 30-year-old, who originally hailed from Hesse state arrived at Frankfurt airport on a flight from Erbil in Iraq late on Saturday. As per a report by German newsweekly Spiegel, Laura was not immediately arrested on arrival but remains the subject of an investigation on suspicion of her membership to a terrorist organisation as well as failure to properly take care of her children. The woman's passport has been confiscated and the two children are being entrusted to a close relative, the report added. The weekly magazine also said that the woman travelled to Syria to join IS with her two children and husband, a Somalia-born US citizen. The woman had already been linked to Salafist (Islamic fundamentalist) circles in Germany and she had also allegedly posted an online call for aid donation for Syria that in reality went to a fundamentalist organisation. Following her own capture by Kurdish forces and the reported killing of her husband, Laura claims to have turned away from IS ideology. A US aid organisation helped Laura move to Erbil from from the Al-Hol prison camp in northeastern Syria, the weekly reported. Kurdish authorities have repeatedly urged Western countries to accept their nationals linked to IS. So far, the countries have majorly avoided the repatriation. Laura is the first adult who is repatriated to Germany, a country which has allowed a few orphans to return back. After Turkey invaded northern Syria last month, a lot of people broke out from Kurdish-led jails and camps. Two weeks earlier, Turkey said that it will repatriate seven captured IS fighters to Germany. Austria, Belgium, Britain and France have repatriated some orphaned children. A number of women and children were accepted by the United States. Earlier this month, an Albanian boy taken by his mother to join IS in Syria returned to his home in Italy. Dozens of women and children were repatriated by Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kosovo too. (with inputs from AFP and Reuters)

Suspected woman linked to Islamic State returned to Germany

US&nbsp;Central Command chief General Kenneth McKenzie said on Saturday about 500 US&nbsp;personnel in east Syria are expected to resume operations against Islamic State in coming days and weeks.

Islamic State has lost nearly all its territory in Syria and US&nbsp;forces killed its former leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi last month, but the group that once controlled a third of Syria and neighbouring Iraq is still seen as a threat.

The administration of President Donald Trump shocked US&nbsp;allies last December by saying Washington was pulling out all its troops from Syria.

It said later it decided to keep a residual force in the northeastern part of the country, focusing on preventing Islamic State from staging a comeback and attacking the oilfields there.

"Now I've got about 500 US&nbsp;personnel generally east of the Euphrates river east of Deir al Zor up to Hasaka, northeast all the way up into extreme northeast Syria," McKenzie told reporters on the sidelines of the Manama Dialogue security summit in Bahrain.

"It is our intention to remain in that position working with our SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) partners to continue operations against ISIS down the Euphrates river valley where those targets present themselves," he added.

Turkey launched and then halted an offensive against the YPG, the main component of the US-backed SDF that helped the United States defeat Islamic State, which it sees as a terrorist group with links to Kurdish militants on Turkish soil.

Moscow, the main backer of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, said this week it was also in the process of deploying more Russian military police to northeast Syria, setting up field hospitals for civilians, distributing humanitarian aid and rebuilding infrastructure.

US Central Command chief General Kenneth McKenzie said on Saturday about 500 US personnel in east Syria are expected to resume operations against Islamic State in coming days and weeks.

US Central Command chief General Kenneth McKenzie said on Saturday about 500 US personnel in east Syria are expected to resume operations against Islamic State in coming days and weeks. Islamic State has lost nearly all its territory in Syria and US forces killed its former leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi last month, but the group that once controlled a third of Syria and neighbouring Iraq is still seen as a threat. The administration of President Donald Trump shocked US allies last December by saying Washington was pulling out all its troops from Syria. It said later it decided to keep a residual force in the northeastern part of the country, focusing on preventing Islamic State from staging a comeback and attacking the oilfields there. "Now I've got about 500 US personnel generally east of the Euphrates river east of Deir al Zor up to Hasaka, northeast all the way up into extreme northeast Syria," McKenzie told reporters on the sidelines of the Manama Dialogue security summit in Bahrain. "It is our intention to remain in that position working with our SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) partners to continue operations against ISIS down the Euphrates river valley where those targets present themselves," he added. Turkey launched and then halted an offensive against the YPG, the main component of the US-backed SDF that helped the United States defeat Islamic State, which it sees as a terrorist group with links to Kurdish militants on Turkish soil. Moscow, the main backer of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, said this week it was also in the process of deploying more Russian military police to northeast Syria, setting up field hospitals for civilians, distributing humanitarian aid and rebuilding infrastructure.

US Central Command says anti-IS operations to pick up in coming days, weeks

In all the hand-wringing that critics and commentators have done since President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria, one of the common refrains emphasises the breach of trust between Washington and its Kurdish militia partners.

Some scholars of international relations put little stock in trust. Countries are selfish, after all.

Others see trust in impersonal terms, embedded in the rules, norms, institutions and alliances that bind countries to each other.

It turns out, though, that trust does matter in international relations. And in the Middle East, trust is often seen in personal terms.

For the American personnel who worked, ate and lived with the Syrian Kurds, trust-building was also a deeply personal experience. Trust underpinned the crucial intelligence cooperation between the US and its Kurdish partners. That cooperation helped plan and execute the raid that led to the capture killing of Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

As one former American special operator has written, “Trust is a powerful commodity that has saved many lives in shadowy battlefields across the Middle East. But it takes a long time to build and can be gone in an instant.”

