The Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS), a partner in the "grand alliance" (comprising Congress, TDP, CPI and TJS), Saturday announced four candidates for the December 7 assembly elections in Telangana.

The four nominees include Kapilavai Dileep Kumar (Malkajgari in Hyderabad), Janardhan Reddy (Medak), Chindam Raj Kumar (Dubbak) and Bhavani Reddy (Siddipet).

The party is expected to contest eight seats as part of the alliance. The total number of assembly segments is 119.

TJS said in a media release that other details would be announced Sunday.

November 19 is the last date for filing nominations.

TJS is headed by M Kodandaram, who was the Chairman of the Telangana Joint Action Committee (JAC). The JAC was in the forefront of the separate Telangana agitation.

It comprised several political parties, including TRS and various people's organisations.

However, differences cropped up between Kodandaram and the TRS after the latter assumed power in separate Telangana in 2014.

The Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS), a partner in the "grand alliance" (comprising Congress, TDP, CPI and TJS), Saturday announced four candidates for the December 7 assembly elections in Telangana.

The Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS), a partner in the "grand alliance" (comprising Congress, TDP, CPI and TJS), Saturday announced four candidates for the December 7 assembly elections in Telangana. The four nominees include Kapilavai Dileep Kumar (Malkajgari in Hyderabad), Janardhan Reddy (Medak), Chindam Raj Kumar (Dubbak) and Bhavani Reddy (Siddipet). The party is expected to contest eight seats as part of the alliance. The total number of assembly segments is 119. TJS said in a media release that other details would be announced Sunday. November 19 is the last date for filing nominations. TJS is headed by M Kodandaram, who was the Chairman of the Telangana Joint Action Committee (JAC). The JAC was in the forefront of the separate Telangana agitation. It comprised several political parties, including TRS and various people's organisations. However, differences cropped up between Kodandaram and the TRS after the latter assumed power in separate Telangana in 2014.

Telangana Jana Samiti announces 4 candidates for December 7 assembly elections

The Congress Saturday released its third list of 13 candidates, including former PCC president Ponnala Lakshmaiah, for the December 7 Legislative Assembly polls in Telangana.

Lakshmaiah, who also served as a minister in the Congress government in undivided Andhra Pradesh till 2014, had failed to find berth in the previous lists.

Lakshmaiah would contest from his Jangaon assembly segment. It was speculated that the Jangaon seat would go to Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS), a partner in the "grand alliance" for the elections.

The alliance comprises Congress, TDP, CPI and TJS.

As part of the alliance, Congress would contest in 94 assembly segments (out of total 119). With the release of the third list, the party has so far declared candidates for 88 seats.

Meanwhile, TDP has declared Kuna Venkatesh Goud as its nominee from Sanathnagar in Hyderabad. The announcement is bad news for Congress leader Marri Sasidhar Reddy who represented the constituency earlier.

Sasidhar Reddy, son of former Chief Minister Marri Chenna Reddy, is a key Congress leader in Telangana. He was Vice Chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) during UPA regime at the Centre.

The process of filing nominations began Monday with the Election Commission issuing a notification in this regard.

The Congress Saturday released its third list of 13 candidates, including former PCC president Ponnala Lakshmaiah, for the December 7 Legislative Assembly polls in Telangana.

The Congress Saturday released its third list of 13 candidates, including former PCC president Ponnala Lakshmaiah, for the December 7 Legislative Assembly polls in Telangana. Lakshmaiah, who also served as a minister in the Congress government in undivided Andhra Pradesh till 2014, had failed to find berth in the previous lists. Lakshmaiah would contest from his Jangaon assembly segment. It was speculated that the Jangaon seat would go to Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS), a partner in the "grand alliance" for the elections. The alliance comprises Congress, TDP, CPI and TJS. As part of the alliance, Congress would contest in 94 assembly segments (out of total 119). With the release of the third list, the party has so far declared candidates for 88 seats. Meanwhile, TDP has declared Kuna Venkatesh Goud as its nominee from Sanathnagar in Hyderabad. The announcement is bad news for Congress leader Marri Sasidhar Reddy who represented the constituency earlier. Sasidhar Reddy, son of former Chief Minister Marri Chenna Reddy, is a key Congress leader in Telangana. He was Vice Chairman of the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) during UPA regime at the Centre. The process of filing nominations began Monday with the Election Commission issuing a notification in this regard.

Congress releases third list for Telangana Assembly polls

We promise to build gaushalas in all panchayats. We promise to start commercial production of gaumutra (cow urine). These are not statements culled out from a political speech of UP’s BJP chief minister Yogi Adityanath. These are not guidelines from the Sangh Pariwar elder to a BJP functionary.&nbsp;

The two statements are part and parcel of the Congress manifesto for the impending state Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh.

The Congress released the manifesto in Bhopal last Saturday. Those present on the occasion included party seniors Kamal Nath, in-charge of the Congress campaign in MP, two-time chief minister of the state Digvijaya Singh, and former Union minister Jyotiraditya Scindia, one of the lead campaigners and among the party’s top choices for the chief minister.

The Congress, in its manifesto, has also promised to build more cow sanctuaries and provide grants for their upkeep and maintenance. This in a state that boasts of developing the first cow sanctuary, whose foundation was laid by the RSS Kshetra sanghchalak Ashok Soni.

Expounding on the virtues of the manifesto that has strong shades of saffron and could have been mistaken for a BJP manifesto, Rajinder Singh — in charge of the party’s manifesto committee and deputy speaker in the state Assembly — made it clear the Congress wants to shed its pro-Muslim image.&nbsp;

“The BJP used to brand us as Muslim party. Earlier we did not do anything to change the perception. It’s a conscious decision to do away with that tag,” Rajinder Singh told a correspondent.

The party has been out of power in the state for 15 years and is seemingly desperate for homecoming. Surely, the Congress would like to exploit the anti-incumbency sentiments against the BJP’s Shivraj Singh Chouhan government. But the party seems unsure whether its traditional secular tag shall help it romp home and wrest the state from its arch-rival, the BJP, which has vowed for a ‘Congress-mukt’ new India it engineers to construct.

Is it the fear of getting irrelevant that Congress is out to soak up in a hue of saffron, hitherto an exclusive domain of the BJP. Going by the manifesto’s contents, party leaders’ replies and party president Rahul Gandhi’s discovery of Hinduism (he started his MP campaign with a visit to Mahakaleshwar temple in Ujjain) the answer certainly seems to be in the affirmative.&nbsp;

Though on the face of it, the Congress shall loathe to discard the secular tag completely, but it feels there is a symbiotic relationship in being secular and being a ‘pro-Muslim.’ It’s the latter image it wants to shed for electoral gains, though it remains to be seen how the party shall uncouple the two.

But the more important question is this: Is the Congress well on its way to becoming a BJP? Is the party square with the fact that it ignored majority sentiments all along? Is it also the admittance of a sort of guilt that it didn’t do itself any good electorally by ignoring the majority sentiments thus far? So, was there merit in BJP’s long-standing accusation that Congress politics has always been about minority appeasement?

The Congress manifesto isn’t just about the cows. The manifesto promises to build a religious tourism corridor in the state by invoking Ram and rivers, some of which are considered holy in India. While the BJP bares its teeth in preparation to reclaim Ram’s birthplace in the disputed Ayodhya site for the Hindus, the Congress has found a MP connect with Ram of Ayodhya fame. According to scriptures, Ram left his imprints in the state, a slice of mythology that has not been popularised. The party has promised to develop ‘Ram Path Gaman’, a corridor that traces the route of Ram during exile in Chitrakoot, MP.

In fact, for all its manifest appropriation of Ram and rivers (Ganga and Saryu — UP CM Yogi Adityanath has started Saryu aarti on the same lines as Ganga aarti in Varanasi, along with Saryu Mahotsav) by the BJP, the Congress wants to replicate a similar model around these two symbols of Hindu faith in MP too.

If voted to power, the party manifesto promises to come up with Ma Narmada Nyas Adhinayam and develop a Narmada parikrama (circumambulation) route dotted with resting places for pilgrims every 15 km.

Congress’ dalliance with soft Hindutva since the days of the return of Indira Gandhi to power post- Emergency is an open secret. Rajiv Gandhi pushed that envelope further by opening the gates of the disputed site at Ayodhya.

