Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan will conduct elections to their legislative assemblies over the next seven weeks. Chhattisgarh will be the first to switch on the electronic voting machines (November 12) and will be followed by MP (November 28) and Rajasthan (December 7). The elections to these states are politically significant. They are equally significant from the perspective of (1) economic development, (2) diversity of livelihoods, (3) incomes of households, and (4) the impact of governance on development, rural livelihoods, urban livelihoods and incomes. 
 
The results will answer three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance. Chhattisgarh, MP and Rajasthan are not similar to one another. They have serious dissimilarities, though they have been historically and erroneously grouped as India’s economic laggards.

The three states share three significant similarities. First, they have no coastline. Second, their rural households are in a tight range between 73.27 per cent and 74.53 per cent of the total households. By contrast, rural households constitute 67.69 per cent of India’s total households. This rural bias has weighed down heavily and for long on them. Third, all three states have incumbent governments constituted by the same party that governs India now.

The three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance will be presented through this summarised assessment of the performance of the incumbent governments of the three states. This assessment is based on the proportion of households with annual incomes (1) below Rs 75,000, (2) between Rs 75,000 and Rs 2,00,000, (3) between Rs 2,00,000 and Rs 3,00,000, (4) between Rs 3,00,000 and Rs 4,00,000, and (5) above Rs 4,00,000.

Each state’s performance is compared with India’s performance. The data are not adjusted for inflation, population growth and migration since such adjustment is unnecessary for cross-sectional comparison.

The first assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017. All three states had accelerated development between 2014 and 2017. There was a 141 per cent growth in the number of rural and urban households that moved from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group across India. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 235 per cent more from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group. MP moved 237 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 210 per cent more. The curative impact on the causes of poverty has been comprehensive in the three states.

The first question: Are accelerated poverty reduction and income growth the results when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party?

The second assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017 in pushing rural households into prosperity. All of India posted a 780 per cent growth in the number of rural households with annual incomes above Rs 4,00,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 819 per cent more from the middle-income group to the above Rs 4,00,000 group; Madhya Pradesh moved 947 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 921 per cent more. The second question: Is the objective of accomplishing rural prosperity better served when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party?

The third assessment: Chhattisgarh and MP have dazzled by building a strong rural middle-income group. All of India posted a 759 per cent growth in the number of rural households that moved to the middle-income group from below Rs 75,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 1,438 per cent more to the middle-income group; MP moved 1,412 per cent more. Rajasthan moved merely 728 per cent more, which is lower than India’s 759 per cent. This performance pertains to the rural middle-income group. However, Rajasthan has posted a 722 per cent growth in the number of urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. By contrast, all of India has posted a 394 per cent growth in the urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. Rajasthan has strengthened its base for manufacturing, mining and tourism-cum-hospitality since 2014. It has facilitated the economic migration of households from rural-agrarian activities to urban-industrial and urban-services activities. Rajasthan has outperformed all of India in enabling its households to move to lower income risk and higher value addition.

Economic variety and heterogeneity are strengths. They reduce the riskiness of household incomes and the aggregate economic risk of the state. Moreover, Rajasthan comprises five different agro-climatic zones (ACZs) that are exposed to higher event risk and failure. By contrast, Chhattisgarh and MP comprise merely one ACZ and three ACZs. Rural incomes in Rajasthan are by nature risky. The third question: How should incumbent governments create, orchestrate and communicate economic policy when the state needs more economic variety and heterogeneous vigour? Is economic migration wrong? It is apt that the three questions will be answered on the same day, December 11, 2018. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-three-states-one-empirical-test-and-one-decisive-answer-2681406">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan will conduct elections to their legislative assemblies over the next seven weeks. Chhattisgarh will be the first to switch on the electronic voting machines (November 12) and will be followed by MP (November 28) and Rajasthan (December 7).

Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan will conduct elections to their legislative assemblies over the next seven weeks. Chhattisgarh will be the first to switch on the electronic voting machines (November 12) and will be followed by MP (November 28) and Rajasthan (December 7). The elections to these states are politically significant. They are equally significant from the perspective of (1) economic development, (2) diversity of livelihoods, (3) incomes of households, and (4) the impact of governance on development, rural livelihoods, urban livelihoods and incomes. The results will answer three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance. Chhattisgarh, MP and Rajasthan are not similar to one another. They have serious dissimilarities, though they have been historically and erroneously grouped as India’s economic laggards. The three states share three significant similarities. First, they have no coastline. Second, their rural households are in a tight range between 73.27 per cent and 74.53 per cent of the total households. By contrast, rural households constitute 67.69 per cent of India’s total households. This rural bias has weighed down heavily and for long on them. Third, all three states have incumbent governments constituted by the same party that governs India now. The three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance will be presented through this summarised assessment of the performance of the incumbent governments of the three states. This assessment is based on the proportion of households with annual incomes (1) below Rs 75,000, (2) between Rs 75,000 and Rs 2,00,000, (3) between Rs 2,00,000 and Rs 3,00,000, (4) between Rs 3,00,000 and Rs 4,00,000, and (5) above Rs 4,00,000. Each state’s performance is compared with India’s performance. The data are not adjusted for inflation, population growth and migration since such adjustment is unnecessary for cross-sectional comparison. The first assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017. All three states had accelerated development between 2014 and 2017. There was a 141 per cent growth in the number of rural and urban households that moved from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group across India. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 235 per cent more from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group. MP moved 237 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 210 per cent more. The curative impact on the causes of poverty has been comprehensive in the three states. The first question: Are accelerated poverty reduction and income growth the results when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party? The second assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017 in pushing rural households into prosperity. All of India posted a 780 per cent growth in the number of rural households with annual incomes above Rs 4,00,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 819 per cent more from the middle-income group to the above Rs 4,00,000 group; Madhya Pradesh moved 947 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 921 per cent more. The second question: Is the objective of accomplishing rural prosperity better served when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party? The third assessment: Chhattisgarh and MP have dazzled by building a strong rural middle-income group. All of India posted a 759 per cent growth in the number of rural households that moved to the middle-income group from below Rs 75,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 1,438 per cent more to the middle-income group; MP moved 1,412 per cent more. Rajasthan moved merely 728 per cent more, which is lower than India’s 759 per cent. This performance pertains to the rural middle-income group. However, Rajasthan has posted a 722 per cent growth in the number of urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. By contrast, all of India has posted a 394 per cent growth in the urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. Rajasthan has strengthened its base for manufacturing, mining and tourism-cum-hospitality since 2014. It has facilitated the economic migration of households from rural-agrarian activities to urban-industrial and urban-services activities. Rajasthan has outperformed all of India in enabling its households to move to lower income risk and higher value addition. Economic variety and heterogeneity are strengths. They reduce the riskiness of household incomes and the aggregate economic risk of the state. Moreover, Rajasthan comprises five different agro-climatic zones (ACZs) that are exposed to higher event risk and failure. By contrast, Chhattisgarh and MP comprise merely one ACZ and three ACZs. Rural incomes in Rajasthan are by nature risky. The third question: How should incumbent governments create, orchestrate and communicate economic policy when the state needs more economic variety and heterogeneous vigour? Is economic migration wrong? It is apt that the three questions will be answered on the same day, December 11, 2018. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Three states, one empirical test and one decisive answer

The campaigning for the November 28 Mizoram Assembly elections is on in full swing, though the notification for polling to the 40-member House is yet to be issued.

The stakes are high this time as Mizoram is the only north-eastern state which has a Congress government and the BJP, which is upbeat after ousting the CPI(M) from Tripura, is keen on making inroads in the Christian-dominated state.

Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, his cabinet colleagues and top Mizoram Pradesh Congress Committee leaders have already hit the campaign trail, and so has former CM Zoramthanga of the main opposition, the MNF - part of the BJP-headed NEDA (North East Democratic Alliance).

With major political parties announcing the names of almost all candidates, party leaders, star campaigners and workers are carrying out door-to-door canvassing under the watchful eyes of the Mizoram People's Forum (MPF), which has been formed by different churches and NGOs for electoral reformation.

The MPF, which had prohibited door-to-door campaigning in the earlier elections, has allowed it this time but with a rider -- the campaigners have to be accompanied by local leaders of the outfit to ensure that no money changes hands --sources in the organisation said.

Political parties have agreed to curtail a number of poll campaign strategies, and the guidelines laid down are deemed to be more stringent than the model code of conduct of the Election Commission, the sources said.

Joint platforms have been organised in the towns and villages of the north-eastern state, and these are being chaired by local MPF leaders, while individual candidates are holding public meetings to woo voters.

The ruling Congress has announced the candidates for all the 40 seats. The MNF also declared names for all the seats, except for Tuichawng, which falls within the Chakma Autonomous District Council (CADC).

This was due to the diktat of the powerful NGO Coordination Committee, a conglomerate of major civil societies and student bodies, asking political parties not to field any candidate belonging to the Chakma community, MNF sources said.

The civil societies are of the opinion that CADC was created unconstitutionally to harbour illegal immigrants from erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, and have been demanding scrapping of CADC, sources in the committee said.

While the Zoram People's Movement, an alliance of two small political parties and five other groups have announced the names of 35 candidates, the BJP has declared only 13 names so far.

The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) has said it would contest at least five seats, but is yet to announce the names. The National People's Party (NPP), too, is yet to state the number of seats it would contest.

The gazette notification for Mizoram Assembly poll is scheduled on November 2 and the last date for filing nominations is November 9.

The date for scrutiny of nominations is scheduled for November 12 and the last date for withdrawal of candidatures is November 14, the Election Commission said.

The counting of votes in Mizoram will take place on December 11 along with Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Telangana, the poll body added. 
&nbsp;

The campaigning for the November 28 Mizoram Assembly elections is on in full swing, though the notification for polling to the 40-member House is yet to be issued.

The campaigning for the November 28 Mizoram Assembly elections is on in full swing, though the notification for polling to the 40-member House is yet to be issued. The stakes are high this time as Mizoram is the only north-eastern state which has a Congress government and the BJP, which is upbeat after ousting the CPI(M) from Tripura, is keen on making inroads in the Christian-dominated state. Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, his cabinet colleagues and top Mizoram Pradesh Congress Committee leaders have already hit the campaign trail, and so has former CM Zoramthanga of the main opposition, the MNF - part of the BJP-headed NEDA (North East Democratic Alliance). With major political parties announcing the names of almost all candidates, party leaders, star campaigners and workers are carrying out door-to-door canvassing under the watchful eyes of the Mizoram People's Forum (MPF), which has been formed by different churches and NGOs for electoral reformation. The MPF, which had prohibited door-to-door campaigning in the earlier elections, has allowed it this time but with a rider -- the campaigners have to be accompanied by local leaders of the outfit to ensure that no money changes hands --sources in the organisation said. Political parties have agreed to curtail a number of poll campaign strategies, and the guidelines laid down are deemed to be more stringent than the model code of conduct of the Election Commission, the sources said. Joint platforms have been organised in the towns and villages of the north-eastern state, and these are being chaired by local MPF leaders, while individual candidates are holding public meetings to woo voters. The ruling Congress has announced the candidates for all the 40 seats. The MNF also declared names for all the seats, except for Tuichawng, which falls within the Chakma Autonomous District Council (CADC). This was due to the diktat of the powerful NGO Coordination Committee, a conglomerate of major civil societies and student bodies, asking political parties not to field any candidate belonging to the Chakma community, MNF sources said. The civil societies are of the opinion that CADC was created unconstitutionally to harbour illegal immigrants from erstwhile East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, and have been demanding scrapping of CADC, sources in the committee said. While the Zoram People's Movement, an alliance of two small political parties and five other groups have announced the names of 35 candidates, the BJP has declared only 13 names so far. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) has said it would contest at least five seats, but is yet to announce the names. The National People's Party (NPP), too, is yet to state the number of seats it would contest. The gazette notification for Mizoram Assembly poll is scheduled on November 2 and the last date for filing nominations is November 9. The date for scrutiny of nominations is scheduled for November 12 and the last date for withdrawal of candidatures is November 14, the Election Commission said. The counting of votes in Mizoram will take place on December 11 along with Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Telangana, the poll body added.

Campaigning gathers steam in poll-bound Mizoram

The semifinals for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections are well and truly on. Five states are going to elect their new Vidhan Sabhas in next month or so, and three of these states belong to the critical Hindi heartland. Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are crucial heartland states that enabled BJP's stellar performance in 2014. According to the Cvoter opinion poll, Congress seems to be in the poll position in all 3 states. In Rajasthan, Congress leads by a strong margin whereas in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the fight is close. In fact, the election in the latter two might well be decided quite late in the day, dependent upon factors such as campaign strategy, ticket allocation and infighting among others.

Highly critical will be the choice of chief ministerial candidates as leadership question is a point of concern for Congress. Particularly in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the respective BJP Chief Ministers viz Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh continue to be very popular. In fact, the major anti-incumbency sentiment seems to be against the incumbent MLAs who have not managed their constituencies well. Perhaps denial of tickets to such non-performing MLAs might help the BJP to blunt the anti-incumbency sentiment, especially considering the less than 1 per cent vote share trail in opinion poll vis a vis Congress.&nbsp;

In Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, there is a dead heat between Congress and BJP. This is not the case in Rajasthan, the incumbent Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje is less popular than the main challenger from Congress Sachin Pilot. In MP, Jyotiraditya Scindia of Congress is less popular than Shivraj Singh Chauhan and in Chattisgarh, the main challenger to chief minister Raman Singh is Ajit Jogi who does not even belong to the Congress. That leaves Rajasthan as the only state where Congress has a leadership rating advantage.&nbsp;

<img alt="Table 1" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="f2e65833-5dfb-4106-aa25-045212c57d01" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/Table-1%20Final.jpg" />

Over and above that, Cvoter survey also dwelled upon the question of a bipolar contest to check the infighting sentiment. That is, when the candidates' field is narrowed down to two main challengers in the fray, there is always a churning among the party supporters who favour one party candidate over the other. In Madhya Pradesh, if the choice between Scindia and Chauhan was presented, Chauhan proved to more popular than Scindia. What is important to underline here is the fact that almost 50 per cent supporters of Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh are not staying loyal to party line for the candidature of Jyotiraditya Scindia in bipolar setup against Shivraj Singh Chauhan.

Almost 25 per cent of Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh supporters shift allegiance to BJP CM Candidate and the rest are assuming a neutral position. This clearly opens up the internal fault-lines of Congress leadership in Madhya Pradesh.&nbsp; 
 
<img alt="Table 2" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="a602dcd4-4f77-4a5d-b061-bde21cae24a2" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/Table2.jpg" />

In Chhattisgarh, a direct contest between Raman Singh and Ajit Jogi may precipitate 1/3rd of Congress supporters to shift support to BJP chief minister candidate and another 1/3rd may move to Jogi's camp, the rest are assuming a position of neutrality. This argues rather poorly for a party which is leading over BJP by less than a point at the moment. Jogi becomes a choice by default for many anti-BJP voters just because Congress is unable to give a name for the chief minister post. If the Congress leadership is well defined, it will not take much of a time for the anti-BJP voters getting polarized in a clear-cut manner. 
 
<img alt="Table 3" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="4efd1661-e4e2-4945-9f78-52efab452a77" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/Table%203.jpg" />

The state of Rajasthan is in complete contrast to MP and Chhattisgarh. In Rajasthan, a bipolar contest of Sachin Pilot and Vasundhara Raje is clearly producing results in favour of Congress candidate. Almost two-third supporters of other Congress candidates, like Ashok Gehlot and CP Joshi, are continuing to support the candidature of Sachin Pilot in a bipolar rating. Unlike other states, the young voters and first-time voters of Rajasthan are rallying for a clean image of the rather young Sachin Pilot. His face is clearly instrumental in swinging the undecided young voters, who otherwise get neutralized by the corruption-tagged image of old Congress leadership in the state.&nbsp; 
 
<img alt="Table 4" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="fa9d3d44-451e-4755-98ef-1c484d525d41" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/Table4.jpg" />

Clearly, Congress is facing infighting and factionalism in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh while it comes across as a much-united house in Rajasthan. This point becomes salient in the light of less than 1 per cent projected vote share lead according to the Cvoter opinion poll in the states of MP and Chhattisgarh.

The overwhelming popularity of PM Narendra Modi has been the key electoral weapon for BJP in the past 3-4 years. Election after election in last four years has shown that there is a distinct surge of 3-4 per cent vote share that gets imparted by PM Narendra Modi in closing stages of the campaign. In MP and Chhattisgarh, such a vote surge can easily topple the Congress lead. In the case of Rajasthan, the projected lead of Congress seems to be clear of any potential late surge by BJP. The masses flocking to PM's rallies in Rajasthan may listen to him and vote for him in Lok Sabha elections but for Vidhan Sabha polls the mood seems to be made up.&nbsp;

Finally, Congress is making a mistake by not announcing official candidates in the three states. For examples, in MP an official announcement in favour of Scindia may polarize young voters in favour of Congress, the same may happen in Rajasthan and an official affirmation of Sachin Pilot could produce an electoral dividend thus confirming the Congress victory that is increasingly likely. In Chhattisgarh, the Congress may announce an official candidate such as TS Singh Dev or Bhupesh Baghel to blunt the edge of Ajit Jogi. In fact, currently, Jogi is being favoured only because of non-announcement of a Congress candidate.&nbsp;

Therefore, Congress has all to gain by the announcement of official Chief Ministerial candidates. It may gain that crucial edge over the BJP in MP and Chhattisgarh and further solidify its robust lead in Rajasthan. In case this does not happen then a late BJP surge induced by PM Modi's campaign may end up being crucial, however, it is tough to estimate its impact quantitatively as of now.&nbsp;

There is a huge rating deficit that Congress faces when the national Leadership ratings are compared. The gap in approval ratings of NaMo and RaGa is a big electoral liability at the moment for the Congress at large. The only way it can counter that liability is by projecting the much popular young faces at the state level against the state BJP leadership. If done properly, then faces of Sachin Pilot, Jyotiraditya Scindia and Bhupesh Baghel can do the needful to counter the mega rallies of Narendra Modi in concluding weeks of the campaign. If they continue the blunder in positioning this round as contest of national leaderships, then we all know what kind of punch Mr Modi is capable of delivering.&nbsp;

I don't think Congress wants to take the battle in that direction. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the <a href="http://zeenews.india.com/blogs/will-congress-blunder-again-by-making-assembly-elections-a-raga-vs-namo-battle-2151613.html">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The semifinals for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections are well and truly on. Five states are going to elect their new Vidhan Sabhas in next month or so, and three of these states belong to the critical Hindi heartland.