By contrast, mistrust, even if it is based on perception alone, can linger for decades, thwarting Washington’s foreign policy goals.

Defeating the Islamic State

I observed the long-term consequences of broken trust next door to Syria, in Iraq.

I served as a US diplomat in the southern Iraqi city of Basrah during 2015 and 2016, the height of the war against the Islamic State group, also known as IS.

At the time, after years of sectarian strife, dishonest governments and their broken promises, Iraqis seemed united around the common purpose of defeating IS. The corrupt and sectarian regime of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had been ousted. And the US was leading an international coalition to help the Iraqi government in the fight against IS, providing hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian assistance.

You might think that a war that the US was fighting on behalf of the Iraqi people, a war that was truly an existential one for the majority Iraqi Shia, would have produced at least some goodwill toward the United States.

Instead, when I arrived in Basrah in 2015, I discovered that many Iraqis, including the majority Shia Muslim population among whom I lived, believed that the United States was somehow in cahoots with the Islamic State.

Mistrust for decades 
 
The Middle East is rife with conspiracy theories. But this one was particularly jarring given that the United States was then engaged in a costly and very public effort to defeat the Islamic State, a terrorist group which declared the Shia apostates and said they must be killed.

Over time, I began to understand the roots of these attitudes. Disinformation and propaganda, especially from Iran, fueled them to some extent.

But there were deeper issues at play.

“The United States defeated Saddam’s armies in a matter of weeks,” incredulous Iraqis I met would say to me. “So how is it that you can’t defeat a ragtag army of jihadists in two years?”

Iranian disinformation campaigns blaming the US for the Islamic State were effective because of a deep gulf of mistrust between the US and Iraqis, which led to widespread cynicism among ordinary Iraqis about US motives.

The origins of this mistrust go back decades, from tacit US support for Saddam Hussein in the 1980s, when Washington turned a blind eye to the dictatorship’s atrocities against Iraqi Kurds.

The lack of trust helps explain why the US had such a hard time stabilizing Iraq after 2003, despite toppling a feared despot and despite investing billions of dollars in the country.

Roots in betrayal

Iraqi Shia are the largest Muslim sect in the country, but have less political power than Sunni Muslims. The Shia in particular have painful memories of an event that they see as a massive breach of trust between them and the US.

In 1991, encouraged by then-President George HW Bush, the Shia rose up against Saddam, only to be abandoned by the US.

Tens of thousands of Iraqi Shia were slaughtered.

I visited a memorial to the victims of Saddam’s suppression of the uprising, where I saw a leaflet displayed that was dropped by US and coalition aircraft calling on Iraqi soldiers and civilians to “fill the streets and alleys and bring down Saddam Hussein and his aides.”

“We thought this meant that the Americans would help us,” my guide at the museum told me. &nbsp;Many Iraqis I met also recalled the devastating 1990s sanctions on their country that were championed by the United States. Others talked of Washington’s failure to stabilize the country after 2003. Then there was the perception that the Obama administration came late to the war against the Islamic State.

Other Iraqis I met – young ones – told me of their resentment at US&nbsp;support for a political class in Baghdad that is seen as deeply corrupt. Some of them are no doubt protesting in the streets and squares of Iraqi cities today.

I attended lots of meetings with Iraqi Sunni tribal leaders in the south. They saw the Obama administration’s 2011 withdrawal of U.S. troops and general disengagement from Iraq as a betrayal of trust. They saw it as handing over Iraq to Iranian influence, which they fear.

Ultimately, Iraqis did not see the US as a credible, consistent or committed partner. Some turned to Iran for assistance, while turning against the United States. Perhaps it is no surprise that polls taken at the time I worked in Basrah showed that Iraqis saw Iran and Russia as more favourable security partners.

Can’t escape the past

Iraq is by no means a perfect analogy for the shattered trust between Washington and its Syrian Kurdish allies. Yet the Iraqi experience shows that distrust of the United States has deep roots in past US actions.

In Syria, too, the US has left a legacy of mistrust since 2011, from Obama’s failure to follow through on his call for Assad to step down, to his failure to impose meaningful costs on the Syrian regime for its use of chemical weapons. Trump’s withdrawal is just one episode in a longer story.

Despite breaches of trust, Iraqis continued to need US support. But that need paired with a lack of trust makes things difficult for American diplomats in Iraq. For me, it was often overwhelming to be at the receiving end of the immense disappointment, frustration and more rarely, hope, that the Iraqis have in the United States.

The Syrian Kurds, like the Iraqis, will still need the United States and continue to work with Washington. But the breach of trust will complicate cooperation, as it did in Iraq.

Not everything that Iraqis blame the United States for is fair. And it would be impossible for even the best-crafted US policies to satisfy all of Iraq’s diverse people.

At times I tried to remind my unfailingly hospitable Iraqi interlocutors, especially those in the government, to be a bit more introspective about their own failings and responsibility for Iraq’s post-Saddam ills. I tried to remind them that the United States invested a lot in Iraq, with limited results.

