Congress Party has made a come-back. This time the credit for this victory goes to none other than Rahul Gandhi who took over as Congress President a year back.

After a series of defeats and upsets, Rahul Gandhi has earned the victory for himself. Such was the image problem that the&nbsp;win in Punjab was not attributed to the planning he did, instead, the credit went to Captain Amarinder Singh.&nbsp;

This time around it was his campaign style and selection of issues which worked for the party. There was also no Sonia Gandhi around with whom the credit could be shared with.

The results themselves are an eye-opener. It breaks the myth of BJP of turning around lost elections. It also breaks the myth of Congress as a failed party which cannot fight elections against the Modi-Shah regime. The result also breaks the myth of impregnable strength of RSS which had been projected as an organisation that had mastered the dark art of winning elections in India.

This election also saw senior and junior leadership of the Congress fighting elections. But the best surprise came from Chhattisgarh where Congress leadership was non-existent. The Congress sweep in Chhattisgarh shows that electoral turn around can also take place in absence of state leadership if the messaging on key issues remain clear and strong.

Though it does not mean that Congress on its own is set to sweep elections in 2019. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee after sweeping the three north Indian states in 2003 went on to lose the national elections in 2004.

It is a lesson to BJP that not all elections can be polarised on emotive issues. It is a reminder to them that rural distress and anti-farmer messaging by Congress against BJP can have disastrous results and cannot be ignored.

But Congress should also ponder over two issues. It has not been able to recover ground in Telangana. The arithmetic did not create the right chemistry which could attract the voters. In fact, it shows that the opportunistic alliance does not work at local level and Telangana repeated Uttar Pradesh where SP-Congress alliance failed to counter BJP which it swept handsomely. More so, Congress has been wiped out of Northeast. Probably it is first time after 1952 that Northeast does not a single state under its belt. Northeast has truly become 'Congress Mukt'.&nbsp;

Congress should also learn a lesson from Amit Shah's campaign style which resurrected his party in Rajasthan where political pundits gave clean sweep to the Congress Party. Congress will form the government in the state but it will not be called a sweep.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
The victory will allow Rahul Gandhi to assert himself far more powerfully with regional parties to negotiate alliances which would be state specific. The victory also thwarts the idea of 'Grand Alliance' in which Congress would have been the side player.&nbsp;

The victory has given Rahul Gandhi a window right before the Lok Sabha elections to position himself to negotiate a better bargain for the Congress. This time he will be taken more seriously.

BJP, on the other hand, will have to rethink whether they would fight the election on governance issue or an emotive issue like Ayodhya. The clock ticks for both Congress and BJP but as of now, Congress has survived the bout to stay in the ring as a credible challenger for 2019 elections which a year back was being thought a cakewalk for Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

Congress Party has made a come-back. This time the credit for this victory goes to none other than Rahul Gandhi who took over as Congress President a year back. After a series of defeats and upsets, Rahul Gandhi has earned the victory for himself.

Congress Party has made a come-back. This time the credit for this victory goes to none other than Rahul Gandhi who took over as Congress President a year back. After a series of defeats and upsets, Rahul Gandhi has earned the victory for himself. Such was the image problem that the win in Punjab was not attributed to the planning he did, instead, the credit went to Captain Amarinder Singh. This time around it was his campaign style and selection of issues which worked for the party. There was also no Sonia Gandhi around with whom the credit could be shared with. The results themselves are an eye-opener. It breaks the myth of BJP of turning around lost elections. It also breaks the myth of Congress as a failed party which cannot fight elections against the Modi-Shah regime. The result also breaks the myth of impregnable strength of RSS which had been projected as an organisation that had mastered the dark art of winning elections in India. This election also saw senior and junior leadership of the Congress fighting elections. But the best surprise came from Chhattisgarh where Congress leadership was non-existent. The Congress sweep in Chhattisgarh shows that electoral turn around can also take place in absence of state leadership if the messaging on key issues remain clear and strong. Though it does not mean that Congress on its own is set to sweep elections in 2019. Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee after sweeping the three north Indian states in 2003 went on to lose the national elections in 2004. It is a lesson to BJP that not all elections can be polarised on emotive issues. It is a reminder to them that rural distress and anti-farmer messaging by Congress against BJP can have disastrous results and cannot be ignored. But Congress should also ponder over two issues. It has not been able to recover ground in Telangana. The arithmetic did not create the right chemistry which could attract the voters. In fact, it shows that the opportunistic alliance does not work at local level and Telangana repeated Uttar Pradesh where SP-Congress alliance failed to counter BJP which it swept handsomely. More so, Congress has been wiped out of Northeast. Probably it is first time after 1952 that Northeast does not a single state under its belt. Northeast has truly become 'Congress Mukt'. Congress should also learn a lesson from Amit Shah's campaign style which resurrected his party in Rajasthan where political pundits gave clean sweep to the Congress Party. Congress will form the government in the state but it will not be called a sweep. The victory will allow Rahul Gandhi to assert himself far more powerfully with regional parties to negotiate alliances which would be state specific. The victory also thwarts the idea of 'Grand Alliance' in which Congress would have been the side player. The victory has given Rahul Gandhi a window right before the Lok Sabha elections to position himself to negotiate a better bargain for the Congress. This time he will be taken more seriously. BJP, on the other hand, will have to rethink whether they would fight the election on governance issue or an emotive issue like Ayodhya. The clock ticks for both Congress and BJP but as of now, Congress has survived the bout to stay in the ring as a credible challenger for 2019 elections which a year back was being thought a cakewalk for Prime Minister Narendra Modi. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Rahul Gandhi 2.0: Hand also rises

With election trends showing reverses for the BJP, senior party leader and Home Minister Rajnath Singh on Tuesday said the polls were fought on the basis of the performance of state governments, rejecting the notion that the results would be a reflection of the Modi government.

He also pointed out the Congress-led grand alliance was heading to a "huge defeat" in Telangana, where the TRS appears set to retain to power with a big majority.

Talking to reporters outside Parliament, he also offered his congratulations to all the winning parties and candidates.

As per trends, the Congress was comfortable ahead of the ruling BJP in Chhattisgarh and has an edge over it in Rajasthan. Both parties were locked in a neck and neck race in Madhya Pradesh while the Congress appeared to be losing power in Mizoram to Mizo National Front.

With election trends showing reverses for the BJP, senior party leader and Home Minister Rajnath Singh on Tuesday said the polls were fought on the basis of the performance of state governments, rejecting the notion that the results would be a reflection of the Modi government.

With election trends showing reverses for the BJP, senior party leader and Home Minister Rajnath Singh on Tuesday said the polls were fought on the basis of the performance of state governments, rejecting the notion that the results would be a reflection of the Modi government. He also pointed out the Congress-led grand alliance was heading to a "huge defeat" in Telangana, where the TRS appears set to retain to power with a big majority. Talking to reporters outside Parliament, he also offered his congratulations to all the winning parties and candidates. As per trends, the Congress was comfortable ahead of the ruling BJP in Chhattisgarh and has an edge over it in Rajasthan. Both parties were locked in a neck and neck race in Madhya Pradesh while the Congress appeared to be losing power in Mizoram to Mizo National Front.

Polls were fought on state governments' performance: Rajnath Singh

"People will vote to end corrupt BJP politics", Shobha Oza

Assembly Election 2018: Expect a photo finish in Chhattisgarh

By the end of the day, the results of Assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Rajasthan and Telangana will be known. With that, we would know how many states the BJP retained in the Hindi hinterland,&nbsp;and if Congress retained its last bastion in the northeast and also whether TRS managed to hold on to the newly carved Telangana or not.

These elections have been billed as the ‘semifinal’ to the Lok Sabha elections in 2019 and they may well be that. If the results are clearly in favour of the Congress, we would be able to safely say that Congress has made a strong comeback after being routed in many elections since 2014.

If, however, the BJP manages to retain even two out of the three states it presently rules, it would mean trouble for Congress and a body blow to its chances in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. The third scenario is that the verdicts in these states are split, which is quite possible given that there is massive anti-incumbency against the BJP.

If results are in favour of the Congress, it would mean its president Rahul Gandhi has finally delivered and could be given the sobriquet of ‘Pappu pass ho gaya’ by his adversaries. For the BJP, the invincibility of Modi-Shah, which has been taking a hit since Gujarat elections, would finally be shattered for all concerned. &nbsp;

However, one factor which will remain unchanged at the end of the day is the renewed campaign by the VHP for the construction of the Ram temple. Whether or not the BJP triumphs today, the Sangh Parivar has made up its mind to up the ante on this issue and has been making categorical demands to the BJP-led central government to bring in an Ordinance or a legislation to build a ‘grand Ram Temple’ at the disputed site in Ayodhya. &nbsp;

Political observers have been speculating that the BJP is unlikely to repeat its performance of 272 seats in the Lok Sabha in 2019, and that to retain its core constituency, the party has to fall back on its reliable agenda of Ram Temple and minority appeasement by parties like the Congress. Moreover, the demand for a legislation for Ram Temple is likely to put the Congress in a tough spot as it can hardly afford to be seen as either opposing it or overtly supporting it.&nbsp; 
 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By the end of the day, the results of Assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Rajasthan and Telangana will be known. With that, we would know how many states the BJP retained in the Hindi hinterland, and if Congress retained its last bastion in the northeast and also whether TRS managed to hold on to the newly carved Telangana or not.

By the end of the day, the results of Assembly elections in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Mizoram, Rajasthan and Telangana will be known. With that, we would know how many states the BJP retained in the Hindi hinterland, and if Congress retained its last bastion in the northeast and also whether TRS managed to hold on to the newly carved Telangana or not. These elections have been billed as the ‘semifinal’ to the Lok Sabha elections in 2019 and they may well be that. If the results are clearly in favour of the Congress, we would be able to safely say that Congress has made a strong comeback after being routed in many elections since 2014. If, however, the BJP manages to retain even two out of the three states it presently rules, it would mean trouble for Congress and a body blow to its chances in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. The third scenario is that the verdicts in these states are split, which is quite possible given that there is massive anti-incumbency against the BJP. If results are in favour of the Congress, it would mean its president Rahul Gandhi has finally delivered and could be given the sobriquet of ‘Pappu pass ho gaya’ by his adversaries. For the BJP, the invincibility of Modi-Shah, which has been taking a hit since Gujarat elections, would finally be shattered for all concerned. However, one factor which will remain unchanged at the end of the day is the renewed campaign by the VHP for the construction of the Ram temple. Whether or not the BJP triumphs today, the Sangh Parivar has made up its mind to up the ante on this issue and has been making categorical demands to the BJP-led central government to bring in an Ordinance or a legislation to build a ‘grand Ram Temple’ at the disputed site in Ayodhya. Political observers have been speculating that the BJP is unlikely to repeat its performance of 272 seats in the Lok Sabha in 2019, and that to retain its core constituency, the party has to fall back on its reliable agenda of Ram Temple and minority appeasement by parties like the Congress. Moreover, the demand for a legislation for Ram Temple is likely to put the Congress in a tough spot as it can hardly afford to be seen as either opposing it or overtly supporting it. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: No matter who triumphs, demand for Ram temple unlikely to die down

Assembly Elections 2018: Voting underway in Rajasthan, Telangana

The Bharatiya Janata Party believed it would retain Rajasthan with a clear victory. The Congress was confident that it would sweep the election. The voters of the state had a somewhat different plan, which became known on December 11.&nbsp;

The BJP was denied a simple majority and the Congress was deprived of an overwhelming win. In the days to come, both parties will find arguments to either amplify their success or underplay their failure. Facts are facts, though, and none of the two contestants can escape them.&nbsp;

Facts about the Congress. First, the party failed to capitalise on the level of discontent that existed among the electorate against the Vasundhara Raje regime. Second, the Congress seemed to have exaggerated the extent of that discontent. Third, it could not optimally exploit the departure of rebel leaders from the BJP who contested on their own, as also those who joined the Congress. Fourth, it did not succeed in forging a winnable caste equation. And last, the formidable-looking Ashok Gehlot-Sachin Pilot combination does not seem to have worked on the ground. &nbsp;

Facts about the BJP are as follows: First, it avoided a washout of the kind the party appears to be on course in Chhattisgarh. Second, it has suffered a massive dent since its 2013 grand victory. Third, it did manage to contain to some extent the damage of anti-incumbency. And fourth, while its tallest leader Vasundhara Raje has lost credibility, it’s far from being a humiliating loss.&nbsp;

But electoral politics is all about forming a government, and the Congress has the edge. Not only does it has the larger number of seats, but it also stands a better chance of winning over the support of the ‘others’ that have won — they are neither with the BJP nor with the Congress.&nbsp;

Introspection would be called for, from both sides. How is that the Congress could not decisively defeat the Vasundhara Raje regime despite the well-accepted perception that her regime had become extremely unpopular for a variety of reasons? It could be the failure of the state’s tall leaders entrusted with the task of crafting a major Congress win. Although for the record, both Pilot and Gehlot were working shoulder to shoulder to defeat the BJP, the ground situation was not apparently as rosy, with workers of the two camps working more as rivals than colleagues. Equally, it is possible that the Congress had hyped up the existing dissatisfaction of the voters with the BJP and fed that version all over, including the media. &nbsp;