The semifinals for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections are well and truly on. Five states are going to elect their new Vidhan Sabhas in next month or so, and three of these states belong to the critical Hindi heartland. Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are crucial heartland states that enabled BJP's stellar performance in 2014. According to the Cvoter opinion poll, Congress seems to be in the poll position in all 3 states. In Rajasthan, Congress leads by a strong margin whereas in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the fight is close. In fact, the election in the latter two might well be decided quite late in the day, dependent upon factors such as campaign strategy, ticket allocation and infighting among others. Highly critical will be the choice of chief ministerial candidates as leadership question is a point of concern for Congress. Particularly in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the respective BJP Chief Ministers viz Shivraj Singh Chauhan and Raman Singh continue to be very popular. In fact, the major anti-incumbency sentiment seems to be against the incumbent MLAs who have not managed their constituencies well. Perhaps denial of tickets to such non-performing MLAs might help the BJP to blunt the anti-incumbency sentiment, especially considering the less than 1 per cent vote share trail in opinion poll vis a vis Congress. In Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, there is a dead heat between Congress and BJP. This is not the case in Rajasthan, the incumbent Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje is less popular than the main challenger from Congress Sachin Pilot. In MP, Jyotiraditya Scindia of Congress is less popular than Shivraj Singh Chauhan and in Chattisgarh, the main challenger to chief minister Raman Singh is Ajit Jogi who does not even belong to the Congress. That leaves Rajasthan as the only state where Congress has a leadership rating advantage. Over and above that, Cvoter survey also dwelled upon the question of a bipolar contest to check the infighting sentiment. That is, when the candidates' field is narrowed down to two main challengers in the fray, there is always a churning among the party supporters who favour one party candidate over the other. In Madhya Pradesh, if the choice between Scindia and Chauhan was presented, Chauhan proved to more popular than Scindia. What is important to underline here is the fact that almost 50 per cent supporters of Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh are not staying loyal to party line for the candidature of Jyotiraditya Scindia in bipolar setup against Shivraj Singh Chauhan. Almost 25 per cent of Kamal Nath and Digvijaya Singh supporters shift allegiance to BJP CM Candidate and the rest are assuming a neutral position. This clearly opens up the internal fault-lines of Congress leadership in Madhya Pradesh. In Chhattisgarh, a direct contest between Raman Singh and Ajit Jogi may precipitate 1/3rd of Congress supporters to shift support to BJP chief minister candidate and another 1/3rd may move to Jogi's camp, the rest are assuming a position of neutrality. This argues rather poorly for a party which is leading over BJP by less than a point at the moment. Jogi becomes a choice by default for many anti-BJP voters just because Congress is unable to give a name for the chief minister post. If the Congress leadership is well defined, it will not take much of a time for the anti-BJP voters getting polarized in a clear-cut manner. The state of Rajasthan is in complete contrast to MP and Chhattisgarh. In Rajasthan, a bipolar contest of Sachin Pilot and Vasundhara Raje is clearly producing results in favour of Congress candidate. Almost two-third supporters of other Congress candidates, like Ashok Gehlot and CP Joshi, are continuing to support the candidature of Sachin Pilot in a bipolar rating. Unlike other states, the young voters and first-time voters of Rajasthan are rallying for a clean image of the rather young Sachin Pilot. His face is clearly instrumental in swinging the undecided young voters, who otherwise get neutralized by the corruption-tagged image of old Congress leadership in the state. Clearly, Congress is facing infighting and factionalism in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh while it comes across as a much-united house in Rajasthan. This point becomes salient in the light of less than 1 per cent projected vote share lead according to the Cvoter opinion poll in the states of MP and Chhattisgarh. The overwhelming popularity of PM Narendra Modi has been the key electoral weapon for BJP in the past 3-4 years. Election after election in last four years has shown that there is a distinct surge of 3-4 per cent vote share that gets imparted by PM Narendra Modi in closing stages of the campaign. In MP and Chhattisgarh, such a vote surge can easily topple the Congress lead. In the case of Rajasthan, the projected lead of Congress seems to be clear of any potential late surge by BJP. The masses flocking to PM's rallies in Rajasthan may listen to him and vote for him in Lok Sabha elections but for Vidhan Sabha polls the mood seems to be made up. Finally, Congress is making a mistake by not announcing official candidates in the three states. For examples, in MP an official announcement in favour of Scindia may polarize young voters in favour of Congress, the same may happen in Rajasthan and an official affirmation of Sachin Pilot could produce an electoral dividend thus confirming the Congress victory that is increasingly likely. In Chhattisgarh, the Congress may announce an official candidate such as TS Singh Dev or Bhupesh Baghel to blunt the edge of Ajit Jogi. In fact, currently, Jogi is being favoured only because of non-announcement of a Congress candidate. Therefore, Congress has all to gain by the announcement of official Chief Ministerial candidates. It may gain that crucial edge over the BJP in MP and Chhattisgarh and further solidify its robust lead in Rajasthan. In case this does not happen then a late BJP surge induced by PM Modi's campaign may end up being crucial, however, it is tough to estimate its impact quantitatively as of now. There is a huge rating deficit that Congress faces when the national Leadership ratings are compared. The gap in approval ratings of NaMo and RaGa is a big electoral liability at the moment for the Congress at large. The only way it can counter that liability is by projecting the much popular young faces at the state level against the state BJP leadership. If done properly, then faces of Sachin Pilot, Jyotiraditya Scindia and Bhupesh Baghel can do the needful to counter the mega rallies of Narendra Modi in concluding weeks of the campaign. If they continue the blunder in positioning this round as contest of national leaderships, then we all know what kind of punch Mr Modi is capable of delivering. I don't think Congress wants to take the battle in that direction. (This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Will Congress blunder again by making Assembly elections a Rahul vs Modi battle?

Repeating his 'suit-boot' jibe at Narendra Modi, Congress chief Rahul Gandhi Monday alleged there is no place for the poor in the prime minister's heart, adding, "If you are not in suit-boot you are not PM's bhai".

Gandhi also accused Modi of remaining silent when Dalits, women, minorities, tribals and the poor are attacked in the country and alleged that he and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath were trying to save a rape accused BJP MLA in the northern state.

On a campaign trail in poll-bound Madhya Pradesh, the Congress president again took on Modi over the controversial Rafale jet deal and alleged he had close proximity with businessmen like Nirav Modi, Mehul Choksi and Anil Ambani.

He also said that loans of farmers will be waived in 10 days if the Congress comes to power in the state.

Gandhi earlier began his two-day tour of the state by offering prayers at the famous Maa Peetambara Peeth temple complex in Datia in Gwalior division.

Taking a swipe at BJP's assurance on women's safety, Gandhi, without naming anyone, said there is a "need to save our daughters from BJP MLAs". Kuldeep Singh Sengar, a BJP MLA from UP, is accused of raping a minor girl in Unnao district.

Noting that the prime minister had said before the 2014 polls he wanted to be a "chowkidar" (guard), Gandhi alleged only 15-20 industrialists of the country benefitted under his government, instead of farmers.

"Prime Minister addresses Mehul Choksi as Mehul bhai (brother), Nirav Modi as Nirav bhai and Anil Ambani as Anil bhai but he never addresses a labourer, a poor and a farmer as bhai or hugs them. There is no place for them in his heart.If you are not in suit-boot you are not PM's bhai," Gandhi said addressing a public gathering in Datia.

"The prime minister let jeweller Nirav Modi escape with Rs 35,000 crore, which is equal to the entire budget of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA)," Gandhi further charged.

He was referring to the PNB banking fraud allegedly involving Nirav Modi, his uncle Mehul Choksi and others.

Taking a dig at the ruling party over the issue of women's safety, Gandhi said, "The BJP gave a good slogan 'Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao' (save and educate daughters).

"But in Uttar Pradesh, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi were trying to save a rape accused BJP MLA. The PM didn't speak a word," he alleged. 
"There is a need now to save our daughters from BJP MLAs."

On the multi-billion dollar Rafale jet deal with France, Gandhi alleged that Modi ensured the offset contract for Anil Ambani, "who owes Rs 45,000 crore to public sector banks".

"The prime minister does not have the courage to reply why the offset contract for the French aircraft was "snatched" from the state-run Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and instead, given to Ambani's firm," he said.

"The prime minister could not look me in the eye (during debate in Parliament). The PM gives speeches but no answers...He doesn't have the courage to reply as to why the contract was snatched from HAL and given to Anil Ambani."

The Modi government has denied allegations of irregularities in Rafale deal and Ambani, too, has dismissed the Congress's allegations that he got any undue benefit.

Gandhi accused Modi of "insulting every Indian by mocking the governance of other parties during 70 years, before the BJP-led NDA came to power.

"From the Red Fort, Modi (during his Independence Day speech) said the country was sleeping before he took over as country's prime minister. This is not an insult to Congress leaders. This is insult to the country's people.

"This is an insult to farmers, labourers, youths, small traders and people who toiled hard to build this country. This is an insult to your mother and father," he added.

Repeating his 'suit-boot' jibe at Narendra Modi, Congress chief Rahul Gandhi Monday alleged there is no place for the poor in the prime minister's heart, adding, "If you are not in suit-boot you are not PM's bhai".

Repeating his 'suit-boot' jibe at Narendra Modi, Congress chief Rahul Gandhi Monday alleged there is no place for the poor in the prime minister's heart, adding, "If you are not in suit-boot you are not PM's bhai". Gandhi also accused Modi of remaining silent when Dalits, women, minorities, tribals and the poor are attacked in the country and alleged that he and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath were trying to save a rape accused BJP MLA in the northern state. On a campaign trail in poll-bound Madhya Pradesh, the Congress president again took on Modi over the controversial Rafale jet deal and alleged he had close proximity with businessmen like Nirav Modi, Mehul Choksi and Anil Ambani. He also said that loans of farmers will be waived in 10 days if the Congress comes to power in the state. Gandhi earlier began his two-day tour of the state by offering prayers at the famous Maa Peetambara Peeth temple complex in Datia in Gwalior division. Taking a swipe at BJP's assurance on women's safety, Gandhi, without naming anyone, said there is a "need to save our daughters from BJP MLAs". Kuldeep Singh Sengar, a BJP MLA from UP, is accused of raping a minor girl in Unnao district. Noting that the prime minister had said before the 2014 polls he wanted to be a "chowkidar" (guard), Gandhi alleged only 15-20 industrialists of the country benefitted under his government, instead of farmers. "Prime Minister addresses Mehul Choksi as Mehul bhai (brother), Nirav Modi as Nirav bhai and Anil Ambani as Anil bhai but he never addresses a labourer, a poor and a farmer as bhai or hugs them. There is no place for them in his heart.If you are not in suit-boot you are not PM's bhai," Gandhi said addressing a public gathering in Datia. "The prime minister let jeweller Nirav Modi escape with Rs 35,000 crore, which is equal to the entire budget of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA)," Gandhi further charged. He was referring to the PNB banking fraud allegedly involving Nirav Modi, his uncle Mehul Choksi and others. Taking a dig at the ruling party over the issue of women's safety, Gandhi said, "The BJP gave a good slogan 'Beti Bachao-Beti Padhao' (save and educate daughters). "But in Uttar Pradesh, Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Prime Minister Narendra Modi were trying to save a rape accused BJP MLA. The PM didn't speak a word," he alleged. "There is a need now to save our daughters from BJP MLAs." On the multi-billion dollar Rafale jet deal with France, Gandhi alleged that Modi ensured the offset contract for Anil Ambani, "who owes Rs 45,000 crore to public sector banks". "The prime minister does not have the courage to reply why the offset contract for the French aircraft was "snatched" from the state-run Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and instead, given to Ambani's firm," he said. "The prime minister could not look me in the eye (during debate in Parliament). The PM gives speeches but no answers...He doesn't have the courage to reply as to why the contract was snatched from HAL and given to Anil Ambani." The Modi government has denied allegations of irregularities in Rafale deal and Ambani, too, has dismissed the Congress's allegations that he got any undue benefit. Gandhi accused Modi of "insulting every Indian by mocking the governance of other parties during 70 years, before the BJP-led NDA came to power. "From the Red Fort, Modi (during his Independence Day speech) said the country was sleeping before he took over as country's prime minister. This is not an insult to Congress leaders. This is insult to the country's people. "This is an insult to farmers, labourers, youths, small traders and people who toiled hard to build this country. This is an insult to your mother and father," he added.

'If you are not in suit-boot you are not PM's bhai', Rahul at Madhya Pradesh poll rally

Sunita Parmar Menghwar, the first Hindu woman to contest the upcoming provincial assembly elections from Tharparkar in Pakistan's southern Sindh province, has refused to bow down to political pressure and withdraw her candidature.

Sunita, a woman from Hindu Meghwar community, has been facing increasing pressure from the male-dominated feudal landlords in the impoverished Tharparkar district not to contest the elections on July 25.

But breaking barriers, Sunita insisted she wanted to challenge the status quo based on the feudal-electoral system in Tharparkar and has filed her nomination papers as an independent candidate from PS-56.

The 30-year old insisted she is contesting the elections because no political party had done anything to improve the lives and facilities for the people of Thar.

"Thari women are even ready to fight the lion now after so many disappointments," she told.

Sindh's southern bordering district Tharparkar has the highest number of Hindus minorities in Pakistan.&nbsp

According to census 2017, the total population of Tharparkar district is 1.6 million out of which around half of the population is Hindus.

Sunita said she wanted to play a role in resolving the issues of healthcare, clean drinking water and education for the people of Thar.

In a video message, that is going viral, Sunita blamed ruling political parties in Sindh for worsening conditions of women, especially in education and health sector.

Sunita, who belongs to Islamkot Taluka in Tharparkar, has to fight the might of the three feudal lord clans including the Thakurs, Maharaj and Arbabs.

Tharparkar has a high mortality rate every year for infants due to the various problems in the Thar area.

She is confident of winning the elections as she is being supported by the Menghwar community which has significant vote bank in the area.

Sunita, a mother of three children, has also received immense support from her family and is confident she will make a difference in the lives of the people in Thar.

The vote bank in the area is dominated by the Menghwar, Bheel and Kohli Hindu communities who have a nearly 70 per cent vote bank.

In March, another Hindu woman, Krishna Kumari Kolhi, became the first-ever Hindu Dalit woman Senator in the Muslim-majority country after she was nominated by the Pakistan Peoples Party for the elections to the reserve women's seat in the Senate.

Sunita, a woman from Hindu Meghwar community, has been facing increasing pressure from the male-dominated feudal landlords in the impoverished Tharparkar district not to contest the elections on July 25.

Sunita Parmar Menghwar, the first Hindu woman to contest the upcoming provincial assembly elections from Tharparkar in Pakistan's southern Sindh province, has refused to bow down to political pressure and withdraw her candidature. Sunita, a woman from Hindu Meghwar community, has been facing increasing pressure from the male-dominated feudal landlords in the impoverished Tharparkar district not to contest the elections on July 25. But breaking barriers, Sunita insisted she wanted to challenge the status quo based on the feudal-electoral system in Tharparkar and has filed her nomination papers as an independent candidate from PS-56. The 30-year old insisted she is contesting the elections because no political party had done anything to improve the lives and facilities for the people of Thar. "Thari women are even ready to fight the lion now after so many disappointments," she told. Sindh's southern bordering district Tharparkar has the highest number of Hindus minorities in Pakistan. According to census 2017, the total population of Tharparkar district is 1.6 million out of which around half of the population is Hindus. Sunita said she wanted to play a role in resolving the issues of healthcare, clean drinking water and education for the people of Thar. In a video message, that is going viral, Sunita blamed ruling political parties in Sindh for worsening conditions of women, especially in education and health sector. Sunita, who belongs to Islamkot Taluka in Tharparkar, has to fight the might of the three feudal lord clans including the Thakurs, Maharaj and Arbabs. Tharparkar has a high mortality rate every year for infants due to the various problems in the Thar area. She is confident of winning the elections as she is being supported by the Menghwar community which has significant vote bank in the area. Sunita, a mother of three children, has also received immense support from her family and is confident she will make a difference in the lives of the people in Thar. The vote bank in the area is dominated by the Menghwar, Bheel and Kohli Hindu communities who have a nearly 70 per cent vote bank. In March, another Hindu woman, Krishna Kumari Kolhi, became the first-ever Hindu Dalit woman Senator in the Muslim-majority country after she was nominated by the Pakistan Peoples Party for the elections to the reserve women's seat in the Senate.

Pakistan Hindu woman prepares to fight feudal system in upcoming polls

Congress, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress, Nitish Kumar's JD(S) have taken early leads in various seats in the Assembly bypolls&nbsp;as counting began on Thursday morning amid heavy security.

Congress' Vishwajeet Patangrao Kadam was "elected unopposed"&nbsp;from Maharashtra's Palus Kadegaon Assembly constituency.

Trends show Congress has taken an almost unbeatable&nbsp;lead with&nbsp;Muniratna leading by 44,000 votes in Rajarajeshwari(RR) Nagar Assembly constituency seat in the ninth&nbsp;round of counting&nbsp;in Karnataka.&nbsp;

Congress candidate Laddi Sherowalia is leading by around 2,000 votes in first round of counting in the Shahkot seat with Samajwadi Party(SP) leading from Noorpur Assembly constituency.

Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar's JD(U) led by Md Murshid Alam is ahead&nbsp;by over 3,000 votes in Jokihat Assembly constituency.&nbsp;

In Kerala, CPM is leading by 3,106 votes in Chengannur Assembly seat.

TMC's Dulal Chandra Das is leading by over 20,000 votes from Maheshtala assembly constituency in West Bengal&nbsp;after the&nbsp;sixth round of counting with CPM second and&nbsp;BJP trailing in&nbsp;third spot.&nbsp;

In Punjab, Congress candidate Laddi Sherowalia is leading by around 8,500 votes in the fourth round of counting in Shahkot Assembly constituency.

BJP is leading in Jharkhand in the Gomia Assembly seat by 7,174 votes in the sixth round of counting.

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The bypoll was conducted on Monday in Maharashtra's Palus Kadegaon, Uttar Pradesh's Noorpur, Bihar's Jokihat, Jharkhand's Gomia & Silli, Kerala's Chengannur, Meghalaya's Ampati, Punjab's Shahkot, Uttarakhand's Tharali & West Bengal's Maheshtala.

Trinamool Congress, the BJP and the Left Front fighting it out in West Bengal's Maheshtala assembly constituency.

Congress, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress, Nitish Kumar's JD(S) have taken early leads in various seats in the Assembly bypolls as counting began on Thursday morning amid heavy security. Congress' Vishwajeet Patangrao Kadam was "elected unopposed" from Maharashtra's Palus Kadegaon Assembly constituency. Trends show Congress has taken an almost unbeatable lead with Muniratna leading by 44,000 votes in Rajarajeshwari(RR) Nagar Assembly constituency seat in the ninth round of counting in Karnataka. Congress candidate Laddi Sherowalia is leading by around 2,000 votes in first round of counting in the Shahkot seat with Samajwadi Party(SP) leading from Noorpur Assembly constituency. Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar's JD(U) led by Md Murshid Alam is ahead by over 3,000 votes in Jokihat Assembly constituency. In Kerala, CPM is leading by 3,106 votes in Chengannur Assembly seat. TMC's Dulal Chandra Das is leading by over 20,000 votes from Maheshtala assembly constituency in West Bengal after the sixth round of counting with CPM second and BJP trailing in third spot. In Punjab, Congress candidate Laddi Sherowalia is leading by around 8,500 votes in the fourth round of counting in Shahkot Assembly constituency. BJP is leading in Jharkhand in the Gomia Assembly seat by 7,174 votes in the sixth round of counting. #Jharkhand: Counting underway for Gomia & Silli Assembly constituencies, visuals from a counting centre in Gomia. All Jharkhand Students Union's Sudesh Mahto leading from Silli Assembly constituency, BJP leading from Gomia. pic.twitter.com/nuE7hZqdEb — ANI (@ANI) May 31, 2018 × #Punjab: Visuals from a counting centre in Shahkot, counting of votes for the Assembly by-poll has begun. pic.twitter.com/gsw3i8Ds8O — ANI (@ANI) May 31, 2018 × The bypoll was conducted on Monday in Maharashtra's Palus Kadegaon, Uttar Pradesh's Noorpur, Bihar's Jokihat, Jharkhand's Gomia & Silli, Kerala's Chengannur, Meghalaya's Ampati, Punjab's Shahkot, Uttarakhand's Tharali & West Bengal's Maheshtala.

Live Assembly bypolls: Congress takes big lead in Karnataka's RR Nagar; TMC leads in West Bengal

Braving heavy rains, people turned out in large numbers to cast their franchise on Monday&nbsp;morning today as bypoll in the Chengannur Assembly constituency began.

Leader of Opposition in the Kerala state assembly, Ramesh Chennithalawas among the early voters in the constituency, which had witnessed a fierce contest between all the three fronts in the run-up to the polls.

While CPM's Saji Cheriyan, the party's Alappuzha district secretary, is the candidate of the Left Democratic Front (LDF), Congress leader D Vijayakumar is the United Democratic Front (UDF) nominee.