In the end, the credibility of the message was undercut by a lack of trust in the messenger.&nbsp;

(Mieczysław P Boduszyński is Assistant Professor of Politics, Pomona College)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/broken-trust-how-iraqis-lost-their-faith-in-washington-long-before-the-kurds-did-125636">original article</a>) 
&nbsp; 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

In all the hand-wringing that critics and commentators have done since President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria, one of the common refrains emphasises the breach of trust between Washington and its Kurdish militia partners.

In all the hand-wringing that critics and commentators have done since President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria, one of the common refrains emphasises the breach of trust between Washington and its Kurdish militia partners. Some scholars of international relations put little stock in trust. Countries are selfish, after all. Others see trust in impersonal terms, embedded in the rules, norms, institutions and alliances that bind countries to each other. It turns out, though, that trust does matter in international relations. And in the Middle East, trust is often seen in personal terms. For the American personnel who worked, ate and lived with the Syrian Kurds, trust-building was also a deeply personal experience. Trust underpinned the crucial intelligence cooperation between the US and its Kurdish partners. That cooperation helped plan and execute the raid that led to the capture killing of Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. As one former American special operator has written, “Trust is a powerful commodity that has saved many lives in shadowy battlefields across the Middle East. But it takes a long time to build and can be gone in an instant.” By contrast, mistrust, even if it is based on perception alone, can linger for decades, thwarting Washington’s foreign policy goals. Defeating the Islamic State I observed the long-term consequences of broken trust next door to Syria, in Iraq. I served as a US diplomat in the southern Iraqi city of Basrah during 2015 and 2016, the height of the war against the Islamic State group, also known as IS. At the time, after years of sectarian strife, dishonest governments and their broken promises, Iraqis seemed united around the common purpose of defeating IS. The corrupt and sectarian regime of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had been ousted. And the US was leading an international coalition to help the Iraqi government in the fight against IS, providing hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian assistance. You might think that a war that the US was fighting on behalf of the Iraqi people, a war that was truly an existential one for the majority Iraqi Shia, would have produced at least some goodwill toward the United States. Instead, when I arrived in Basrah in 2015, I discovered that many Iraqis, including the majority Shia Muslim population among whom I lived, believed that the United States was somehow in cahoots with the Islamic State. Mistrust for decades The Middle East is rife with conspiracy theories. But this one was particularly jarring given that the United States was then engaged in a costly and very public effort to defeat the Islamic State, a terrorist group which declared the Shia apostates and said they must be killed. Over time, I began to understand the roots of these attitudes. Disinformation and propaganda, especially from Iran, fueled them to some extent. But there were deeper issues at play. “The United States defeated Saddam’s armies in a matter of weeks,” incredulous Iraqis I met would say to me. “So how is it that you can’t defeat a ragtag army of jihadists in two years?” Iranian disinformation campaigns blaming the US for the Islamic State were effective because of a deep gulf of mistrust between the US and Iraqis, which led to widespread cynicism among ordinary Iraqis about US motives. The origins of this mistrust go back decades, from tacit US support for Saddam Hussein in the 1980s, when Washington turned a blind eye to the dictatorship’s atrocities against Iraqi Kurds. The lack of trust helps explain why the US had such a hard time stabilizing Iraq after 2003, despite toppling a feared despot and despite investing billions of dollars in the country. Roots in betrayal Iraqi Shia are the largest Muslim sect in the country, but have less political power than Sunni Muslims. The Shia in particular have painful memories of an event that they see as a massive breach of trust between them and the US. In 1991, encouraged by then-President George HW Bush, the Shia rose up against Saddam, only to be abandoned by the US. Tens of thousands of Iraqi Shia were slaughtered. I visited a memorial to the victims of Saddam’s suppression of the uprising, where I saw a leaflet displayed that was dropped by US and coalition aircraft calling on Iraqi soldiers and civilians to “fill the streets and alleys and bring down Saddam Hussein and his aides.” “We thought this meant that the Americans would help us,” my guide at the museum told me. Many Iraqis I met also recalled the devastating 1990s sanctions on their country that were championed by the United States. Others talked of Washington’s failure to stabilize the country after 2003. Then there was the perception that the Obama administration came late to the war against the Islamic State. Other Iraqis I met – young ones – told me of their resentment at US support for a political class in Baghdad that is seen as deeply corrupt. Some of them are no doubt protesting in the streets and squares of Iraqi cities today. I attended lots of meetings with Iraqi Sunni tribal leaders in the south. They saw the Obama administration’s 2011 withdrawal of U.S. troops and general disengagement from Iraq as a betrayal of trust. They saw it as handing over Iraq to Iranian influence, which they fear. Ultimately, Iraqis did not see the US as a credible, consistent or committed partner. Some turned to Iran for assistance, while turning against the United States. Perhaps it is no surprise that polls taken at the time I worked in Basrah showed that Iraqis saw Iran and Russia as more favourable security partners. Can’t escape the past Iraq is by no means a perfect analogy for the shattered trust between Washington and its Syrian Kurdish allies. Yet the Iraqi experience shows that distrust of the United States has deep roots in past US actions. In Syria, too, the US has left a legacy of mistrust since 2011, from Obama’s failure to follow through on his call for Assad to step down, to his failure to impose meaningful costs on the Syrian regime for its use of chemical weapons. Trump’s withdrawal is just one episode in a longer story. Despite breaches of trust, Iraqis continued to need US support. But that need paired with a lack of trust makes things difficult for American diplomats in Iraq. For me, it was often overwhelming to be at the receiving end of the immense disappointment, frustration and more rarely, hope, that the Iraqis have in the United States. The Syrian Kurds, like the Iraqis, will still need the United States and continue to work with Washington. But the breach of trust will complicate cooperation, as it did in Iraq. Not everything that Iraqis blame the United States for is fair. And it would be impossible for even the best-crafted US policies to satisfy all of Iraq’s diverse people. At times I tried to remind my unfailingly hospitable Iraqi interlocutors, especially those in the government, to be a bit more introspective about their own failings and responsibility for Iraq’s post-Saddam ills. I tried to remind them that the United States invested a lot in Iraq, with limited results. In the end, the credibility of the message was undercut by a lack of trust in the messenger. (Mieczysław P Boduszyński is Assistant Professor of Politics, Pomona College) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