Though it is early hours yet to fully understand the caste-wise voting pattern, it is clear from the results that the Congress did not gain the unqualified support of every section of the caste rainbow. Neither the Gujjars nor the Jats nor the Meenas nor the Rajputs seem to have lock, stock and barrel dumped the BJP and aligned with the Congress.&nbsp;

Perhaps only the Muslim community remained firm behind the Congress. This calls for some questions that the Congress must itself raise an answer. Why is it that it could not succeed in its caste calculations to the extent it had wanted? It had leaders from various communities right in the front ranks of the battle — Gehlot, Pilot and the new recruit, Manvendra Singh. &nbsp;

The BJP, on the other hand, can take solace in the belief that it has been beaten but not mauled. That’s no consolation, really. &nbsp;The party failed to retain an important north Indian state, a state that had given all its 26 Lok Sabha seats to the party in 2014. Although it had won decisively in the 2013 Assembly election, in five years it managed to fritter away much of the goodwill it had gained. Vasundhara Raje, who had been seen as a saviour five years ago, ended up as, to some extent, a liability for the party in Rajasthan. She earned the reputation of being aloof, even arrogant. Far from visibly seeking to redress grievances of the people, she was not even perceived to have been sympathetic to those grievances. &nbsp;

If there is a lesson here for the BJP, there is also the same lesson for the incoming regime. Get caste mathematics right, always remain connected with the people, at least appear to be doing something to reduce the sufferings of the electorate, and strengthen the party organisation. If these lessons are not learnt, then five years from now, Rajasthan will do what it has been doing since the last two decades — vote out the incumbent and bring in its rival.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Bharatiya Janata Party believed it would retain Rajasthan with a clear victory. The Congress was confident that it would sweep the election. The voters of the state had a somewhat different plan, which became known on December 11.

The Bharatiya Janata Party believed it would retain Rajasthan with a clear victory. The Congress was confident that it would sweep the election. The voters of the state had a somewhat different plan, which became known on December 11. The BJP was denied a simple majority and the Congress was deprived of an overwhelming win. In the days to come, both parties will find arguments to either amplify their success or underplay their failure. Facts are facts, though, and none of the two contestants can escape them. Facts about the Congress. First, the party failed to capitalise on the level of discontent that existed among the electorate against the Vasundhara Raje regime. Second, the Congress seemed to have exaggerated the extent of that discontent. Third, it could not optimally exploit the departure of rebel leaders from the BJP who contested on their own, as also those who joined the Congress. Fourth, it did not succeed in forging a winnable caste equation. And last, the formidable-looking Ashok Gehlot-Sachin Pilot combination does not seem to have worked on the ground. Facts about the BJP are as follows: First, it avoided a washout of the kind the party appears to be on course in Chhattisgarh. Second, it has suffered a massive dent since its 2013 grand victory. Third, it did manage to contain to some extent the damage of anti-incumbency. And fourth, while its tallest leader Vasundhara Raje has lost credibility, it’s far from being a humiliating loss. But electoral politics is all about forming a government, and the Congress has the edge. Not only does it has the larger number of seats, but it also stands a better chance of winning over the support of the ‘others’ that have won — they are neither with the BJP nor with the Congress. Introspection would be called for, from both sides. How is that the Congress could not decisively defeat the Vasundhara Raje regime despite the well-accepted perception that her regime had become extremely unpopular for a variety of reasons? It could be the failure of the state’s tall leaders entrusted with the task of crafting a major Congress win. Although for the record, both Pilot and Gehlot were working shoulder to shoulder to defeat the BJP, the ground situation was not apparently as rosy, with workers of the two camps working more as rivals than colleagues. Equally, it is possible that the Congress had hyped up the existing dissatisfaction of the voters with the BJP and fed that version all over, including the media. Though it is early hours yet to fully understand the caste-wise voting pattern, it is clear from the results that the Congress did not gain the unqualified support of every section of the caste rainbow. Neither the Gujjars nor the Jats nor the Meenas nor the Rajputs seem to have lock, stock and barrel dumped the BJP and aligned with the Congress. Perhaps only the Muslim community remained firm behind the Congress. This calls for some questions that the Congress must itself raise an answer. Why is it that it could not succeed in its caste calculations to the extent it had wanted? It had leaders from various communities right in the front ranks of the battle — Gehlot, Pilot and the new recruit, Manvendra Singh. The BJP, on the other hand, can take solace in the belief that it has been beaten but not mauled. That’s no consolation, really. The party failed to retain an important north Indian state, a state that had given all its 26 Lok Sabha seats to the party in 2014. Although it had won decisively in the 2013 Assembly election, in five years it managed to fritter away much of the goodwill it had gained. Vasundhara Raje, who had been seen as a saviour five years ago, ended up as, to some extent, a liability for the party in Rajasthan. She earned the reputation of being aloof, even arrogant. Far from visibly seeking to redress grievances of the people, she was not even perceived to have been sympathetic to those grievances. If there is a lesson here for the BJP, there is also the same lesson for the incoming regime. Get caste mathematics right, always remain connected with the people, at least appear to be doing something to reduce the sufferings of the electorate, and strengthen the party organisation. If these lessons are not learnt, then five years from now, Rajasthan will do what it has been doing since the last two decades — vote out the incumbent and bring in its rival. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly election results 2018: In Rajasthan, incoming Congress regime has a lesson to learn from BJP

Indian markets recouped sharp early losses by mid-morning on Tuesday as election results in three states were not as poor for the ruling party as some expected, but anxiety about the central bank governor's resignation kept sentiment subdued.

Markets initially plunged in reaction to Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel's unexpected resignation late on Monday, which shocked many investors.

"Patel's resignation bodes poorly for macroeconomic and financial stability in India," Fitch Solutions Macro Research, a unit of Fitch Group, said in a note on Tuesday.

The Nifty tumbled as much as 1.47 per cent, but at 0752 GMT was up 0.5 per cent.

The rupee had dropped 1.5 per cent to a one-month low of 72.4625 per dollar in early trade, but pared most losses to be 71.76 versus its previous close of 71.35.

It touched the day's high of 71.68 with some dollar-selling intervention by state-run banks on behalf of the RBI also helping.

The benchmark 10-year bond yield was down 7 basis points on the day at 7.52 per cent after initially rising as high as 7.71 per cent.

"Today's reaction by the markets is surprising to some, but it's a classic 'buy the rumour, sell the news' reaction. The news is already in the market price," said Saurabh Jain, assistant vice-president, research, at SMC Global Securities in New Delhi.

Patel's resignation came after a month-long tussle over policy with the government that has raised concerns about the central bank's independence as a national election nears.

Government officials had been pressuring the RBI to allow some public sector banks laden with bad debt to lend more easily, and pushed for the central bank to hand over some of its surplus reserves to help fund the fiscal deficit.

ELEVATED VOLATILITY?

"Though both parties have valid arguments on their points of view, the sudden resignation raises questions on whether the Indian government is trying to restrain public institutions and undermine RBI's independence," said Anuja Munde, portfolio manager at Nikko Asset Management in Singapore.

"This resignation, along with political uncertainty, will keep the market volatility elevated in the run-up to the 2019 general elections."

But after early Tuesday tumble in the wake of Patel's resignation, and as election results from three Indian states came in, the market changed course.

A senior trader at a large state-run bank said they had been buying debt as all negative news that had been feared has been delivered.

"Now we have to look forward. Markets are now being governed by macro fundamentals which look good as oil is stable and no rate hikes are expected any time soon."

The ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) could lose power in the three key states, four TV networks said on Tuesday, citing votecount leads, potentially handing Prime Minister Narendra Modi his biggest defeat since he took office in 2014, and months ahead of a general election.

Still, some analysts thought the results would be worse for Modi and BJP.

"Uncertainty from the elections seem to be behind us now. If it had been a whitewash, with high margins of defeat for the BJP, then markets would have been under more pressure," said S Krishnakumar, chief investment officer for equities at Sundaram Asset Management in Chennai.

Indian markets recouped sharp early losses by mid-morning on Tuesday as election results in three states were not as poor for the ruling party as some expected, but anxiety about the central bank governor's resignation kept sentiment subdued.

Indian markets recouped sharp early losses by mid-morning on Tuesday as election results in three states were not as poor for the ruling party as some expected, but anxiety about the central bank governor's resignation kept sentiment subdued. Markets initially plunged in reaction to Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel's unexpected resignation late on Monday, which shocked many investors. "Patel's resignation bodes poorly for macroeconomic and financial stability in India," Fitch Solutions Macro Research, a unit of Fitch Group, said in a note on Tuesday. The Nifty tumbled as much as 1.47 per cent, but at 0752 GMT was up 0.5 per cent. The rupee had dropped 1.5 per cent to a one-month low of 72.4625 per dollar in early trade, but pared most losses to be 71.76 versus its previous close of 71.35. It touched the day's high of 71.68 with some dollar-selling intervention by state-run banks on behalf of the RBI also helping. The benchmark 10-year bond yield was down 7 basis points on the day at 7.52 per cent after initially rising as high as 7.71 per cent. "Today's reaction by the markets is surprising to some, but it's a classic 'buy the rumour, sell the news' reaction. The news is already in the market price," said Saurabh Jain, assistant vice-president, research, at SMC Global Securities in New Delhi. Patel's resignation came after a month-long tussle over policy with the government that has raised concerns about the central bank's independence as a national election nears. Government officials had been pressuring the RBI to allow some public sector banks laden with bad debt to lend more easily, and pushed for the central bank to hand over some of its surplus reserves to help fund the fiscal deficit. ELEVATED VOLATILITY? "Though both parties have valid arguments on their points of view, the sudden resignation raises questions on whether the Indian government is trying to restrain public institutions and undermine RBI's independence," said Anuja Munde, portfolio manager at Nikko Asset Management in Singapore. "This resignation, along with political uncertainty, will keep the market volatility elevated in the run-up to the 2019 general elections." But after early Tuesday tumble in the wake of Patel's resignation, and as election results from three Indian states came in, the market changed course. A senior trader at a large state-run bank said they had been buying debt as all negative news that had been feared has been delivered. "Now we have to look forward. Markets are now being governed by macro fundamentals which look good as oil is stable and no rate hikes are expected any time soon." The ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) could lose power in the three key states, four TV networks said on Tuesday, citing votecount leads, potentially handing Prime Minister Narendra Modi his biggest defeat since he took office in 2014, and months ahead of a general election. Still, some analysts thought the results would be worse for Modi and BJP. "Uncertainty from the elections seem to be behind us now. If it had been a whitewash, with high margins of defeat for the BJP, then markets would have been under more pressure," said S Krishnakumar, chief investment officer for equities at Sundaram Asset Management in Chennai.

Markets stage sharp recovery after early slide, aided by state election results

The Congress Thursday filed a writ petition in the Chhattisgarh High Court, seeking directions to the Election Commission (EC) for maintaining strict security at strongrooms housing electronic voting machines (EVMs) which contain the votes cast in the last month's assembly polls.

In the petition, the main opposition party in the state has also demanded counting of VVPAT paper slips used in EVMs in 50 per cent of booths in all the constituencies.

Voter Verifiable Paper Trail (VVPT) is an independent printer system attached with EVMs that allows the voters to verify that their votes are cast as intended.

The HC posted the matter for hearing on December 10, a day before the counting of votes polled in the 90-assembly seats on November 12 and November 20.

General Secretary of Chhattisgarh Congress Girish Dewangan filed the writ petition in the high court following complaints pertaining to tampering of EVMs reported in the state, his lawyer Satish Chandra Verma said.

The petition demanded more steps to strengthen the security of election strongrooms, he said.

The petitioner has sought counting of VVPAT slips in 50 per cent of the booths in all the constituencies contending there has been serious breach of EVM security and numerous complaints of likewise nature, he said.

Besides, Dewangan has sought segregation of used and unused EVMs by placing only the used machines in strongrooms, the lawyer said.

According to the plea, round-wise counting of votes and immediate reporting should be made mandatory for all counting stations.

The court posted the matter for hearing on December 10, Verma said.

The electronic voting machines (EVMs) used in the last month's polls have been locked away in strongrooms in various district headquarters.&nbsp;

The Congress Thursday filed a writ petition in the Chhattisgarh High Court, seeking directions to the Election Commission (EC) for maintaining strict security at strongrooms housing electronic voting machines (EVMs) which contain the votes cast in the last month's assembly polls.