Former BJP president P S Sreedharan Pillai, is testing his luck once again from the constituency.

The bypoll was necessitated following the death of sitting MLA K K Ramachandran Nair (CPM) in January this year due to illness.&nbsp;The outcome of the bypoll is widely seen as a referendum of the performance of the Pinarayi Vijayan led government in the state and Narendra Modi government at the Centre.

The nearly two-month-long electioneering witnessed an unparalleled fierce campaign by the fronts, who used all means to launch attacks against each other.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

The bypoll was necessitated following the death of sitting MLA K K Ramachandran Nair (CPM) in January this year due to illness.

Braving heavy rains, people turned out in large numbers to cast their franchise on Monday morning today as bypoll in the Chengannur Assembly constituency began. Leader of Opposition in the Kerala state assembly, Ramesh Chennithalawas among the early voters in the constituency, which had witnessed a fierce contest between all the three fronts in the run-up to the polls. While CPM's Saji Cheriyan, the party's Alappuzha district secretary, is the candidate of the Left Democratic Front (LDF), Congress leader D Vijayakumar is the United Democratic Front (UDF) nominee. Former BJP president P S Sreedharan Pillai, is testing his luck once again from the constituency. The bypoll was necessitated following the death of sitting MLA K K Ramachandran Nair (CPM) in January this year due to illness. The outcome of the bypoll is widely seen as a referendum of the performance of the Pinarayi Vijayan led government in the state and Narendra Modi government at the Centre. The nearly two-month-long electioneering witnessed an unparalleled fierce campaign by the fronts, who used all means to launch attacks against each other.

Bypolls: Despite rain, large voter turnout in Chengannur Assembly constituency

At least 215 of the 222 newly-elected MLAs in Karnataka are crorepatis, says a report by Karnataka Election Watch and the Association for Democratic Reforms.&nbsp

The report was filed on the basis of self-sworn affidavits submitted by 221 of the MLAs.&nbsp

The report says the assets owned by the Karnataka MLAs work out to an average of Rs 35 crore. And that half the MLAs own assets worth over Rs 10 crore.&nbsp

The report adds that the Congress tops the list of richie-rich MLAs — 99% of its MLAs are crorepatis.&nbsp

The BJP is a notch lower, but just a notch. 98% of its MLAs are crorepatis.&nbsp

The JD(S) comes third at 95%.&nbsp

The report adds that the assets of re-elected MLAs grew by an average of 90 per cent.

And that the average Karnataka MLA has become 3 times wealthier in the last 10 years.&nbsp

The report adds that the number of MLAs with criminal cases against them has also gone up.

Of the 221 MLAs analysed, 77 or 35% said they had criminal cases pending against them. In 2013, of 218 MLAs analysed 74 or 34% said they had criminal cases pending against them.&nbsp

The report, by Karnataka Election Watch and the Association for Democratic Reforms, was filed on the basis of self-sworn affidavits submitted by 221 of the 222 MLAs

At least 215 of the 222 newly-elected MLAs in Karnataka are crorepatis, says a report by Karnataka Election Watch and the Association for Democratic Reforms. The report was filed on the basis of self-sworn affidavits submitted by 221 of the MLAs. The report says the assets owned by the Karnataka MLAs work out to an average of Rs 35 crore. And that half the MLAs own assets worth over Rs 10 crore. The report adds that the Congress tops the list of richie-rich MLAs — 99% of its MLAs are crorepatis. The BJP is a notch lower, but just a notch. 98% of its MLAs are crorepatis. The JD(S) comes third at 95%. The report adds that the assets of re-elected MLAs grew by an average of 90 per cent. And that the average Karnataka MLA has become 3 times wealthier in the last 10 years. The report adds that the number of MLAs with criminal cases against them has also gone up. Of the 221 MLAs analysed, 77 or 35% said they had criminal cases pending against them. In 2013, of 218 MLAs analysed 74 or 34% said they had criminal cases pending against them.

In Karnataka, 97% newly-elected MLAs are crorepatis: Report

The JD(S)'s HD Kumaraswamy met Karnataka Governor Vajubhai Vala Tuesday evening, and staked his claim to forming a government in the state.&nbsp;

Kumaraswamy was accompanied by the Congress' Ghulam Nabi Azad, Mallikarjun Kharge, and former Karnataka chief minister <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/siddaramaiah-offers-crown-to-foe-kumaraswamy-years-after-expulsion-from-jds-137139">Siddaramaiah</a>.&nbsp;

The Congress told Vala that it was offering the JD(S) unconditional support.&nbsp;

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-does-a-goa-in-karnataka-137130">Congress does to BJP in Karnataka what latter did to it in Goa</a>

The JD(S) has won fewer seats than both the Congress and BJP but the Congress offered it its support earlier in the day, telling the JD(S) that it could pick a chief minister of its choice.&nbsp;

Kumaraswamy decided to opt for the post himself.&nbsp;

Baiju Narajan of the JD(S) meanwhile said the Congress's G Parameshwara would be the deputy chief minister.&nbsp;

The two parties, should they be invited by Governor Vala to do so, will now form a coalition government in the state.&nbsp;

Karnataka has a total of 224 assembly seats, but only 222 seats went to the polls this election. (Voting was postponed in two seats.)

The halfway mark then is 111 seats, with a party needing 112 seats for a simple majority.&nbsp;

Official EC trends at the moment say the BJP has won or is leading in 104 seats, the Congress in 78, the JD(S)+ in 37, and Others 3.&nbsp;

That would give the JD(S)-Congress combine a total of 115 seats.&nbsp;

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-offers-outside-support-to-jds-to-form-government-in-karnataka-reports-137018">'Doing everything to keep BJP out of power,' says JD(S)</a>

The BJP by itself on the other hand is short of 9 seats.&nbsp;

But the race for Karnataka is far from over.&nbsp;

The BJP's chief ministerial candidate Yeddyurappa got to the Raj Bhavan just before Kumaraswamy.&nbsp;

"Just now we met governor because we are single largest party, and that he allows us to prove majority in the Assembly," Yeddyurappa said after meeting Vala.&nbsp;

On his way to meeting the governor, &nbsp;Yeddyurappa said "100 per cent we will form the government."&nbsp;

All eyes then are now on Governor Vala.&nbsp;

Vala can now call either the JD(S)-Congress combine to form a government, or the BJP, which has emerged as the single-largest party — whichever combine/ party he thinks will provide the state with a stable government.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Remember that in both Goa and Manipur, where elections were held in 2017, the Congress had emerged as the single-largest party. But the BJP ended up forming coalition governments in both states because the Congress was not able to muster up the needed numbers.&nbsp;

A Zee News report quoting sources though said Tuesday evening that the governor may first invite BJP's Yeddyurappa to form a&nbsp;government in Karnataka and that the oath-taking ceremony is likely to take place on May 17.

&nbsp;

Vala can now call either the JD(S)-Congress combine to form a government, or the BJP, which has emerged as the single-largest party — whichever combine/ party he thinks will provide the state with a stable government.

The JD(S)'s HD Kumaraswamy met Karnataka Governor Vajubhai Vala Tuesday evening, and staked his claim to forming a government in the state. Kumaraswamy was accompanied by the Congress' Ghulam Nabi Azad, Mallikarjun Kharge, and former Karnataka chief minister Siddaramaiah. The Congress told Vala that it was offering the JD(S) unconditional support. Also read: Congress does to BJP in Karnataka what latter did to it in Goa The JD(S) has won fewer seats than both the Congress and BJP but the Congress offered it its support earlier in the day, telling the JD(S) that it could pick a chief minister of its choice. Kumaraswamy decided to opt for the post himself. Baiju Narajan of the JD(S) meanwhile said the Congress's G Parameshwara would be the deputy chief minister. The two parties, should they be invited by Governor Vala to do so, will now form a coalition government in the state. Karnataka has a total of 224 assembly seats, but only 222 seats went to the polls this election. (Voting was postponed in two seats.) The halfway mark then is 111 seats, with a party needing 112 seats for a simple majority. Official EC trends at the moment say the BJP has won or is leading in 104 seats, the Congress in 78, the JD(S)+ in 37, and Others 3. That would give the JD(S)-Congress combine a total of 115 seats. Also read: 'Doing everything to keep BJP out of power,' says JD(S) The BJP by itself on the other hand is short of 9 seats. But the race for Karnataka is far from over. The BJP's chief ministerial candidate Yeddyurappa got to the Raj Bhavan just before Kumaraswamy. "Just now we met governor because we are single largest party, and that he allows us to prove majority in the Assembly," Yeddyurappa said after meeting Vala. On his way to meeting the governor, Yeddyurappa said "100 per cent we will form the government." All eyes then are now on Governor Vala. Vala can now call either the JD(S)-Congress combine to form a government, or the BJP, which has emerged as the single-largest party — whichever combine/ party he thinks will provide the state with a stable government. Remember that in both Goa and Manipur, where elections were held in 2017, the Congress had emerged as the single-largest party. But the BJP ended up forming coalition governments in both states because the Congress was not able to muster up the needed numbers. A Zee News report quoting sources though said Tuesday evening that the governor may first invite BJP's Yeddyurappa to form a government in Karnataka and that the oath-taking ceremony is likely to take place on May 17.

JD(S)'s Kumaraswamy, BJP's Yeddyurappa stake claim to form Karnataka govt; all eyes now on Governor

The JD(S)'s HD Kumaraswamy met Karnataka Governor Vajubhai Vala Tuesday evening, and staked his claim to forming a government in the state.&nbsp;

Kumaraswamy was accompanied by the Congress' Ghulam Nabi Azad, Mallikarjun Kharge, and former chief minister Siddaramaiah.&nbsp;

The Congress told Vala that it was offering the JD(S) unconditional support.&nbsp;

The JD(S) has won fewer seats than both the BJP and the Congress but the Congress offered it outside support earlier in the day, telling the JD(S) that it could pick a chief minister of its choice.&nbsp;

Kumaraswamy decided to opt for the post himself.&nbsp;

Baiju Narajan of the JD(S) meanwhile said G Parameshwara of Congress would be the deputy chief minister.

Karnataka has a total of 224 assembly seats, but only 222 seats went to the polls this election. (Voting was postponed in two seats.)

The halfway mark then is 111 seats, with a party needing 112 seats for a simple majority.&nbsp;

Official EC trends at the moment say the BJP has won or is leading in 104 seats, the Congress in 78, the JD(S)+ in 37, and Others 3.&nbsp;

That would give the JD(S)-Congress combine a total of 115 seats.&nbsp;

Intriguingly, the BJP's chief ministerial candidate Yeddyurappa got to the Raj Bhavan just before Kumaraswamy.&nbsp;

"Just now we met governor because we are single largest party, and that he allows us to prove majority in the Assembly," Yeddyurappa said after meeting Vala.&nbsp;

On his way to the governor,&nbsp; Yeddyurappa said "100 per cent we will form the government."&nbsp;&nbsp;

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HD Kumaraswamy, Siddaramaiah, Ghulam Nabi Azad, and Mallikarjun Kharge at Raj Bhawan in Bengaluru. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/KarnatakaElections2018?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#KarnatakaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/swRZKUbpsT">pic.twitter.com/swRZKUbpsT</a>
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Just now we met Governor because we are single largest party, and that he allows us to prove majority in the Assembly: BS Yeddyurappa <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/KarnatakaElections2018?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#KarnatakaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/D9RLMU9zVY">pic.twitter.com/D9RLMU9zVY</a>
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100 percent we will form the government: BS Yeddyurappa <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/KarnatakaElections?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#KarnatakaElections</a> <a href="https://t.co/06633TqFBv">pic.twitter.com/06633TqFBv</a>
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What happens next depends on Governor Vala. He can invite whichever combine or single party he thinks commands majority support in the house.&nbsp;

A Zee News report quoting sources though said Tuesday evening that the governor may first invite BJP's Yeddyurappa to form a&nbsp;government in Karnataka and that the oath-taking ceremony is likely to take place on May 17.

The BJP's chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa met Governor Vajubhai Vala shortly before Kumaraswamy

The JD(S)'s HD Kumaraswamy met Karnataka Governor Vajubhai Vala Tuesday evening, and staked his claim to forming a government in the state. Kumaraswamy was accompanied by the Congress' Ghulam Nabi Azad, Mallikarjun Kharge, and former chief minister Siddaramaiah. The Congress told Vala that it was offering the JD(S) unconditional support. The JD(S) has won fewer seats than both the BJP and the Congress but the Congress offered it outside support earlier in the day, telling the JD(S) that it could pick a chief minister of its choice. Kumaraswamy decided to opt for the post himself. Baiju Narajan of the JD(S) meanwhile said G Parameshwara of Congress would be the deputy chief minister. Karnataka has a total of 224 assembly seats, but only 222 seats went to the polls this election. (Voting was postponed in two seats.) The halfway mark then is 111 seats, with a party needing 112 seats for a simple majority. Official EC trends at the moment say the BJP has won or is leading in 104 seats, the Congress in 78, the JD(S)+ in 37, and Others 3. That would give the JD(S)-Congress combine a total of 115 seats. Intriguingly, the BJP's chief ministerial candidate Yeddyurappa got to the Raj Bhavan just before Kumaraswamy. "Just now we met governor because we are single largest party, and that he allows us to prove majority in the Assembly," Yeddyurappa said after meeting Vala. On his way to the governor, Yeddyurappa said "100 per cent we will form the government." HD Kumaraswamy, Siddaramaiah, Ghulam Nabi Azad, and Mallikarjun Kharge at Raj Bhawan in Bengaluru. #KarnatakaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/swRZKUbpsT — ANI (@ANI) May 15, 2018 × Just now we met Governor because we are single largest party, and that he allows us to prove majority in the Assembly: BS Yeddyurappa #KarnatakaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/D9RLMU9zVY — ANI (@ANI) May 15, 2018 × 100 percent we will form the government: BS Yeddyurappa #KarnatakaElections pic.twitter.com/06633TqFBv — ANI (@ANI) May 15, 2018 × What happens next depends on Governor Vala. He can invite whichever combine or single party he thinks commands majority support in the house. A Zee News report quoting sources though said Tuesday evening that the governor may first invite BJP's Yeddyurappa to form a government in Karnataka and that the oath-taking ceremony is likely to take place on May 17.

JD(S)'s Kumaraswamy meets Karnataka Governor, stakes claim to form government

While addressing a public rally in Mysore for the upcoming Karnataka polls, BJP chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa said that his party will win more than 150 seats in the&nbsp225 constituencies.

Hitting out at the state chief's comments&nbspYeddyurappa added, " some people say that BJP will ally with JD(S), I want to clarify that we will form the government on our own."

Congress state chief and current chief minister Yeddyurappa had said earlier that a nexus exists between BJP and JD(S).&nbspHe had said that Yeddyurappa, Amit Shah, Narendra Modi and Kumaraswamy have an internal understanding to overthrow his government.&nbsp

Adding that there was a wave of BJP in the state, Yeddyurappa further claimed that the Congress would&nbspnot win more than 50 seats in the upcoming assembly polls.&nbsp

He also said, " JDS will not win more than 25 seats".

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Some people say that BJP will ally with JDS, I want to clarify that we will form the government on our own: BS Yedurappa, BJP at public rally in Mysuru <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/KarnatakaElections2018?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#KarnatakaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/n7uuMGG9Vm">pic.twitter.com/n7uuMGG9Vm</a>
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Karnataka is heading for assembly polls on May 12. The results of the elections will be announced on May 15.

Adding that there was a wave of BJP in the state, Yeddyurappa claimed that the Congress would not win more than 50 seats in the upcoming assembly polls

While addressing a public rally in Mysore for the upcoming Karnataka polls, BJP chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa said that his party will win more than 150 seats in the&nbsp225 constituencies. Hitting out at the state chief's comments&nbspYeddyurappa added, " some people say that BJP will ally with JD(S), I want to clarify that we will form the government on our own." Congress state chief and current chief minister Yeddyurappa had said earlier that a nexus exists between BJP and JD(S).&nbspHe had said that Yeddyurappa, Amit Shah, Narendra Modi and Kumaraswamy have an internal understanding to overthrow his government. Adding that there was a wave of BJP in the state, Yeddyurappa further claimed that the Congress would&nbspnot win more than 50 seats in the upcoming assembly polls. He also said, " JDS will not win more than 25 seats". Some people say that BJP will ally with JDS, I want to clarify that we will form the government on our own: BS Yedurappa, BJP at public rally in Mysuru #KarnatakaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/n7uuMGG9Vm — ANI (@ANI) May 1, 2018 × Karnataka is heading for assembly polls on May 12. The results of the elections will be announced on May 15.

BJP will win 150 seats, Congress will not go beyond 50 :  BS Yeddyurappa

In one of the biggest asset declaration for the upcoming Karnataka elections, the state's Energy Minister DK Shivakumar's wealth has shown an increase of Rs 589 crore since the last assembly polls.

The declaration revealed an increase of Rs 589 crore in his wealth since 2013 elections.&nbsp;In 2013, Shivkumar's declared asset amounted to Rs 251 crore&nbsp;and Rs 75 crore in 2008. For the 2018 Karnataka polls, his 94-page affidavit revealed an asset of over Rs 840 crore.

The Congress leader filed his nomination for the Kanakapura constituency near Bengaluru on Thursday for the polls to be held on May 12.

His wealth tops the list of over 100 candidates who filed their nominations since April 17.

Much of the increase in his wealth is linked to an increase in the market value of land holdings.&nbsp;Besides his name, his assets are also shown in the name of his wife.

The Congress minister had organised a stay of about 43 MLAs from Gujarat in Bengaluru ahead of Rajya Sabha elections. Following which his properties were searched twice by the Income Tax officials.&nbsp;Tax officials then claimed to have uncovered over Rs 300 crore of undisclosed income from Shivkumar and his associates.

Considered as a strong leader in the Vokkaliga community, he is leading the party's campaign committee for the state polls.

The declaration revealed an increase of Rs 589 crore in his wealth since 2013 elections. In 2013, Shivkumar's declared asset amounted to Rs 251 crore and Rs 75 crore in 2008. For the 2018 Karnataka polls, his 94-page affidavit revealed an asset of Rs 840 crore

In one of the biggest asset declaration for the upcoming Karnataka elections, the state's Energy Minister DK Shivakumar's wealth has shown an increase of Rs 589 crore since the last assembly polls. The declaration revealed an increase of Rs 589 crore in his wealth since 2013 elections. In 2013, Shivkumar's declared asset amounted to Rs 251 crore and Rs 75 crore in 2008. For the 2018 Karnataka polls, his 94-page affidavit revealed an asset of over Rs 840 crore. The Congress leader filed his nomination for the Kanakapura constituency near Bengaluru on Thursday for the polls to be held on May 12. His wealth tops the list of over 100 candidates who filed their nominations since April 17. Much of the increase in his wealth is linked to an increase in the market value of land holdings. Besides his name, his assets are also shown in the name of his wife. The Congress minister had organised a stay of about 43 MLAs from Gujarat in Bengaluru ahead of Rajya Sabha elections. Following which his properties were searched twice by the Income Tax officials. Tax officials then claimed to have uncovered over Rs 300 crore of undisclosed income from Shivkumar and his associates. Considered as a strong leader in the Vokkaliga community, he is leading the party's campaign committee for the state polls.

Karnataka Congress leader's assets show an increase of Rs 589 crore in five years

Following the seizure of lumpsum amounts of money, liquor, and gold, the Election Commission of India (ECI) announced that 1,156 flying squads and 1,255 static surveillance teams have been activated in poll-bound Karnataka.

In a detailed notice regarding the Model Code of Conduct violation and law and order enforcement in the state, Chief Electoral Officer Sanjiv Kumar stated that flying squads and teams constituted for enforcing the Model Code of Conduct have cumulatively removed 12,537 wall writings, 17,690 posters and 7.711 banners from public property, and have lodged four cases under the Karnataka Open Places (provisions of disfigurement) Act, 1981.