How Iraqis lost their faith in Washington, long before the Kurds did

By Ken Chitwood

Just days after the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi on October 27, the Islamic State named Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurashi as the new “caliph.”

In 2014, IS conquered vast swaths of Iraq and Syria and declared itself to be the “caliphate.”

Defined and applied in different ways over the centuries, the fundamental idea behind the caliphate is the just ordering of society according to the will of God.

The Islamic State’s caliphate was never widely recognized among the global Muslim community and no longer has significant territory. But the Islamic State still uses the history of the caliphate to push their claims.

As a scholar of global Islam, every time I teach my “Introduction to Islam” class, questions about the caliphate come up, in part because of IS’s claims.

Caliph conundrums 
 
The leader of a caliphate is called the caliph, meaning deputy or representative. All caliphs are believed to be the successor to Prophet Muhammad. Muhammad was not a caliph; according to the Quran he was the last and greatest of the prophets.

That means no one can replace Muhammad as the messenger of God. The caliph, for example, is not always seen as holding special spiritual authority. But he is meant to preside over the caliphate in the absence of Muhammad.

The debate over who was the rightful representative of the prophet began immediately after his death. While the majority supported Abu Bakr – one of the prophet’s closest companions – a minority opted for his young son-in-law and cousin, Ali.

Abu Bakr’s supporters would come to be known as Sunni Muslims, who believe that Muhammad did not leave instructions regarding his successor. Those who felt Ali was appointed by the prophet to be the political and spiritual leader of the fledgling Muslim community became known as Shiite Muslims.

Abu Bakr was the first caliph and Ali the fourth.

The second and third caliphs were Umar and Uthman. Under Umar, the caliphate expanded to include many regions of the world such as the lands of the former Byzantine and Sassanian empires in Asia Minor, Persia and Central Asia. Uthman is credited with compiling the Quran.

That al-Baghdadi adopted the name of the first caliph was no coincidence. Together, Sunni Muslims call the first four caliphs the Rashidun, or the “Rightly Guided Caliphs,” because they were close companions or relations of Muhammad. They are also believed to be extraordinarily pious. This period lasted about 30 years.

The complex history of the caliphate 
 
After rebels assassinated Uthman in A.D. 656, Ali was elected caliph. However, civil war soon broke out between Ali and Muʿawiya ibn Abi Sufyan. The civil war ended in Sufyan’s victory and the formation of the Umayyad caliphate in A.D. 661.

The Umayyad dynasty lasted 89 years.

The Abbasid dynasty descended from Muhammad’s uncle, Abbas ibn Abdul-Muttalib, and succeeded the Umayyads.

These two caliphates oversaw the continuing expansion of the empire. Under them architecture, the arts and sciences flourished.

For example, the “Dome of the Rock,” a shrine in the Old City of Jerusalem, was built under an Umayyad caliph as a monument to the rising supremacy of their empire.

The Grand Library of Baghdad, also known as the “House of Wisdom,” was supported by Abbasid patronage. The “House of Wisdom” is credited with being a center of translation, scientific study and academic exchange. This period of flourishing, from the eighth to the 14th century, is often referred to as the “Islamic Golden Age.”

Both before and after the fall of the Abbasids in A.D. 1258, a succession of various empires made overlapping and competing claims to the caliphate. These included the Mamluks of Cairo and the Umayyads in Cordóba, Spain.

In 1517, the Turkish Ottomans amassed enough land and power throughout Asia Minor, North Africa, the Arabian Peninsula and Eastern Europe to claim the title “caliphate.” Ottoman sultans, however, were not universally recognized as caliphs. Many Muslims believe that the caliphate effectively ended after the Mongol conquest of Abbasid Baghdad in A.D. 1258.

Nonetheless, the Ottomans effectively held on to that title until 1924, when the Turkish nationalist and secularist Kemal Ataturk abolished the caliphate.

Resurrecting the caliphate?

The idea of the caliphate, which the Islamic State has forcefully promoted, recalls a time and a place when Islamic states flourished politically, economically and socially. It also summons up a spiritual vision of a supposedly more devout and dedicated Muslim community than exists today.

Other modern-day Islamists have called for a resurrection of the caliphate, or at least its ideals, as a way to recapture the vibrancy of the past. However, only violent extremist groups such as al-Qaida or the Islamic State have tried to make it a tangible reality.