PV Narasimha Rao was prime minister when the mosque was brought down. After the humiliating 2014 Lok Sabha defeat and a series of setbacks in the Assembly polls, Rahul set out to discover himself anew and found nirvana in wearing a janeu (holy thread) and going on a temple-hopping spree.

There is no gainsaying the fact when Rahul claims “country’s temples are not the sole property of the BJP and the RSS”. But tapping into identity politics by exploiting symbols of religion and faith to appear as a contender in the battle of competing for majoritarianism has its own pitfalls, some of which have blown up in the face of the idea of India, as our constitutional forefathers had envisaged. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-congress-and-cow-nationalism-2685737">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
 
&nbsp;

We promise to build gaushalas in all panchayats. We promise to start commercial production of gaumutra (cow urine). These are not statements culled out from a political speech of UP’s BJP chief minister Yogi Adityanath.

We promise to build gaushalas in all panchayats. We promise to start commercial production of gaumutra (cow urine). These are not statements culled out from a political speech of UP’s BJP chief minister Yogi Adityanath. These are not guidelines from the Sangh Pariwar elder to a BJP functionary. The two statements are part and parcel of the Congress manifesto for the impending state Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh. The Congress released the manifesto in Bhopal last Saturday. Those present on the occasion included party seniors Kamal Nath, in-charge of the Congress campaign in MP, two-time chief minister of the state Digvijaya Singh, and former Union minister Jyotiraditya Scindia, one of the lead campaigners and among the party’s top choices for the chief minister. The Congress, in its manifesto, has also promised to build more cow sanctuaries and provide grants for their upkeep and maintenance. This in a state that boasts of developing the first cow sanctuary, whose foundation was laid by the RSS Kshetra sanghchalak Ashok Soni. Expounding on the virtues of the manifesto that has strong shades of saffron and could have been mistaken for a BJP manifesto, Rajinder Singh — in charge of the party’s manifesto committee and deputy speaker in the state Assembly — made it clear the Congress wants to shed its pro-Muslim image. “The BJP used to brand us as Muslim party. Earlier we did not do anything to change the perception. It’s a conscious decision to do away with that tag,” Rajinder Singh told a correspondent. The party has been out of power in the state for 15 years and is seemingly desperate for homecoming. Surely, the Congress would like to exploit the anti-incumbency sentiments against the BJP’s Shivraj Singh Chouhan government. But the party seems unsure whether its traditional secular tag shall help it romp home and wrest the state from its arch-rival, the BJP, which has vowed for a ‘Congress-mukt’ new India it engineers to construct. Is it the fear of getting irrelevant that Congress is out to soak up in a hue of saffron, hitherto an exclusive domain of the BJP. Going by the manifesto’s contents, party leaders’ replies and party president Rahul Gandhi’s discovery of Hinduism (he started his MP campaign with a visit to Mahakaleshwar temple in Ujjain) the answer certainly seems to be in the affirmative. Though on the face of it, the Congress shall loathe to discard the secular tag completely, but it feels there is a symbiotic relationship in being secular and being a ‘pro-Muslim.’ It’s the latter image it wants to shed for electoral gains, though it remains to be seen how the party shall uncouple the two. But the more important question is this: Is the Congress well on its way to becoming a BJP? Is the party square with the fact that it ignored majority sentiments all along? Is it also the admittance of a sort of guilt that it didn’t do itself any good electorally by ignoring the majority sentiments thus far? So, was there merit in BJP’s long-standing accusation that Congress politics has always been about minority appeasement? The Congress manifesto isn’t just about the cows. The manifesto promises to build a religious tourism corridor in the state by invoking Ram and rivers, some of which are considered holy in India. While the BJP bares its teeth in preparation to reclaim Ram’s birthplace in the disputed Ayodhya site for the Hindus, the Congress has found a MP connect with Ram of Ayodhya fame. According to scriptures, Ram left his imprints in the state, a slice of mythology that has not been popularised. The party has promised to develop ‘Ram Path Gaman’, a corridor that traces the route of Ram during exile in Chitrakoot, MP. In fact, for all its manifest appropriation of Ram and rivers (Ganga and Saryu — UP CM Yogi Adityanath has started Saryu aarti on the same lines as Ganga aarti in Varanasi, along with Saryu Mahotsav) by the BJP, the Congress wants to replicate a similar model around these two symbols of Hindu faith in MP too. If voted to power, the party manifesto promises to come up with Ma Narmada Nyas Adhinayam and develop a Narmada parikrama (circumambulation) route dotted with resting places for pilgrims every 15 km. Congress’ dalliance with soft Hindutva since the days of the return of Indira Gandhi to power post- Emergency is an open secret. Rajiv Gandhi pushed that envelope further by opening the gates of the disputed site at Ayodhya. PV Narasimha Rao was prime minister when the mosque was brought down. After the humiliating 2014 Lok Sabha defeat and a series of setbacks in the Assembly polls, Rahul set out to discover himself anew and found nirvana in wearing a janeu (holy thread) and going on a temple-hopping spree. There is no gainsaying the fact when Rahul claims “country’s temples are not the sole property of the BJP and the RSS”. But tapping into identity politics by exploiting symbols of religion and faith to appear as a contender in the battle of competing for majoritarianism has its own pitfalls, some of which have blown up in the face of the idea of India, as our constitutional forefathers had envisaged. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: Congress and cow nationalism

Sporadic violence notwithstanding, a 70 per cent voter turnout, in phase one of the Chhattisgarh Assembly polls, has already squared the triangular electoral contest in favour of democracy.&nbsp;

Braving Maoist threats, the young and old, men and women, students and teachers, industrialists and farmers, the traders and the unemployed queued up since early morning at poll stations across the 18 Assembly segments, including 10 extremely sensitive areas in the restive Bastar region, which witnessed polling on Monday.

While political parties were quick to react to the poll statistics and used them as proof of their victory claims, those in the know opine that the high voter turnout is a result of confidence-building measures, employed in the run-up to the elections, and reflects the aspirations of people who have long borne the brunt of the nation’s war with Maoist extremism.

Left-wing extremists have a history of disrupting polls and the ongoing election season is no exception. Not long ago, the Sal-covered forests on the southern margins of the poll-bound state echoed with Maoist diktats, threatening to chop off hands and fingers of citizens participating in the elections.

Responding to the threat, security agencies placed a one-lakh-strong contingent, including central paramilitaries, and pressed IAF and BSF choppers into service to airlift poll officials to remote areas. As a precautionary measure, voting in 10 constituencies commenced at 7 am and concluded at 3 pm.

The first phase polls saw 187 candidates vie for 18 seats, including 12 in the Bastar division. The region, with a large tribal population, is widely regarded as a citadel of the Opposition Congress, which has been counting on anti-incumbency to bounce back to power after a gap of 15 years.

The Congress currently holds 12 of these 18 seats and poll pundits say that a success in the opening phase is of paramount importance for the Opposition if it is to stop Chief Minister, &nbsp;Raman Singh, from leading the ruling BJP to a fourth consecutive victory in the state.

Singh, an Ayurveda physician by profession, was also in the poll fray from Rajnandgaon where the nomination of his main opponent, Congress candidate Karuna Shukla, had come as a surprise to many. Shukla is a BJP stalwart and former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s niece.

Interestingly, Shukla had joined the Congress months before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and contested the Bilaspur parliamentary seat. Her campaign, however, failed to find resonance with voters in the BJP bastion and ended in a massive defeat.

Politics in Chhattisgarh has traditionally been centered around arch-rivals BJP and Congress and the presence of former chief minister Ajit Jogi-led Janata Congress Chhattisgarh (J) has added a fresh dimension to the ongoing two-phase contest.

Jogi, a former Congressman and first Chief Minister of the state, had pulled the proverbial rug from under a characteristically complacent Congress’ feet by forging a pre-poll alliance with the Bahujan Samaj Party and the CPI.

The move is seen as a huge setback for the Congress not just in Chhattisgarh and neighbouring Madhya Pradesh, but is also likely to impact alliance parleys between the grand old party and the BSP in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections in 2019.

If the word on the street is to be believed, the Jogi manoeuvre is sure to add to the woes of the Congress, which is still struggling to find its feet since the bloody massacre of several of its frontline leaders, at the hands of Maoist insurgents, in the Darbha valley of Sukma district on May 25, 2013.