On the other hand, 6,866 wall inscriptions, 7,949 posters, and 2.543 banners were removed from private places, the notice stated.

Furthermore, one FIR has been lodged for misusing government vehicles, one for violation of loudspeaker, two for an illegal meeting without permission, five for inducement and gratification to electors in the last 24 hours, the ECI said.

The notice comes after the election-governing body seized two vehicles carrying unauthorised cash from Ilkal to Bagalkot without any proper documents here.

The EC also seized Rs 50 lakh from a car, and later in the day, seized Rs 4 lakh from another car.

In the last 24 hours, the flying squads have seized Rs 9.91,700 in cash, 18.90 litres of liquor, eight silk sarees, and 2.46 kg of gold worth Rs 49, 17,000, while the excise department has seized 1.2 litres of liquor and booked 60 heinous cases, 42 cases for breach of license conditions and 148 cases under Section 15 (a) of the Karnataka Excise Act, 1965, in the same time span.Meanwhile, 8,633 arms were deposited, one armed license was cancelled, 178 persons were bounded over and 253 non-bailable warrants were executed in the last 24 hours.

On a related note, the 224-member Karnataka Assembly will go to polls on May 12, and results will be out on May 15.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The EC seized Rs 50 lakh from a car and later in the day, Rs 4 lakh from another car

Following the seizure of lumpsum amounts of money, liquor, and gold, the Election Commission of India (ECI) announced that 1,156 flying squads and 1,255 static surveillance teams have been activated in poll-bound Karnataka. In a detailed notice regarding the Model Code of Conduct violation and law and order enforcement in the state, Chief Electoral Officer Sanjiv Kumar stated that flying squads and teams constituted for enforcing the Model Code of Conduct have cumulatively removed 12,537 wall writings, 17,690 posters and 7.711 banners from public property, and have lodged four cases under the Karnataka Open Places (provisions of disfigurement) Act, 1981. On the other hand, 6,866 wall inscriptions, 7,949 posters, and 2.543 banners were removed from private places, the notice stated. Furthermore, one FIR has been lodged for misusing government vehicles, one for violation of loudspeaker, two for an illegal meeting without permission, five for inducement and gratification to electors in the last 24 hours, the ECI said. The notice comes after the election-governing body seized two vehicles carrying unauthorised cash from Ilkal to Bagalkot without any proper documents here. The EC also seized Rs 50 lakh from a car, and later in the day, seized Rs 4 lakh from another car. In the last 24 hours, the flying squads have seized Rs 9.91,700 in cash, 18.90 litres of liquor, eight silk sarees, and 2.46 kg of gold worth Rs 49, 17,000, while the excise department has seized 1.2 litres of liquor and booked 60 heinous cases, 42 cases for breach of license conditions and 148 cases under Section 15 (a) of the Karnataka Excise Act, 1965, in the same time span.Meanwhile, 8,633 arms were deposited, one armed license was cancelled, 178 persons were bounded over and 253 non-bailable warrants were executed in the last 24 hours. On a related note, the 224-member Karnataka Assembly will go to polls on May 12, and results will be out on May 15.

Karnataka elections: Election Commission activates flying squads, static surveillance teams

Seen as synonymous in public discussions until recent times, the Veerashaivas and Lingayats found formal self-organisation in the early 20th century as the All-India Veerashaiva Mahasabha. Viewing themselves as Hindus, this body asked, in subsequent decades, that Veerashaivism is considered a separate religion.&nbsp;

As the clamour for separate religious identity grows, the differences between the Lingayats and Veershaivas are becoming clearer. There are distinct differences between their practices, faith, meaning, culture and way of life.

Who are Lingayats

Though Lingayats worship Shiva, they say the concept of &lsquo;Ishta Linga&rsquo; (personal god) and rules of conduct prescribed by Basaveshwara cannot be equated to the Hindu way of life. On the other hand, those opposed to the re-categorisation, including sections in the community, say the rebellion was reformist, like the Bhakti movement, and not aimed at breaking away from the Hindu fold.

Who are Veerashaivas&nbsp;

Veerashaivas are worshippers of Lord Shiva. They precede Basavanna, the founder of Lingayatism. Veerashaivas do not worship any God other than Shiva and can be found spread across India. Pashupatha Shaiva, Soma Shaiva, Dakshina Shaiva, Kala Mukha Shaiva, Lakula Shaiva, Yavala Shaiva, Samanya Shaiva, Mishra Shaiva, Shuddha Shaiva, Adi Shaiva, Anu Shaiva, Avantara Shaiva are some of the sects within Shaivism. Veerashaiva is one such sect and people from the community are found largely in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala. Those who consume non-vegetarian food call themselves Kshatriya Shaiva while those who are vegetarians call themselves Brahmana Shaiva. All sects of the Veerashaiva follow the &#39;Pancha Peeta&#39;, five mutts. Kashi mutt, Rameshwaram Mutt, Ujjaini Mutt, Rambhapura Mutt and Srishaila Mutt are the core holy places for the community.

While Lingayats argue that their religious practices are not similar to Veerashaivas or Hindus, the Veerashaiva community has called Lingayatism a part of Hindutva.

Seen as synonymous in public discussions until recent times, the Veerashaivas and Lingayats found formal self-organisation in the early 20th century as the All-India Veerashaiva Mahasabha. Viewing themselves as Hindus, this body asked, in subsequent decades, that Veerashaivism is considered a separate religion. As the clamour for separate religious identity grows, the differences between the Lingayats and Veershaivas are becoming clearer. There are distinct differences between their practices, faith, meaning, culture and way of life. Who are Lingayats Though Lingayats worship Shiva, they say the concept of ‘Ishta Linga’ (personal god) and rules of conduct prescribed by Basaveshwara cannot be equated to the Hindu way of life. On the other hand, those opposed to the re-categorisation, including sections in the community, say the rebellion was reformist, like the Bhakti movement, and not aimed at breaking away from the Hindu fold. Who are Veerashaivas Veerashaivas are worshippers of Lord Shiva. They precede Basavanna, the founder of Lingayatism. Veerashaivas do not worship any God other than Shiva and can be found spread across India. Pashupatha Shaiva, Soma Shaiva, Dakshina Shaiva, Kala Mukha Shaiva, Lakula Shaiva, Yavala Shaiva, Samanya Shaiva, Mishra Shaiva, Shuddha Shaiva, Adi Shaiva, Anu Shaiva, Avantara Shaiva are some of the sects within Shaivism. Veerashaiva is one such sect and people from the community are found largely in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala. Those who consume non-vegetarian food call themselves Kshatriya Shaiva while those who are vegetarians call themselves Brahmana Shaiva. All sects of the Veerashaiva follow the 'Pancha Peeta', five mutts. Kashi mutt, Rameshwaram Mutt, Ujjaini Mutt, Rambhapura Mutt and Srishaila Mutt are the core holy places for the community.

Difference between Veerashaivas and Lingayats

Amid the Lingayat storm brewing in Karnataka, the BJP is trying to corner the ruling Congress government for clearing separate religion status for the community. 
&nbsp; 
But documents accessed by WION show that the BJP could face trouble for raising a similar demand way back in 2013.&nbsp;

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The letter, signed by BS Yeddyurappa, asking for a separate Lingayat religion. (WION Web Team)
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The demand was sent to the UPA government at the Centre by many Karnataka leaders cutting across party lines, including BS Yeddyurappa, the tallest BJP leader in the state who belongs to the Lingayat community. 
&nbsp; 
Yeddyurappa had then broken away from the BJP to form its own party. 
&nbsp; 
However, Union minister Ananth Kumar said the Congress government had rejected the demand made in 2013. &quot;Several demands were made in the past and even the Maharashtra government had also sought a separate religion tag for Veerashiva-Lingayat sect. But the then UPA government in 2013 rejected it,&quot; the parliamentary affairs minister told reporters said. 
&nbsp; 
Attacking the Siddaramaiah government, Kumar said, &quot;Siddaramaiah is adopting Britisher Robert Clive&#39;s divide and rule strategy ahead of assembly polls. The Congress is doing vote-bank politics. This will not benefit them. It will boomerang.&quot; 
&nbsp; 
Another Union minister Arjun Ram Meghwal claimed that the Congress government in the state has given separate religion status to &quot;stop Yeddyurappa from becoming the chief minister&quot;. 
&nbsp; 
The Karnataka Cabinet recently decided to recommend to the Centre grant of religious minority status for the numerically strong Lingayat and Veerashaiva Lingayat community. 
&nbsp; 
The decision is expected to have an impact on the upcoming elections as the Lingayat community accounts for 17 per cent of the state&#39;s population.

Both Lingayats and Veerashivas are devotees of Lord Shiva, but there are sections within each community that believe they belong to a different religion.&nbsp;

The Lingayat sect follows the 12th-century poet and social reformer Basavanna or Basava, who defied the caste system and Vedic rituals in Hinduism.

But documents accessed by WION show that the BJP could face trouble for raising a similar demand way back in 2013.

Amid the Lingayat storm brewing in Karnataka, the BJP is trying to corner the ruling Congress government for clearing separate religion status for the community. But documents accessed by WION show that the BJP could face trouble for raising a similar demand way back in 2013. The letter, signed by BS Yeddyurappa, asking for a separate Lingayat religion. (WION Web Team) × The demand was sent to the UPA government at the Centre by many Karnataka leaders cutting across party lines, including BS Yeddyurappa, the tallest BJP leader in the state who belongs to the Lingayat community. Yeddyurappa had then broken away from the BJP to form its own party. However, Union minister Ananth Kumar said the Congress government had rejected the demand made in 2013. "Several demands were made in the past and even the Maharashtra government had also sought a separate religion tag for Veerashiva-Lingayat sect. But the then UPA government in 2013 rejected it," the parliamentary affairs minister told reporters said. Attacking the Siddaramaiah government, Kumar said, "Siddaramaiah is adopting Britisher Robert Clive's divide and rule strategy ahead of assembly polls. The Congress is doing vote-bank politics. This will not benefit them. It will boomerang." Another Union minister Arjun Ram Meghwal claimed that the Congress government in the state has given separate religion status to "stop Yeddyurappa from becoming the chief minister". The Karnataka Cabinet recently decided to recommend to the Centre grant of religious minority status for the numerically strong Lingayat and Veerashaiva Lingayat community. The decision is expected to have an impact on the upcoming elections as the Lingayat community accounts for 17 per cent of the state's population. Both Lingayats and Veerashivas are devotees of Lord Shiva, but there are sections within each community that believe they belong to a different religion. The Lingayat sect follows the 12th-century poet and social reformer Basavanna or Basava, who defied the caste system and Vedic rituals in Hinduism.

Role reversal: In the past the UPA did not support Lingayat demand, BJP's Yeddyurappa did

The Chief Minister Siddaramaiah-led Karnataka Government on Monday accepted the suggestions of Nagamohan Das committee to form a separate religion status of the Lingayat&nbsp;community.

The decision came just months before the state assembly elections. Now the proposal will be sent to the Centre for the final approval.&nbsp;

A seven-member&nbsp;committee headed by Nagamohan Das retired high court Judge H N Nagamohan Das submitted its report on March 2, 2018, stating that &quot;Lingayats in Karnataka may be considered as a religious minority.&quot;

Who are Lingayats?

The Lingayats also known as the Veerashaiva community owes loyalty to the social reform movement of the 12th century initiated by Basaveshwara, a saint, has a considerable population in the northern part of the Karnataka. They rebelled against established Hindu traditions by defying the caste system and vedic rituals.

In their bid for a separate religion status, Lingayats were eager to dissociate themselves from Veerashaivas, a Shaivite religious tradition, whose followers adhere to the vedas. Lingayats, on the contrary, do not believe in rituals or vedas.

At the core of their ideology and belief systems, the Lingayats reject the ancient Hindu texts and vedas, the caste system and the belief in karma and reincarnation. In the Lingayat tradition, worship revolves bhakti or devotion and is centred on god Shiva.&nbsp;

Basavanna/Basaveshwara

The revolution that Basavanna led came years after the Buddha. It was Basavanna and his contemporary Sharanas who launched a very strong spiritual, social and religious rebellion against Brahminical hegemony. Basavanna had declared that &ldquo;work is worship&rdquo;. He gave women equal status in his movement through the vachanas (verses).

There are two sets of followers of Basavanna, who attracted people from both upper and lower castes. One group of his followers, called Veerashaivas, who consider Basavanna to be a later-day saint belonging to the Shaiva tradition, continued to follow many of the practices he had rejected, said historian S Shettar.

Veerashaivas

Veerashaivas are a sub-sect of Lingayats and ardent followers of Lord Shiva. They preceded Basavanna, the founder of Lingayatism and was spread by his followers among the Sharanas.

How did it all begin?

Lingayats have been demanding status of a separate religion for a long time. The issue came at the centrestage last year when Chief Minister Siddaramaiah promised to consider the demand. One part of the community demands the minority status for both Veerashaiva and Lingayats considering them the same, while another wants it only for the Lingayats as it considers Veershaivas to be Hindus.&nbsp;

Reports quoted SM Jamdaar, who spearheaded the Lingayat movement as saying that this demand is not new and has been a long-standing issue which goes back to 1942 which surfaced again in 2017 after Siddaramaiah to look into the issue.&nbsp;

Jamdaar says that for over 700 years, Lingayats were a separate religion and the current agitation is simply seeking to restore the community to its former status.

Impact on elections

The Lingayats constitute 17% of Karnataka&#39;s population and weild strong influence in 110 constituencies, they were orignally supporters of the Congress party - 15% of the Lingayat electorate is estimated&nbsp;to have&nbsp;voted for the&nbsp;Congress in 2013. Eight of the state&rsquo;s 22 chief ministers belonged to this sect, including the BJP&rsquo;s current chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa.

Many prominent personalities, including journalist Gauri Lankesh and Kannada scholar MM Kalburgi, who were both shot dead, were Lingayats.

Siddaramaiah hopes for electoral gains fom this decision and has made many overtures to it, including making it mandatory to have portraits of Basavanna in government offices and naming the women&rsquo;s university in the state after Akka Mahadevi, a philosopher of the Lingayat tradition.

&nbsp;

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Rahul visited the Gavisiddeswara matha of the Lingayat community in Koppal, Karnataka. (PTI)
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The latest move appears to be a bid by Congress to split BJP&rsquo;s Lingayat vote base. The Congress hopes the move will get them support from the Lingayat community.

The BJP has shown hesitation to the decision. According to the party declaring Lingayats as a religious minority would divaricate the society&nbsp;and introduce more loopholes in the socio-economic front. 
 
BJP leaders are of the view that the Siddaramaiah government&#39;s decision may not translate into votes for the Congress. Though the decision may have pleased the Lingayats, however its benefits will take time to reach the community, according to the BJP. 
 
The BJP has accused the Karnataka CM of &quot;playing with fire&quot; for vote bank politics.

Meanwhile, the Lingayat ministers in the state government have planned a huge rally in Bengaluru where they plan to felicitate chief minister Siddaramaiah for according the community religious minority status.

The Chief Minister Siddaramaiah-led Karnataka Government on Monday accepted the suggestions of Nagamohan Das committee to form a separate religion status of the Lingayats community

The Chief Minister Siddaramaiah-led Karnataka Government on Monday accepted the suggestions of Nagamohan Das committee to form a separate religion status of the Lingayat community. The decision came just months before the state assembly elections. Now the proposal will be sent to the Centre for the final approval. A seven-member committee headed by Nagamohan Das retired high court Judge H N Nagamohan Das submitted its report on March 2, 2018, stating that "Lingayats in Karnataka may be considered as a religious minority." Who are Lingayats? The Lingayats also known as the Veerashaiva community owes loyalty to the social reform movement of the 12th century initiated by Basaveshwara, a saint, has a considerable population in the northern part of the Karnataka. They rebelled against established Hindu traditions by defying the caste system and vedic rituals. In their bid for a separate religion status, Lingayats were eager to dissociate themselves from Veerashaivas, a Shaivite religious tradition, whose followers adhere to the vedas. Lingayats, on the contrary, do not believe in rituals or vedas. At the core of their ideology and belief systems, the Lingayats reject the ancient Hindu texts and vedas, the caste system and the belief in karma and reincarnation. In the Lingayat tradition, worship revolves bhakti or devotion and is centred on god Shiva. Basavanna/Basaveshwara The revolution that Basavanna led came years after the Buddha. It was Basavanna and his contemporary Sharanas who launched a very strong spiritual, social and religious rebellion against Brahminical hegemony. Basavanna had declared that “work is worship”. He gave women equal status in his movement through the vachanas (verses). There are two sets of followers of Basavanna, who attracted people from both upper and lower castes. One group of his followers, called Veerashaivas, who consider Basavanna to be a later-day saint belonging to the Shaiva tradition, continued to follow many of the practices he had rejected, said historian S Shettar. Veerashaivas Veerashaivas are a sub-sect of Lingayats and ardent followers of Lord Shiva. They preceded Basavanna, the founder of Lingayatism and was spread by his followers among the Sharanas. How did it all begin? Lingayats have been demanding status of a separate religion for a long time. The issue came at the centrestage last year when Chief Minister Siddaramaiah promised to consider the demand. One part of the community demands the minority status for both Veerashaiva and Lingayats considering them the same, while another wants it only for the Lingayats as it considers Veershaivas to be Hindus. Reports quoted SM Jamdaar, who spearheaded the Lingayat movement as saying that this demand is not new and has been a long-standing issue which goes back to 1942 which surfaced again in 2017 after Siddaramaiah to look into the issue. Jamdaar says that for over 700 years, Lingayats were a separate religion and the current agitation is simply seeking to restore the community to its former status. Impact on elections The Lingayats constitute 17% of Karnataka's population and weild strong influence in 110 constituencies, they were orignally supporters of the Congress party - 15% of the Lingayat electorate is estimated to have voted for the Congress in 2013. Eight of the state’s 22 chief ministers belonged to this sect, including the BJP’s current chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa. Many prominent personalities, including journalist Gauri Lankesh and Kannada scholar MM Kalburgi, who were both shot dead, were Lingayats. Siddaramaiah hopes for electoral gains fom this decision and has made many overtures to it, including making it mandatory to have portraits of Basavanna in government offices and naming the women’s university in the state after Akka Mahadevi, a philosopher of the Lingayat tradition. Rahul visited the Gavisiddeswara matha of the Lingayat community in Koppal, Karnataka. (PTI) × The latest move appears to be a bid by Congress to split BJP’s Lingayat vote base. The Congress hopes the move will get them support from the Lingayat community. The BJP has shown hesitation to the decision. According to the party declaring Lingayats as a religious minority would divaricate the society and introduce more loopholes in the socio-economic front. BJP leaders are of the view that the Siddaramaiah government's decision may not translate into votes for the Congress. Though the decision may have pleased the Lingayats, however its benefits will take time to reach the community, according to the BJP. The BJP has accused the Karnataka CM of "playing with fire" for vote bank politics. Meanwhile, the Lingayat ministers in the state government have planned a huge rally in Bengaluru where they plan to felicitate chief minister Siddaramaiah for according the community religious minority status.

Who are Lingayats and how will they impact Karnataka assembly elections?

Political circles and national media are abuzz with the talk of Third Front being resurrected under the leadership of Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR). I am not sure what excites them given the unmitigated disaster that the Third Front turned out to be for India in its earlier avatars. It seems as if a section of media and &lsquo;intellectuals&rsquo; would rather see India embrace another disaster than &lsquo;tolerate&rsquo; another term for Modi Sarkar.