Killing al-Baghdadi has not quashed the Islamic State’s version of the caliphate. The idea lives on and continues to motivate its members in enclaves across the globe. It is worth mentioning that the name of their new caliph is an honorific title for a member of Prophet Muhammad’s family – “al-Qurashi.” This prophetic lineage is one more way IS is trying to resurrect the history of the caliphate for its destructive purposes. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-is-a-caliph-the-islamic-state-tries-to-boost-its-legitimacy-by-hijacking-a-historic-institution-126175">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

By Ken Chitwood Just days after the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi on October 27, the Islamic State named Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurashi as the new “caliph.” In 2014, IS conquered vast swaths of Iraq and Syria and declared itself to be the “caliphate.

By Ken Chitwood Just days after the death of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi on October 27, the Islamic State named Abu Ibrahim al-Hashimi al-Qurashi as the new “caliph.” In 2014, IS conquered vast swaths of Iraq and Syria and declared itself to be the “caliphate.” Defined and applied in different ways over the centuries, the fundamental idea behind the caliphate is the just ordering of society according to the will of God. The Islamic State’s caliphate was never widely recognized among the global Muslim community and no longer has significant territory. But the Islamic State still uses the history of the caliphate to push their claims. As a scholar of global Islam, every time I teach my “Introduction to Islam” class, questions about the caliphate come up, in part because of IS’s claims. Caliph conundrums The leader of a caliphate is called the caliph, meaning deputy or representative. All caliphs are believed to be the successor to Prophet Muhammad. Muhammad was not a caliph; according to the Quran he was the last and greatest of the prophets. That means no one can replace Muhammad as the messenger of God. The caliph, for example, is not always seen as holding special spiritual authority. But he is meant to preside over the caliphate in the absence of Muhammad. The debate over who was the rightful representative of the prophet began immediately after his death. While the majority supported Abu Bakr – one of the prophet’s closest companions – a minority opted for his young son-in-law and cousin, Ali. Abu Bakr’s supporters would come to be known as Sunni Muslims, who believe that Muhammad did not leave instructions regarding his successor. Those who felt Ali was appointed by the prophet to be the political and spiritual leader of the fledgling Muslim community became known as Shiite Muslims. Abu Bakr was the first caliph and Ali the fourth. The second and third caliphs were Umar and Uthman. Under Umar, the caliphate expanded to include many regions of the world such as the lands of the former Byzantine and Sassanian empires in Asia Minor, Persia and Central Asia. Uthman is credited with compiling the Quran. That al-Baghdadi adopted the name of the first caliph was no coincidence. Together, Sunni Muslims call the first four caliphs the Rashidun, or the “Rightly Guided Caliphs,” because they were close companions or relations of Muhammad. They are also believed to be extraordinarily pious. This period lasted about 30 years. The complex history of the caliphate After rebels assassinated Uthman in A.D. 656, Ali was elected caliph. However, civil war soon broke out between Ali and Muʿawiya ibn Abi Sufyan. The civil war ended in Sufyan’s victory and the formation of the Umayyad caliphate in A.D. 661. The Umayyad dynasty lasted 89 years. The Abbasid dynasty descended from Muhammad’s uncle, Abbas ibn Abdul-Muttalib, and succeeded the Umayyads. These two caliphates oversaw the continuing expansion of the empire. Under them architecture, the arts and sciences flourished. For example, the “Dome of the Rock,” a shrine in the Old City of Jerusalem, was built under an Umayyad caliph as a monument to the rising supremacy of their empire. The Grand Library of Baghdad, also known as the “House of Wisdom,” was supported by Abbasid patronage. The “House of Wisdom” is credited with being a center of translation, scientific study and academic exchange. This period of flourishing, from the eighth to the 14th century, is often referred to as the “Islamic Golden Age.” Both before and after the fall of the Abbasids in A.D. 1258, a succession of various empires made overlapping and competing claims to the caliphate. These included the Mamluks of Cairo and the Umayyads in Cordóba, Spain. In 1517, the Turkish Ottomans amassed enough land and power throughout Asia Minor, North Africa, the Arabian Peninsula and Eastern Europe to claim the title “caliphate.” Ottoman sultans, however, were not universally recognized as caliphs. Many Muslims believe that the caliphate effectively ended after the Mongol conquest of Abbasid Baghdad in A.D. 1258. Nonetheless, the Ottomans effectively held on to that title until 1924, when the Turkish nationalist and secularist Kemal Ataturk abolished the caliphate. Resurrecting the caliphate? The idea of the caliphate, which the Islamic State has forcefully promoted, recalls a time and a place when Islamic states flourished politically, economically and socially. It also summons up a spiritual vision of a supposedly more devout and dedicated Muslim community than exists today. Other modern-day Islamists have called for a resurrection of the caliphate, or at least its ideals, as a way to recapture the vibrancy of the past. However, only violent extremist groups such as al-Qaida or the Islamic State have tried to make it a tangible reality. Killing al-Baghdadi has not quashed the Islamic State’s version of the caliphate. The idea lives on and continues to motivate its members in enclaves across the globe. It is worth mentioning that the name of their new caliph is an honorific title for a member of Prophet Muhammad’s family – “al-Qurashi.” This prophetic lineage is one more way IS is trying to resurrect the history of the caliphate for its destructive purposes. (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

What is a caliph? The Islamic State tries to boost its legitimacy by hijacking a historic institution

President Donald Trump said on Tuesday the United States knows the location of the third in command to Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who killed himself last month during a <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/al-baghdadis-death-the-rise-and-fall-of-the-leader-of-islamic-state-258617">US-led raid</a>.