The Congress Thursday filed a writ petition in the Chhattisgarh High Court, seeking directions to the Election Commission (EC) for maintaining strict security at strongrooms housing electronic voting machines (EVMs) which contain the votes cast in the last month's assembly polls. In the petition, the main opposition party in the state has also demanded counting of VVPAT paper slips used in EVMs in 50 per cent of booths in all the constituencies. Voter Verifiable Paper Trail (VVPT) is an independent printer system attached with EVMs that allows the voters to verify that their votes are cast as intended. The HC posted the matter for hearing on December 10, a day before the counting of votes polled in the 90-assembly seats on November 12 and November 20. General Secretary of Chhattisgarh Congress Girish Dewangan filed the writ petition in the high court following complaints pertaining to tampering of EVMs reported in the state, his lawyer Satish Chandra Verma said. The petition demanded more steps to strengthen the security of election strongrooms, he said. The petitioner has sought counting of VVPAT slips in 50 per cent of the booths in all the constituencies contending there has been serious breach of EVM security and numerous complaints of likewise nature, he said. Besides, Dewangan has sought segregation of used and unused EVMs by placing only the used machines in strongrooms, the lawyer said. According to the plea, round-wise counting of votes and immediate reporting should be made mandatory for all counting stations. The court posted the matter for hearing on December 10, Verma said. The electronic voting machines (EVMs) used in the last month's polls have been locked away in strongrooms in various district headquarters.

Congress files petition in Chhattisgarh High Court over EVM security

Telangana and&nbsp;Rajasthan are undergoing elections today to elect their&nbsp;legislative assembly members.

While the polling in Telangana started at 7 am, voting in Rajasthan began at 8 am.

The polling in Telangana will end at 5 pm&nbsp;while in 13 constituencies classified as Left Wing Extremist-affected, polling ends an hour before at 4 pm.

Election Commission is using Voters Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) in Telangana for the first time.

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Telangana: Deputy Chief Minister Kadiyan Srihari cast his vote in Warangal. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TelanganaElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TelanganaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/MLrZdGI4Dc">pic.twitter.com/MLrZdGI4Dc</a>
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Telangana: BJP's G Kishan Reddy casts his vote at polling booth no.7 in Kachiguda, Hyderabad. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TelanganaElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TelanganaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/HRuneW8maY">pic.twitter.com/HRuneW8maY</a>
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Telangana: Actor Allu Arjun stands in a queue to cast his vote at booth no. 152 in Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TelanganaElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TelanganaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/5kuui5v5Wy">pic.twitter.com/5kuui5v5Wy</a>
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Telangana: Actor Akkineni Nagarjuna and his wife &amp; actor Amala Akkineni stand in a queue to cast their votes at booth no. 151 in Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TelanganaElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TelanganaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/IZpOhBmyTU">pic.twitter.com/IZpOhBmyTU</a>
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Telangana: State Irrigation Minister T Harish Rao casts his vote in polling booth no. 102 in Siddipet constituency. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TelanganaElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TelanganaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/2q2tqbgoXl">pic.twitter.com/2q2tqbgoXl</a>
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Nizamabad: People cast their votes at a polling station in Pothangal. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/TelanganaElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#TelanganaElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/yFq8I8ZBtg">pic.twitter.com/yFq8I8ZBtg</a>
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199 out of 200 assembly seats will go to polls in Rajasthan today. Polling has been cancelled in&nbsp;Alwar district’s Ramgarh constituency following the death of a Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) candidate Laxman Singh.

A total of 2, 274 candidates in the fray in Rajasthan. As many as 4,74,79,402 people are eligible to&nbsp;cast their vote at 51,667 polling stations across the state.&nbsp;

With 32,815 polling stations across Telangana, around 1,821 candidates including a transgender are in the fray in the election.

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Rajasthan CM Vasundhara Raje casts her vote at polling booth no. 31A in Jhalrapatan constituency of Jhalawar. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RajasthanElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#RajasthanElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/DRJVYFkBb4">pic.twitter.com/DRJVYFkBb4</a>
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Sachin Pilot, Congress on CM face from Congress: We will sit and discuss this after our party gets a majority in the election. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RajasthanElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#RajasthanElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/fy6PCtY9D9">pic.twitter.com/fy6PCtY9D9</a>
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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RajasthanAssemblyelection2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#RajasthanAssemblyelection2018</a>: Union Minister Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore casts his votes at polling booth 252 in Vaishali Nagar, Jaipur. <a href="https://t.co/R0KqDbn95I">pic.twitter.com/R0KqDbn95I</a>
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Rajasthan: An 80-year-old woman cast her vote at booth no. 103 in Sardarpura constituency of Jodhpur district. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RajasthanElections2018?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#RajasthanElections2018</a> <a href="https://t.co/wmTiniu07u">pic.twitter.com/wmTiniu07u</a>
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&nbsp;

The Congress-led alliance is challenging the ruling TRS in Telangana with the BJP seeking to make it a triangular contest. In Rajasthan, BJP will try to retain its&nbsp;power in the state assembly.

Counting of votes will take place on&nbsp;December 11.

(With inputs from agencies)

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Telangana and Rajasthan are undergoing elections today to elect their legislative assembly members. While the polling in Telangana started at 7 am, voting in Rajasthan began at 8 am.

Telangana and Rajasthan are undergoing elections today to elect their legislative assembly members. While the polling in Telangana started at 7 am, voting in Rajasthan began at 8 am. The polling in Telangana will end at 5 pm while in 13 constituencies classified as Left Wing Extremist-affected, polling ends an hour before at 4 pm. Election Commission is using Voters Verifiable Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) in Telangana for the first time. Telangana: Deputy Chief Minister Kadiyan Srihari cast his vote in Warangal. #TelanganaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/MLrZdGI4Dc — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Telangana: BJP's G Kishan Reddy casts his vote at polling booth no.7 in Kachiguda, Hyderabad. #TelanganaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/HRuneW8maY — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Telangana: Actor Allu Arjun stands in a queue to cast his vote at booth no. 152 in Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad. #TelanganaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/5kuui5v5Wy — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Telangana: Actor Akkineni Nagarjuna and his wife & actor Amala Akkineni stand in a queue to cast their votes at booth no. 151 in Jubilee Hills, Hyderabad. #TelanganaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/IZpOhBmyTU — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Telangana: State Irrigation Minister T Harish Rao casts his vote in polling booth no. 102 in Siddipet constituency. #TelanganaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/2q2tqbgoXl — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Nizamabad: People cast their votes at a polling station in Pothangal. #TelanganaElections2018 pic.twitter.com/yFq8I8ZBtg — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × 199 out of 200 assembly seats will go to polls in Rajasthan today. Polling has been cancelled in Alwar district’s Ramgarh constituency following the death of a Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) candidate Laxman Singh. A total of 2, 274 candidates in the fray in Rajasthan. As many as 4,74,79,402 people are eligible to cast their vote at 51,667 polling stations across the state. With 32,815 polling stations across Telangana, around 1,821 candidates including a transgender are in the fray in the election. Rajasthan CM Vasundhara Raje casts her vote at polling booth no. 31A in Jhalrapatan constituency of Jhalawar. #RajasthanElections2018 pic.twitter.com/DRJVYFkBb4 — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Sachin Pilot, Congress on CM face from Congress: We will sit and discuss this after our party gets a majority in the election. #RajasthanElections2018 pic.twitter.com/fy6PCtY9D9 — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × #RajasthanAssemblyelection2018: Union Minister Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore casts his votes at polling booth 252 in Vaishali Nagar, Jaipur. pic.twitter.com/R0KqDbn95I — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × Rajasthan: An 80-year-old woman cast her vote at booth no. 103 in Sardarpura constituency of Jodhpur district. #RajasthanElections2018 pic.twitter.com/wmTiniu07u — ANI (@ANI) December 7, 2018 × The Congress-led alliance is challenging the ruling TRS in Telangana with the BJP seeking to make it a triangular contest. In Rajasthan, BJP will try to retain its power in the state assembly. Counting of votes will take place on December 11. (With inputs from agencies)

Assembly elections 2018: Rajasthan, Telangana go to polls today

The election season is reaching its climax. Today, the power corridors and media fraternity are busy discussing the fortunes of BJP and Congress in the assembly elections ahead of the results.

The common theme interwoven in almost every discussion is whether the BJP will lose, will be 'taught' a lesson and so on and so forth. The BJP, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi is being judged for every decision the government has taken in states ruled by it.

These discussions evoke a lot of interest among people because it entails the fall of a leader.

Everyone who has read comics, seen superhero movies and watched a system at its pinnacle, loves the fall of the leader. It's an emotion which generates a lot of interest among the section of people who follow politics and is astonishing for others to see someone they look up to, fall.

Leaders often take a decision or a series of decisions which lead to a downward spiral and cause reverse momentum. This is not a piece where I will be dissecting the good and bad of Narendra Modi government. This is about leadership.

Watching a big leader fall also gives a&nbsp;certain kind of pleasure to people who for decades have been suppressed. Social evils exist in every society - India is no different - and certain practices (I will call them mistakes) followed by socially elevated sections of society create and propagate these feelings.

Among the various reasons given for the failure of a leader is not giving himself/herself enough time to process things which leads to a lack of discernment and sometimes disastrous decisions. Other reasons can include immaturity, lack of knowledge, less awareness etc.

There is a streak in people who rejoice when Humpty Dumpty has a great fall, but insist that rise and fall are the part and parcel of leadership. In the end, it's history that judges better because it sees things with deeper perspective and greater hindsight. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

The election season is reaching its climax. Today, the power corridors and media fraternity are busy discussing the fortunes of BJP and Congress in the assembly elections ahead of the results.

The election season is reaching its climax. Today, the power corridors and media fraternity are busy discussing the fortunes of BJP and Congress in the assembly elections ahead of the results. The common theme interwoven in almost every discussion is whether the BJP will lose, will be 'taught' a lesson and so on and so forth. The BJP, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi is being judged for every decision the government has taken in states ruled by it. These discussions evoke a lot of interest among people because it entails the fall of a leader. Everyone who has read comics, seen superhero movies and watched a system at its pinnacle, loves the fall of the leader. It's an emotion which generates a lot of interest among the section of people who follow politics and is astonishing for others to see someone they look up to, fall. Leaders often take a decision or a series of decisions which lead to a downward spiral and cause reverse momentum. This is not a piece where I will be dissecting the good and bad of Narendra Modi government. This is about leadership. Watching a big leader fall also gives a certain kind of pleasure to people who for decades have been suppressed. Social evils exist in every society - India is no different - and certain practices (I will call them mistakes) followed by socially elevated sections of society create and propagate these feelings. Among the various reasons given for the failure of a leader is not giving himself/herself enough time to process things which leads to a lack of discernment and sometimes disastrous decisions. Other reasons can include immaturity, lack of knowledge, less awareness etc. There is a streak in people who rejoice when Humpty Dumpty has a great fall, but insist that rise and fall are the part and parcel of leadership. In the end, it's history that judges better because it sees things with deeper perspective and greater hindsight. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: Ah! To comment on fluctuating fortunes

As campaigning in the five state assembly elections winds down, the day of reckoning, December 11, looms. We will have a good idea of winners and losers by early afternoon, next Tuesday.

The results in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are especially crucial. A Congress victory in Rajasthan seems near certain, but Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are too close to call.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invested personal political capital in both states. Though he has addressed fewer rallies than he did in Gujarat and Karnataka, the proximity of these assembly elections to the 2019 Lok Sabha poll gives their outcome a sharp edge.

Beyond the results though lies another critical question: has Prime Minister Narendra Modi over-extended himself? Few prime ministers after Indira Gandhi have campaigned as extensively as Modi. Rajiv Gandhi was not as enthusiastic a campaigner as his mother. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh too were not their parties’ star electoral campaigners.

Modi was nominated as head of the BJP’s campaign committee at the controversial national executive council meeting in Goa in June 2013 which LK Advani boycotted. It was only three months later, in September 2013, that then party president Rajnath Singh succeeded in nominating Modi, against fierce opposition from the Advani camp, as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. As late as August 2013, it was not certain Modi would, in fact, be declared the party’s prime ministerial candidate.

As campaign chief, Modi was then barnstorming across India ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha election. Meeting him in his chief minister’s office in Gandhinagar, I told him bluntly that if the party did not declare him the prime ministerial candidate, he should ease up on his relentless, bone-crushing campaign and let other senior leaders, including those in the Advani camp opposing him, share the burden. Weeks later, Modi was officially declared the party’s PM candidate.

That though raises a question few have asked: has being the party’s chief electoral campaigner in multiple state polls over the past five election-heavy years cut into his role as prime minister? Modi already functions as the de facto foreign minister. He holds several cabinet portfolios. He travels abroad extensively, including last week’s G20 summit in Argentina. Is even the 18-hour workday that Modi puts in seven days a week enough to do justice to all the roles he has taken upon himself?

In a recently published book (Making of New India: Transformation Under Modi Government) to which I contributed a chapter, I wrote: “One of the challenges the prime minister has faced is fulfilling his multiple roles. Modi is the BJP’s most charismatic electoral asset. He leads the country’s global diplomatic outreach. And he oversees the work of a large Union Cabinet as well as a vast bureaucracy. These roles require sharply different approaches. Election campaigning needs exceptional oratory and the ability to connect with the masses. Global diplomacy requires the ability to present India’s case to world leaders with brevity, clarity and a natural, earthy self-confidence. But the most taxing is dealing with issues at home through the cabinet, the amorphous prime minister’s office (PMO) and a swathe of department officials.”