Salwa Judum founder, Mahendra Karma, was among those killed on that fateful day. His widow, Devti Karma is seeking a second consecutive term from Dantewada on a Congress ticket. Her son, Chhavindra, had sought the seat for himself and even filed his nomination as an SP candidate before withdrawing from the contest in favour of his mother.

Marring the polls, an improvised explosive device (IED) was detonated, by Maoists, minutes before polling could commence in Dantewada. IEDs were also recovered in Bijapur and Sukma districts. Five Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (COBRA) personnel sustained injuries and an equal number of Maoist rebels were killed in two separate incidents in Bijapur. &nbsp;

The fate of their candidates and challenges recorded and sealed in electronic voting machines (EVMs), political parties have returned to the campaign trail for the second phase polls for the remaining 72 seats in the 90-member state Assembly.

Security personnel will move on to new locations and challenges. Election candidates, over the next few weeks, will have little to do besides indulging in number crunching and clutching at straws.&nbsp;

Life in Chhattisgarh’s red zone, too, will return to its everyday pace and routine, but residents are bound to wonder if the brave but silent articulation of their democratic and development aspirations has been noted by those who matter and more importantly if their fragile optimism will translate into the change they deserve. Que sera sera.

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-voters-counter-maoist-threat-2685373">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Sporadic violence notwithstanding, a 70 per cent voter turnout, in phase one of the Chhattisgarh Assembly polls, has already squared the triangular electoral contest in favour of democracy.

Sporadic violence notwithstanding, a 70 per cent voter turnout, in phase one of the Chhattisgarh Assembly polls, has already squared the triangular electoral contest in favour of democracy. Braving Maoist threats, the young and old, men and women, students and teachers, industrialists and farmers, the traders and the unemployed queued up since early morning at poll stations across the 18 Assembly segments, including 10 extremely sensitive areas in the restive Bastar region, which witnessed polling on Monday. While political parties were quick to react to the poll statistics and used them as proof of their victory claims, those in the know opine that the high voter turnout is a result of confidence-building measures, employed in the run-up to the elections, and reflects the aspirations of people who have long borne the brunt of the nation’s war with Maoist extremism. Left-wing extremists have a history of disrupting polls and the ongoing election season is no exception. Not long ago, the Sal-covered forests on the southern margins of the poll-bound state echoed with Maoist diktats, threatening to chop off hands and fingers of citizens participating in the elections. Responding to the threat, security agencies placed a one-lakh-strong contingent, including central paramilitaries, and pressed IAF and BSF choppers into service to airlift poll officials to remote areas. As a precautionary measure, voting in 10 constituencies commenced at 7 am and concluded at 3 pm. The first phase polls saw 187 candidates vie for 18 seats, including 12 in the Bastar division. The region, with a large tribal population, is widely regarded as a citadel of the Opposition Congress, which has been counting on anti-incumbency to bounce back to power after a gap of 15 years. The Congress currently holds 12 of these 18 seats and poll pundits say that a success in the opening phase is of paramount importance for the Opposition if it is to stop Chief Minister, Raman Singh, from leading the ruling BJP to a fourth consecutive victory in the state. Singh, an Ayurveda physician by profession, was also in the poll fray from Rajnandgaon where the nomination of his main opponent, Congress candidate Karuna Shukla, had come as a surprise to many. Shukla is a BJP stalwart and former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s niece. Interestingly, Shukla had joined the Congress months before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections and contested the Bilaspur parliamentary seat. Her campaign, however, failed to find resonance with voters in the BJP bastion and ended in a massive defeat. Politics in Chhattisgarh has traditionally been centered around arch-rivals BJP and Congress and the presence of former chief minister Ajit Jogi-led Janata Congress Chhattisgarh (J) has added a fresh dimension to the ongoing two-phase contest. Jogi, a former Congressman and first Chief Minister of the state, had pulled the proverbial rug from under a characteristically complacent Congress’ feet by forging a pre-poll alliance with the Bahujan Samaj Party and the CPI. The move is seen as a huge setback for the Congress not just in Chhattisgarh and neighbouring Madhya Pradesh, but is also likely to impact alliance parleys between the grand old party and the BSP in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections in 2019. If the word on the street is to be believed, the Jogi manoeuvre is sure to add to the woes of the Congress, which is still struggling to find its feet since the bloody massacre of several of its frontline leaders, at the hands of Maoist insurgents, in the Darbha valley of Sukma district on May 25, 2013. Salwa Judum founder, Mahendra Karma, was among those killed on that fateful day. His widow, Devti Karma is seeking a second consecutive term from Dantewada on a Congress ticket. Her son, Chhavindra, had sought the seat for himself and even filed his nomination as an SP candidate before withdrawing from the contest in favour of his mother. Marring the polls, an improvised explosive device (IED) was detonated, by Maoists, minutes before polling could commence in Dantewada. IEDs were also recovered in Bijapur and Sukma districts. Five Commando Battalion for Resolute Action (COBRA) personnel sustained injuries and an equal number of Maoist rebels were killed in two separate incidents in Bijapur. The fate of their candidates and challenges recorded and sealed in electronic voting machines (EVMs), political parties have returned to the campaign trail for the second phase polls for the remaining 72 seats in the 90-member state Assembly. Security personnel will move on to new locations and challenges. Election candidates, over the next few weeks, will have little to do besides indulging in number crunching and clutching at straws. Life in Chhattisgarh’s red zone, too, will return to its everyday pace and routine, but residents are bound to wonder if the brave but silent articulation of their democratic and development aspirations has been noted by those who matter and more importantly if their fragile optimism will translate into the change they deserve. Que sera sera. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: Voters counter Maoist threat in Chhattisgarh

The potential of a third force emerging in Madhya Pradesh as a result of the widespread anger and rage, especially among the officers, employees and the youth belonging to the unreserved category, who are feeling the brunt and suffering due to the caste-based system of reservation in jobs, educational institutions and promotion, has got frittered away by the narrow political ambitions some people who recently joined Sapaks Samaj.

Sapaks Samaj is a body of citizens crusading against the quota system since 2016, and have brazenly tried to hijack the social outfit to meet their narrow political ends by getting a political party registered by the same name as Sapaks (Sapaks has become a brand to reckon with and is the popular abbreviation for “Samanya Pichda Alpsankhyak Kalyan Samaj Sanstha”).&nbsp;

This has not only spread confusion as people are wondering whether Sapaks, the social organisation, is now doing politics. It has also split the Sapaks&nbsp;movement into two.

What’s added fuel to fire is the role played by another outfit - Samanya Pichda Alpsankhyak Varg Adhikari Karmchari Sanstha - formed about three years ago by state government officers and employees. It is also called Sapaks.&nbsp;

The network of those actively associated with this organisation, which is caught in a legal wrangle in the Supreme Court over the Madhya Pradesh provision for Reservation in promotion has worked overtime to generate resources and build the support base for Sapaks Party before its registration.&nbsp;

This was evident during the September 30 rally in Bhopal organised jointly by the two Sapaks organisations much before the registration of Sapaks Party. As a consequence of this, the momentum gained by Sapaks over the last two years will now take several years to repair the damage that has been caused to the Movement against reservation in Madhya Pradesh. The Sapaks Movement had touched its peak on September 6 when the response to the call for the nation-wide bandh against the amendment to the SC/ST Atrocities Act was total in Madhya Pradesh.

Meanwhile, the two main political rivals in MP -&nbsp;Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress, are fighting their own battles&nbsp;during the final lap of electioneering before polling on November 28. Their immediate crisis is linked to the rebel factor. &nbsp;On this count, while the Congress leaders are claiming that the problem vis-a-vis the rebels is under control, the BJP is finding the going tough. Sartaj Singh, a former Union Minister, who had once defeated Congress senior late Arjun Singh in the Hoshangabd parliamentary constituency and was recently dropped from the State Cabinet by Shivraj Singh Chouhan, is now fighting on a Congress ticket.&nbsp;

Former state minister Ramkrishna Kusmaria has also turned rebel. After efforts to bring him on track by state BJP President Rakesh Singh and general secretary in-charge organisational affairs Suhas Bhagat failed, Kusmaria even refused to meet national vice president of the party Prabhat Jha on Tuesday. Raghavji, a long-term state finance minister, who was shown the door after he was booked and arrested on the charge of sexually exploiting his male servant in July 2013, has filed his papers as a Sapaks party candidate.