Whether the Third Front actually fructifies or not and even if it fructifies, will it succeed or not has become a subject of great speculation and analysis. However, what has remained missing from all this analysis is - if KCR himself will benefit from this move or not. It seems foolhardy to even raise this question for it seems a foregone conclusion that not only will KCR sweep Telangana but will also benefit greatly from his increased national stature. This write up is an attempt to play the devil&rsquo;s advocate and explore if the move could actually backfire.

To understand the implications of this move &ndash; positive or negative &ndash; we will have to first understand KCR&rsquo;s sources of strength. Without a doubt, KCR is a hugely popular leader in Telangana and his popularity has only grown over the years. The main reason for his popularity is his success in achieving separate statehood for Telangana. &lsquo;Good&rsquo; performance of his government has further added to his popularity. However, there is another reason for his popularity and it is the complete absence of any credible alternative to KCR and his party TRS (Telangana Rashtra Samiti) in Telangana.

Whatever little remained of the opposition after the formation of Telangana was slowly and methodically subsumed in TRS itself. From just 63 members in the house of 119 in 2014, the tally of TRS MLAs went up to 90 in 2017, while that of Congress went down from 21 to 12 and that of TDP from 15 to 3 - &nbsp;without ever drawing the provisions of anti-defection law and without causing as much as a whisper of any harm to democracy anywhere in the national media. Not only was all political opposition emaciated but so also was any kind of criticism in the media. KCR openly threatened media by saying that he&rsquo;ll &ldquo;bury them alive in the ground&rdquo; and even got two Telugu channels pulled off the air for a few days.&nbsp;

It might surprise you, or not, that the great champions of free speech in the nation never raised a hell, calling &quot;democracy under threat&quot; at that time. And now, it is these very champions of free speech who seem to be cheering the loudest in support of KCR and his proposed &quot;qualitative change&quot; at the national level.&nbsp;

Thus, from playing in a field in which he had absolutely no worthy opponent, it is baffling as to why KCR is drawing Mr. Modi, the strongest and the most popular leader of all into his arena? Why would he want to transform the contest from KCR vs. none in Telangana to KCR vs. Modi? He surely is not going to win any additional seat outside Telangana but would instead run the risk of losing a few seats to Mr. Modi in Telangana. Why then is he making the mistake of confronting Mr. Modi and giving more credence to the BJP&rsquo;s trump card?

As written above, Chief Minister KCR is very popular in Telangana but so is Prime Minister Modi. Confronting Mr. Modi and criticising him may turn out to be neither a popular tactic nor a very successful one. Lessons can be learned from the experience of Arvind Kejriwal, who tried a similar tactic in 2014 after his success in 2013 Delhi elections. Mr. Kejriwal ended up burning both himself and his party by losing all 7 Lok Sabha seats in Delhi. It is perhaps this very realisation that got the Aam Aadmi Party to use &ldquo;Modi for PM and Arvind for CM&rdquo; slogan on its website for the 2015 Delhi Elections. The slogan may have been soon withdrawn but the message had already been sent out.

A message has been sent out by the people to Mr. KCR as well on his new strategy but not sure if he is listening. KCR spoke of Mr. Modi in a disrespectful, if not an insulting tone, in a recent speech and this has drawn hugely negative reactions from a large section of people, including those from the hard-core supporters of KCR and his TRS party.

What finally happens in 2019 will, of course, depend on a whole lot of other things. However, one thing is for sure - KCR vs. Modi will give the BJP, in Telangana, an issue where it had none and will give it a good chance in at least a couple and more Lok Sabha seats if not assembly seats.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

K. Chandrashekhar Rao wants to transform the contest from KCR vs. none to KCR vs. Modi. He surely is not going to win any additional seat outside Telangana but would instead run the risk of losing a few seats to Mr. Modi in Telangana.

Political circles and national media are abuzz with the talk of Third Front being resurrected under the leadership of Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR). I am not sure what excites them given the unmitigated disaster that the Third Front turned out to be for India in its earlier avatars. It seems as if a section of media and ‘intellectuals’ would rather see India embrace another disaster than ‘tolerate’ another term for Modi Sarkar. Whether the Third Front actually fructifies or not and even if it fructifies, will it succeed or not has become a subject of great speculation and analysis. However, what has remained missing from all this analysis is - if KCR himself will benefit from this move or not. It seems foolhardy to even raise this question for it seems a foregone conclusion that not only will KCR sweep Telangana but will also benefit greatly from his increased national stature. This write up is an attempt to play the devil’s advocate and explore if the move could actually backfire. To understand the implications of this move – positive or negative – we will have to first understand KCR’s sources of strength. Without a doubt, KCR is a hugely popular leader in Telangana and his popularity has only grown over the years. The main reason for his popularity is his success in achieving separate statehood for Telangana. ‘Good’ performance of his government has further added to his popularity. However, there is another reason for his popularity and it is the complete absence of any credible alternative to KCR and his party TRS (Telangana Rashtra Samiti) in Telangana. Whatever little remained of the opposition after the formation of Telangana was slowly and methodically subsumed in TRS itself. From just 63 members in the house of 119 in 2014, the tally of TRS MLAs went up to 90 in 2017, while that of Congress went down from 21 to 12 and that of TDP from 15 to 3 - without ever drawing the provisions of anti-defection law and without causing as much as a whisper of any harm to democracy anywhere in the national media. Not only was all political opposition emaciated but so also was any kind of criticism in the media. KCR openly threatened media by saying that he’ll “bury them alive in the ground” and even got two Telugu channels pulled off the air for a few days. It might surprise you, or not, that the great champions of free speech in the nation never raised a hell, calling "democracy under threat" at that time. And now, it is these very champions of free speech who seem to be cheering the loudest in support of KCR and his proposed "qualitative change" at the national level. Thus, from playing in a field in which he had absolutely no worthy opponent, it is baffling as to why KCR is drawing Mr. Modi, the strongest and the most popular leader of all into his arena? Why would he want to transform the contest from KCR vs. none in Telangana to KCR vs. Modi? He surely is not going to win any additional seat outside Telangana but would instead run the risk of losing a few seats to Mr. Modi in Telangana. Why then is he making the mistake of confronting Mr. Modi and giving more credence to the BJP’s trump card? As written above, Chief Minister KCR is very popular in Telangana but so is Prime Minister Modi. Confronting Mr. Modi and criticising him may turn out to be neither a popular tactic nor a very successful one. Lessons can be learned from the experience of Arvind Kejriwal, who tried a similar tactic in 2014 after his success in 2013 Delhi elections. Mr. Kejriwal ended up burning both himself and his party by losing all 7 Lok Sabha seats in Delhi. It is perhaps this very realisation that got the Aam Aadmi Party to use “Modi for PM and Arvind for CM” slogan on its website for the 2015 Delhi Elections. The slogan may have been soon withdrawn but the message had already been sent out. A message has been sent out by the people to Mr. KCR as well on his new strategy but not sure if he is listening. KCR spoke of Mr. Modi in a disrespectful, if not an insulting tone, in a recent speech and this has drawn hugely negative reactions from a large section of people, including those from the hard-core supporters of KCR and his TRS party. What finally happens in 2019 will, of course, depend on a whole lot of other things. However, one thing is for sure - KCR vs. Modi will give the BJP, in Telangana, an issue where it had none and will give it a good chance in at least a couple and more Lok Sabha seats if not assembly seats. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Chandrashekhar Rao plans to challenge PM Modi in Telangana

UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath today credited the BJP&#39;s &quot;historic&quot; performance in northeastern states to &quot;development-oriented&quot; policies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and &quot;organisational skills&quot; of Amit Shah and said the day is not far when one party will be in power right from Kashmir to Kanyakumari.

He also took the opportunity to slam the Congress, saying after Rahul Gandhi became its president, this is the fifth defeat for his party.

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-says-will-form-next-government-in-meghalaya-34613">BJP says will form next government in Meghalaya</a>

&quot;After Rahul Gandhi donned the mantle of Congress chief, this is the fifth defeat for his party and the pace of this record will gather speed in the near future,&quot; he said.

The chief minister was addressing a press conference at the BJP headquarters here after the party&#39;s good show in assembly polls in Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya.

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-sends-top-guns-to-meghalaya-in-bid-to-form-government-34569">Congress sends top guns to Meghalaya in </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-sends-top-guns-to-meghalaya-in-bid-to-form-government-34569">bid</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-sends-top-guns-to-meghalaya-in-bid-to-form-government-34569"> to form </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-sends-top-guns-to-meghalaya-in-bid-to-form-government-34569">government</a>

He said that during the run up to the Gujarat Assembly elections, Rahul Gandhi was coronated as Congress President and that time itself he had said that the development would make the BJP&#39;s job easier.

&quot;Under Rahul Gandhi&#39;s presidentship, the Congress has lost five states and when he was the party vice president, the Congress frittered away ten states,&quot; Adityanath said, noting that it was a matter of &quot;happiness&quot; for the saffron party.

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/tripura-nagaland-victories-endorsement-of-modis-leadership-says-amit-shah-34557">Tripura, Nagaland victories endorsement of Modi&#39;s leadership, says Amit Shah</a>

&quot;The BJP&#39;s sterling performance in northeast will go a long way in fulfilling development aspirations of people,&quot; he said.

Adityanath said for the first time after Independence, these northeastern states will get chance to join the national mainstream and enjoy fruits of development. The

UP chief minister, who had campaigned for the saffron party in these assembly elections, said Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s development oriented policies and organisational skills of BJP President Amit Shah led to his party&#39;s &quot;sterling performance&quot;.

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-breaches-red-fort-in-tripura-set-to-end-25-year-left-rule-34552">BJP breaches &#39;Red Fort&#39; in Tripura, set to end </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-breaches-red-fort-in-tripura-set-to-end-25-year-left-rule-34552">25-year</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-breaches-red-fort-in-tripura-set-to-end-25-year-left-rule-34552"> Left rule</a>

He said the &#39;lotus&#39; will now bloom in Karnataka, Kerala, West Bengal and Odisha, thanks to the development-oriented policies of the prime minister and his good governance, and the guidance of the party chief Amit Shah.

&quot;That day is not far when one party will be in power right from Kashmir down to Kanyakumari,&quot; he said.

After the outcome of assembly elections in the three northeastern states, the BJP is set to lead or be a partner in 21 of India&#39;s 31 state governments, underlining a saffron dominance of the national political map like no other time.

Adityanath also exuded confidence that the BJP will win Lok Sabha by-elections next week in Gorakhpur and Phulpur constituencies in Uttar Pradesh.

He took potshots at arch rivals SP and BSP on reports that they might join hands to take on the BJP in the next week&#39;s Lok Sabha bye-elections in Phulpur and Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh.

&quot;Who doesn&#39;t know the guest house episode? Can one forget who had threatened to damage statues (of Dalit icons),&quot; he said without elaborating.

His reference was to an attack allegedly engineered by SP supporters on then chief minister and BSP supremo Mayawati in the Meerabai Road state guest house in the state capital over two decades back.

On the possibility of SP-BSP coming together in the parliamentary bypolls, he described the two parties as &quot;ker-ber&quot; (banana and Indian plum) and asked as to whether the two different fruits could gel.

Asked for which parties he used the expression &quot;ker&quot; and &quot;ber&quot;, Adityanath smilingly said, &quot;It&#39;s for you to judge.&quot;

Continuing its winning streak, the BJP wrested Tripura, and received invitation to be part of the government in Nagaland, while Meghalaya elected a hung Assembly. 
The main opposition Congress is in power in only four states - its lowest-ever tally - and that include Mizoram and Puducherry.

Yogi Adityanath also took the opportunity to slam the Congress, saying after Rahul Gandhi became its president, this is the fifth defeat for his party

UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath today credited the BJP's "historic" performance in northeastern states to "development-oriented" policies of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and "organisational skills" of Amit Shah and said the day is not far when one party will be in power right from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. He also took the opportunity to slam the Congress, saying after Rahul Gandhi became its president, this is the fifth defeat for his party. Also read: BJP says will form next government in Meghalaya "After Rahul Gandhi donned the mantle of Congress chief, this is the fifth defeat for his party and the pace of this record will gather speed in the near future," he said. The chief minister was addressing a press conference at the BJP headquarters here after the party's good show in assembly polls in Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya. Also read: Congress sends top guns to Meghalaya in bid to form government He said that during the run up to the Gujarat Assembly elections, Rahul Gandhi was coronated as Congress President and that time itself he had said that the development would make the BJP's job easier. "Under Rahul Gandhi's presidentship, the Congress has lost five states and when he was the party vice president, the Congress frittered away ten states," Adityanath said, noting that it was a matter of "happiness" for the saffron party. Also read: Tripura, Nagaland victories endorsement of Modi's leadership, says Amit Shah "The BJP's sterling performance in northeast will go a long way in fulfilling development aspirations of people," he said. Adityanath said for the first time after Independence, these northeastern states will get chance to join the national mainstream and enjoy fruits of development. The UP chief minister, who had campaigned for the saffron party in these assembly elections, said Prime Minister Narendra Modi's development oriented policies and organisational skills of BJP President Amit Shah led to his party's "sterling performance". Also read: BJP breaches 'Red Fort' in Tripura, set to end 25-year Left rule He said the 'lotus' will now bloom in Karnataka, Kerala, West Bengal and Odisha, thanks to the development-oriented policies of the prime minister and his good governance, and the guidance of the party chief Amit Shah. "That day is not far when one party will be in power right from Kashmir down to Kanyakumari," he said. After the outcome of assembly elections in the three northeastern states, the BJP is set to lead or be a partner in 21 of India's 31 state governments, underlining a saffron dominance of the national political map like no other time. Adityanath also exuded confidence that the BJP will win Lok Sabha by-elections next week in Gorakhpur and Phulpur constituencies in Uttar Pradesh. He took potshots at arch rivals SP and BSP on reports that they might join hands to take on the BJP in the next week's Lok Sabha bye-elections in Phulpur and Gorakhpur in Uttar Pradesh. "Who doesn't know the guest house episode? Can one forget who had threatened to damage statues (of Dalit icons)," he said without elaborating. His reference was to an attack allegedly engineered by SP supporters on then chief minister and BSP supremo Mayawati in the Meerabai Road state guest house in the state capital over two decades back. On the possibility of SP-BSP coming together in the parliamentary bypolls, he described the two parties as "ker-ber" (banana and Indian plum) and asked as to whether the two different fruits could gel. Asked for which parties he used the expression "ker" and "ber", Adityanath smilingly said, "It's for you to judge." Continuing its winning streak, the BJP wrested Tripura, and received invitation to be part of the government in Nagaland, while Meghalaya elected a hung Assembly. The main opposition Congress is in power in only four states - its lowest-ever tally - and that include Mizoram and Puducherry.

'Lotus will bloom in Karnataka, Kerala; Rahul's Congress on path of defeat'

&nbsp;

After an impressive win in Tripura and Nagaland Assembly polls, prime minister Narendra Modi thanked people for reposing faith in the positive and development-oriented agenda of the NDA and added that people do not have time or respect for negative, disruptive and disconnected politics of any kind.

&nbsp;

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People of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura have spoken! 
 
I thank the people of these states for supporting the good governance agenda and &lsquo;Act East Policy&rsquo; of <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4India?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4India</a> &amp; our valued allies. We remain committed to working towards fulfilling the dreams &amp; aspirations of the people.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969878792754774016?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;In a series of tweets on the outcome of assembly polls in Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya, he said the victory of the BJP in Tripura is not an ordinary electoral victory. 
&quot;This journey from Shunya&nbsp;to Shikhar&nbsp;(zero to top) has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years,&quot; the prime minister said.

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Thank you Nagaland for supporting <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4Nagaland?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4Nagaland</a> and our valued ally. I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969880265869807616?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
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&#39;&#39;The victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one,&quot; he said and added &quot;It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has&nbsp;prevailed over fear.&quot;

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The historic victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one. It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has prevailed over fear. We will provide Tripura the good government that the state deserves.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969879780542722048?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
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He also said ,&nbsp;&quot;2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards @BJP4Tripura. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura.&#39;&#39;

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2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4Tripura?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4Tripura</a>. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969879055007797248?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
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He thanked the people of Nagaland for supporting BJP and its allies.&nbsp;&quot;I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit,&quot; he said.

He said the welfare of Meghalaya is of utmost importance for his government.&nbsp;&nbsp;

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The victory of <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4Tripura?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4Tripura</a> is not an ordinary electoral victory. This journey from &lsquo;Shunya&rsquo; to &lsquo;Shikhar&rsquo; has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP Karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969879384772395008?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
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BJP made a historic win in Tripura as they won twenty-eight seats with lead&nbsp;in seven seats in the 60-member Tripura Assembly, while its ally Indigenous People&#39;s Front of Tripura has won seven seats and is ahead in one other.

BJP made a historic win in Tripura as they won twenty-eight seats while leading in seven seats in the 60-member Tripura Assembly

After an impressive win in Tripura and Nagaland Assembly polls, prime minister Narendra Modi thanked people for reposing faith in the positive and development-oriented agenda of the NDA and added that people do not have time or respect for negative, disruptive and disconnected politics of any kind. People of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura have spoken! I thank the people of these states for supporting the good governance agenda and ‘Act East Policy’ of @BJP4India & our valued allies. We remain committed to working towards fulfilling the dreams & aspirations of the people. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × In a series of tweets on the outcome of assembly polls in Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya, he said the victory of the BJP in Tripura is not an ordinary electoral victory. "This journey from Shunya to Shikhar (zero to top) has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years," the prime minister said. Thank you Nagaland for supporting @BJP4Nagaland and our valued ally. I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × ''The victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one," he said and added "It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has prevailed over fear." The historic victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one. It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has prevailed over fear. We will provide Tripura the good government that the state deserves. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × He also said , "2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards @BJP4Tripura. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura.'' 2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards @BJP4Tripura. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × He thanked the people of Nagaland for supporting BJP and its allies. "I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit," he said. He said the welfare of Meghalaya is of utmost importance for his government. The victory of @BJP4Tripura is not an ordinary electoral victory. This journey from ‘Shunya’ to ‘Shikhar’ has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP Karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × BJP made a historic win in Tripura as they won twenty-eight seats with lead in seven seats in the 60-member Tripura Assembly, while its ally Indigenous People's Front of Tripura has won seven seats and is ahead in one other.

Assembly polls: 'It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation,' says Modi

The BJP is<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/live-updates-bjp-set-to-win-tripura-nagaland-close-fight-in-meghalaya-assembly-elections-34524"> likely to form the next government </a>in Tripura.&nbsp;

The BJP and its ally, the Indigenous People&#39;s Front of Tripura (IPFT) have surged ahead and established a lead in 41 constituencies. The majority mark in the 60-member Assembly is 31.

The BJP Parliamentary Board, the party&#39;s highest decision-making body, will meet this evening to decide on the future chief minister of Tripura, where the party, BJP general secretary Ram Madhav said today.

&quot;Our Parliamentary Board will meet in the evening and take a call,&quot; he said at a press conference when asked who will be the BJP chief minister in Tripura.

The BJP Parliamentary Board includes Prime Minister Narendra Modi, party chief Amit Shah, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari and a few others.&nbsp;

(With inputs from PTI)

&nbsp;

The BJP Parliamentary Board includes Prime Minister Narendra Modi, party chief Amit Shah, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, and Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari

The BJP is likely to form the next government in Tripura. The BJP and its ally, the Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT) have surged ahead and established a lead in 41 constituencies. The majority mark in the 60-member Assembly is 31. The BJP Parliamentary Board, the party's highest decision-making body, will meet this evening to decide on the future chief minister of Tripura, where the party, BJP general secretary Ram Madhav said today. "Our Parliamentary Board will meet in the evening and take a call," he said at a press conference when asked who will be the BJP chief minister in Tripura. The BJP Parliamentary Board includes Prime Minister Narendra Modi, party chief Amit Shah, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj, Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari and a few others. (With inputs from PTI)

BJP parliamentary board to meet for deciding Tripura chief minister

BJP chief Amit Shah said today his party&#39;s victories in the Left&#39;s citadel Tripura and Nagaland were an endorsement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s leadership by the people of the Northeast.