Over the past two weeks, Modi has travelled to Buenos Aires to meet world leaders at the G20 summit, campaigned in Rajasthan, Telangana and Madhya Pradesh and reviewed progress on dozens of welfare schemes monitored by groups of ministers and secretaries.

Campaigning takes the most toll. In the absence of other vote-catchers, the onus falls on Modi. Party president Amit Shah, rather than any senior minister, takes on a supplementary role. Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, Rajnath Singh and Nirmala Sitharaman, who form the inner core of the cabinet and are members of the cabinet committee on security (CCS), have played a minimal role in campaigning for the five state assembly elections.

They are, due to health and other reasons, unlikely to campaign actively for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It is for this reason that Modi has called for simultaneous parliamentary and assembly elections. Almost year-around campaigning takes away far too much time and energy.

Constitutional and logistical reasons, however, make simultaneous elections virtually impossible. Modi is thus left with the prospect of dividing his time between domestic governance, foreign affairs and electioneering. As a result, much of policymaking that should belong to the cabinet is delegated to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and then farmed out to groups of ministers and secretaries.

In Gujarat, relying on a tightly monitored bureaucracy worked well. In labyrinthic Delhi, where intrigue lurks around every corner, it hasn’t. The contretemps in the CBI, the dissonance with the RBI and the continuing slugfest over the Rafale deal underscore how a government can be undermined.

Modi at 67 is remarkably fit but the burden of carrying so many responsibilities will eventually tell on him. If the BJP-led NDA manage to form the government in 2019, he will need to change his strategy: bring more lateral talent into the cabinet, allow younger ministers to campaign across states and impose stronger control over the bureaucracy, especially in the ministries of finance, defence and civil aviation.

In May 2014, the question was: would Modi reform intrigue-plagued Delhi or would Delhi co-opt him? That question will be answered in May 2019. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-onerous-art-of-multi-tasking-2692659">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

As campaigning in the five state assembly elections winds down, the day of reckoning, December 11, looms. We will have a good idea of winners and losers by early afternoon, next Tuesday.

As campaigning in the five state assembly elections winds down, the day of reckoning, December 11, looms. We will have a good idea of winners and losers by early afternoon, next Tuesday. The results in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are especially crucial. A Congress victory in Rajasthan seems near certain, but Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are too close to call. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invested personal political capital in both states. Though he has addressed fewer rallies than he did in Gujarat and Karnataka, the proximity of these assembly elections to the 2019 Lok Sabha poll gives their outcome a sharp edge. Beyond the results though lies another critical question: has Prime Minister Narendra Modi over-extended himself? Few prime ministers after Indira Gandhi have campaigned as extensively as Modi. Rajiv Gandhi was not as enthusiastic a campaigner as his mother. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh too were not their parties’ star electoral campaigners. Modi was nominated as head of the BJP’s campaign committee at the controversial national executive council meeting in Goa in June 2013 which LK Advani boycotted. It was only three months later, in September 2013, that then party president Rajnath Singh succeeded in nominating Modi, against fierce opposition from the Advani camp, as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. As late as August 2013, it was not certain Modi would, in fact, be declared the party’s prime ministerial candidate. As campaign chief, Modi was then barnstorming across India ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha election. Meeting him in his chief minister’s office in Gandhinagar, I told him bluntly that if the party did not declare him the prime ministerial candidate, he should ease up on his relentless, bone-crushing campaign and let other senior leaders, including those in the Advani camp opposing him, share the burden. Weeks later, Modi was officially declared the party’s PM candidate. That though raises a question few have asked: has being the party’s chief electoral campaigner in multiple state polls over the past five election-heavy years cut into his role as prime minister? Modi already functions as the de facto foreign minister. He holds several cabinet portfolios. He travels abroad extensively, including last week’s G20 summit in Argentina. Is even the 18-hour workday that Modi puts in seven days a week enough to do justice to all the roles he has taken upon himself? In a recently published book (Making of New India: Transformation Under Modi Government) to which I contributed a chapter, I wrote: “One of the challenges the prime minister has faced is fulfilling his multiple roles. Modi is the BJP’s most charismatic electoral asset. He leads the country’s global diplomatic outreach. And he oversees the work of a large Union Cabinet as well as a vast bureaucracy. These roles require sharply different approaches. Election campaigning needs exceptional oratory and the ability to connect with the masses. Global diplomacy requires the ability to present India’s case to world leaders with brevity, clarity and a natural, earthy self-confidence. But the most taxing is dealing with issues at home through the cabinet, the amorphous prime minister’s office (PMO) and a swathe of department officials.” Over the past two weeks, Modi has travelled to Buenos Aires to meet world leaders at the G20 summit, campaigned in Rajasthan, Telangana and Madhya Pradesh and reviewed progress on dozens of welfare schemes monitored by groups of ministers and secretaries. Campaigning takes the most toll. In the absence of other vote-catchers, the onus falls on Modi. Party president Amit Shah, rather than any senior minister, takes on a supplementary role. Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, Rajnath Singh and Nirmala Sitharaman, who form the inner core of the cabinet and are members of the cabinet committee on security (CCS), have played a minimal role in campaigning for the five state assembly elections. They are, due to health and other reasons, unlikely to campaign actively for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It is for this reason that Modi has called for simultaneous parliamentary and assembly elections. Almost year-around campaigning takes away far too much time and energy. Constitutional and logistical reasons, however, make simultaneous elections virtually impossible. Modi is thus left with the prospect of dividing his time between domestic governance, foreign affairs and electioneering. As a result, much of policymaking that should belong to the cabinet is delegated to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and then farmed out to groups of ministers and secretaries. In Gujarat, relying on a tightly monitored bureaucracy worked well. In labyrinthic Delhi, where intrigue lurks around every corner, it hasn’t. The contretemps in the CBI, the dissonance with the RBI and the continuing slugfest over the Rafale deal underscore how a government can be undermined. Modi at 67 is remarkably fit but the burden of carrying so many responsibilities will eventually tell on him. If the BJP-led NDA manage to form the government in 2019, he will need to change his strategy: bring more lateral talent into the cabinet, allow younger ministers to campaign across states and impose stronger control over the bureaucracy, especially in the ministries of finance, defence and civil aviation. In May 2014, the question was: would Modi reform intrigue-plagued Delhi or would Delhi co-opt him? That question will be answered in May 2019. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Onerous art of multi-tasking

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Wednesday claimed that he has no intentions to rule Telangana and said that a Congress candidate will become the Chief Minister of Telangana if the grand alliance comes to power in the state after the forthcoming elections.

All set to go for polls in Friday, Telangana has 119 Assembly seats, and 1,821 candidates are in fray. The Telangana Rashtra Samithi is facing the grand alliance of the Congress, Telugu Desam Party, Communist Party of India and the Telangana Jana Samithi.

"Chandrashekar Rao is making false propaganda that I will take hold in Telangana. I am not here for that. Only Congress candidate will become the Chief Minister," Naidu said while addressing a rally here along with Congress President Rahul Gandhi in Kodada town of Telangana's Khammam district.

"I appeal to all to show exit to TRS in the polling to be held on December 7. Make KCR former Chief Minister. Let us defeat TRS and KCR in the elections with huge margins. TDP joined hands with Congress for the sake of nation and democracy," he added.

Naidu later went on to add that KCR in Telangana and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Centre are 'dictators.

"They must be eliminated from power," he said and added, "KCR is so afraid of defeat. That's why he is losing cool and temper. He is scolding one and all. There is no response to KCR meetings, but for our meetings, people are coming in huge numbers. KCR and Modi have colluded. Both are dictators. KCR is 'small Modi'. KCR shakes hand with All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen in the morning and with BJP in the night".

Talking about Prime Minister Modi, Naidu said, "Modi is a dictator. His policies are anti-people. Demonetisation, Goods and Services Tax are failures, caused people to suffer.&nbsp;

Asaduddin Owaisi is indirectly supporting BJP. Congress president also criticised KCR and said, "During KCR's regime, more than 4000 farmers committed suicides. 35 lakhs youth are jobless. You supported only the rich contractors, but not the poor and the needy. KCR changed the names of projects, redesigned them, and escalated project costs. You have stolen 40,000 crores from people and gave to the contractors.

He added, "Telangana people have given KCR a new name - KCR means 'Khao Commission Rao'. His son's income increased 400 times. When Telangana was formed, it was a surplus state. But now the state is in 2.5 lakh crore debt."

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Wednesday claimed that he has no intentions to rule Telangana and said that a Congress candidate will become the Chief Minister of Telangana if the grand alliance comes to power in the state after the forthcoming elections.

Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu on Wednesday claimed that he has no intentions to rule Telangana and said that a Congress candidate will become the Chief Minister of Telangana if the grand alliance comes to power in the state after the forthcoming elections. All set to go for polls in Friday, Telangana has 119 Assembly seats, and 1,821 candidates are in fray. The Telangana Rashtra Samithi is facing the grand alliance of the Congress, Telugu Desam Party, Communist Party of India and the Telangana Jana Samithi. "Chandrashekar Rao is making false propaganda that I will take hold in Telangana. I am not here for that. Only Congress candidate will become the Chief Minister," Naidu said while addressing a rally here along with Congress President Rahul Gandhi in Kodada town of Telangana's Khammam district. "I appeal to all to show exit to TRS in the polling to be held on December 7. Make KCR former Chief Minister. Let us defeat TRS and KCR in the elections with huge margins. TDP joined hands with Congress for the sake of nation and democracy," he added. Naidu later went on to add that KCR in Telangana and Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Centre are 'dictators. "They must be eliminated from power," he said and added, "KCR is so afraid of defeat. That's why he is losing cool and temper. He is scolding one and all. There is no response to KCR meetings, but for our meetings, people are coming in huge numbers. KCR and Modi have colluded. Both are dictators. KCR is 'small Modi'. KCR shakes hand with All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen in the morning and with BJP in the night". Talking about Prime Minister Modi, Naidu said, "Modi is a dictator. His policies are anti-people. Demonetisation, Goods and Services Tax are failures, caused people to suffer. Asaduddin Owaisi is indirectly supporting BJP. Congress president also criticised KCR and said, "During KCR's regime, more than 4000 farmers committed suicides. 35 lakhs youth are jobless. You supported only the rich contractors, but not the poor and the needy. KCR changed the names of projects, redesigned them, and escalated project costs. You have stolen 40,000 crores from people and gave to the contractors. He added, "Telangana people have given KCR a new name - KCR means 'Khao Commission Rao'. His son's income increased 400 times. When Telangana was formed, it was a surplus state. But now the state is in 2.5 lakh crore debt."

Telangana polls: Congress candidate to be CM, says Naidu

With just a day left before Rajasthan goes to assembly polls, Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a scathing attack on Congress president Rahul Gandhi in Dausa said that he was born with a "golden spoon in his mouth" and thus he will never understand the essence of `Bharat Mata ki jai`.

Prime Minister Modi, giving a different touch to a campaign, began the Dausa rally by playing a traditional drum.

He said, "Naamdaar issues a fatwa saying that I should not say Bharat Mata ki jai. When we say it we remember our soldiers who are guarding our borders, the soldiers who are in Siachen braving minus 40 degree Celsius temperature. Chanting Bharat Mata ki jai fills us with an intense passion but Naamdar is born with golden spoon in his mouth and will never understand it".

He accused the Congress president of being a "confused" person who doesn`t know what he is doing and for what purpose.

"The Congress president is a confused man. He always remains in confusion and he doesn`t even know in which state he is working in the elections and for whom," said the Prime Minister."

He failed to differentiate between his leader Kumbha Ram and Kumbhakaran of Ramayan as he referred him as Kumbhakaran. How will he take decisions? The people of Rajasthan cannot hand over their state in hands of such confused leadership," said Prime Minister Modi.

Congress party doesn`t have strong leadership, no vision and no will, he said adding, "It is really unfortunate that Mahatama Gandhi want self-dependence based on Khadi but this fake Gandhi family erased the existence of that Khadi. Did you ever hear any Congress government say anything about Khadi?"

"Today, Khadi jacket has become popular; people call it Modi jacket and they (Congress) don`t like it. They say how did Khadi of Gandhi become Modi jacket?" he added.

The state will go for polls on December 7, while the counting will take place on December 11.&nbsp;

With just a day left before Rajasthan goes to assembly polls, Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a scathing attack on Congress president Rahul Gandhi in Dausa said that he was born with a "golden spoon in his mouth" and thus he will never understand the essence of `Bharat Mata ki jai`.