Senior BJP managers have been in touch with him to dissuade him from taking this course. Former Gwalior Mayor Samiksha Gupta is among so many others who have distanced themselves from the BJP and have filed their nomination papers and entered the election fray as independent candidates.&nbsp;

Besides the third force, the rebel factor, and candidates belonging to the Samajwadi Party, Aam Aadmi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party, a large number of Independent candidates are hopeful of reaping a big harvest of seats in as there is also a deep undercurrent of anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh. The anger against Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is overflowing in Budhni, which happens to be his home turf and constituency. A video showing a village woman shouting at the chief minister’s wife Sadhna Singh, for poor availability of water, when she had gone campaigning at her doorstep has gone viral.&nbsp;

Of course, enthused by this is former state Congress President Arun Yadav, who has been pitted against the chief minister in Budhni by the Congress party.

The BJP leaders are discounting all these angles. They are affirming that the RSS cadres would now work with the vengeance and play a huge role in converting votes in favour of the BJP since the Congress manifesto has raised a huge controversy by targeting the RSS and demanding that government servants be kept out of its reach. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

The potential of a third force emerging in Madhya Pradesh as a result of the widespread anger and rage, especially among the officers, employees and the youth belonging to the unreserved category, who are feeling the brunt and suffering due to the caste-based system of reservation in jobs, educational institutions and promotion, has got frittered away by the narrow political ambitions some people who recently joined Sapaks Samaj.

The potential of a third force emerging in Madhya Pradesh as a result of the widespread anger and rage, especially among the officers, employees and the youth belonging to the unreserved category, who are feeling the brunt and suffering due to the caste-based system of reservation in jobs, educational institutions and promotion, has got frittered away by the narrow political ambitions some people who recently joined Sapaks Samaj. Sapaks Samaj is a body of citizens crusading against the quota system since 2016, and have brazenly tried to hijack the social outfit to meet their narrow political ends by getting a political party registered by the same name as Sapaks (Sapaks has become a brand to reckon with and is the popular abbreviation for “Samanya Pichda Alpsankhyak Kalyan Samaj Sanstha”). This has not only spread confusion as people are wondering whether Sapaks, the social organisation, is now doing politics. It has also split the Sapaks movement into two. What’s added fuel to fire is the role played by another outfit - Samanya Pichda Alpsankhyak Varg Adhikari Karmchari Sanstha - formed about three years ago by state government officers and employees. It is also called Sapaks. The network of those actively associated with this organisation, which is caught in a legal wrangle in the Supreme Court over the Madhya Pradesh provision for Reservation in promotion has worked overtime to generate resources and build the support base for Sapaks Party before its registration. This was evident during the September 30 rally in Bhopal organised jointly by the two Sapaks organisations much before the registration of Sapaks Party. As a consequence of this, the momentum gained by Sapaks over the last two years will now take several years to repair the damage that has been caused to the Movement against reservation in Madhya Pradesh. The Sapaks Movement had touched its peak on September 6 when the response to the call for the nation-wide bandh against the amendment to the SC/ST Atrocities Act was total in Madhya Pradesh. Meanwhile, the two main political rivals in MP - Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress, are fighting their own battles during the final lap of electioneering before polling on November 28. Their immediate crisis is linked to the rebel factor. On this count, while the Congress leaders are claiming that the problem vis-a-vis the rebels is under control, the BJP is finding the going tough. Sartaj Singh, a former Union Minister, who had once defeated Congress senior late Arjun Singh in the Hoshangabd parliamentary constituency and was recently dropped from the State Cabinet by Shivraj Singh Chouhan, is now fighting on a Congress ticket. Former state minister Ramkrishna Kusmaria has also turned rebel. After efforts to bring him on track by state BJP President Rakesh Singh and general secretary in-charge organisational affairs Suhas Bhagat failed, Kusmaria even refused to meet national vice president of the party Prabhat Jha on Tuesday. Raghavji, a long-term state finance minister, who was shown the door after he was booked and arrested on the charge of sexually exploiting his male servant in July 2013, has filed his papers as a Sapaks party candidate. Senior BJP managers have been in touch with him to dissuade him from taking this course. Former Gwalior Mayor Samiksha Gupta is among so many others who have distanced themselves from the BJP and have filed their nomination papers and entered the election fray as independent candidates. Besides the third force, the rebel factor, and candidates belonging to the Samajwadi Party, Aam Aadmi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party, a large number of Independent candidates are hopeful of reaping a big harvest of seats in as there is also a deep undercurrent of anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh. The anger against Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is overflowing in Budhni, which happens to be his home turf and constituency. A video showing a village woman shouting at the chief minister’s wife Sadhna Singh, for poor availability of water, when she had gone campaigning at her doorstep has gone viral. Of course, enthused by this is former state Congress President Arun Yadav, who has been pitted against the chief minister in Budhni by the Congress party. The BJP leaders are discounting all these angles. They are affirming that the RSS cadres would now work with the vengeance and play a huge role in converting votes in favour of the BJP since the Congress manifesto has raised a huge controversy by targeting the RSS and demanding that government servants be kept out of its reach. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections: Third force remains a mirage - BJP and Congress main contenders in MP

Congress president Rahul Gandhi Tuesday attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi over demonetisation, saying he snatched money from the poor and put it in the pockets of the likes of Nirav Modi and Vijay Mallya.

Addressing a rally here ahead of the second phase of polling in the state on November 20, Gandhi said Modi helped "all the thieves of India turn their black money into white".

Gandhi also charged the Modi government with ensuring benefit to Anil Ambani's company through the Rafale aircraft deal.

The Modi-led government "snatched" Rs 30,000 crore from the poor and gave it to the industrialist, Gandhi added.

Hitting out at Rahul and Sonia Gandhi for questioning him on demonetisation, Modi had Monday said in a poll rally he did not need a "certificate of honesty" from the "mother-son duo" who are out on bail.

The Congress president claimed only the poor had to queue up outside banks to exchange notes after the prime minister announced invalidation of the old Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 currency notes on November 8, 2016. Gandhi said no person in "suit-boot" had queued up outside banks then.

"Narendra Modi snatched money from under the pillows of our mothers and sisters and put it in the pockets of likes of Nirav Modi, Vijay Mallya, Lalit Modi and Anil Ambani," Gandhi said.

He accused the prime minister of not speaking up about demonetisation for two years till he made a "single line remark" on Monday.

The Modi government wrote off Rs 3.5 lakh crore debt of the rich, Gandhi said. "Nirav Modi, Vijay Mallya, Mehul Choksi ran away. Not a single word came from Narendra Modi's mouth," he said.

On the Rafale fighter jet deal, Gandhi reiterated the NDA government "changed the contract to help Anil Ambani get it instead of Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL)."

"It was your (people's) money, snatched from your pockets and that Rs 30,000 crore of yours Narendra Modi gave to Anil Ambani," Gandhi said.

The Congress president also claimed that the CBI director was removed from his post at 1 am to stop a probe into the Rafale deal.

"If there is an investigation, only two names will come up: Narendra Modi and Anil Ambani. Modi is scared of a probe," he said.

He also accused the BJP-led governments of stealing people's money daily by "outsourcing works through RSS men".

"In Delhi, the 'chowkidar' (Modi) is ensuring theft. And here (in Chhattisgarh), Doctor Sahib (Chief Minister Raman Singh) is ensuring theft. We will end outsourcing once the Congress comes to power," he said.

Gandhi also launched a diatribe against the prime minister for "misleading" people on India's development.

According to Modi, development of the country began only after 2014, when he became the prime minister, Gandhi said.

"He (Modi) doesn't even know that the country is run by the people and not by a single man. He insults you by making such comments," the Congress president said.

The Congress would write off Chhattisgarh farmers' debt within 10 days of coming to power and give free medical treatment and medicines to people of the state, he said.

The prime minister made a "false" promise of generating two crore jobs a year, Gandhi said. A Congress chief minister would work "for 18 out of 24 hours" to generate employment for the state's youth, he added.