"We have our eye on his third," Trump said during the question-and-answer session following a speech at the Economic Club of New York. "His third has got a lot of problems because we know where he is too."

Since Baghdadi's death, the United States and Turkey have targeted possible successors and sympathisers and arrested family members, seeking to prevent a resurgence of the militant group.

Trump did not identify the new target. Earlier this month, the United States, said it was looking into Abu Ibrahim al-Hashemi al-Quraishi, who has been appointed Islamic State's new leader.

President Donald Trump said on Tuesday the United States knows the location of the third in command to Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who killed himself last month during a US-led raid.

President Donald Trump said on Tuesday the United States knows the location of the third in command to Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, who killed himself last month during a US-led raid. "We have our eye on his third," Trump said during the question-and-answer session following a speech at the Economic Club of New York. "His third has got a lot of problems because we know where he is too." Since Baghdadi's death, the United States and Turkey have targeted possible successors and sympathisers and arrested family members, seeking to prevent a resurgence of the militant group. Trump did not identify the new target. Earlier this month, the United States, said it was looking into Abu Ibrahim al-Hashemi al-Quraishi, who has been appointed Islamic State's new leader.

US has eye on Baghdadi's third in command: Trump

US President Donald Trump’s announcement that Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi died during a US military operation in Syria, later confirmed by ISIS itself, was welcome news. &nbsp;

This was followed by the death of their spokesperson and the arrest of his sister and wife by Turkey. After the decimation of IS caliphate, IS continues to exist in small modules in many parts of the world, mainly in West Asia, but the loss of its undisputed leader who inspired youth globally towards radicalisation as never before, during his peak performance days will not be easy to fulfil.&nbsp;

He revolutionised the art of extending terror network through the internet, made IS the richest terror group in the world, with a caliphate to govern through sharia laws and revived sex slavery.&nbsp;

It’s a major setback to IS and affiliated terror groups but long overdue good news for those suffered its brutality, like Yezidi women. The idea of IS does not end with the death of Baghdadi who stands replaced by Ibrahim al Hashimi al Quraishi from Prophet Mohammad lineage (qualified to become caliph) with a vow to avenge Baghdadi’s death. There being no change in the overall aim and ideology of IS, it will manage to regroup with lesser fund flow and area of influence and wait for the opportunity to reemerge; hence the global fight against IS has to continue. &nbsp;&nbsp;

What does it mean for regional terror groups?&nbsp;

The US has given a strong message to terrorists but its declared withdrawal from Syria is untimely; hence the Middle-East needs a fresh look from a strategic perspective. Turkey cross-border offensive on October 9 against the Kurdish YPG militia, whose fighters made up the bulk of the SDF controlling IS is a game spoiler in the fight against IS.&nbsp;

Turkeys double game with terrorists is marred with helping IS and treating Kurds as terrorists as they demand a homeland. Its desire to invade Syria and destroy Assad's supporters made it an ally of US, but the US is not keen on the decimation of Kurds, who will be left with no choice but to commence terrorist activities against Turkey.&nbsp;

The temporary five days truce, sanctions against Turkey could buy some time, but is unlikely to change Erdogan’s intent who seems to have decided to go Wahhabi way. It does give some extra lifeline to IS, which is going to get dispersed to other areas, in addition to some existing ones like Afghanistan. US withdrawal also cedes this strategic space in Syria to the forces loyal to Assad and Russia, something which the US was not very keen to concede till a short while ago as it was not in the best interest of Israel. This strategic equation does not change the terror potential of Hamas appreciably.&nbsp;

The internal political disturbance Lebanon puts Hezbollah in a tight spot. The current internal political turbulence in Iraq is helpful for the reorganisation of IS as it dampens the Shia spirit which indirectly helps Sunni terror groups. The recent strategic clash between Iran and Saudi Arabia triggered by a drone attack on Saudi’s oil establishment followed by an attack on Iran oil tanker is also a recipe for refuelling of Shia – Sunni terror competition in West Asia. After US walked out of JCPOA (Iran Nuclear Deal) renewed and clamped additional sanctions on Iran which European Union could not prevent, Iran has also climbed the escalation ladder by announcing to fill gas in over 1000 centrifuges to enrich uranium further, which it was holding out due to the deal.&nbsp;

This is another dangerous spiral in the region to increase the insecurity of Saudi Arabia and may result in a further push to the Sunni cause. These developments have blurred the definition of victim and oppressor. The internal turbulence of West Asia, therefore, is creating an environment for breeding terrorists. &nbsp;

After IS suffered these reverses it has opened opportunities and ignited some competition for other terror groups like Taliban and al Qaeda, to strive to gain the influence they lost to ISIS earlier. This has increased their quest to grab more power and money, a bulk of which comes from coercion globally, prove their terror potential to the target population and governments to get more attention, followers, logistics and other resources. It is, however, noteworthy a number of terror organisations having allegiance to IS have still not changed their allegiance, indicating that demise of IS may not be on the card so soon and the group is still not out of the competition.&nbsp;

What does it mean for AfPak region?&nbsp;