With just a day left before Rajasthan goes to assembly polls, Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a scathing attack on Congress president Rahul Gandhi in Dausa said that he was born with a "golden spoon in his mouth" and thus he will never understand the essence of `Bharat Mata ki jai`. Prime Minister Modi, giving a different touch to a campaign, began the Dausa rally by playing a traditional drum. He said, "Naamdaar issues a fatwa saying that I should not say Bharat Mata ki jai. When we say it we remember our soldiers who are guarding our borders, the soldiers who are in Siachen braving minus 40 degree Celsius temperature. Chanting Bharat Mata ki jai fills us with an intense passion but Naamdar is born with golden spoon in his mouth and will never understand it". He accused the Congress president of being a "confused" person who doesn`t know what he is doing and for what purpose. "The Congress president is a confused man. He always remains in confusion and he doesn`t even know in which state he is working in the elections and for whom," said the Prime Minister." He failed to differentiate between his leader Kumbha Ram and Kumbhakaran of Ramayan as he referred him as Kumbhakaran. How will he take decisions? The people of Rajasthan cannot hand over their state in hands of such confused leadership," said Prime Minister Modi. Congress party doesn`t have strong leadership, no vision and no will, he said adding, "It is really unfortunate that Mahatama Gandhi want self-dependence based on Khadi but this fake Gandhi family erased the existence of that Khadi. Did you ever hear any Congress government say anything about Khadi?" "Today, Khadi jacket has become popular; people call it Modi jacket and they (Congress) don`t like it. They say how did Khadi of Gandhi become Modi jacket?" he added. The state will go for polls on December 7, while the counting will take place on December 11.

'Naamdar' is born with a golden spoon in his mouth: PM Modi

Telangana State Police on Wednesday seized Rs 86.5 crore cash, four lakh litres of liquor, and more than 8400 arms have been deposited till now as part of preparations ahead of the Assembly elections in the state.

Moreover, special arrangements have been made in Naxal-affected areas to avoid untoward incidents ahead of polls, scheduled to be held on December 7 (Friday).

Speaking to the media, ADG law and order Jitender said, "Polls are going to be held on December 7. During the last three months, we have executed more than 11,000 non-bailable warrants. We have also asked the armed licensees to deposit their licensed arms and till now, we have received more than 8400 arms."

Elaborating upon the security arrangements for conducting fair and peaceful elections, Jitender said that security forces will be present at over 32,000 polling stations.

"We have provided security to 32,574 polling stations in more than 18,000 locations. Around 4,000 locations have been identified as critical, in which extra security will be provided. We are conducting combing operations in Naxal-affected areas. All candidates have been given sufficient security for their campaigning," he said.

Results of the Telangana Assembly elections will be announced on December 11.&nbsp;

Telangana State Police on Wednesday seized Rs 86.5 crore cash, four lakh litres of liquor, and more than 8400 arms have been deposited till now as part of preparations ahead of the Assembly elections in the state.

Telangana State Police on Wednesday seized Rs 86.5 crore cash, four lakh litres of liquor, and more than 8400 arms have been deposited till now as part of preparations ahead of the Assembly elections in the state. Moreover, special arrangements have been made in Naxal-affected areas to avoid untoward incidents ahead of polls, scheduled to be held on December 7 (Friday). Speaking to the media, ADG law and order Jitender said, "Polls are going to be held on December 7. During the last three months, we have executed more than 11,000 non-bailable warrants. We have also asked the armed licensees to deposit their licensed arms and till now, we have received more than 8400 arms." Elaborating upon the security arrangements for conducting fair and peaceful elections, Jitender said that security forces will be present at over 32,000 polling stations. "We have provided security to 32,574 polling stations in more than 18,000 locations. Around 4,000 locations have been identified as critical, in which extra security will be provided. We are conducting combing operations in Naxal-affected areas. All candidates have been given sufficient security for their campaigning," he said. Results of the Telangana Assembly elections will be announced on December 11.

Rs 86.5 crore cash, 4 lakh litres of liquor seized in poll-bound Telangana

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan Wednesday said the Congress is running a campaign of EVM tampering as it has sensed defeat in the assembly polls and asserted there is no reason to doubt the integrity of the Election Commission (EC).

The main opposition party has repeatedly raised concerns over the security of EVMs (Electronic Voting Machines) inside strongrooms and their handling during the counting process in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh.

Its leaders have also taken up the issue with the EC.

Chouhan said the Congress' concerns have no ground and claimed the EC has been harsher with the BJP.

"The Congress has been raising baseless hue and cry (over EVM security issue). On the day of voting (November 28) Jyotiraditya ji (Congress campaign committee chief Jyotiraditya Scindia) wrote letter to EC.

"Congress (is) running a campaign of EVM tempering. There is no reason to doubt EC, which is a constitutional body," Chouhan told reporters here.

The chief minister said Rahul Gandhi-led party is not ready to trust anyone.

"A desperate Congress (is) trying to find excuse for its (imminent) defeat. For Congress, everybody including EC, officials, employees and police, is dishonest. Whom Congress will trust? It is trying to create an atmosphere of doubt," he said.

"On the contrary, the EC was more stern against the BJP. At times, it has acted inhumanly while implementing the model code of conduct," the CM said, claiming that the EC even did not allow him to attend last rites of a friend.

"My friend and (BJP) worker Raghuvir Dangi died in Vidisha on November 27 (a day before voting in MP). I wanted to go in his last rites, but I was not given the permission by the EC," Chouhan said.

The CM said tampering EVMs is not a child's play.

"There is media...People are aware nobody can tamper with (an) EVM. Ye koi gudde-gudiya ka khel hai, koi bhi bula kar chhedchhad kar dega? (It is not a child's play).

This is technically impossible," he said.

About the number of assembly seats the BJP expects to win in Madhya Pradesh, Chouhan, seeking a straight fourth term in office, said the ruling party will get "spectacular" majority.

Chouhan also said the BJP will retain Rajasthan (where voting is due on December 7). He had addressed several election rallies there.

Asked about the drop in prices of onion and garlic, Chouhan said the affected farmers will be compensated, but he is not able to take a decision in this regard as the model code of conduct is in force.

Asked about the Cabinet meeting held earlier in the day, the CM said some routine issues were discussed.

Meanwhile, senior Congress leader Ajay Singh sought to know why Chouhan and the BJP were maintaining "silence" over the "irregularities" occurred during the November 28 polling.

"About 4,000 machines, including EVMs and VVPATs, were changed during the polling. EVMs were deposited at some places as late as 48 hours. CCTVs installed for the security of strongrooms not worked for hours at several places," he claimed.

"Why Chouhan and his party didn't come up with complaints on this issue," the Leader of Opposition in the assembly asked.

Singh alleged strongrooms housing EVMs were not sealed properly at several places.

The counting of votes for Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh elections will take place on December 11.&nbsp;

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan Wednesday said the Congress is running a campaign of EVM tampering as it has sensed defeat in the assembly polls and asserted there is no reason to doubt the integrity of the Election Commission (EC).

Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan Wednesday said the Congress is running a campaign of EVM tampering as it has sensed defeat in the assembly polls and asserted there is no reason to doubt the integrity of the Election Commission (EC). The main opposition party has repeatedly raised concerns over the security of EVMs (Electronic Voting Machines) inside strongrooms and their handling during the counting process in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. Its leaders have also taken up the issue with the EC. Chouhan said the Congress' concerns have no ground and claimed the EC has been harsher with the BJP. "The Congress has been raising baseless hue and cry (over EVM security issue). On the day of voting (November 28) Jyotiraditya ji (Congress campaign committee chief Jyotiraditya Scindia) wrote letter to EC. "Congress (is) running a campaign of EVM tempering. There is no reason to doubt EC, which is a constitutional body," Chouhan told reporters here. The chief minister said Rahul Gandhi-led party is not ready to trust anyone. "A desperate Congress (is) trying to find excuse for its (imminent) defeat. For Congress, everybody including EC, officials, employees and police, is dishonest. Whom Congress will trust? It is trying to create an atmosphere of doubt," he said. "On the contrary, the EC was more stern against the BJP. At times, it has acted inhumanly while implementing the model code of conduct," the CM said, claiming that the EC even did not allow him to attend last rites of a friend. "My friend and (BJP) worker Raghuvir Dangi died in Vidisha on November 27 (a day before voting in MP). I wanted to go in his last rites, but I was not given the permission by the EC," Chouhan said. The CM said tampering EVMs is not a child's play. "There is media...People are aware nobody can tamper with (an) EVM. Ye koi gudde-gudiya ka khel hai, koi bhi bula kar chhedchhad kar dega? (It is not a child's play). This is technically impossible," he said. About the number of assembly seats the BJP expects to win in Madhya Pradesh, Chouhan, seeking a straight fourth term in office, said the ruling party will get "spectacular" majority. Chouhan also said the BJP will retain Rajasthan (where voting is due on December 7). He had addressed several election rallies there. Asked about the drop in prices of onion and garlic, Chouhan said the affected farmers will be compensated, but he is not able to take a decision in this regard as the model code of conduct is in force. Asked about the Cabinet meeting held earlier in the day, the CM said some routine issues were discussed. Meanwhile, senior Congress leader Ajay Singh sought to know why Chouhan and the BJP were maintaining "silence" over the "irregularities" occurred during the November 28 polling. "About 4,000 machines, including EVMs and VVPATs, were changed during the polling. EVMs were deposited at some places as late as 48 hours. CCTVs installed for the security of strongrooms not worked for hours at several places," he claimed. "Why Chouhan and his party didn't come up with complaints on this issue," the Leader of Opposition in the assembly asked. Singh alleged strongrooms housing EVMs were not sealed properly at several places. The counting of votes for Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh elections will take place on December 11.

Sensing poll rout, Cong raising EVM tampering issue: Shivraj Singh Chouhan

Telangana caretaker chief minister and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao stormed to power in 2014 -- albeit with a simple majority -- riding on the back of strong &nbsp;Telangana statehood emotion.

Four years after the bifurcation that sentiment has waned. KCR's attempt to rake up the Telangana sentiment by calling TDP an "Andhra party" and its chief&nbsp; "Telangana drohi"&nbsp;in the run-up to this election has failed to strike a chord with the voters who expected him to seek vote based on his record as chief minister of the state.&nbsp;

In the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/opinions/from-strong-to-sticky-wicket-why-retaining-power-in-telangana-wont-be-a-cakewalk-for-kcr-179734">first part of the article</a>, we discussed about how KCR was caught off guard by the coming together of arch rivals Congress and TDP in the state while in this part, let's look at how strong the leadership of KCR is and how several welfare schemes implemented by him such as round-the-clock power supply to households, free power to farmers, financial support schemes such as Rythu Bandhu and Rythu Bhima for farmers, KCR Kits and increased pensions for old age, widows, single women and toddy tappers, weavers would work in his favour and spur the voters to rally behind him.

The aforementioned and several other welfare schemes which covered almost each and every community and household in the state may give an edge to TRS over Congress-TDP alliance.&nbsp;

The TRS chief has sweating it out on the electoral battleground and has been attending four to eight meetings every day since Election Commission declared polls.&nbsp;

However, the lofty promises he made in 2014 and his failure to deliver on those promises may come back to haunt him as he seeks reelection.&nbsp;

Incomplete irrigation projects, reneging on his promise to make a Dalit the first CM of Telangana state, failure to sanction and construct 1 lakh 2BHK houses for homeless people, failure to meet the deadline of piped drinking water supply to every household through Mission Bhagiratha project, alleged corruption in thousands of crores in Mission Bhagiratha and Mission Kakatiya projects and the&nbsp;unviability of Kaleshwaram irrigation project in the name of redesigning are some of the things may work against KCR who also so far failed to convince the people why he dissolved the assembly six months prior to the end of his term.&nbsp;

The TRS chief, who a journalist friend in Telangana calls a modern Hitler, &nbsp;has also been often accused of nepotism and promoting ''family rule'' where five members -- KCR, his son and IT Minister KTR, daughter and Nizamabad MP Kavitha, nephew and Irrigation Minister Harish Rao and another nephew Santhosh Kumar -- called the shots.&nbsp;

Even Congress president Rahul Gandhi attacked KCR on ''family rule'' by saying that the TRS Government is working for realising the dreams of one person by trampling on the rights of all other people on land, waters and other resources.&nbsp;

While KCR poured crores on sops but failed to create jobs for the unemployed youth, says another journalist friend from the state. KCR also did not induct any woman legislator into his cabinet.

In the ongoing campaign, TRS MLAs are questioned by people on their failure to deliver on promises made in 2014. According to the vox populi, lions' share of the electorate is not happy with the TRS rule, especially in rural Telangana.&nbsp;

KCR also failed on his 12 per cent reservation to the Muslims.

Strong believer of numerology and superstitions, KCR also ignored families of true statehood martyrs and soldiers. Brazen dereliction on the part of KCR on building the memorials to honour the martyrs and statehood fighters as he promised during the last polls has angered several people in the state.&nbsp;

Several strong leaders from TRS including the sitting MLAs like BC leader Konda Sureka, SC leader Bodige Shobha who were denied the tickets, defected to the Congress. There is a potential splitting of the pro-TRS vote bank by rebels and dissidents who sought tickets but were denied. &nbsp;There is also a strong anti-incumbency wave among farmers due to forceful land acquisition.&nbsp;

A win in his own constituency, Gajwel, may not be a cakewalk for the TRS chief who won the seat in 2014 from Vanteru Pratap Reddy of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), who has since joined the Congress, by about 20,000 votes. 
 