"Instead of working for a few industrialists, Congress will work for development of agriculture, education and health in the state," Gandhi said.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi Tuesday attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi over demonetisation, saying he snatched money from the poor and put it in the pockets of the likes of Nirav Modi and Vijay Mallya.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi Tuesday attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi over demonetisation, saying he snatched money from the poor and put it in the pockets of the likes of Nirav Modi and Vijay Mallya. Addressing a rally here ahead of the second phase of polling in the state on November 20, Gandhi said Modi helped "all the thieves of India turn their black money into white". Gandhi also charged the Modi government with ensuring benefit to Anil Ambani's company through the Rafale aircraft deal. The Modi-led government "snatched" Rs 30,000 crore from the poor and gave it to the industrialist, Gandhi added. Hitting out at Rahul and Sonia Gandhi for questioning him on demonetisation, Modi had Monday said in a poll rally he did not need a "certificate of honesty" from the "mother-son duo" who are out on bail. The Congress president claimed only the poor had to queue up outside banks to exchange notes after the prime minister announced invalidation of the old Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 currency notes on November 8, 2016. Gandhi said no person in "suit-boot" had queued up outside banks then. "Narendra Modi snatched money from under the pillows of our mothers and sisters and put it in the pockets of likes of Nirav Modi, Vijay Mallya, Lalit Modi and Anil Ambani," Gandhi said. He accused the prime minister of not speaking up about demonetisation for two years till he made a "single line remark" on Monday. The Modi government wrote off Rs 3.5 lakh crore debt of the rich, Gandhi said. "Nirav Modi, Vijay Mallya, Mehul Choksi ran away. Not a single word came from Narendra Modi's mouth," he said. On the Rafale fighter jet deal, Gandhi reiterated the NDA government "changed the contract to help Anil Ambani get it instead of Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL)." "It was your (people's) money, snatched from your pockets and that Rs 30,000 crore of yours Narendra Modi gave to Anil Ambani," Gandhi said. The Congress president also claimed that the CBI director was removed from his post at 1 am to stop a probe into the Rafale deal. "If there is an investigation, only two names will come up: Narendra Modi and Anil Ambani. Modi is scared of a probe," he said. He also accused the BJP-led governments of stealing people's money daily by "outsourcing works through RSS men". "In Delhi, the 'chowkidar' (Modi) is ensuring theft. And here (in Chhattisgarh), Doctor Sahib (Chief Minister Raman Singh) is ensuring theft. We will end outsourcing once the Congress comes to power," he said. Gandhi also launched a diatribe against the prime minister for "misleading" people on India's development. According to Modi, development of the country began only after 2014, when he became the prime minister, Gandhi said. "He (Modi) doesn't even know that the country is run by the people and not by a single man. He insults you by making such comments," the Congress president said. The Congress would write off Chhattisgarh farmers' debt within 10 days of coming to power and give free medical treatment and medicines to people of the state, he said. The prime minister made a "false" promise of generating two crore jobs a year, Gandhi said. A Congress chief minister would work "for 18 out of 24 hours" to generate employment for the state's youth, he added. "Instead of working for a few industrialists, Congress will work for development of agriculture, education and health in the state," Gandhi said.

Note ban hurt poor, benefited rich: Rahul Gandhi in Chhattisgarh

When there is a wave in favour of or against the ruler or the main Opposition in elections, the presence of smaller parties, either in their individual capacities or as loosely-held coalitions, barely makes a difference to the end result. But these smaller outfits become important in the absence of a wave, and when there is anti-incumbency. The smaller players can alter outcomes in quite a few constituencies, either leading to gains or losses for the principal contestants. The situation in Rajasthan is that of the latter.&nbsp;

The Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party are locked in a more or less direct fight across the state for the Assembly elections. While the Congress has been appealing for a broad-based alliance in the country to take on the Modi government in the 2019 Lok Sabha election, it has decided to fight the Rajasthan poll on its own strength. Half-hearted attempts had been made to align with the Bahujan Samaj Party, but after BSP supremo Mayawati announced her decision, not to partner with the Congress, the efforts came to an end. &nbsp;

Subsequent developments have thrown up two different arrangements that seek to take on both the Congress and the BJP. Six parties, comprising most of the Left, the Janata Dal (Secular) and the Samajwadi Party, have come together. They are now trying to woo the BSP and the Aam Aadmi Party into the fold since they are open to all “non-BJP and non-Congress” outfits. Meanwhile, Jat leader Hanuman Beniwal has launched the Rashtriya Loktantrik Party, while veteran politician Ghanshyam Tiwari, who quit the BJP recently, has floated the Bharat Vahini Party. It is possible that the two outfits could strike a deal to contest together. So far so good. What was puzzling was the presence of leaders of the Samajwadi Party — part of the other, Left-led combine. Thus, it’s still unclear whether the Samajwadi Party will go along with the Left-led grouping or with the Beniwal-Tiwari combine.&nbsp;

But with less than a month left for the election, these parties do not have the luxury to wait to firm up alliances. The BSP and the AAP have already announced the names of their candidates for some constituencies, with both seemingly determined to contest on their own. The Aam Aadmi Party’s local unit claimed that it had sounded out various opposition leaders about a possible alliance to take on both the Congress and the BJP, but had received no encouraging response, which is why it was going alone; the party has already announced more than 60 candidates. Despite these developments, every party is still hoping for a “positive outcome” in attempts to forge an anti-BJP/anti-Congress formation.&nbsp;

The Congress believes that it is in a strong position to oust the BJP and will not need the help of smaller outfits. But it must keep in kind the 2008 situation when the Congress had fallen short of the majority mark by six seats and had to seek the support of BSP Legislators to enable the formation of a government led by Ashok Gehlot. There are more than two dozen seats where the smaller parties have considerable hold and can mar the Congress’s prospects by dividing votes and enhancing the BJP’s chances. In the 2013 Assembly election, when the BJP triumphed decisively, the BSP had still managed to muster more than seven per cent of the vote-share.&nbsp;

The indecisiveness of the new parties in striking more broad-based alliances should ordinarily have been good news for the BJP. But it is not so in the given situation. The party is actually banking on a decent enough performance of these outfits because it believes that the votes they can steal would be largely from the Congress, although it’s possible that some damage could be caused to it as well.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Even if the new formulations dent the Congress’s prospects, will that be enough for the BJP to pull through in Rajasthan? Nearly every poll survey so far has projected a comfortable win for the Congress. For the BJP and its Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje, the one hope for a turnaround is Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Even poll pundits acknowledge that the mood can change in the state once Modi gets into campaign mode there. The million dollar question is: Can even Modi save the BJP in Rajasthan this time around?&nbsp;

&nbsp;(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

When there is a wave in favour of or against the ruler or the main Opposition in elections, the presence of smaller parties, either in their individual capacities or as loosely-held coalitions, barely makes a difference to the end result.

When there is a wave in favour of or against the ruler or the main Opposition in elections, the presence of smaller parties, either in their individual capacities or as loosely-held coalitions, barely makes a difference to the end result. But these smaller outfits become important in the absence of a wave, and when there is anti-incumbency. The smaller players can alter outcomes in quite a few constituencies, either leading to gains or losses for the principal contestants. The situation in Rajasthan is that of the latter. The Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party are locked in a more or less direct fight across the state for the Assembly elections. While the Congress has been appealing for a broad-based alliance in the country to take on the Modi government in the 2019 Lok Sabha election, it has decided to fight the Rajasthan poll on its own strength. Half-hearted attempts had been made to align with the Bahujan Samaj Party, but after BSP supremo Mayawati announced her decision, not to partner with the Congress, the efforts came to an end. Subsequent developments have thrown up two different arrangements that seek to take on both the Congress and the BJP. Six parties, comprising most of the Left, the Janata Dal (Secular) and the Samajwadi Party, have come together. They are now trying to woo the BSP and the Aam Aadmi Party into the fold since they are open to all “non-BJP and non-Congress” outfits. Meanwhile, Jat leader Hanuman Beniwal has launched the Rashtriya Loktantrik Party, while veteran politician Ghanshyam Tiwari, who quit the BJP recently, has floated the Bharat Vahini Party. It is possible that the two outfits could strike a deal to contest together. So far so good. What was puzzling was the presence of leaders of the Samajwadi Party — part of the other, Left-led combine. Thus, it’s still unclear whether the Samajwadi Party will go along with the Left-led grouping or with the Beniwal-Tiwari combine. But with less than a month left for the election, these parties do not have the luxury to wait to firm up alliances. The BSP and the AAP have already announced the names of their candidates for some constituencies, with both seemingly determined to contest on their own. The Aam Aadmi Party’s local unit claimed that it had sounded out various opposition leaders about a possible alliance to take on both the Congress and the BJP, but had received no encouraging response, which is why it was going alone; the party has already announced more than 60 candidates. Despite these developments, every party is still hoping for a “positive outcome” in attempts to forge an anti-BJP/anti-Congress formation. The Congress believes that it is in a strong position to oust the BJP and will not need the help of smaller outfits. But it must keep in kind the 2008 situation when the Congress had fallen short of the majority mark by six seats and had to seek the support of BSP Legislators to enable the formation of a government led by Ashok Gehlot. There are more than two dozen seats where the smaller parties have considerable hold and can mar the Congress’s prospects by dividing votes and enhancing the BJP’s chances. In the 2013 Assembly election, when the BJP triumphed decisively, the BSP had still managed to muster more than seven per cent of the vote-share. The indecisiveness of the new parties in striking more broad-based alliances should ordinarily have been good news for the BJP. But it is not so in the given situation. The party is actually banking on a decent enough performance of these outfits because it believes that the votes they can steal would be largely from the Congress, although it’s possible that some damage could be caused to it as well. Even if the new formulations dent the Congress’s prospects, will that be enough for the BJP to pull through in Rajasthan? Nearly every poll survey so far has projected a comfortable win for the Congress. For the BJP and its Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje, the one hope for a turnaround is Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Even poll pundits acknowledge that the mood can change in the state once Modi gets into campaign mode there. The million dollar question is: Can even Modi save the BJP in Rajasthan this time around? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections: Will regional parties be a spoiler in Rajasthan contest?