Afghanistan continues to face aggressive and coordinated attacks by ISIS’s branch in the region, the Islamic State’s Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) and the Afghan Taliban, including the affiliated Haqqani Network (HQN). Afghan Taliban seems to have grown much stronger for the fact that it controls more territory in Afghanistan than what it controlled when US forces marched in 19 years back. The fact that all world powers talked to them for peace (to fulfil their respective interests) indicate the blackmailing potential of Taliban. &nbsp;Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF) and remaining US forces have not been able to control their terror strikes despite their best efforts, which are likely to increase if the US chooses to withdraw completely. I do visualise some more efforts by global powers for talks to Taliban in the near future. Although al-Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan was degraded earlier by multinational forces, remnants of al-Qaida’s global leadership, as well as its regional affiliate - al Qaida in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), continue to operate from remote locations in the region have a reason to cheer Baghdadi’s death. &nbsp;

Pakistan continues to be the epicentre of global terrorism playing host to maximum UN-designated terrorist organisations and terrorists in the world, a large No of them have indicated allegiance to IS. Pakistani military counter-terrorism operations are more of ethnic cleansing acts against Pashtuns and Baluchis directed against groups which conducted attacks within Pakistan, such as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Pakistan Army and ISI support externally focused groups such as Lashkar e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), which continue to train, organise, and fundraise in Pakistan with a narrative of pseudo Islamic Jihad. The Pakistani Army does not restrict the Afghan Taliban and HQN from operating in Pakistan and threatening the US and Afghan forces in Afghanistan, despite being placed on the “grey list” continuously till date, since June 2018. The support of Pakistan to terror groups is well known and IS is no exception. The increasing radicalisation of establishments in Pakistan, a conglomeration of terrorist groups in AfPak region is a dangerous sign as it indicates a caliphate in making, far more dangerous than ISIS caliphate.&nbsp;

What does it mean for South Asia?&nbsp;

After the declaration of the caliphate, the newly named Caliph, Baghdadi while addressing the jihadists the world over explicitly mentioned China and India as one of the prime targets of the ISIS amongst many others and there are no signs of change in that narrative. ISIS and other militant groups are attempting to spread their ideology to countries that have a Muslim population, and where there is a chance to reach out to dissatisfied youth. al-Qaida in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) and ISIS have together claimed responsibility for over 40 attacks in Bangladesh since 2015. The government in Bangladesh continues to battle terrorism with strict Anti-Terrorism Act in place, however, terrorists do manage to operate there with backing from ISI, Pakistan. Terrorist organisations are using the internet, social media to spread their ideologies and solicit followers globally including South Asia and many terrorists have been featured in multiple publications, videos, and websites associated with ISIS and AQIS. Terrorist attacks in Sri Lanka and rapid radicalisation in the Maldives are some more examples of IS mastered methodologies to spread terror, which is likely to continue. &nbsp;&nbsp;

India having the second-largest Muslim population in the world is an obvious target for IS. Many lone wolf attacks in Europe, like the 2017 suicidal car crash attack in Westminster in London, is a possibility in India as well. The Incidents like the train explosion in Bhopal-Ujjain express allegedly by a member of the ISIS(K) module, occasional display of IS flags in Kashmir Valley, bursting of few IS modules in South India by National Investigative Agency, announce the arrival of IS in India. These incidents need to be viewed in consonance with the global scene, wherein Daesh is looking for new hosts after the decimation of their caliphate. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US President Donald Trump’s announcement that Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi died during a US military operation in Syria, later confirmed by ISIS itself, was welcome news.