(This is the second part of the three-part analysis on Telangana election. The final part will be published on December 12)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Telangana caretaker chief minister and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao stormed to power in 2014 -- albeit with a simple majority -- riding on the back of strong Telangana statehood emotion.

Telangana caretaker chief minister and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao stormed to power in 2014 -- albeit with a simple majority -- riding on the back of strong Telangana statehood emotion. Four years after the bifurcation that sentiment has waned. KCR's attempt to rake up the Telangana sentiment by calling TDP an "Andhra party" and its chief "Telangana drohi" in the run-up to this election has failed to strike a chord with the voters who expected him to seek vote based on his record as chief minister of the state. In the first part of the article, we discussed about how KCR was caught off guard by the coming together of arch rivals Congress and TDP in the state while in this part, let's look at how strong the leadership of KCR is and how several welfare schemes implemented by him such as round-the-clock power supply to households, free power to farmers, financial support schemes such as Rythu Bandhu and Rythu Bhima for farmers, KCR Kits and increased pensions for old age, widows, single women and toddy tappers, weavers would work in his favour and spur the voters to rally behind him. The aforementioned and several other welfare schemes which covered almost each and every community and household in the state may give an edge to TRS over Congress-TDP alliance. The TRS chief has sweating it out on the electoral battleground and has been attending four to eight meetings every day since Election Commission declared polls. However, the lofty promises he made in 2014 and his failure to deliver on those promises may come back to haunt him as he seeks reelection. Incomplete irrigation projects, reneging on his promise to make a Dalit the first CM of Telangana state, failure to sanction and construct 1 lakh 2BHK houses for homeless people, failure to meet the deadline of piped drinking water supply to every household through Mission Bhagiratha project, alleged corruption in thousands of crores in Mission Bhagiratha and Mission Kakatiya projects and the unviability of Kaleshwaram irrigation project in the name of redesigning are some of the things may work against KCR who also so far failed to convince the people why he dissolved the assembly six months prior to the end of his term. The TRS chief, who a journalist friend in Telangana calls a modern Hitler, has also been often accused of nepotism and promoting ''family rule'' where five members -- KCR, his son and IT Minister KTR, daughter and Nizamabad MP Kavitha, nephew and Irrigation Minister Harish Rao and another nephew Santhosh Kumar -- called the shots. Even Congress president Rahul Gandhi attacked KCR on ''family rule'' by saying that the TRS Government is working for realising the dreams of one person by trampling on the rights of all other people on land, waters and other resources. While KCR poured crores on sops but failed to create jobs for the unemployed youth, says another journalist friend from the state. KCR also did not induct any woman legislator into his cabinet. In the ongoing campaign, TRS MLAs are questioned by people on their failure to deliver on promises made in 2014. According to the vox populi, lions' share of the electorate is not happy with the TRS rule, especially in rural Telangana. KCR also failed on his 12 per cent reservation to the Muslims. Strong believer of numerology and superstitions, KCR also ignored families of true statehood martyrs and soldiers. Brazen dereliction on the part of KCR on building the memorials to honour the martyrs and statehood fighters as he promised during the last polls has angered several people in the state. Several strong leaders from TRS including the sitting MLAs like BC leader Konda Sureka, SC leader Bodige Shobha who were denied the tickets, defected to the Congress. There is a potential splitting of the pro-TRS vote bank by rebels and dissidents who sought tickets but were denied. There is also a strong anti-incumbency wave among farmers due to forceful land acquisition. A win in his own constituency, Gajwel, may not be a cakewalk for the TRS chief who won the seat in 2014 from Vanteru Pratap Reddy of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), who has since joined the Congress, by about 20,000 votes. (This is the second part of the three-part analysis on Telangana election. The final part will be published on December 12) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: KCR's failure to honour his promises could prove costly

The winter chill has not yet peaked in Bhopal but the politicians belonging to the two major claimants for power in Madhya Pradesh – the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress – are feeling the shivers down their spine, with December 11, the day for counting of votes, just round the corner.

There were undercurrents but as the voters had chosen to remain silent, there was no wave in favour of either the BJP or Congress during the campaigning for the election to the state Assembly. Obviously, therefore, the BJP seniors are on tenterhooks as they wait for the poll outcome.&nbsp;

The only question occupying their mind at present is whether or not they will be able to return to power in MP for the fourth time in a row. Congressmen on the other side, after three consecutive defeats in 2003, 2008 and 2013, are spending sleepless nights craving for victory in this election.

Before polling on November 28, reports citing the “Satta Market”, had tilted the balance in favour of Congress and it was projected that the BJP was heading for defeat in Madhya Pradesh. This was widely covered by the media. Two days after polling, posts on social media cited an alleged police intelligence survey conducted before the casting of votes. It gave 90 seats to the BJP, 128 to the Congress and 7 to independents and others. &nbsp;

A “tentative list” that went viral on December 3, flashes the fate of each BJP candidate versus the main opponent from the Congress side and predicts that the BJP would win 123 seats and lose 105 to the Congress.

The "Satta Market" is also hovering over the poll related forecasts these days. The other day, someone was sitting with a prominent businessman in his office. As the conversation veered round to the outcome of polls, he was quick in lifting the phone and asking one of his subordinates at the other end to check the latest “Satta trend”. Pat came the reply that the trend was now favouring the BJP in Madhya Pradesh. &nbsp;

The role of the "Satta market" can also be gauged from BJP’s latest charge that the Congress was influencing the bookies and fixing the Satta rates keeping in view Rajasthan, where polling will be held on December 7.&nbsp;

It’s a matter of serious concern&nbsp;that how everyone is willing to connect with the illegal "Satta Market". There is also an indication that it could leave an impact on the voting pattern.

In the midst of speculations about the people’s verdict, the Congress party has slammed the ruling BJP and raised the issue of alleged tampering with EVM machines. Videos showing gaping gaps in transporting EVM machines and the management of strongrooms meant for keeping these machines have gone viral. Charges are flying freely over the delay in transporting the EVMs from Khurai constituency to the Sagar district headquarters. A junior level revenue officer has been suspended as it took about 48 hours for the EVMs kept as reserve in the Khurai constituency to reach Sagar. &nbsp;There was a huge protest on this issue and angry Congressmen even did a “gherao" of the district collectorate.

Another video doing the rounds on social media shows the Rewa collector interacting with a Congress candidate, who was complaining about the strongroom arrangements. From what is audible, the collector is heard giving the “shoot at sight” orders against anyone going near the strong room. She also conveyed in clear terms that the election was a minor event and she meant business as her goal was to rise and become the Chief Secretary and a principle Secretary. &nbsp;The authenticity of what has been said in this video remains to be verified.

On Tuesday, Madhya Pradesh Congress unit President Kamal Nath met the Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora in New Delhi to demand necessary action to prevent manipulation, distortion and interference in the counting of votes.&nbsp;

The BJP leaders on their part, are pointing out that the Congressmen are raising a hue and cry about the EVMs as they are sensing defeat and want to pick an excuse for their defeat.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The winter chill has not yet peaked in Bhopal but the politicians belonging to the two major claimants for power in Madhya Pradesh – the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress – are feeling the shivers down their spine, with December 11, the day for counting of votes, just round the corner.

The winter chill has not yet peaked in Bhopal but the politicians belonging to the two major claimants for power in Madhya Pradesh – the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress – are feeling the shivers down their spine, with December 11, the day for counting of votes, just round the corner. There were undercurrents but as the voters had chosen to remain silent, there was no wave in favour of either the BJP or Congress during the campaigning for the election to the state Assembly. Obviously, therefore, the BJP seniors are on tenterhooks as they wait for the poll outcome. The only question occupying their mind at present is whether or not they will be able to return to power in MP for the fourth time in a row. Congressmen on the other side, after three consecutive defeats in 2003, 2008 and 2013, are spending sleepless nights craving for victory in this election. Before polling on November 28, reports citing the “Satta Market”, had tilted the balance in favour of Congress and it was projected that the BJP was heading for defeat in Madhya Pradesh. This was widely covered by the media. Two days after polling, posts on social media cited an alleged police intelligence survey conducted before the casting of votes. It gave 90 seats to the BJP, 128 to the Congress and 7 to independents and others. A “tentative list” that went viral on December 3, flashes the fate of each BJP candidate versus the main opponent from the Congress side and predicts that the BJP would win 123 seats and lose 105 to the Congress. The "Satta Market" is also hovering over the poll related forecasts these days. The other day, someone was sitting with a prominent businessman in his office. As the conversation veered round to the outcome of polls, he was quick in lifting the phone and asking one of his subordinates at the other end to check the latest “Satta trend”. Pat came the reply that the trend was now favouring the BJP in Madhya Pradesh. The role of the "Satta market" can also be gauged from BJP’s latest charge that the Congress was influencing the bookies and fixing the Satta rates keeping in view Rajasthan, where polling will be held on December 7. It’s a matter of serious concern that how everyone is willing to connect with the illegal "Satta Market". There is also an indication that it could leave an impact on the voting pattern. In the midst of speculations about the people’s verdict, the Congress party has slammed the ruling BJP and raised the issue of alleged tampering with EVM machines. Videos showing gaping gaps in transporting EVM machines and the management of strongrooms meant for keeping these machines have gone viral. Charges are flying freely over the delay in transporting the EVMs from Khurai constituency to the Sagar district headquarters. A junior level revenue officer has been suspended as it took about 48 hours for the EVMs kept as reserve in the Khurai constituency to reach Sagar. There was a huge protest on this issue and angry Congressmen even did a “gherao" of the district collectorate. Another video doing the rounds on social media shows the Rewa collector interacting with a Congress candidate, who was complaining about the strongroom arrangements. From what is audible, the collector is heard giving the “shoot at sight” orders against anyone going near the strong room. She also conveyed in clear terms that the election was a minor event and she meant business as her goal was to rise and become the Chief Secretary and a principle Secretary. The authenticity of what has been said in this video remains to be verified. On Tuesday, Madhya Pradesh Congress unit President Kamal Nath met the Chief Election Commissioner Sunil Arora in New Delhi to demand necessary action to prevent manipulation, distortion and interference in the counting of votes. The BJP leaders on their part, are pointing out that the Congressmen are raising a hue and cry about the EVMs as they are sensing defeat and want to pick an excuse for their defeat. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections 2018: Poll results fairly unpredictable

With the people of Rajasthan voting for a new Assembly four days from now, the electoral script has been virtually finalised, which can change only if there are last minute dramatic twists. While such a possibility remains in the realm of the unknown, what is known are the developments over the past few weeks in the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party camps. They can provide an indication, even if not decisively, of the state’s political colour over the next five years. &nbsp;

First, Congress. The party is upbeat, not so much because the people have suddenly realised the merits of its governance but because they are angry with the Vasundhara Raje regime for a variety of reasons — though not all of them may be valid. If one studies the Congress’s poll drive, one would discover that it has not identified in concrete terms ‘misgovernance’ of the incumbent BJP regime. Instead, it has tapped on the public perception of dissatisfaction. The Congress has not vigorously attacked the various developmental schemes of either the state or the Modi government, only half-heartedly pointing to lacunae. Perhaps this is because the benefits are all too obvious to ignore. The party’s manifesto too is not marked by any exceptional promises. &nbsp;

The Congress is depending on various other factors, besides anti-incumbency. It believes that the arrival into its camp of Manvendra Singh will dent the BJP’s Rajput vote-bank; it calculates that the departure from the BJP of senior leaders such as Ghanshyam Tewari will adversely impact that party; it thinks that individual players such as Hanuman Beniwal will eat into the BJP’s votes since he is a BJP rebel. On a more positive side, however, it holds that the presence of its two strongest state leaders — Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot — will swing the votes in its favour.&nbsp;

Congress president Rahul Gandhi has vigorously campaigned in the State. He has a reputation — to not uphold but establish. Perhaps because he believes that Rajasthan offers him the best chance, compared to Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, to do so, that he has gone all out in this state. Success will power him as a leader of consequence and maybe even ignite his dream of leading a non-BJP coalition in time for the 2019 Lok Sabha election. The opposite outcome will not keep him where he is — which is bad enough — but slide him down further. It can be safely predicted, though, that if the Congress still loses a battle it believes is in its bag, then the blame will be shared by the State’s leaders and Rahul Gandhi will be insulated from taking accountability.&nbsp;

The BJP is from all accounts, locked in a grim contest. Poll surveys and perceptions — or at least what has been publicly stated — have not been a cause of cheer for the party. Even its sympathisers believe that it would be a miracle if the BJP retains the State. Of course, there could be undercurrents of support for the party which has not been mapped. But would that be sufficient to turn the tables on the Congress?&nbsp;

Meanwhile, the party is furiously engaged in what it does best: Booth management at the micro level. Party president Amit Shah has stationed himself in Rajasthan and is directing the campaign by ironing out the weaknesses and promoting the strengths. There is no doubt that many behind-the-scenes calculations are being done in the run-up to the poll and the result thereof. For the moment the BJP’s central leadership has completely backed Vasundhara Raje’s candidature. This was to be expected because changing the captain (even if that captain is problematic) in the midst of a fight is not the most sensible thing to do. Doing so would also have invited serious factionalism at a time when the party needed to fight the ‘enemy’ as one. Besides, the BJP does not have a State leader who can match Vasundhara Raje’s stature.&nbsp;

Realising the delicacy of the situation, the RSS has pumped in its manpower resources to ensure a BJP victory. This is significant for two reasons. The first is that the RSS has considerable hold among the electorate and there is thus the possibility of swinging indecisive votes in the BJP’s favour. The RSS has units that have been for long working among slum-dwellers, traders and the poorer sections of society, and hopes to cash in on that support base. The second issue of significance is that the RSS has shed, for the moment, its wariness towards Vasundhara Raje, and has agreed to back her in the BJP’s larger interests. &nbsp;

Will that be a game-turner for the BJP, or will it prove inadequate to match a resurgent Congress in the state, remains to be seen.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

With the people of Rajasthan voting for a new Assembly four days from now, the electoral script has been virtually finalised, which can change only if there are last minute dramatic twists.