It's not only the geographical and social features that sets the Bundelkhand region apart from the rest of Madhya Pradesh, leaders believe the electoral politics is also much different here with the fight not being limited to the arch-rivals BJP and Congress.&nbsp;

Just like its treacherous hill roads, the region is expected to see an interesting poll battle.

Some leaders claim that non-BJP parties have even resorted to 'friendly fights' on some seats to stop the saffron party from taking advantage of non-consolidation of votes for a joint opposition candidate due to complex caste equations in the area dominated by Dalits and other backward castes.

Given the geographical and cultural proximity of over two dozen assembly seats in this area to the neighbouring Uttar Pradesh, two key political parties with a strong presence in the state across the border -- Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party -- are leaving no stones unturned in challenging the ruling BJP.

The four bordering districts of Bundelkhand region -- Sagar, Chhatarpur, Tikamgarh and Panna -- and two districts of Chambal Zone -- Datia and Shivpuri -- together send 30 MLAs to the Madhya Pradesh assembly. Out of this, the BJP has got 22 and the Congress has 8 seats in the outgoing assembly.

As the election campaign heats up for the November 28 elections across 230 assembly constituencies in Madhya Pradesh, where BJP has been in power for 15 years thwarting every challenge so far from the Congress, the observers feel it may not be a traditional direct fight between these two parties in the areas along the UP border.

The reasons cited by poll pundits range from caste equations to cultural and social influence of the neighbouring areas from Uttar Pradesh, as also a strong campaign being mounted by the SP and the BSP and what many political leaders call an 'undeclared understanding' these two parties have reached with the Congress to take on the saffron party unitedly without forging a "visible alliance".

The opposition leaders insist that the anti-incumbency factor against the 15-year BJP rule is much more prominent in the Bundelkhand region, as compared to the rest of Madhya Pradesh, being far off from the state capital Bhopal. Also, the region has larger dominance of the SC/ST and other backward classes.

Datia MLA Narottam Mishra, a prominent minister in the Shivraj Singh government, however, rejected the anti-incumbency factor, citing the development work done by the BJP Government.&nbsp;

Mishra said the election is going to be rather easy this time, compared to the last three assembly polls, as "historical development work" has been done by the state government in the Bundelkhand region.

He also dismissed any challenge from the 'joint' opposition challenge and said none of these parties would be visible after elections.

Mishra said these parties tried a similar strategy in last elections but voters rejected their "gimmicks" and voted for development schemes of the BJP government that helps all sections of the society.&nbsp;

He further said people in the neighbouring Uttar Pradesh are also praising the developmental work done in Bundelkhand and it is the rejected leaders of the SP and the BSP from Uttar Pradesh who are looking for a political future in Madhya Pradesh through this region.&nbsp;

The SP is focussing on all six districts of Bundelkhand in Madhya Pradesh (which include Damoh and Datia also) and the BSP has fielded candidates in the Chambal and Vindhya regions also, along with the Bundelkhand region.&nbsp;

The BSP has four MLAs in the outgoing assembly -- two from Satna district in Vindhya area and two from Morena district of Chambal area.&nbsp;

The party has given a ticket to all four sitting MLAs and two former MLAs too. The SP has fielded a former MLA from Niwari constituency in the Tikamgarh district.&nbsp;

BSP's Bundelkhand in-charge Mukesh Ahirwar said the party is contesting all 230 seats in Madhya Pradesh.&nbsp;

He said the party is in a strong position in Bundelkhand, therefore, a key focus area.

BSP president Mayawati will start a poll campaign on November 21 from Morena and will address public rallies over two days in Bundelkhand, Chambal and Vindhya region, Ahirwar said.

A senior SP leader said the party's main focus is to defeat the BJP, for which it has an understanding with the Congress and BSP for some seats, asserting a formal alliance was not preferable due to complex caste equations of the area.&nbsp;

He said a joint candidate against the BJP on all seats would have actually benefited the saffron party and therefore they have opted for a "friendly fight".

Balakram Yadav, a senior leader of Congress party's Bundelkhand unit, said he is confident of a "strategic success" in these elections.&nbsp;

He said the over-confidence of the ruling BJP would prove to be detrimental for the saffron party and the people's anger will reflect in their votes.

Rejecting the BJP's claims of development works in the region, Yadav said they were limited to a few cities and the farmers are facing a major crisis in the agriculture-dominated rural areas of Bundelkhand region due to drought and fuel price hike while youths are being compelled to migrate because of unemployment.

It's not only the geographical and social features that sets the Bundelkhand region apart from the rest of Madhya Pradesh, leaders believe the electoral politics is also much different here with the fight not being limited to the arch-rivals BJP and Congress.

It's not only the geographical and social features that sets the Bundelkhand region apart from the rest of Madhya Pradesh, leaders believe the electoral politics is also much different here with the fight not being limited to the arch-rivals BJP and Congress. Just like its treacherous hill roads, the region is expected to see an interesting poll battle. Some leaders claim that non-BJP parties have even resorted to 'friendly fights' on some seats to stop the saffron party from taking advantage of non-consolidation of votes for a joint opposition candidate due to complex caste equations in the area dominated by Dalits and other backward castes. Given the geographical and cultural proximity of over two dozen assembly seats in this area to the neighbouring Uttar Pradesh, two key political parties with a strong presence in the state across the border -- Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party -- are leaving no stones unturned in challenging the ruling BJP. The four bordering districts of Bundelkhand region -- Sagar, Chhatarpur, Tikamgarh and Panna -- and two districts of Chambal Zone -- Datia and Shivpuri -- together send 30 MLAs to the Madhya Pradesh assembly. Out of this, the BJP has got 22 and the Congress has 8 seats in the outgoing assembly. As the election campaign heats up for the November 28 elections across 230 assembly constituencies in Madhya Pradesh, where BJP has been in power for 15 years thwarting every challenge so far from the Congress, the observers feel it may not be a traditional direct fight between these two parties in the areas along the UP border. The reasons cited by poll pundits range from caste equations to cultural and social influence of the neighbouring areas from Uttar Pradesh, as also a strong campaign being mounted by the SP and the BSP and what many political leaders call an 'undeclared understanding' these two parties have reached with the Congress to take on the saffron party unitedly without forging a "visible alliance". The opposition leaders insist that the anti-incumbency factor against the 15-year BJP rule is much more prominent in the Bundelkhand region, as compared to the rest of Madhya Pradesh, being far off from the state capital Bhopal. Also, the region has larger dominance of the SC/ST and other backward classes. Datia MLA Narottam Mishra, a prominent minister in the Shivraj Singh government, however, rejected the anti-incumbency factor, citing the development work done by the BJP Government. Mishra said the election is going to be rather easy this time, compared to the last three assembly polls, as "historical development work" has been done by the state government in the Bundelkhand region. He also dismissed any challenge from the 'joint' opposition challenge and said none of these parties would be visible after elections. Mishra said these parties tried a similar strategy in last elections but voters rejected their "gimmicks" and voted for development schemes of the BJP government that helps all sections of the society. He further said people in the neighbouring Uttar Pradesh are also praising the developmental work done in Bundelkhand and it is the rejected leaders of the SP and the BSP from Uttar Pradesh who are looking for a political future in Madhya Pradesh through this region. The SP is focussing on all six districts of Bundelkhand in Madhya Pradesh (which include Damoh and Datia also) and the BSP has fielded candidates in the Chambal and Vindhya regions also, along with the Bundelkhand region. The BSP has four MLAs in the outgoing assembly -- two from Satna district in Vindhya area and two from Morena district of Chambal area. The party has given a ticket to all four sitting MLAs and two former MLAs too. The SP has fielded a former MLA from Niwari constituency in the Tikamgarh district. BSP's Bundelkhand in-charge Mukesh Ahirwar said the party is contesting all 230 seats in Madhya Pradesh. He said the party is in a strong position in Bundelkhand, therefore, a key focus area. BSP president Mayawati will start a poll campaign on November 21 from Morena and will address public rallies over two days in Bundelkhand, Chambal and Vindhya region, Ahirwar said. A senior SP leader said the party's main focus is to defeat the BJP, for which it has an understanding with the Congress and BSP for some seats, asserting a formal alliance was not preferable due to complex caste equations of the area. He said a joint candidate against the BJP on all seats would have actually benefited the saffron party and therefore they have opted for a "friendly fight". Balakram Yadav, a senior leader of Congress party's Bundelkhand unit, said he is confident of a "strategic success" in these elections. He said the over-confidence of the ruling BJP would prove to be detrimental for the saffron party and the people's anger will reflect in their votes. Rejecting the BJP's claims of development works in the region, Yadav said they were limited to a few cities and the farmers are facing a major crisis in the agriculture-dominated rural areas of Bundelkhand region due to drought and fuel price hike while youths are being compelled to migrate because of unemployment.