A jubilant Shah said the BJP&#39;s golden era would be when its wrests West Bengal, Odisha and Karnataka from rival parties.

&quot;It is a day of joy for me and crores of BJP workers. The victory of the BJP is important in many ways....It is an endorsement of the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi by the people of the Northeast,&quot; he told a press conference.

The BJP and its ally IPFT were close to securing a majority in Tripura having together won 28 seats in the 60-member House. They were leading in 15 more. Elections were held in the state for 59 seats due to the death of a CPI-M candidate.

In Nagaland, the BJP and its ally NDPP have won 13 seats and are leading in 14. The ruling Naga People&#39;s Front, with which the BJP parted ways just before the elections, has won 13 seats and was leading in 12 others in the 60-member Assembly. In Nagaland too, elections were held for only 59 seats as NDPP leaders Neiphiu Rio was declared elected unopposed.

Meghalaya appeared set to have a hung Assembly.

Shah ruled out the possibility of the BJP, whose NDA partner National People&#39;s Party has won 19 seats, engaging in horse-trading in Meghalaya. The two NDA allies had, however, contested the elections separately. BJP has won two seats in the state where the Congress has won 19 seats so far and was ahead in two.

&quot;Where is the question of &#39;tod-phod&#39; (horse-trading). The Congress does not have a majority there,&quot; he said.

Amit Shah said the BJP's golden era would be when its wrests West Bengal, Odisha and Karnataka from rival parties

BJP chief Amit Shah said today his party's victories in the Left's citadel Tripura and Nagaland were an endorsement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership by the people of the Northeast. A jubilant Shah said the BJP's golden era would be when its wrests West Bengal, Odisha and Karnataka from rival parties. "It is a day of joy for me and crores of BJP workers. The victory of the BJP is important in many ways....It is an endorsement of the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi by the people of the Northeast," he told a press conference. The BJP and its ally IPFT were close to securing a majority in Tripura having together won 28 seats in the 60-member House. They were leading in 15 more. Elections were held in the state for 59 seats due to the death of a CPI-M candidate. In Nagaland, the BJP and its ally NDPP have won 13 seats and are leading in 14. The ruling Naga People's Front, with which the BJP parted ways just before the elections, has won 13 seats and was leading in 12 others in the 60-member Assembly. In Nagaland too, elections were held for only 59 seats as NDPP leaders Neiphiu Rio was declared elected unopposed. Meghalaya appeared set to have a hung Assembly. Shah ruled out the possibility of the BJP, whose NDA partner National People's Party has won 19 seats, engaging in horse-trading in Meghalaya. The two NDA allies had, however, contested the elections separately. BJP has won two seats in the state where the Congress has won 19 seats so far and was ahead in two. "Where is the question of 'tod-phod' (horse-trading). The Congress does not have a majority there," he said.

Tripura, Nagaland victories endorsement of Modi's leadership, says Amit Shah

Whether one likes it or not, BJP has changed the political landscape of North East for good. Today it stands as a formidable force in NE despite initial handicap of ideology and weight of aggressive nationalism practiced in mainland by its brethren.

Despite limitations, BJP either captured power or increased its number and vote share in all the states which went for polls. The best example is that of Nagaland where BJP increased its vote share from 1.75 percent to 14.5 percent whereas Congress vote share which stood at 24.89 percent votes in 2013 dropped to 2.1 percent. Question did this happen? The answer is that the strategy of concentrating in Meghalaya did not work. The message even before the elections was out that Congress has conceded defeat in other two states.

Congress contested 18 seats in Nagaland and could not win a single seat. Same is the case with Tripura where its vote share fell from 36.53 percent to 1.8 percent. Even in Meghalaya where Congress President Rahul Gandhi campaigned extensively, the vote share slipped from 34.78 percent to 29 percent. In all the three states BJP did exceptionally well. In Meghalaya, it did not taste electoral success but it&rsquo;s very numerical presence has added another layer to the fractured house of Meghalaya.

Barring, Meghalaya, Congress also did not run an effective campaign. In both these states Congress was not seen fighting the election. Despite large defection in Nagaland and large voter base in Tripura, the grand old party could not stich up a campaign. It was an admission of defeat before war.

Congress did not even have candidates in all 60 segments in Nagaland. In Tripura, the message went that its the B team of Left hence, anti-Left vote went to BJP. Tripura has happened despite West Bengal experience. The lesson has not been learnt.

Congress was seen as B team of the Left in WB. The party showed neither ideological character nor endurance to constantly challenge the Left. It is for this reason, people of West Bengal chose Mamata Banerji as an alternative to the Congress Party in West Bengal.

Similarly, the talk in NE within Congress was not about forming government but to keep BJP at bay. It is a wrong narrative. It is like anti Congress-ism of 60s, 70s, and 80s. Many regional parties came together to form governments in Delhi but the country never gave any of them a national mandate. The mandate went to BJP as it offered a different vision of religion and state in 1990s and governance in 2014.

What is required from the Congress is a vision document as to what does it stand for today? Congress today also stands at a juncture when the right based approach has already been monetised. In post-industrial society, especially in the semi urban and urban areas, right has mutated to a choice. The choice either comes in form of a face or in form of a political narrative.

From 2014, Congress has been reacting to BJP&rsquo;s narrative. It has not been able to set national agenda on which BJP has reacted for long. The election in NE may be about organization and money but electoral focus at expense of organization remains its biggest enemy.

It was not born to keep BJP out. It started with a different purpose and continued to adapt itself to the changing realities of India. The only way it can survive cogently as a national party is by building itself brick by brick. Today, it only remains a pan Indian party on paper. The short-term alliances with regional parties to prevent BJP from coming to power is leading to self -cannibalism.

Each time, Congress has had a truck with a regional party, its vote bank erodes. 2017 UP assembly result is the the best example of this erosion where Congress polled less votes than Apna Dal.

The more Congress indulges in such opportunism, harsher will be the future for its organization. Lastly, BJP is being elected by an independent electorate not outsiders.

Congress needs to come out with its Vision Document and mass contact programme. Piecemeal victories in Punjab or good fight like Gujarat will not be enough to be challenge BJP. For it, Congress will have to behave like an organizational alternative.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

For Congress, anti BJP-ism like anti Congress-ism of 70s-80s will not work.

Whether one likes it or not, BJP has changed the political landscape of North East for good. Today it stands as a formidable force in NE despite initial handicap of ideology and weight of aggressive nationalism practiced in mainland by its brethren. Despite limitations, BJP either captured power or increased its number and vote share in all the states which went for polls. The best example is that of Nagaland where BJP increased its vote share from 1.75 percent to 14.5 percent whereas Congress vote share which stood at 24.89 percent votes in 2013 dropped to 2.1 percent. Question did this happen? The answer is that the strategy of concentrating in Meghalaya did not work. The message even before the elections was out that Congress has conceded defeat in other two states. Congress contested 18 seats in Nagaland and could not win a single seat. Same is the case with Tripura where its vote share fell from 36.53 percent to 1.8 percent. Even in Meghalaya where Congress President Rahul Gandhi campaigned extensively, the vote share slipped from 34.78 percent to 29 percent. In all the three states BJP did exceptionally well. In Meghalaya, it did not taste electoral success but it’s very numerical presence has added another layer to the fractured house of Meghalaya. Barring, Meghalaya, Congress also did not run an effective campaign. In both these states Congress was not seen fighting the election. Despite large defection in Nagaland and large voter base in Tripura, the grand old party could not stich up a campaign. It was an admission of defeat before war. Congress did not even have candidates in all 60 segments in Nagaland. In Tripura, the message went that its the B team of Left hence, anti-Left vote went to BJP. Tripura has happened despite West Bengal experience. The lesson has not been learnt. Congress was seen as B team of the Left in WB. The party showed neither ideological character nor endurance to constantly challenge the Left. It is for this reason, people of West Bengal chose Mamata Banerji as an alternative to the Congress Party in West Bengal. Similarly, the talk in NE within Congress was not about forming government but to keep BJP at bay. It is a wrong narrative. It is like anti Congress-ism of 60s, 70s, and 80s. Many regional parties came together to form governments in Delhi but the country never gave any of them a national mandate. The mandate went to BJP as it offered a different vision of religion and state in 1990s and governance in 2014. What is required from the Congress is a vision document as to what does it stand for today? Congress today also stands at a juncture when the right based approach has already been monetised. In post-industrial society, especially in the semi urban and urban areas, right has mutated to a choice. The choice either comes in form of a face or in form of a political narrative. From 2014, Congress has been reacting to BJP’s narrative. It has not been able to set national agenda on which BJP has reacted for long. The election in NE may be about organization and money but electoral focus at expense of organization remains its biggest enemy. It was not born to keep BJP out. It started with a different purpose and continued to adapt itself to the changing realities of India. The only way it can survive cogently as a national party is by building itself brick by brick. Today, it only remains a pan Indian party on paper. The short-term alliances with regional parties to prevent BJP from coming to power is leading to self -cannibalism. Each time, Congress has had a truck with a regional party, its vote bank erodes. 2017 UP assembly result is the the best example of this erosion where Congress polled less votes than Apna Dal. The more Congress indulges in such opportunism, harsher will be the future for its organization. Lastly, BJP is being elected by an independent electorate not outsiders. Congress needs to come out with its Vision Document and mass contact programme. Piecemeal victories in Punjab or good fight like Gujarat will not be enough to be challenge BJP. For it, Congress will have to behave like an organizational alternative. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Like it or not, BJP has captured North East

Polling in assembly elections in two key Northeastern states&mdash;Nagaland and Meghalaya&mdash;took place on Tuesday with both states recording voter turnouts of 75%, the Election Commission (EC) said.&nbsp;

With Tuesday&rsquo;s elections, the polling process for all the three North-eastern states&mdash;Tripura, which went to the polls earlier this month, is the third&mdash;is complete.&nbsp;

The election results will be announced on 3 March.

In the 2013 assembly elections, Meghalaya recorded a voter turnout of 86.82% and Nagaland 90.19%.

In Nagaland, Polling was held in 59 out of the total 60 constituencies as Neiphiu Rio, the three-time former chief minister and Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party candidate was elected unopposed to Northern Angami-II seat.&nbsp;

Rio&#39;s party has an alliance with the BJP, which snapped ties with its long-standing ally the Naga People&#39;s Front.

Sinha said voting could not be held at Ladigarh polling station in Tamlu constituency in Longleng district along the Nagaland-Assam border due to the tension there.&nbsp;

Voting could not be held also at a polling station at Suthotsdu village in Meluri sub-division of Phek district as a mob forcibly entered and damaged an EVM.

In Tizit constituency, a group of people snatched EVMs and the VVPAT machine at a polling booth. The EVM was retrieved but the VVPAT has still not been found, he added.

Of the 195 candidates in fray in Nagaland, NPF has fielded 58, Congress 18, BJP 20, NDPP 39, NPP 25, NCP 6, JD(U) 13, AAP 3, LJP 2 and 11 Independents. Five women candidates also contested.

Meghalaya CEO F R Kharkongor said polling in 59 out of the 60 constituencies was by and large peaceful and the election office is awaiting data from remote places in the Garo and East Jaintia Hills districts.

Polling was countermanded in the Williamnagar constituency in the state due to the killing of NCP candidate Jonathon N Sangma on February 18.

He said polling had to be stopped in one booth of Raliang constituency in West Jaintia Hills district due to EVM-related problems. In two polling stations in South Garo Hills and South West Garo Hills districts, officials forgot to delete the mock poll data from the machines.

The ruling Congress, which had won 29 seats in the 2013 elections, is facing the challenge from a buoyant BJP after the latter&#39;s successes in Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh.

The Congress, in power in Meghalaya for the last 10 years, has fielded 59 candidates. The chief minister is contesting from two seats.

Although the BJP drew a blank in 2013, it has put up candidates in 47 seats, including four MLAs of the current House who joined the party last month.

The United Democratic Party, which has eight members in the outgoing House, and the Hills State People&#39;s Democratic Party with four MLAs forged a pre-poll alliance and are together contesting 45 seats.

The other major parties contesting the polls are the National People&#39;s Party, the Nationalist Congress Party and the People&#39;s Democratic Front, a new entrant.

(With inputs from PTI)

With Tuesday’s elections, the polling process for all the three North-eastern states is complete. The election results will be announced on 3 March

Polling in assembly elections in two key Northeastern states—Nagaland and Meghalaya—took place on Tuesday with both states recording voter turnouts of 75%, the Election Commission (EC) said. With Tuesday’s elections, the polling process for all the three North-eastern states—Tripura, which went to the polls earlier this month, is the third—is complete. The election results will be announced on 3 March. In the 2013 assembly elections, Meghalaya recorded a voter turnout of 86.82% and Nagaland 90.19%. In Nagaland, Polling was held in 59 out of the total 60 constituencies as Neiphiu Rio, the three-time former chief minister and Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party candidate was elected unopposed to Northern Angami-II seat. Rio's party has an alliance with the BJP, which snapped ties with its long-standing ally the Naga People's Front. Sinha said voting could not be held at Ladigarh polling station in Tamlu constituency in Longleng district along the Nagaland-Assam border due to the tension there. Voting could not be held also at a polling station at Suthotsdu village in Meluri sub-division of Phek district as a mob forcibly entered and damaged an EVM. In Tizit constituency, a group of people snatched EVMs and the VVPAT machine at a polling booth. The EVM was retrieved but the VVPAT has still not been found, he added. Of the 195 candidates in fray in Nagaland, NPF has fielded 58, Congress 18, BJP 20, NDPP 39, NPP 25, NCP 6, JD(U) 13, AAP 3, LJP 2 and 11 Independents. Five women candidates also contested. Meghalaya CEO F R Kharkongor said polling in 59 out of the 60 constituencies was by and large peaceful and the election office is awaiting data from remote places in the Garo and East Jaintia Hills districts. Polling was countermanded in the Williamnagar constituency in the state due to the killing of NCP candidate Jonathon N Sangma on February 18. He said polling had to be stopped in one booth of Raliang constituency in West Jaintia Hills district due to EVM-related problems. In two polling stations in South Garo Hills and South West Garo Hills districts, officials forgot to delete the mock poll data from the machines. The ruling Congress, which had won 29 seats in the 2013 elections, is facing the challenge from a buoyant BJP after the latter's successes in Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. The Congress, in power in Meghalaya for the last 10 years, has fielded 59 candidates. The chief minister is contesting from two seats. Although the BJP drew a blank in 2013, it has put up candidates in 47 seats, including four MLAs of the current House who joined the party last month. The United Democratic Party, which has eight members in the outgoing House, and the Hills State People's Democratic Party with four MLAs forged a pre-poll alliance and are together contesting 45 seats. The other major parties contesting the polls are the National People's Party, the Nationalist Congress Party and the People's Democratic Front, a new entrant. (With inputs from PTI)

75% voter turnouts recorded in Meghalaya and Nagaland

Two exit polls today predicted that the BJP will dethrone the Left front from power in Tripura.

According to the exit polls, the BJP will also consolidate its position in two other northeastern states of Meghalaya and Nagaland.

JanKiBaat-NewsX has predicted that the BJP-IPFT alliance in Tripura will win 35-45 seats with a vote share of 51 per cent.

While another exit poll by AxisMyIndia predicts 44-50 seats for the BJP-IPFT with a vote share of 49 per cent and others may get 0-3 seats with a vote share of 11 per cent.

The ruling Left front in Tripura is likely to get 14-23 seats with vote share of 45-46 per cent, while AxisMyIndia poll predicted the Left to win 9-15 seats with a vote share of 40 per cent.

The CVoter Exit Poll has predicted a close finish in Tripura, with the CPI-M likely to get 26 to 34 seats with 44.3 per cent vote share, the BJP and its allies 24 to 32 seats with a vote share of 42.8 per cent, while the Congress may win only 0-2 seats with a vote share of 7.2 per cent.

In Meghalaya where the Congress is in power, the JanKiBaat-NewsX exit poll shows that the National People&#39;s Party (NPP) is set to gain with 23-27 seats while the BJP will get 8-12 seats, with vote shares of 39 and 12 per cent respectively. The Congress is predicted to win 13-17 seats with a voteshare of 21 per cent and others are likely to get 2 to 6 seats.

In Nagaland, the BJP-NDPP alliance is likely to storm the ruling NPF bastion as it is predicted to win 27-32 seats with a vote share of 48 per cent, against NPF&#39;s 20-25 seats and a vote share of 42 per cent, according to the JanKiBaat-NewsX exit poll.

The Congress in Nagaland is likely to get 0-2 seats with a vote share of 4.4 per cent and others are likely to get 5-7 seats with a vote share of 5-6 per cent.

In Meghalaya, the CVoter exit poll predicts a close finish, with the Congress likely to get 13-19 seats and the NPP 17 to 23 seats, with vote shares of 36.5 and 29.4 per cent respectively.

The BJP in Meghalaya is likely to get 4-8 seats with a vote share of 16.6 per cent. The UDP-HSPDP likely to bag 8-12 seats and 8.8. Per cent vote share, while others may get 5-9 seats and a vote share of 8.7 per cent, the poll said.

In Nagaland, the exit poll claimed a victory for the NDPP-BJP which is likely to get 25-31 seats with 38.4 per cent vote share and the NPF likely to bag 19-25 seats with a vote share of 27.1 per cent.

The Congress in Nagaland is set to lose a lot with the poll predicting 0-4 seats with a vote share of 19.7 per cent, while others may get 6-10 seats with a vote share of 14.8 per cent, according to CVoter.

Each of the three states has a 60-member assembly and a party would need 31 seats to get a clear majority.

The results for the three states would be out on March 3.

While Tripura went to polls last Sunday last, voting was held in Meghalaya and Nagaland today.&nbsp;

The results for all three states will be out on March 3

Two exit polls today predicted that the BJP will dethrone the Left front from power in Tripura. According to the exit polls, the BJP will also consolidate its position in two other northeastern states of Meghalaya and Nagaland. JanKiBaat-NewsX has predicted that the BJP-IPFT alliance in Tripura will win 35-45 seats with a vote share of 51 per cent. While another exit poll by AxisMyIndia predicts 44-50 seats for the BJP-IPFT with a vote share of 49 per cent and others may get 0-3 seats with a vote share of 11 per cent. The ruling Left front in Tripura is likely to get 14-23 seats with vote share of 45-46 per cent, while AxisMyIndia poll predicted the Left to win 9-15 seats with a vote share of 40 per cent. The CVoter Exit Poll has predicted a close finish in Tripura, with the CPI-M likely to get 26 to 34 seats with 44.3 per cent vote share, the BJP and its allies 24 to 32 seats with a vote share of 42.8 per cent, while the Congress may win only 0-2 seats with a vote share of 7.2 per cent. In Meghalaya where the Congress is in power, the JanKiBaat-NewsX exit poll shows that the National People's Party (NPP) is set to gain with 23-27 seats while the BJP will get 8-12 seats, with vote shares of 39 and 12 per cent respectively. The Congress is predicted to win 13-17 seats with a voteshare of 21 per cent and others are likely to get 2 to 6 seats. In Nagaland, the BJP-NDPP alliance is likely to storm the ruling NPF bastion as it is predicted to win 27-32 seats with a vote share of 48 per cent, against NPF's 20-25 seats and a vote share of 42 per cent, according to the JanKiBaat-NewsX exit poll. The Congress in Nagaland is likely to get 0-2 seats with a vote share of 4.4 per cent and others are likely to get 5-7 seats with a vote share of 5-6 per cent. In Meghalaya, the CVoter exit poll predicts a close finish, with the Congress likely to get 13-19 seats and the NPP 17 to 23 seats, with vote shares of 36.5 and 29.4 per cent respectively. The BJP in Meghalaya is likely to get 4-8 seats with a vote share of 16.6 per cent. The UDP-HSPDP likely to bag 8-12 seats and 8.8. Per cent vote share, while others may get 5-9 seats and a vote share of 8.7 per cent, the poll said. In Nagaland, the exit poll claimed a victory for the NDPP-BJP which is likely to get 25-31 seats with 38.4 per cent vote share and the NPF likely to bag 19-25 seats with a vote share of 27.1 per cent. The Congress in Nagaland is set to lose a lot with the poll predicting 0-4 seats with a vote share of 19.7 per cent, while others may get 6-10 seats with a vote share of 14.8 per cent, according to CVoter. Each of the three states has a 60-member assembly and a party would need 31 seats to get a clear majority. The results for the three states would be out on March 3. While Tripura went to polls last Sunday last, voting was held in Meghalaya and Nagaland today.