With the people of Rajasthan voting for a new Assembly four days from now, the electoral script has been virtually finalised, which can change only if there are last minute dramatic twists. While such a possibility remains in the realm of the unknown, what is known are the developments over the past few weeks in the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party camps. They can provide an indication, even if not decisively, of the state’s political colour over the next five years. First, Congress. The party is upbeat, not so much because the people have suddenly realised the merits of its governance but because they are angry with the Vasundhara Raje regime for a variety of reasons — though not all of them may be valid. If one studies the Congress’s poll drive, one would discover that it has not identified in concrete terms ‘misgovernance’ of the incumbent BJP regime. Instead, it has tapped on the public perception of dissatisfaction. The Congress has not vigorously attacked the various developmental schemes of either the state or the Modi government, only half-heartedly pointing to lacunae. Perhaps this is because the benefits are all too obvious to ignore. The party’s manifesto too is not marked by any exceptional promises. The Congress is depending on various other factors, besides anti-incumbency. It believes that the arrival into its camp of Manvendra Singh will dent the BJP’s Rajput vote-bank; it calculates that the departure from the BJP of senior leaders such as Ghanshyam Tewari will adversely impact that party; it thinks that individual players such as Hanuman Beniwal will eat into the BJP’s votes since he is a BJP rebel. On a more positive side, however, it holds that the presence of its two strongest state leaders — Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot — will swing the votes in its favour. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has vigorously campaigned in the State. He has a reputation — to not uphold but establish. Perhaps because he believes that Rajasthan offers him the best chance, compared to Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, to do so, that he has gone all out in this state. Success will power him as a leader of consequence and maybe even ignite his dream of leading a non-BJP coalition in time for the 2019 Lok Sabha election. The opposite outcome will not keep him where he is — which is bad enough — but slide him down further. It can be safely predicted, though, that if the Congress still loses a battle it believes is in its bag, then the blame will be shared by the State’s leaders and Rahul Gandhi will be insulated from taking accountability. The BJP is from all accounts, locked in a grim contest. Poll surveys and perceptions — or at least what has been publicly stated — have not been a cause of cheer for the party. Even its sympathisers believe that it would be a miracle if the BJP retains the State. Of course, there could be undercurrents of support for the party which has not been mapped. But would that be sufficient to turn the tables on the Congress? Meanwhile, the party is furiously engaged in what it does best: Booth management at the micro level. Party president Amit Shah has stationed himself in Rajasthan and is directing the campaign by ironing out the weaknesses and promoting the strengths. There is no doubt that many behind-the-scenes calculations are being done in the run-up to the poll and the result thereof. For the moment the BJP’s central leadership has completely backed Vasundhara Raje’s candidature. This was to be expected because changing the captain (even if that captain is problematic) in the midst of a fight is not the most sensible thing to do. Doing so would also have invited serious factionalism at a time when the party needed to fight the ‘enemy’ as one. Besides, the BJP does not have a State leader who can match Vasundhara Raje’s stature. Realising the delicacy of the situation, the RSS has pumped in its manpower resources to ensure a BJP victory. This is significant for two reasons. The first is that the RSS has considerable hold among the electorate and there is thus the possibility of swinging indecisive votes in the BJP’s favour. The RSS has units that have been for long working among slum-dwellers, traders and the poorer sections of society, and hopes to cash in on that support base. The second issue of significance is that the RSS has shed, for the moment, its wariness towards Vasundhara Raje, and has agreed to back her in the BJP’s larger interests. Will that be a game-turner for the BJP, or will it prove inadequate to match a resurgent Congress in the state, remains to be seen. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Rajasthan Assembly elections 2018: Whose script will triumph?

TRS president K Chandrasekhar Rao Thursday said he would take efforts for the formation of a non-Congress, non-BJP government at the Centre to realise increase in reservations to Muslims and STs in Telangana.

"I tell one thing to our tribal children, Muslim children. You know that if I take up anything, I will be stubborn. When I started for Telangana, nobody had confidence. But, Telangana came," he pointed out.

"Today, STs reservation, Muslims reservation also.. I will achieve your reservation by getting a non-BJP, non-Congress government installed in Delhi next term by winning all MP seats," Rao said at party campaign rallies.

He criticised the NDA government for not accepting the proposal through the state government and Assembly sent resolutions seeking an increase in reservations.

"Narendra Modi says I will not increase. Is India your 'jagir' (fiefdom)," he said.

Noting that the population of STs and Muslims increased (in the overall population) in Telangana following bifurcation of undivided Andhra Pradesh, he said the reservation is being sought in view of prevailing poverty.

Rao, the Caretaker Chief Minister, has been extensively campaigning for the December seven Assembly polls criss-crossing the state.

KCR, as Rao is popularly known, has been highlighting the various welfare schemes of his government, including free power to farm sector, investment support and insurance schemes for the benefit of farmers and the hike in social security pensions.

The TRS is going it alone in the elections.

Earlier this year, Rao had also met TMC supremo and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, and Deve Gowda, among others, to prop up a non-Congress, non-BJP front.

TRS president K Chandrasekhar Rao Thursday said he would take efforts for the formation of a non-Congress, non-BJP government at the Centre to realise increase in reservations to Muslims and STs in Telangana.

TRS president K Chandrasekhar Rao Thursday said he would take efforts for the formation of a non-Congress, non-BJP government at the Centre to realise increase in reservations to Muslims and STs in Telangana. "I tell one thing to our tribal children, Muslim children. You know that if I take up anything, I will be stubborn. When I started for Telangana, nobody had confidence. But, Telangana came," he pointed out. "Today, STs reservation, Muslims reservation also.. I will achieve your reservation by getting a non-BJP, non-Congress government installed in Delhi next term by winning all MP seats," Rao said at party campaign rallies. He criticised the NDA government for not accepting the proposal through the state government and Assembly sent resolutions seeking an increase in reservations. "Narendra Modi says I will not increase. Is India your 'jagir' (fiefdom)," he said. Noting that the population of STs and Muslims increased (in the overall population) in Telangana following bifurcation of undivided Andhra Pradesh, he said the reservation is being sought in view of prevailing poverty. Rao, the Caretaker Chief Minister, has been extensively campaigning for the December seven Assembly polls criss-crossing the state. KCR, as Rao is popularly known, has been highlighting the various welfare schemes of his government, including free power to farm sector, investment support and insurance schemes for the benefit of farmers and the hike in social security pensions. The TRS is going it alone in the elections. Earlier this year, Rao had also met TMC supremo and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, and Deve Gowda, among others, to prop up a non-Congress, non-BJP front.

Will take efforts to form non-Congress, non-BJP government at Centre: KCR

Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh have voted and their results will be known on December 11 along with those of Telangana and Rajasthan where polling will take place on December 7.

While it is impossible to predict the results for MP and Chhattisgarh, conversations with voters from various regions in both these states reveal one thing in common- the quest for Badlav or Change. If this feeling, which was shared by millions of voters in the two states, was actually acted upon then the BJP should be bracing for a big setback. In Rajasthan, which has not deviated from the pattern of voting in a new government every five years, the scramble for Congress tickets among MLA aspirants itself shows that the grand old party is in pole position.&nbsp;

From Jaisalmer to Jaipur people are displaying an inclination towards the Congress. They say that while BJP might have taken some good macroeconomic measures it has not done much work on the ground. Large parts of rural Rajasthan are especially antagonistic towards the BJP for failing to keep its promises on providing higher pension, medical services and benefits for farmers. The youth, however, is still in awe of Prime Minister Modi who remains a vote-puller among this section.

For the young Hindu voters in Rajasthan, BJP rule has not meant any harm even though they are forced to concede that Demonetisation has tanked job growth in the state. For the young, Modi’s charisma works because of his thrust on digitalisation as a panacea for several problems that affect the country. Many young voters admit that the present going might be a bit difficult but the future would be better and the suffering caused by the poor implementation of GST and Demonetisation is only temporary.

In Telangana, going to polls for the first time since its formation in 2013, KCR’s Telangana Rashtra Samiti looks confident of returning to power. But in the last few weeks, TRS supremo KCR has betrayed signs of shakiness. The Prajakutami or the grand alliance between the Congress, TDP, TJS, and CPI has thrown up a considerable spanner in TRS’s plans.

Interestingly, both the Opposition and TRS are banking heavily on the loyalty of Muslim voters. AIMIM has not revealed its cards but is widely believed to be in the truck with the TRS which itself is said to share a secret understanding with the BJP. &nbsp;Congress president Rahul Gandhi has repeatedly accused both TRS and AIMIM of aiding the BJP. Speaking at a rally recently in speaking at a rally in the state he lambasted the TRS &nbsp;saying, "TRS is not Telangana Rashtra Samiti, it's Telangana Rashtriya Sangh Parivar. It’s a B team of the BJP and RSS."

Congress and the other opposition parties are desperate to score victories in the five states of Mizoram, Telangana, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh ahead of the 2019 general elections. Touted as the semi-final, the outcome of these elections is going to have a massive impact on the morale of&nbsp;the Congress which is fighting for its political survival.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh have voted and their results will be known on December 11 along with those of Telangana and Rajasthan where polling will take place on December 7.

Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh have voted and their results will be known on December 11 along with those of Telangana and Rajasthan where polling will take place on December 7. While it is impossible to predict the results for MP and Chhattisgarh, conversations with voters from various regions in both these states reveal one thing in common- the quest for Badlav or Change. If this feeling, which was shared by millions of voters in the two states, was actually acted upon then the BJP should be bracing for a big setback. In Rajasthan, which has not deviated from the pattern of voting in a new government every five years, the scramble for Congress tickets among MLA aspirants itself shows that the grand old party is in pole position. From Jaisalmer to Jaipur people are displaying an inclination towards the Congress. They say that while BJP might have taken some good macroeconomic measures it has not done much work on the ground. Large parts of rural Rajasthan are especially antagonistic towards the BJP for failing to keep its promises on providing higher pension, medical services and benefits for farmers. The youth, however, is still in awe of Prime Minister Modi who remains a vote-puller among this section. For the young Hindu voters in Rajasthan, BJP rule has not meant any harm even though they are forced to concede that Demonetisation has tanked job growth in the state. For the young, Modi’s charisma works because of his thrust on digitalisation as a panacea for several problems that affect the country. Many young voters admit that the present going might be a bit difficult but the future would be better and the suffering caused by the poor implementation of GST and Demonetisation is only temporary. In Telangana, going to polls for the first time since its formation in 2013, KCR’s Telangana Rashtra Samiti looks confident of returning to power. But in the last few weeks, TRS supremo KCR has betrayed signs of shakiness. The Prajakutami or the grand alliance between the Congress, TDP, TJS, and CPI has thrown up a considerable spanner in TRS’s plans. Interestingly, both the Opposition and TRS are banking heavily on the loyalty of Muslim voters. AIMIM has not revealed its cards but is widely believed to be in the truck with the TRS which itself is said to share a secret understanding with the BJP. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has repeatedly accused both TRS and AIMIM of aiding the BJP. Speaking at a rally recently in speaking at a rally in the state he lambasted the TRS saying, "TRS is not Telangana Rashtra Samiti, it's Telangana Rashtriya Sangh Parivar. It’s a B team of the BJP and RSS." Congress and the other opposition parties are desperate to score victories in the five states of Mizoram, Telangana, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh ahead of the 2019 general elections. Touted as the semi-final, the outcome of these elections is going to have a massive impact on the morale of the Congress which is fighting for its political survival. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: It's all up in the air

There has been a flurry of activity to cobble up an anti-BJP ‘Mahagathbandhan’ (grand alliance ). The exercise is not unprecedented either in its intention or scope. Only that this time around it’s the regional players who are taking the lead in firming up such a pan-India coalition of ‘like-minded’ parties. These regional players like Telugu Desam Party’s Chandrababu Naidu or Trinamool Congress’s Mamata Banerjee are not averse to taking Congress on board, not as a dominant partner but as an entity willing to subsume its ambitions under the overarching goals of the alliance.