Madhya Pradesh: No straight fight for Cong, BJP in Bundelkhand; SP, BSP add new twists and turns

Chhattisgarh's Congress vice president Ghanaram Sahu resigned from the party on Sunday, a day ahead of the first phase of polling in the state.

In his resignation letter addressed to the state's party president Bhupesh Baghel, Sahu has alleged that he was mentally harassed by Baghel due to personal grudges.

The first phase of elections comprises 18 seats distributed in eight Naxal-affected districts of the state.

Of these, 12 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, while one is Scheduled Caste reserved seat.The polling for remaining 72 seats will take place on November 20.

The counting of votes will take place on December 11. A total of 1,291 candidates are in the fray for the two-phased state polls.&nbsp;

Chhattisgarh's Congress vice president Ghanaram Sahu resigned from the party on Sunday, a day ahead of the first phase of polling in the state. In his resignation letter addressed to the state's party president Bhupesh Baghel, Sahu has alleged that he was mentally harassed by Baghel due to personal grudges.

Chhattisgarh's Congress vice president Ghanaram Sahu resigned from the party on Sunday, a day ahead of the first phase of polling in the state. In his resignation letter addressed to the state's party president Bhupesh Baghel, Sahu has alleged that he was mentally harassed by Baghel due to personal grudges. The first phase of elections comprises 18 seats distributed in eight Naxal-affected districts of the state. Of these, 12 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, while one is Scheduled Caste reserved seat.The polling for remaining 72 seats will take place on November 20. The counting of votes will take place on December 11. A total of 1,291 candidates are in the fray for the two-phased state polls.

Ahead of polls, Chhattisgarh's Congress VP Ghanaram Sahu resigns

The stage is set for the first phase of Chhattisgarh Assembly polls in 18 seats spread across eight Naxal-affected districts on Monday.&nbsp;

The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is eyeing a fourth straight term in the tribal-dominated state as the opposition Congress seeks to return to power after 15 years.

Chief Minister Raman Singh, two state cabinet ministers and an incumbent BJP MP are among the 190 candidates contesting in 18 constituencies of the 90-member Assembly.

The constituencies of Khairagarh, Dongargarh (SC), Rajnandgaon, Dongargaon, Khujji, Mohla-Manpur (ST), Antagarh (ST), Bhanupratappur (ST), Kanker (ST), Keshkal (ST), Kondagaon (ST), Narayanpur (ST), Bastar (ST), Jagdalpur, Chitrakot (ST), Dantewada (ST), Bijapur (ST) and Konta (ST) will go to polls on Monday.

Of these, 12 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes (ST) and one for Scheduled Caste (SC) category.

The stakes are very high for the saffron party on these 18 seats as it had lost 12 of them in the last polls held in 2013.

Eyeing his fourth consecutive term as chief minister, Singh is contesting from Rajnandgaon seat where his main rival is Congress' Karuna Shukla, the niece of former prime minister late Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Singh had last time defeated Alka Mudliyar, wife of slain Congress leader Uday Mudliyar who was killed in the Jiram valley Naxal attack in 2013.

In Narayanpur segment, the Congress has renominated Chandan Kashyap against BJP minister Kedar Kahsyap. Chandan had lost to Kedar last time. 
 
The Congress has also given a second chance to Vikram Mandavi from Bijapur (ST) seat against state Forest Minister Mahesh Gagda. Mandavi had lost to Gagda in 2013.

Prominent BJP leader and Kanker Lok Sabha seat's incumbent MP Vikram Usendi is contesting from Antagarh (ST), where the Congress has fielded a fresh face, Anoop Nag.

Usendi had won Antagarh seat in 2013 polls. However, he resigned after he was elected as the Lok Sabha member from Kanker seat in 2014.

The ruling BJP has also fielded two sitting MLAs - Santosh Bafna (Jagdalpur) and Sarojani Banjar (Dongargarh).

The Congress has renominated its nine sitting MLAs - Manoj Singh Mandavi (Bhanupratappur), Mohan Lal Markam (Kondagaon), Lakheshwar Baghel (Bastar), Deepak Kumar Baij (Chitrakot), Devati Karma (Dantewada), Kawasi Lakhma (Konta), Girwar Janghel (Khairagarh), Santram Netam (Keshkal) and Daleshwar Sahu (Dongargaon).

Devati Karma, wife of Congress leader Mahendra Karma who was killed in the 2013 Jiram valley attack, had defeated Bhima Mandavi of the BJP. The BJP has again fielded Mandavi from the seat.

It also nominated Dhani Ram Barse, who was defeated by senior Congress leader Kawasi Lakhma, from Konta seat.

As many as 4,336 polling booths have been set up for the first phase of the state polls. There are 31,79,520 voters, including 16,21,839 males, 15,57,592 females and 89 of the third gender.

During the campaign for the polls, BJP leaders highlighted how Naxalism, which was at its peak during the Congress rule in the state, was contained during the last 15 years and also the development works taken up by the government.

Top BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP president Amit Shah, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Union minister Smriti Irani, campaigned for the saffron party and highlighted various achievements of the Raman Singh government.

On the other side, the Congress accused the BJP of "failing" to control the Naxal menace and referred to the chit fund and civil supply scams. It also targeted the chief minister's son Abhishek Singh over his alleged offshore assets.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi had held five rallies and a road show while campaigning for the first phase of the Assembly polls.&nbsp;

The stage is set for the first phase of Chhattisgarh Assembly polls in 18 seats spread across eight Naxal-affected districts on Monday. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is eyeing a fourth straight term in the tribal-dominated state as the opposition Congress seeks to return to power after 15 years.