Exit polls predict BJP win in Tripura, party to consolidate position in Meghalaya, Nagaland

The voter turnout in Nagaland and Meghalaya till 4 pm was recorded as 75&nbsp;per cent and 67&nbsp;per cent respectively.&nbsp;

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75% &amp; 67% voting turnout recorded respectively in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Nagaland?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Nagaland</a> &amp; <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Meghalaya?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Meghalaya</a> assembly polls till 4 pm. Voting continues
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/968460750258716672?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 27, 2018</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;

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Voter turnout till till 1 pm- <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Meghalaya?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Meghalaya</a>: 27.75% ; <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Nagaland?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Nagaland</a>: 56%
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/968395930151026688?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 27, 2018</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;

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38% voter turnout recorded in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Nagaland?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Nagaland</a> and 20% voter turnout recorded in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Meghalaya?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Meghalaya</a> till 11 am.
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/968371463794446337?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 27, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Voting for the 60-member assemblies is scheduled from 7 am to 4 pm, except in some polling stations of the interior districts of Nagaland, where the process is scheduled to conclude at 3 pm.

While the two states have a 60-member house each, voting will be held only for 59 constituencies in both.

In Meghalaya, the election has been countermanded in Williamnagar in the wake of the killing of an NCP candidate Jonathone N Sangma in an IED blast, while in Nagaland, Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party Chief Neiphiu Rio has been declared elected unopposed from the Northern Angami-II constituency.

A total of 361 candidates are in the fray, while over 18.4 lakh voters can exercise their voting rights. Out of the 3,000 polling booths, webcasting will be done at 193 polling stations, while 312 micro observers have been deployed.

Restrictions on the conduct of any exit poll and publication and dissemination of result of such exit poll have also been imposed till 4:30 pm Wednesday, reports suggest.

The results of the polls in the two states will be declared on Saturday, along with those of Tripura.

Voting for the 60-member assemblies will be held from 7 am till 4 pm, except in some polling stations of the interior districts of Nagaland, where the process is scheduled to conclude at 3 pm

The voter turnout in Nagaland and Meghalaya till 4 pm was recorded as 75 per cent and 67 per cent respectively. 75% & 67% voting turnout recorded respectively in #Nagaland & #Meghalaya assembly polls till 4 pm. Voting continues — ANI (@ANI) February 27, 2018 × Voter turnout till till 1 pm- #Meghalaya: 27.75% ; #Nagaland: 56% — ANI (@ANI) February 27, 2018 × 38% voter turnout recorded in #Nagaland and 20% voter turnout recorded in #Meghalaya till 11 am. — ANI (@ANI) February 27, 2018 × Voting for the 60-member assemblies is scheduled from 7 am to 4 pm, except in some polling stations of the interior districts of Nagaland, where the process is scheduled to conclude at 3 pm. While the two states have a 60-member house each, voting will be held only for 59 constituencies in both. In Meghalaya, the election has been countermanded in Williamnagar in the wake of the killing of an NCP candidate Jonathone N Sangma in an IED blast, while in Nagaland, Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party Chief Neiphiu Rio has been declared elected unopposed from the Northern Angami-II constituency. A total of 361 candidates are in the fray, while over 18.4 lakh voters can exercise their voting rights. Out of the 3,000 polling booths, webcasting will be done at 193 polling stations, while 312 micro observers have been deployed. Restrictions on the conduct of any exit poll and publication and dissemination of result of such exit poll have also been imposed till 4:30 pm Wednesday, reports suggest. The results of the polls in the two states will be declared on Saturday, along with those of Tripura.

Meghalaya elections see 67% voter turnout, Nagaland 75%

The manner in which the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) has been openly warning voters against electing an anti-Christian party &ndash; the BJP, it would have us believe that the Church has a moral hold over the Naga people. If that is so, the effects of that moral authority are neither tangible nor visible. And while corruption is rampant in the entire North Eastern region, it is the bane of Nagaland.

The national highway from Dimapur to Kohima and beyond to the state of Manipur (now known as Asian Highway-1) is the most decrepit. It is a mockery of the central funds repeatedly sanctioned over many decades. Indeed the roads of Nagaland are an indicator of a systemic governance malfunction. The mansions you see off the beaten track also tells you where public money has been invested. One is tempted to ask why the Church has failed to rein in corruption if it is such a moral force.

The Naga conflict, dating back to India&rsquo;s Independence (Nagaland declared Independence from India on August 14, 1947), has gone through many contortions to arrive at the present stage. Today the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Th Muivah a Tangkhul Naga from the hills of Manipur and the late Isaac Swu from Nagaland, hence, the acronym NSCN-IM, is the prime negotiator for the peace deal in Nagaland and other Naga-inhabited territories in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam &ndash; a proposition that is as contentious and thorny as it can get and which has got successive central governments in a tailspin.

On August 3, 2015, the Modi Government which said it was serious about bringing the Naga conflict to a close, signed a Framework Agreement with the bare points listed out and which needed to be fleshed out after consultation with various stakeholders. The interlocutor, in this case, RN Ravi, a former IB Special Director has taken his task as a mission and for the first time brought in several civil society groups as stakeholders into the conversation as a consensus building exercise to ensure that the terms of engagement are acceptable to all. It is not easy to get this far.&nbsp;

The NSCN (IM) is the most intransigent insurgent group that has seen many governments come and go. It is well acquainted with the finer points of negotiations and the semantics of it and that often is the reason why talks don&rsquo;t progress beyond a point. But over the years the word &ldquo;sovereignty&rdquo; has been dropped out of the talking points. However, that does not make things any simpler considering the homeland contestations of the Nagas. They believe that the hills of Manipur are the original home of the Naga people and that they were separated by the tyranny of history in 1947 and earlier. But the word &lsquo;Naga&rsquo; itself is contested. It includes a disparate group of hill tribes in the easternmost frontier of India, who the British, for the purpose of better administration, classed as &lsquo;Naga.&rsquo; And herein lies the rub!

Successive state governments in Nagaland, barring SC Jamir a former chief minister, have kowtowed to the NSCN (IM) on account of its firepower. Many more Nagas have been killed in internecine clashes based on ideological differences, than by the Indian army which was sent there by Nehru to put down the uprising when it first started. Jamir, a Congressman and now the Governor of Odisha had felt that the contentious Naga conflict was pulling the state backwards and suggested alternative ways forward. The NSCN (IM) contested this and the rebel group has no love lost for Jamir. They have made several attempts on his life. The NSCN (IM) in fact made sure that their man Neiphiu Rio was made the chief minister of Nagaland in 2003&ndash;08, 2008&ndash;13 and 2013&ndash;14). Rio is the only Nagaland Chief Minister to have served three consecutive terms until he contested the Lok Sabha elections in 2014 and became MP.

Interestingly, Neiphiu Rio has now returned to the chaotic state politics of Nagaland which has seen three Chief Ministers since May 2014. Rio had joined national politics with the idea of getting a ministerial berth in Delhi but that did not happen. The Nagaland People&rsquo;s Front (NPF) of which Rio has been a founding member is now led by the 81-year-old, Dr Shurhozelie who does not want to relinquish his post or to take cognizance of the changing realities in Nagaland vis-a-vis the peace talks. On January 18 this year Neiphiu Rio formally joined the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) which also asked him to lead the 2018 election. Rio clearly has his task marked out. Interestingly the BJP which until a month ago was an alliance partner of the NPF &ndash;led Government in Nagaland has severed ties with the Party and also is now aligned to the NDPP.

Political analysts in Nagaland allege that the reason why the NBCC is so incensed with the BJP is because it is seen as an ally of Neiphiu Rio the man who has given the NSCN(IM) a free rein of Nagaland and had in a business summit held recently in Dimapur promised to hand over part of the Intanki forest &ndash; which is very dear to the heart of the Nagas- to the NSCN (IM) as part of the settlement. The Naga people see this as a complete sell-out to the NSCN(IM). The Intanki forest, now a Wildlife Sanctuary, is a verdant forest reserve in eastern Nagaland. It is 37 km away from Dimapur and 111 km from Kohima and spread over 200 sq km. Home to the hoolock gibbons, elephants, wild buffaloes (Mithun), sambhars, barking deer and the famous hornbill amongst others, this forest is the only carbon sink left in Nagaland. It is also alleged that the NSCN (IM) cadres have been felling trees within this reserved forest for commercial purposes.&nbsp;

The Nagas fear that this sanctuary will go out of their hands. To say this openly would be suicidal for the Naga people. Yet they know that if the NDPP-BJP and those inclined to ally with these two parties come to power in Nagaland, the Naga people are likely to lose their grip over the Intanki Forest. Hence the NBCC was used as a public platform to caution the people not to vote for BJP or parties aligned with it (meaning the NDPP). The only alibi that the NBCC could use to defeat the NDPP-BJP coalition is to rake up the anti-Christian activities of the Sangh Parivar and groups like the Bajrang Dal which are harassing Christian missionaries in other parts of India.

It remains to be seen whether the NBCC warning has any traction among large sections of Nagas. They are known to be politically astute and money has always been a key determinant in Nagaland elections. In fact, Naga chieftains are often used by political parties to bring people to the polling booths to vote for particular candidates. In the last election when this writer visited interior Nagaland, there were polling booths where the village chieftain voted for the entire village even as Election Commission hoardings on the Dimapur-Kohima highway spoke of free and fair elections and showed individuals with their black-inked forefingers. This is the ambiguity of elections in this country of 1.3 billion people who never fail to use their enterprise when the opportunity presents itself. No wonder elections in India are termed the &ldquo;dance of democracy&rdquo; except that such dances can sometimes be fatal.

As the people of Nagaland ready themselves for the 13th Assembly election which is fraught with ambiguities, such as the allegedly much hated Neiphiu Rio being elected unopposed, it would be interesting to watch how things finally play out in this state of the famous Hornbill Festival. People are keeping their fingers crossed that voting will be incident free considering the call earlier given by a confederation of NGOs demanding that the Naga solution should precede elections. Apparently the Interlocutor, RN Ravi had requested this confederation named the Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) to allow for free and fair polling as the talks are progressing on schedule.

It is in this murky scenario that the 227 candidates who have filed their nominations are heading for the polls. The NPF is contesting 58 seats, the NDPP 40 seats, the BJP 20, and Congress 18 apart from Independents. It is intuitive that the Congress which had provided three chief ministers to Nagaland is relegated to a position lower than that of the BJP. The Congress is apparently trying to work out a post-poll alignment with the NPF. This time 5 brave women are also in the fray. We can only keep our fingers crossed that democracy wins the day! &nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC), has been openly warned voters against electing an anti-Christian party, that is the BJP.

The manner in which the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) has been openly warning voters against electing an anti-Christian party – the BJP, it would have us believe that the Church has a moral hold over the Naga people. If that is so, the effects of that moral authority are neither tangible nor visible. And while corruption is rampant in the entire North Eastern region, it is the bane of Nagaland. The national highway from Dimapur to Kohima and beyond to the state of Manipur (now known as Asian Highway-1) is the most decrepit. It is a mockery of the central funds repeatedly sanctioned over many decades. Indeed the roads of Nagaland are an indicator of a systemic governance malfunction. The mansions you see off the beaten track also tells you where public money has been invested. One is tempted to ask why the Church has failed to rein in corruption if it is such a moral force. The Naga conflict, dating back to India’s Independence (Nagaland declared Independence from India on August 14, 1947), has gone through many contortions to arrive at the present stage. Today the National Socialist Council of Nagalim led by Th Muivah a Tangkhul Naga from the hills of Manipur and the late Isaac Swu from Nagaland, hence, the acronym NSCN-IM, is the prime negotiator for the peace deal in Nagaland and other Naga-inhabited territories in Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Assam – a proposition that is as contentious and thorny as it can get and which has got successive central governments in a tailspin. On August 3, 2015, the Modi Government which said it was serious about bringing the Naga conflict to a close, signed a Framework Agreement with the bare points listed out and which needed to be fleshed out after consultation with various stakeholders. The interlocutor, in this case, RN Ravi, a former IB Special Director has taken his task as a mission and for the first time brought in several civil society groups as stakeholders into the conversation as a consensus building exercise to ensure that the terms of engagement are acceptable to all. It is not easy to get this far. The NSCN (IM) is the most intransigent insurgent group that has seen many governments come and go. It is well acquainted with the finer points of negotiations and the semantics of it and that often is the reason why talks don’t progress beyond a point. But over the years the word “sovereignty” has been dropped out of the talking points. However, that does not make things any simpler considering the homeland contestations of the Nagas. They believe that the hills of Manipur are the original home of the Naga people and that they were separated by the tyranny of history in 1947 and earlier. But the word ‘Naga’ itself is contested. It includes a disparate group of hill tribes in the easternmost frontier of India, who the British, for the purpose of better administration, classed as ‘Naga.’ And herein lies the rub! Successive state governments in Nagaland, barring SC Jamir a former chief minister, have kowtowed to the NSCN (IM) on account of its firepower. Many more Nagas have been killed in internecine clashes based on ideological differences, than by the Indian army which was sent there by Nehru to put down the uprising when it first started. Jamir, a Congressman and now the Governor of Odisha had felt that the contentious Naga conflict was pulling the state backwards and suggested alternative ways forward. The NSCN (IM) contested this and the rebel group has no love lost for Jamir. They have made several attempts on his life. The NSCN (IM) in fact made sure that their man Neiphiu Rio was made the chief minister of Nagaland in 2003–08, 2008–13 and 2013–14). Rio is the only Nagaland Chief Minister to have served three consecutive terms until he contested the Lok Sabha elections in 2014 and became MP. Interestingly, Neiphiu Rio has now returned to the chaotic state politics of Nagaland which has seen three Chief Ministers since May 2014. Rio had joined national politics with the idea of getting a ministerial berth in Delhi but that did not happen. The Nagaland People’s Front (NPF) of which Rio has been a founding member is now led by the 81-year-old, Dr Shurhozelie who does not want to relinquish his post or to take cognizance of the changing realities in Nagaland vis-a-vis the peace talks. On January 18 this year Neiphiu Rio formally joined the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) which also asked him to lead the 2018 election. Rio clearly has his task marked out. Interestingly the BJP which until a month ago was an alliance partner of the NPF –led Government in Nagaland has severed ties with the Party and also is now aligned to the NDPP. Political analysts in Nagaland allege that the reason why the NBCC is so incensed with the BJP is because it is seen as an ally of Neiphiu Rio the man who has given the NSCN(IM) a free rein of Nagaland and had in a business summit held recently in Dimapur promised to hand over part of the Intanki forest – which is very dear to the heart of the Nagas- to the NSCN (IM) as part of the settlement. The Naga people see this as a complete sell-out to the NSCN(IM). The Intanki forest, now a Wildlife Sanctuary, is a verdant forest reserve in eastern Nagaland. It is 37 km away from Dimapur and 111 km from Kohima and spread over 200 sq km. Home to the hoolock gibbons, elephants, wild buffaloes (Mithun), sambhars, barking deer and the famous hornbill amongst others, this forest is the only carbon sink left in Nagaland. It is also alleged that the NSCN (IM) cadres have been felling trees within this reserved forest for commercial purposes. The Nagas fear that this sanctuary will go out of their hands. To say this openly would be suicidal for the Naga people. Yet they know that if the NDPP-BJP and those inclined to ally with these two parties come to power in Nagaland, the Naga people are likely to lose their grip over the Intanki Forest. Hence the NBCC was used as a public platform to caution the people not to vote for BJP or parties aligned with it (meaning the NDPP). The only alibi that the NBCC could use to defeat the NDPP-BJP coalition is to rake up the anti-Christian activities of the Sangh Parivar and groups like the Bajrang Dal which are harassing Christian missionaries in other parts of India. It remains to be seen whether the NBCC warning has any traction among large sections of Nagas. They are known to be politically astute and money has always been a key determinant in Nagaland elections. In fact, Naga chieftains are often used by political parties to bring people to the polling booths to vote for particular candidates. In the last election when this writer visited interior Nagaland, there were polling booths where the village chieftain voted for the entire village even as Election Commission hoardings on the Dimapur-Kohima highway spoke of free and fair elections and showed individuals with their black-inked forefingers. This is the ambiguity of elections in this country of 1.3 billion people who never fail to use their enterprise when the opportunity presents itself. No wonder elections in India are termed the “dance of democracy” except that such dances can sometimes be fatal. As the people of Nagaland ready themselves for the 13th Assembly election which is fraught with ambiguities, such as the allegedly much hated Neiphiu Rio being elected unopposed, it would be interesting to watch how things finally play out in this state of the famous Hornbill Festival. People are keeping their fingers crossed that voting will be incident free considering the call earlier given by a confederation of NGOs demanding that the Naga solution should precede elections. Apparently the Interlocutor, RN Ravi had requested this confederation named the Core Committee of Nagaland Tribal Hohos and Civil Organisations (CCNTHCO) to allow for free and fair polling as the talks are progressing on schedule. It is in this murky scenario that the 227 candidates who have filed their nominations are heading for the polls. The NPF is contesting 58 seats, the NDPP 40 seats, the BJP 20, and Congress 18 apart from Independents. It is intuitive that the Congress which had provided three chief ministers to Nagaland is relegated to a position lower than that of the BJP. The Congress is apparently trying to work out a post-poll alignment with the NPF. This time 5 brave women are also in the fray. We can only keep our fingers crossed that democracy wins the day! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: If Church is a moral force in Nagaland, why has it failed to control corruption?

In normal circumstances, neither the Congress nor the Bharatiya Janata Party would fret much over the electoral outcome of a small state such as Meghalaya. Both have larger national goals to achieve, and an assembly election in this northeastern state, which contributes just two seats to the Lok Sabha, should be no big deal for either of the national parties. But these are not normal circumstances. They are so far from normal that the parties&rsquo; tallest leaders, Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi, have addressed public rallies there and aggressively wooed the voters.

What makes the situation so important?&nbsp;

For the Congress, Meghalaya represents one of the very few states in the country that it still rules. A loss here would be a double body blow. First, it would concede yet another state to the BJP. Second, it would embolden the BJP to pursue its political dominance in a region where until a couple of years ago, it was on the margins. The Congress has already lost vast ground across the country to the BJP, and while it is hoping to recoup in the coming State elections in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan &mdash; and retain Karnataka &mdash; that possibility remains in the realm of speculation for now.&nbsp;

The party has been reduced to such a state that even small wins in small states are to seized upon with glee. It has already lost Assam, where the BJP handed over a drubbing in the last assembly election. The Congress had failed to form governments in both Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. It has little prospect of doing well in Tripura, where voting has already taken place. Meghalaya, then, is its only hope in the North-East.&nbsp;

As far as the BJP is concerned, the battle for Meghalaya is an opportunity for the party to expand its footprints even more dramatically in the region. If it wins, it will have hit two birds with one stone: snatching yet another state from the Congress, and reinforcing its ambitious plans for the North-East through its special purpose political vehicle, the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) which it heads.&nbsp;

The BJP does not have smooth sailing, though. The challenges are many, but the foremost is the demographic profile of the State. Meghalaya may derive its name from Sanskrit, meaning the &lsquo;abode of clouds&rsquo;, but this is not going to come to the party&rsquo;s aid. Instead, the religious composition can cloud the BJP&rsquo;s chances in the state.