US President Donald Trump’s announcement that Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi died during a US military operation in Syria, later confirmed by ISIS itself, was welcome news. This was followed by the death of their spokesperson and the arrest of his sister and wife by Turkey. After the decimation of IS caliphate, IS continues to exist in small modules in many parts of the world, mainly in West Asia, but the loss of its undisputed leader who inspired youth globally towards radicalisation as never before, during his peak performance days will not be easy to fulfil. He revolutionised the art of extending terror network through the internet, made IS the richest terror group in the world, with a caliphate to govern through sharia laws and revived sex slavery. It’s a major setback to IS and affiliated terror groups but long overdue good news for those suffered its brutality, like Yezidi women. The idea of IS does not end with the death of Baghdadi who stands replaced by Ibrahim al Hashimi al Quraishi from Prophet Mohammad lineage (qualified to become caliph) with a vow to avenge Baghdadi’s death. There being no change in the overall aim and ideology of IS, it will manage to regroup with lesser fund flow and area of influence and wait for the opportunity to reemerge; hence the global fight against IS has to continue. What does it mean for regional terror groups? The US has given a strong message to terrorists but its declared withdrawal from Syria is untimely; hence the Middle-East needs a fresh look from a strategic perspective. Turkey cross-border offensive on October 9 against the Kurdish YPG militia, whose fighters made up the bulk of the SDF controlling IS is a game spoiler in the fight against IS. Turkeys double game with terrorists is marred with helping IS and treating Kurds as terrorists as they demand a homeland. Its desire to invade Syria and destroy Assad's supporters made it an ally of US, but the US is not keen on the decimation of Kurds, who will be left with no choice but to commence terrorist activities against Turkey. The temporary five days truce, sanctions against Turkey could buy some time, but is unlikely to change Erdogan’s intent who seems to have decided to go Wahhabi way. It does give some extra lifeline to IS, which is going to get dispersed to other areas, in addition to some existing ones like Afghanistan. US withdrawal also cedes this strategic space in Syria to the forces loyal to Assad and Russia, something which the US was not very keen to concede till a short while ago as it was not in the best interest of Israel. This strategic equation does not change the terror potential of Hamas appreciably. The internal political disturbance Lebanon puts Hezbollah in a tight spot. The current internal political turbulence in Iraq is helpful for the reorganisation of IS as it dampens the Shia spirit which indirectly helps Sunni terror groups. The recent strategic clash between Iran and Saudi Arabia triggered by a drone attack on Saudi’s oil establishment followed by an attack on Iran oil tanker is also a recipe for refuelling of Shia – Sunni terror competition in West Asia. After US walked out of JCPOA (Iran Nuclear Deal) renewed and clamped additional sanctions on Iran which European Union could not prevent, Iran has also climbed the escalation ladder by announcing to fill gas in over 1000 centrifuges to enrich uranium further, which it was holding out due to the deal. This is another dangerous spiral in the region to increase the insecurity of Saudi Arabia and may result in a further push to the Sunni cause. These developments have blurred the definition of victim and oppressor. The internal turbulence of West Asia, therefore, is creating an environment for breeding terrorists. After IS suffered these reverses it has opened opportunities and ignited some competition for other terror groups like Taliban and al Qaeda, to strive to gain the influence they lost to ISIS earlier. This has increased their quest to grab more power and money, a bulk of which comes from coercion globally, prove their terror potential to the target population and governments to get more attention, followers, logistics and other resources. It is, however, noteworthy a number of terror organisations having allegiance to IS have still not changed their allegiance, indicating that demise of IS may not be on the card so soon and the group is still not out of the competition. What does it mean for AfPak region? Afghanistan continues to face aggressive and coordinated attacks by ISIS’s branch in the region, the Islamic State’s Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) and the Afghan Taliban, including the affiliated Haqqani Network (HQN). Afghan Taliban seems to have grown much stronger for the fact that it controls more territory in Afghanistan than what it controlled when US forces marched in 19 years back. The fact that all world powers talked to them for peace (to fulfil their respective interests) indicate the blackmailing potential of Taliban. Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF) and remaining US forces have not been able to control their terror strikes despite their best efforts, which are likely to increase if the US chooses to withdraw completely. I do visualise some more efforts by global powers for talks to Taliban in the near future. Although al-Qaida in Afghanistan and Pakistan was degraded earlier by multinational forces, remnants of al-Qaida’s global leadership, as well as its regional affiliate - al Qaida in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS), continue to operate from remote locations in the region have a reason to cheer Baghdadi’s death. Pakistan continues to be the epicentre of global terrorism playing host to maximum UN-designated terrorist organisations and terrorists in the world, a large No of them have indicated allegiance to IS. Pakistani military counter-terrorism operations are more of ethnic cleansing acts against Pashtuns and Baluchis directed against groups which conducted attacks within Pakistan, such as Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Pakistan Army and ISI support externally focused groups such as Lashkar e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), which continue to train, organise, and fundraise in Pakistan with a narrative of pseudo Islamic Jihad. The Pakistani Army does not restrict the Afghan Taliban and HQN from operating in Pakistan and threatening the US and Afghan forces in Afghanistan, despite being placed on the “grey list” continuously till date, since June 2018. The support of Pakistan to terror groups is well known and IS is no exception. The increasing radicalisation of establishments in Pakistan, a conglomeration of terrorist groups in AfPak region is a dangerous sign as it indicates a caliphate in making, far more dangerous than ISIS caliphate. What does it mean for South Asia? After the declaration of the caliphate, the newly named Caliph, Baghdadi while addressing the jihadists the world over explicitly mentioned China and India as one of the prime targets of the ISIS amongst many others and there are no signs of change in that narrative. ISIS and other militant groups are attempting to spread their ideology to countries that have a Muslim population, and where there is a chance to reach out to dissatisfied youth. al-Qaida in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) and ISIS have together claimed responsibility for over 40 attacks in Bangladesh since 2015. The government in Bangladesh continues to battle terrorism with strict Anti-Terrorism Act in place, however, terrorists do manage to operate there with backing from ISI, Pakistan. Terrorist organisations are using the internet, social media to spread their ideologies and solicit followers globally including South Asia and many terrorists have been featured in multiple publications, videos, and websites associated with ISIS and AQIS. Terrorist attacks in Sri Lanka and rapid radicalisation in the Maldives are some more examples of IS mastered methodologies to spread terror, which is likely to continue. India having the second-largest Muslim population in the world is an obvious target for IS. Many lone wolf attacks in Europe, like the 2017 suicidal car crash attack in Westminster in London, is a possibility in India as well. The Incidents like the train explosion in Bhopal-Ujjain express allegedly by a member of the ISIS(K) module, occasional display of IS flags in Kashmir Valley, bursting of few IS modules in South India by National Investigative Agency, announce the arrival of IS in India. These incidents need to be viewed in consonance with the global scene, wherein Daesh is looking for new hosts after the decimation of their caliphate. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

What Baghdadi's death means for South Asia and future of Islamic State

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