Naidu’s recent meeting with TMC supremo did not stand out for the distance that Naidu had to cover to reach Kolkata. What stood out were the words from Mamata after the meeting that hinted at the underlying resolve of regional players not to allow national partners to have an overwhelming presence in the 'Mahagathbandhan'. On the question of who shall be the prime ministerial face of such a grand alliance, Mamata quipped that “everybody is the face of ‘Mahagathbandhan'.’”&nbsp;

It is hard to construe whether Mamata made this remark keeping Congress president Rahul Gandhi in mind. But it shall be vain to think otherwise. That also does not mean Mamata herself covets the post. The probability might be high but she is only making sure the post of the Prime Minister remains open in the event of the 'Mahagathbandhan' managing to halt the Modi juggernaut in 2019.&nbsp;

Mamata has revealed the blueprint for the coalition. Rewind to Karnataka Assembly verdict when Congress struck up a post-poll alliance with Janata Dal (Secular). To keep BJP at bay, Rahul offered the CM post to JD(S)’s HD Kumaraswamy despite the Congress having won twice as many seats as the JD(S). Mamata’s oblique reference to the Congress at the opposition show of unity then was unambiguous. The “regional fronts and regional partners have a very important role to play,” she had then remarked.&nbsp;

Even Naidu endorsed Mamata’s line in Kolkata when he said they were all senior politicians, ‘more senior than Modi.’ His no-nonsense remark indicates Rahul’s perceived lower standing in the political hierarchy the 'Mahagathbandhan' was trying to construct. It also shows a mirror to the Congress’s present numerical strength in the Lok Sabha. One thing is clear: The alliance partners shall prefer to choose the joint opposition PM face by consensus rather than allow a single party’s writ to run through. And that there could be several contenders to choose from.

The Congress’s 2014 drubbing at the hands of Modi’s BJP had brought it almost down to its knees. The Congress could garner just 44 seats in the Lok Sabha, barely ahead of strong regional players like the AIADMK (37 seats) and TMC (34 seats).&nbsp;

Rahul is trying hard to put the electoral failures behind him but his real leadership test shall be in the three Hindi-belt states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan where the grand old party is pitted against arch-rival BJP. If shall be a tour de force for him if he manages to wrest these states from the BJP, which is carrying the baggage of anti-incumbency.

But for now, he certainly seemed to have missed the bus of a possible electoral alliance with Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party in Chhattisgarh and MP. This may prove crucial to the poll outcome. Mayawati was among the first leaders Naidu met before he called on Rahul and Mamata for talks on grand alliance.

The emerging template of 'Mahagathbandhan' already includes signatures of parties such as TDP, DMK, TC, SP, BSP, NCP and NC. Most of these parties have either had a pronounced anti-Congressism in-built into their DNA or are breakaway factions of the Congress who now are strong players in their respective states and only want to expand bases in other states, where the Congress will have to accommodate them.&nbsp;

Rahul’s twin challenge is not only to resurrect the Congress but also to prove that his anti-BJP credentials were not vacuous chest-thumping. If he loses to BJP in these three states, he stands to forfeit his ground to regional players in the 'Mahagathbandhan'. A sweep in these three states will only lift his acceptability quotient that much. His stocks among opposition parties might soar. To be counted as a serious contender, Rahul will have to bounce back in the crucial Hindi belt states in which the Congress has presence – a feat unlikely without the strategic support of regional outfits. It shall be a tightrope walk in terms of numbers and alliances.

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-rahul-gandhi-and-the-price-of-mahagathbandhan-2690340">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

There has been a flurry of activity to cobble up an anti-BJP ‘Mahagathbandhan’ (grand alliance ). The exercise is not unprecedented either in its intention or scope.

There has been a flurry of activity to cobble up an anti-BJP ‘Mahagathbandhan’ (grand alliance ). The exercise is not unprecedented either in its intention or scope. Only that this time around it’s the regional players who are taking the lead in firming up such a pan-India coalition of ‘like-minded’ parties. These regional players like Telugu Desam Party’s Chandrababu Naidu or Trinamool Congress’s Mamata Banerjee are not averse to taking Congress on board, not as a dominant partner but as an entity willing to subsume its ambitions under the overarching goals of the alliance. Naidu’s recent meeting with TMC supremo did not stand out for the distance that Naidu had to cover to reach Kolkata. What stood out were the words from Mamata after the meeting that hinted at the underlying resolve of regional players not to allow national partners to have an overwhelming presence in the 'Mahagathbandhan'. On the question of who shall be the prime ministerial face of such a grand alliance, Mamata quipped that “everybody is the face of ‘Mahagathbandhan'.’” It is hard to construe whether Mamata made this remark keeping Congress president Rahul Gandhi in mind. But it shall be vain to think otherwise. That also does not mean Mamata herself covets the post. The probability might be high but she is only making sure the post of the Prime Minister remains open in the event of the 'Mahagathbandhan' managing to halt the Modi juggernaut in 2019. Mamata has revealed the blueprint for the coalition. Rewind to Karnataka Assembly verdict when Congress struck up a post-poll alliance with Janata Dal (Secular). To keep BJP at bay, Rahul offered the CM post to JD(S)’s HD Kumaraswamy despite the Congress having won twice as many seats as the JD(S). Mamata’s oblique reference to the Congress at the opposition show of unity then was unambiguous. The “regional fronts and regional partners have a very important role to play,” she had then remarked. Even Naidu endorsed Mamata’s line in Kolkata when he said they were all senior politicians, ‘more senior than Modi.’ His no-nonsense remark indicates Rahul’s perceived lower standing in the political hierarchy the 'Mahagathbandhan' was trying to construct. It also shows a mirror to the Congress’s present numerical strength in the Lok Sabha. One thing is clear: The alliance partners shall prefer to choose the joint opposition PM face by consensus rather than allow a single party’s writ to run through. And that there could be several contenders to choose from. The Congress’s 2014 drubbing at the hands of Modi’s BJP had brought it almost down to its knees. The Congress could garner just 44 seats in the Lok Sabha, barely ahead of strong regional players like the AIADMK (37 seats) and TMC (34 seats). Rahul is trying hard to put the electoral failures behind him but his real leadership test shall be in the three Hindi-belt states of Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan where the grand old party is pitted against arch-rival BJP. If shall be a tour de force for him if he manages to wrest these states from the BJP, which is carrying the baggage of anti-incumbency. But for now, he certainly seemed to have missed the bus of a possible electoral alliance with Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party in Chhattisgarh and MP. This may prove crucial to the poll outcome. Mayawati was among the first leaders Naidu met before he called on Rahul and Mamata for talks on grand alliance. The emerging template of 'Mahagathbandhan' already includes signatures of parties such as TDP, DMK, TC, SP, BSP, NCP and NC. Most of these parties have either had a pronounced anti-Congressism in-built into their DNA or are breakaway factions of the Congress who now are strong players in their respective states and only want to expand bases in other states, where the Congress will have to accommodate them. Rahul’s twin challenge is not only to resurrect the Congress but also to prove that his anti-BJP credentials were not vacuous chest-thumping. If he loses to BJP in these three states, he stands to forfeit his ground to regional players in the 'Mahagathbandhan'. A sweep in these three states will only lift his acceptability quotient that much. His stocks among opposition parties might soar. To be counted as a serious contender, Rahul will have to bounce back in the crucial Hindi belt states in which the Congress has presence – a feat unlikely without the strategic support of regional outfits. It shall be a tightrope walk in terms of numbers and alliances. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: It's a tightrope walk for Congress president Rahul Gandhi

Congress President Rahul Gandhi Thursday charged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has broken every single promise made by him.&nbsp;

Making a strong pitch for farm loan waiver, he said, "...If the Prime Minister of India can forgive three lakh fifty thousand crore of 15 people...The richest people in the country, then he should be ready to forgive the loan of India's farmers".

"We are not asking for any free gift for farmers; we are just saying that whatever you do, you treat everyone fairly. If you are treating the richest people in the country, and you are giving them loan waiver, then you owe that to the farmers of the country", Gandhi said.

The Congress has been accusing the Modi government of indulging in crony capitalism from time to time, a charge which has been vehemently denied by the saffron party.&nbsp;

Addressing a convention on "KG to PG recognised institutions in Telangana for 'Change and Existence" here, he alleged that Modi has broken every single promise of his, including that of being an honest Prime Minister.

Assembly elections are scheduled in Telangana on December 7.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Congress President Rahul Gandhi Thursday charged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has broken every single promise made by him. Making a strong pitch for farm loan waiver, he said, ".

Congress President Rahul Gandhi Thursday charged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has broken every single promise made by him. Making a strong pitch for farm loan waiver, he said, "...If the Prime Minister of India can forgive three lakh fifty thousand crore of 15 people...The richest people in the country, then he should be ready to forgive the loan of India's farmers". "We are not asking for any free gift for farmers; we are just saying that whatever you do, you treat everyone fairly. If you are treating the richest people in the country, and you are giving them loan waiver, then you owe that to the farmers of the country", Gandhi said. The Congress has been accusing the Modi government of indulging in crony capitalism from time to time, a charge which has been vehemently denied by the saffron party. Addressing a convention on "KG to PG recognised institutions in Telangana for 'Change and Existence" here, he alleged that Modi has broken every single promise of his, including that of being an honest Prime Minister. Assembly elections are scheduled in Telangana on December 7.

Assembly elections 2018: Rahul says PM Modi has 'broken' all promises

Chief Electoral Officer, Madhya Pradesh, VL Kantha Rao on Monday announced that 65,000 polling booths will be set up for the assembly elections, including 2000 booths that would be entirely women-operated.

"3 Lakh government employees including 45,000 women have been deployed on polling duty. 65,000 polling booths are being made in the state. Around 2,000 entirely women-only polling booths would be functional. 160 polling booths will be fully operated by differently-abled personnel," he informed.

Rao also announced that the silence period for Madhya Pradesh had begun, prohibiting all forms of campaigning in the state. "With only 48 hours remaining from the end of polling, the silence period has begun for the Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections and all campaigning is prohibited now onwards. Any advertisement on print, electronic media or social media is prohibited. Campaigning through phone calls or messaging services is also prohibited."

Rao further informed that special arrangements have been made for visually impaired people to help them cast their vote.

"Apart from the 3 lakh employees from the state, 12,000 Central Government Employees will be working as micro-observers at a different place. For the convenience of visually impaired voters, the commission has issued Electors Photo Identity Cards (EPIC) with Braille inscription".

Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections will take place on November 28 to elect members of the 230 constituencies in the state.

The result of the polls will declare on December 11. The election will be considered as a direct political battle between the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and the Congress.

While the incumbent Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan government will try to win the post for the consecutive fourth term, the Congress will fight for winning the state after 2003.

In Madhya Pradesh, the BJP won 166 seats in the House in 2013 and elected Chouhan as the Chief Minister.

The Congress and BSP bagged 58 and 4 seats respectively. Three Independent MLAs also won the polls. The tenure of 230-member House expires on January 7, 2019. (ANI)&nbsp;

 
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Chief Electoral Officer, Madhya Pradesh, VL Kantha Rao on Monday announced that 65,000 polling booths will be set up for the assembly elections, including 2000 booths that would be entirely women-operated.

Chief Electoral Officer, Madhya Pradesh, VL Kantha Rao on Monday announced that 65,000 polling booths will be set up for the assembly elections, including 2000 booths that would be entirely women-operated. "3 Lakh government employees including 45,000 women have been deployed on polling duty. 65,000 polling booths are being made in the state. Around 2,000 entirely women-only polling booths would be functional. 160 polling booths will be fully operated by differently-abled personnel," he informed. Rao also announced that the silence period for Madhya Pradesh had begun, prohibiting all forms of campaigning in the state. "With only 48 hours remaining from the end of polling, the silence period has begun for the Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections and all campaigning is prohibited now onwards. Any advertisement on print, electronic media or social media is prohibited. Campaigning through phone calls or messaging services is also prohibited." Rao further informed that special arrangements have been made for visually impaired people to help them cast their vote. "Apart from the 3 lakh employees from the state, 12,000 Central Government Employees will be working as micro-observers at a different place. For the convenience of visually impaired voters, the commission has issued Electors Photo Identity Cards (EPIC) with Braille inscription". Madhya Pradesh Assembly elections will take place on November 28 to elect members of the 230 constituencies in the state. The result of the polls will declare on December 11. The election will be considered as a direct political battle between the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and the Congress. While the incumbent Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan government will try to win the post for the consecutive fourth term, the Congress will fight for winning the state after 2003. In Madhya Pradesh, the BJP won 166 seats in the House in 2013 and elected Chouhan as the Chief Minister. The Congress and BSP bagged 58 and 4 seats respectively. Three Independent MLAs also won the polls. The tenure of 230-member House expires on January 7, 2019. (ANI)

MP polls: EC to set up 65,000 polling booths, 2000 to be women-operated