More than 80 per cent of the population is Christian, and the religious affiliation is spread across the most predominant Khasi and Garo communities. The Hindu faith is the major one among minor tribes such as the Hajong and the Koch. Christians are not known to be the most ardent admirers of the BJP anywhere in the country, and it remains to be seen if the voters of this faith go against the currently prevalent trend elsewhere in the country.

BJP leaders, both at the national and state levels, believe they can reverse the situation in Meghalaya through appeals in favour of development and against parochial considerations. They also feel that the sting can be later managed through post-poll understandings with regional parties which are not just more rooted to the socio-cultural ethos of the state but also command a significant amount of loyalty among the Christian community. For instance, while the National People&rsquo;s Party (NPP), founded by the late PA Sangma, is contesting on its own, the possibility of its aligning with the BJP after the election in government formation, cannot be ruled out. The NPP is fighting the electoral battle on its own for tactical reasons &mdash; it does not want to alienate the section of its voters that is uncomfortable with the BJP.

Meanwhile, the BJP&rsquo;s cause has been somewhat helped by the migration of leaders in the past months away from the Congress. Besides, the party has kept away from contentious issues like the beef ban, which it belligerently promotes in other parts of the country, and even that of illegal migration with a view to appeasing the non-tribal voters.&nbsp;

The Congress is, on the other hand, banking on the very issue that is a challenge for the BJP &mdash; the demographic composition. It has over the years build a solid support base among the Christians and is not hesitant to exploit it. During one of his recent trips to the state, party president Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of trying to &lsquo;purchase&rsquo; the loyalty of the Church there.&nbsp;

Interestingly, while a good part of the local BJP leadership in Meghalaya has come from other parties, the Congress too established its base in the state in a similar fashion some 40 years ago, when an influential organisation, the All Party Hill Leaders Conference (APHLC), merged lock, stock and barrel, with the national party. The APHLC had spearheaded the formation of Meghalaya as a separate entity. From then on, the Congress had been on a roll, at times tying up with regional outfits to govern.

The 2018 election will, in many ways, be its first real test in many years. Given how the BJP upstaged the Congress in Manipur despite not even being the party with the largest number of seats, the state Congress leadership does not want to take chances with a hung assembly and is going all out to secure a clear majority.

In this regard, there is much at stake for the local leadership led by Chief Minister Mukul Sangma. Not only is he contesting from two constituencies, but his wife too is seeking re-election. Besides, the Chief Minister&rsquo;s brother and the brother&rsquo;s wife too, are contestants. To be fair to the Chief Minister, his is not the only family in the fray; the NPP too is involved in family politics. If all goes well for the Congress, the dynasty issue will not be relevant; if the party fares badly, then he will have to take the rap for brazenly promoting his family.&nbsp;

In the midst of all these calculations, are the real issues of development. Here, while the Congress is on slippery ground, the BJP cannot take it for granted that the promise of inclusive development and growth will necessarily lure voters to its side. Road connectivity in shambles, the primary education system in rural Meghalaya is creaking, basic healthcare in far-flung regions is poor, the power supply is erratic in small towns and villages, agriculture which is the mainstay for a large section of population is in a bad shape, and there is a grave scarcity of potable water. It can be argued that these malaises are not unique to Meghalaya. Even other states, including BJP-ruled ones, suffer similarly. The question is: Will voters buy the reasoning?&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP leaders believe they can reverse the situation in Meghalaya through appeals in favour of development and against parochial considerations.

In normal circumstances, neither the Congress nor the Bharatiya Janata Party would fret much over the electoral outcome of a small state such as Meghalaya. Both have larger national goals to achieve, and an assembly election in this northeastern state, which contributes just two seats to the Lok Sabha, should be no big deal for either of the national parties. But these are not normal circumstances. They are so far from normal that the parties’ tallest leaders, Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi, have addressed public rallies there and aggressively wooed the voters. What makes the situation so important? For the Congress, Meghalaya represents one of the very few states in the country that it still rules. A loss here would be a double body blow. First, it would concede yet another state to the BJP. Second, it would embolden the BJP to pursue its political dominance in a region where until a couple of years ago, it was on the margins. The Congress has already lost vast ground across the country to the BJP, and while it is hoping to recoup in the coming State elections in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan — and retain Karnataka — that possibility remains in the realm of speculation for now. The party has been reduced to such a state that even small wins in small states are to seized upon with glee. It has already lost Assam, where the BJP handed over a drubbing in the last assembly election. The Congress had failed to form governments in both Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. It has little prospect of doing well in Tripura, where voting has already taken place. Meghalaya, then, is its only hope in the North-East. As far as the BJP is concerned, the battle for Meghalaya is an opportunity for the party to expand its footprints even more dramatically in the region. If it wins, it will have hit two birds with one stone: snatching yet another state from the Congress, and reinforcing its ambitious plans for the North-East through its special purpose political vehicle, the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) which it heads. The BJP does not have smooth sailing, though. The challenges are many, but the foremost is the demographic profile of the State. Meghalaya may derive its name from Sanskrit, meaning the ‘abode of clouds’, but this is not going to come to the party’s aid. Instead, the religious composition can cloud the BJP’s chances in the state. More than 80 per cent of the population is Christian, and the religious affiliation is spread across the most predominant Khasi and Garo communities. The Hindu faith is the major one among minor tribes such as the Hajong and the Koch. Christians are not known to be the most ardent admirers of the BJP anywhere in the country, and it remains to be seen if the voters of this faith go against the currently prevalent trend elsewhere in the country. BJP leaders, both at the national and state levels, believe they can reverse the situation in Meghalaya through appeals in favour of development and against parochial considerations. They also feel that the sting can be later managed through post-poll understandings with regional parties which are not just more rooted to the socio-cultural ethos of the state but also command a significant amount of loyalty among the Christian community. For instance, while the National People’s Party (NPP), founded by the late PA Sangma, is contesting on its own, the possibility of its aligning with the BJP after the election in government formation, cannot be ruled out. The NPP is fighting the electoral battle on its own for tactical reasons — it does not want to alienate the section of its voters that is uncomfortable with the BJP. Meanwhile, the BJP’s cause has been somewhat helped by the migration of leaders in the past months away from the Congress. Besides, the party has kept away from contentious issues like the beef ban, which it belligerently promotes in other parts of the country, and even that of illegal migration with a view to appeasing the non-tribal voters. The Congress is, on the other hand, banking on the very issue that is a challenge for the BJP — the demographic composition. It has over the years build a solid support base among the Christians and is not hesitant to exploit it. During one of his recent trips to the state, party president Rahul Gandhi accused the BJP of trying to ‘purchase’ the loyalty of the Church there. Interestingly, while a good part of the local BJP leadership in Meghalaya has come from other parties, the Congress too established its base in the state in a similar fashion some 40 years ago, when an influential organisation, the All Party Hill Leaders Conference (APHLC), merged lock, stock and barrel, with the national party. The APHLC had spearheaded the formation of Meghalaya as a separate entity. From then on, the Congress had been on a roll, at times tying up with regional outfits to govern. The 2018 election will, in many ways, be its first real test in many years. Given how the BJP upstaged the Congress in Manipur despite not even being the party with the largest number of seats, the state Congress leadership does not want to take chances with a hung assembly and is going all out to secure a clear majority. In this regard, there is much at stake for the local leadership led by Chief Minister Mukul Sangma. Not only is he contesting from two constituencies, but his wife too is seeking re-election. Besides, the Chief Minister’s brother and the brother’s wife too, are contestants. To be fair to the Chief Minister, his is not the only family in the fray; the NPP too is involved in family politics. If all goes well for the Congress, the dynasty issue will not be relevant; if the party fares badly, then he will have to take the rap for brazenly promoting his family. In the midst of all these calculations, are the real issues of development. Here, while the Congress is on slippery ground, the BJP cannot take it for granted that the promise of inclusive development and growth will necessarily lure voters to its side. Road connectivity in shambles, the primary education system in rural Meghalaya is creaking, basic healthcare in far-flung regions is poor, the power supply is erratic in small towns and villages, agriculture which is the mainstay for a large section of population is in a bad shape, and there is a grave scarcity of potable water. It can be argued that these malaises are not unique to Meghalaya. Even other states, including BJP-ruled ones, suffer similarly. The question is: Will voters buy the reasoning? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Will Meghalaya prefer BJP over Congress's Mukul Sangma?

The Congress on Saturday announced the list of selected candidates for the upcoming assembly elections in Tripura and Meghalaya.

Out of the total 113 candidates announced so far, 56 of them have been selected as candidates in the Tripura elections, while another 57 candidates were selected in the Meghalaya elections.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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INC COMMUNIQUE 
 
Announcement of the list of Congress candidates for the ensuing elections to the Legislative Assembly of Tripura. <a href="https://t.co/f7XgP0Khn7">pic.twitter.com/f7XgP0Khn7</a>
&mdash; INC Sandesh (@INCSandesh) <a href="https://twitter.com/INCSandesh/status/957214756770738176?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 27, 2018</a></blockquote>
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INC COMMUNIQUE 
 
Announcement of the list of Congress candidates for the ensuing elections to the Legislative Assembly of Meghalaya. <a href="https://t.co/oUgcft3Eaa">pic.twitter.com/oUgcft3Eaa</a>
&mdash; INC Sandesh (@INCSandesh) <a href="https://twitter.com/INCSandesh/status/957214497881509888?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 27, 2018</a></blockquote>
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The Congress has not yet announced the list of candidates for the Nagaland assembly elections.

Polling in Tripura will take place on February 18 and Meghalaya and Nagaland on February 27 respectively.

The counting for all three states will be held on March 3.The terms of the Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura legislative assemblies will end on March 6, March 13 and March 14 respectively.

Out of the total 113 candidates announced so far, 56 of them have been selected as candidates in the Tripura elections

The Congress on Saturday announced the list of selected candidates for the upcoming assembly elections in Tripura and Meghalaya. Out of the total 113 candidates announced so far, 56 of them have been selected as candidates in the Tripura elections, while another 57 candidates were selected in the Meghalaya elections. INC COMMUNIQUE Announcement of the list of Congress candidates for the ensuing elections to the Legislative Assembly of Tripura. pic.twitter.com/f7XgP0Khn7 — INC Sandesh (@INCSandesh) January 27, 2018 × INC COMMUNIQUE Announcement of the list of Congress candidates for the ensuing elections to the Legislative Assembly of Meghalaya. pic.twitter.com/oUgcft3Eaa — INC Sandesh (@INCSandesh) January 27, 2018 × The Congress has not yet announced the list of candidates for the Nagaland assembly elections. Polling in Tripura will take place on February 18 and Meghalaya and Nagaland on February 27 respectively. The counting for all three states will be held on March 3.The terms of the Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura legislative assemblies will end on March 6, March 13 and March 14 respectively.

Congress announces candidate list for Tripura, Meghalaya

Taking a lesson from the continuous losses, Congress President Rahul Gandhi is now devising strategies to revive his party from the series of defeat experienced over the past years.&nbsp;

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Rahul Gandhi has come up with strategies for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in 2019.&nbsp;

According to the new plan, the Congress party will hand over the party&#39;s responsibilities on the shoulders of five veteran Congress leaders.&nbsp;

The country will be divided into five sections and each section will be assigned to a specific leader.

Different leaders will be given the responsibility of managing South India, North India, East India, North East and West India.&nbsp;

AK Antony will head the South India region, Gulam Nabi Azad may head Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Jammu and Kashmir.

Oscar Fernandes may get North East, Bengal and Odisha while Kamalnath may get Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and Goa.&nbsp;Ashok Gehlot may get Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab, Haryana and Delhi.

Besides this, the newly appointed Congress President will also sit in the office for two days in a week to have a good rapport with party workers.&nbsp;

He will hold Janta Darbar every Saturdays. The last day of every month will also hold Congress Working Committee meeting.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

According to the new plan, the Congress party will hand over the party's responsibilities on the shoulders of five veteran Congress leaders

Taking a lesson from the continuous losses, Congress President Rahul Gandhi is now devising strategies to revive his party from the series of defeat experienced over the past years. × Rahul Gandhi has come up with strategies for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections in 2019. According to the new plan, the Congress party will hand over the party's responsibilities on the shoulders of five veteran Congress leaders. The country will be divided into five sections and each section will be assigned to a specific leader. Different leaders will be given the responsibility of managing South India, North India, East India, North East and West India. AK Antony will head the South India region, Gulam Nabi Azad may head Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand and Jammu and Kashmir. Oscar Fernandes may get North East, Bengal and Odisha while Kamalnath may get Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and Goa. Ashok Gehlot may get Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab, Haryana and Delhi. Besides this, the newly appointed Congress President will also sit in the office for two days in a week to have a good rapport with party workers. He will hold Janta Darbar every Saturdays. The last day of every month will also hold Congress Working Committee meeting.

Rahul Gandhi's new plan to win 2019 elections

Manik Sarkar, the chief minister of the poll-bound state Tripura has cash amounting to a little over Rs 3500.&nbsp;

He has Rs 1,520 in hand and Rs 2410 in the bank.

The valuation&nbsp;was revealed on January 29,&nbsp;when Manik submitted his nomination papers to the Election Commission from Dhanpur Assembly constituency.&nbsp;

The affidavit released by him also shows a dip in his bank account from previous years. In 2013 elections, his affidavit showed Rs 9,720.38 in his account.

He also owns Rs 0.0118 acres of land in Krishnanagar.

Also,&nbsp;there is no mention of any vehicle in the affidavit.&nbsp;

While his wife, who is a retired central government officer has Rs 20, 140 in cash and Rs 12, 15, 714.78 in the bank account and fixed deposits.&nbsp;She also owns 20 gm of jewellery which approximately accounts for Rs 60, 000.&nbsp;

The CPI(M) leader has held the position of the chief minister for the state since 1998. He won the election from his constituency in Sipahijala district for four consecutive terms.&nbsp; 
 
The Northeastern state Tripura is all set for the assembly election which is scheduled for February 18.

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Sarkar's nomination papers to the Election Commission claim he has Rs 1,520 cash in hand

Manik Sarkar, the chief minister of the poll-bound state Tripura has cash amounting to a little over Rs 3500. He has Rs 1,520 in hand and Rs 2410 in the bank. The valuation was revealed on January 29, when Manik submitted his nomination papers to the Election Commission from Dhanpur Assembly constituency. The affidavit released by him also shows a dip in his bank account from previous years. In 2013 elections, his affidavit showed Rs 9,720.38 in his account. He also owns Rs 0.0118 acres of land in Krishnanagar. Also, there is no mention of any vehicle in the affidavit. While his wife, who is a retired central government officer has Rs 20, 140 in cash and Rs 12, 15, 714.78 in the bank account and fixed deposits. She also owns 20 gm of jewellery which approximately accounts for Rs 60, 000. The CPI(M) leader has held the position of the chief minister for the state since 1998. He won the election from his constituency in Sipahijala district for four consecutive terms. The Northeastern state Tripura is all set for the assembly election which is scheduled for February 18.

After 20 years in power, Tripura CM Manik Sarkar's bank balance? Rs 2,410

Congress President Rahul Gandhi has said that he will change the structure of the Goods and Services Tax&nbsp; (GST)&nbsp;if his party comes to power in the centre.&nbsp;&nbsp;

While addressing an election campaign in poll-bound state Meghalaya he said: &quot; If we come to power in the centre, we are going to change the structure of GST and simplify it&quot;.

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If we come back to power in the centre, we are going change the structure of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/GST?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#GST</a> &amp; simplify it: Rahul Gandhi in Shillong <a href="https://t.co/mkBu4fg3hJ">pic.twitter.com/mkBu4fg3hJ</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/958639725371326467?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 31, 2018</a></blockquote>
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He also invited women from the state to join his party.

Gandhi said &quot; One of the most important&nbsp;things to be done in the Congress is to balance the number of men we put to fight election and the number of women. I would&nbsp;like to invite women to join the party in Meghalaya so that we have more and more women to choose from&quot;.

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One of the most important thing to be done in the Congress is to balance the number of men we put to fight election &amp; the number of women. I would like to invite women to join the party in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Meghalaya?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Meghalaya</a> so that we have more &amp; more women to choose from: Rahul Gandhi in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Shillong?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Shillong</a> <a href="https://t.co/otBarDiYSI">pic.twitter.com/otBarDiYSI</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/958641360562683904?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 31, 2018</a></blockquote>
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He also hit out at the BJP-RSS claiming that their idea is to&nbsp;dis-empower women.&nbsp;

He said &quot; RSS idea aimed at dis-empowering women. Does anyone know how many leadership positions are with women in RSS? Zero. If you see picture of Mahatma Gandhi you will find women on his side, but if you see picture of Mohan Bhagwat, he &#39;ll be alone.&nbsp;

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RSS idea aimed at dis-empowering women. Does anyone know many leadership positions are with women in RSS? Zero. If you see pix of Mahatma Gandhi you&#39;ll find women on this side (right), this side (left) but if you see pix of Mohan Bhagwat, he&#39;ll be alone or surrounded by men: RG <a href="https://t.co/52xSDReDLc">pic.twitter.com/52xSDReDLc</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/958638837076512768?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 31, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Gandhi said &quot; We are fighting RSS ideology across the nation. Idea is that one form of thinking is imposed on the country. What BJP and RSS are doing in all over India and particularly in North-east is attempting to undermine your culture, language and way of life&quot;.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-announces-candidateslist-for-tripura-meghalaya-30935" target="_blank">Polling in Meghalaya and Nagaland </a>will take place on February 27.

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While addressing an election campaign in poll-bound state Meghalaya he said: 'If we come to power in the centre, we are going to change the structure of GST and simplify it'

Congress President Rahul Gandhi has said that he will change the structure of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) if his party comes to power in the centre. While addressing an election campaign in poll-bound state Meghalaya he said: " If we come to power in the centre, we are going to change the structure of GST and simplify it". If we come back to power in the centre, we are going change the structure of #GST & simplify it: Rahul Gandhi in Shillong pic.twitter.com/mkBu4fg3hJ — ANI (@ANI) January 31, 2018 × He also invited women from the state to join his party. Gandhi said " One of the most important things to be done in the Congress is to balance the number of men we put to fight election and the number of women. I would like to invite women to join the party in Meghalaya so that we have more and more women to choose from". One of the most important thing to be done in the Congress is to balance the number of men we put to fight election & the number of women. I would like to invite women to join the party in #Meghalaya so that we have more & more women to choose from: Rahul Gandhi in #Shillong pic.twitter.com/otBarDiYSI — ANI (@ANI) January 31, 2018 × He also hit out at the BJP-RSS claiming that their idea is to dis-empower women. He said " RSS idea aimed at dis-empowering women. Does anyone know how many leadership positions are with women in RSS? Zero. If you see picture of Mahatma Gandhi you will find women on his side, but if you see picture of Mohan Bhagwat, he 'll be alone. RSS idea aimed at dis-empowering women. Does anyone know many leadership positions are with women in RSS? Zero. If you see pix of Mahatma Gandhi you'll find women on this side (right), this side (left) but if you see pix of Mohan Bhagwat, he'll be alone or surrounded by men: RG pic.twitter.com/52xSDReDLc — ANI (@ANI) January 31, 2018 × Gandhi said " We are fighting RSS ideology across the nation. Idea is that one form of thinking is imposed on the country. What BJP and RSS are doing in all over India and particularly in North-east is attempting to undermine your culture, language and way of life". Polling in Meghalaya and Nagaland will take place on February 27.

If we come back to Centre, we will change GST structure: Rahul Gandhi