The stage is set for the first phase of Chhattisgarh Assembly polls in 18 seats spread across eight Naxal-affected districts on Monday. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is eyeing a fourth straight term in the tribal-dominated state as the opposition Congress seeks to return to power after 15 years. Chief Minister Raman Singh, two state cabinet ministers and an incumbent BJP MP are among the 190 candidates contesting in 18 constituencies of the 90-member Assembly. The constituencies of Khairagarh, Dongargarh (SC), Rajnandgaon, Dongargaon, Khujji, Mohla-Manpur (ST), Antagarh (ST), Bhanupratappur (ST), Kanker (ST), Keshkal (ST), Kondagaon (ST), Narayanpur (ST), Bastar (ST), Jagdalpur, Chitrakot (ST), Dantewada (ST), Bijapur (ST) and Konta (ST) will go to polls on Monday. Of these, 12 are reserved for Scheduled Tribes (ST) and one for Scheduled Caste (SC) category. The stakes are very high for the saffron party on these 18 seats as it had lost 12 of them in the last polls held in 2013. Eyeing his fourth consecutive term as chief minister, Singh is contesting from Rajnandgaon seat where his main rival is Congress' Karuna Shukla, the niece of former prime minister late Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Singh had last time defeated Alka Mudliyar, wife of slain Congress leader Uday Mudliyar who was killed in the Jiram valley Naxal attack in 2013. In Narayanpur segment, the Congress has renominated Chandan Kashyap against BJP minister Kedar Kahsyap. Chandan had lost to Kedar last time. The Congress has also given a second chance to Vikram Mandavi from Bijapur (ST) seat against state Forest Minister Mahesh Gagda. Mandavi had lost to Gagda in 2013. Prominent BJP leader and Kanker Lok Sabha seat's incumbent MP Vikram Usendi is contesting from Antagarh (ST), where the Congress has fielded a fresh face, Anoop Nag. Usendi had won Antagarh seat in 2013 polls. However, he resigned after he was elected as the Lok Sabha member from Kanker seat in 2014. The ruling BJP has also fielded two sitting MLAs - Santosh Bafna (Jagdalpur) and Sarojani Banjar (Dongargarh). The Congress has renominated its nine sitting MLAs - Manoj Singh Mandavi (Bhanupratappur), Mohan Lal Markam (Kondagaon), Lakheshwar Baghel (Bastar), Deepak Kumar Baij (Chitrakot), Devati Karma (Dantewada), Kawasi Lakhma (Konta), Girwar Janghel (Khairagarh), Santram Netam (Keshkal) and Daleshwar Sahu (Dongargaon). Devati Karma, wife of Congress leader Mahendra Karma who was killed in the 2013 Jiram valley attack, had defeated Bhima Mandavi of the BJP. The BJP has again fielded Mandavi from the seat. It also nominated Dhani Ram Barse, who was defeated by senior Congress leader Kawasi Lakhma, from Konta seat. As many as 4,336 polling booths have been set up for the first phase of the state polls. There are 31,79,520 voters, including 16,21,839 males, 15,57,592 females and 89 of the third gender. During the campaign for the polls, BJP leaders highlighted how Naxalism, which was at its peak during the Congress rule in the state, was contained during the last 15 years and also the development works taken up by the government. Top BJP leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP president Amit Shah, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and Union minister Smriti Irani, campaigned for the saffron party and highlighted various achievements of the Raman Singh government. On the other side, the Congress accused the BJP of "failing" to control the Naxal menace and referred to the chit fund and civil supply scams. It also targeted the chief minister's son Abhishek Singh over his alleged offshore assets. Congress president Rahul Gandhi had held five rallies and a road show while campaigning for the first phase of the Assembly polls.

Stage set for high-stakes poll battle in Naxal-hit Chhattisgarh

The Mizoram government has proposed the names of three IAS officers, as desired by the Election Commission (EC), for the post of a new chief electoral officer (CEO) in the state, an official said Sunday.

The poll panel had asked the state government to suggest the names after it decided to replace CEO S B Shashank, who had courted controversy in the poll-bound state.

The names suggested by the government were -- Lalhmingthanga, H Lalengmawia and K Lalthawmmawia -- the official said on the condition of anonymity.

He also said Deputy Election Commissioner Sudeep Jain, who led the second EC team to Mizoram Friday, had told officials that it would take two-three days to select and appoint a new CEO.

Jain had also assured the NGO Coordination Committee leaders -- who were spearheading the movement against Shashank -- that the CEO would be replaced and the Bru voters housed in Tripura relief camps would exercise their franchise from Mizoram, which were the primary demands of the organisation.

The EC had initiated the process of finding an alternative to the Mizoram CEO Saturday. An EC spokesperson had said in New Delhi that the poll panel had "only decided to call for a panel of names for the post of the state CEO from the chief secretary of Mizoram".

Shashank had reportedly sought deployment of additional Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) in the north-eastern state and complained to the EC that the state's former principal secretary, Lalnunmawia Chuaungo, was interfering in the poll process.

Chuaungo, a native of Mizoram and a Gujarat-cadre IAS officer, was relieved of his duties earlier this month.

Thousands of people took to the streets and picketed in front of Shashank's office for two days since Tuesday.

The protesters, under the aegis of the NGO Coordination Committee, had also set an ultimatum for Shashank to leave urgently, prompting the EC to send the first team to the state Tuesday.

Shashank left Mizoram Wednesday after being summoned by the chief election commissioner in Delhi, which resulted in the withdrawal of the agitation.

The Mizoram government has proposed the names of three IAS officers, as desired by the Election Commission (EC), for the post of a new chief electoral officer (CEO) in the state, an official said Sunday.

The Mizoram government has proposed the names of three IAS officers, as desired by the Election Commission (EC), for the post of a new chief electoral officer (CEO) in the state, an official said Sunday. The poll panel had asked the state government to suggest the names after it decided to replace CEO S B Shashank, who had courted controversy in the poll-bound state. The names suggested by the government were -- Lalhmingthanga, H Lalengmawia and K Lalthawmmawia -- the official said on the condition of anonymity. He also said Deputy Election Commissioner Sudeep Jain, who led the second EC team to Mizoram Friday, had told officials that it would take two-three days to select and appoint a new CEO. Jain had also assured the NGO Coordination Committee leaders -- who were spearheading the movement against Shashank -- that the CEO would be replaced and the Bru voters housed in Tripura relief camps would exercise their franchise from Mizoram, which were the primary demands of the organisation. The EC had initiated the process of finding an alternative to the Mizoram CEO Saturday. An EC spokesperson had said in New Delhi that the poll panel had "only decided to call for a panel of names for the post of the state CEO from the chief secretary of Mizoram". Shashank had reportedly sought deployment of additional Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) in the north-eastern state and complained to the EC that the state's former principal secretary, Lalnunmawia Chuaungo, was interfering in the poll process. Chuaungo, a native of Mizoram and a Gujarat-cadre IAS officer, was relieved of his duties earlier this month. Thousands of people took to the streets and picketed in front of Shashank's office for two days since Tuesday. The protesters, under the aegis of the NGO Coordination Committee, had also set an ultimatum for Shashank to leave urgently, prompting the EC to send the first team to the state Tuesday. Shashank left Mizoram Wednesday after being summoned by the chief election commissioner in Delhi, which resulted in the withdrawal of the agitation.

Mizoram: Government proposes names of 3 IAS officers for CEO's post

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Sunday promised a corruption-free administration, prohibition and a loan waiver for farmers if elected to power in Chhattisgarh.

Releasing its manifesto here for the state polls, which the AAP is contesting for the first time, the Arvind Kejriwal-led party announced a slew of measures for different sections of the society.

The Delhi-based party has fielded candidates in all the 90 assembly seats in the BJP-ruled state.

The AAP manifesto comes on the eve of the first phase of polling Monday covering 18 assembly seats spread across over half a dozen Naxal-affected districts.

The second and final phase of voting, covering the remaining 72 seats, will be held on November 20.

In its 36-point manifesto, the fledgling outfit has promised Rs 2,600 minimum support price (MSP) for each quintal of paddy, a loan waiver for farmers, jobs to youths and a ban on sale of liquor in the state.

"After the AAP government is formed in the state, the priority will be to make it corruption-free and prosperous," Delhi Cabinet Minister and Chhattisgarh AAP in-charge

Gopal Rai said while releasing the manifesto at a press conference.

The journey for a prosperous Chhattisgarh can not be undertaken until corruption is eradicated, he said.

Apart from the main manifesto, all the AAP candidates have released similar documents in their respective areas, incorporating measures based on the situation prevailing in their region, he said.

Targeting the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress, Rai sought to know what the two national parties have done for the state, which has a large tribal population.

"What Ajit Jogi had done when he was (Congress) chief minister for three years (2000-2003) and what the BJP has done during its 15-year long rule?" the AAP leader asked.

"Instead of releasing its report card (of works done till now), the BJP released its manifesto on Saturday as if it was seeking a chance for the first time to form its government in the state," Rai said.

The ruling party had made a slew of promises to farmers ahead of every election, but it did not fulfil them, he said.

All these years, farmers did not get good returns on their produce and once again the BJP has made "false" promises to cultivators (in its manifesto), Rai said.

Besides providing remunerative price to paddy growers, the AAP will generate jobs for the youths of the state if elected to power, he said.

The youths of the state will be given priority in jobs in private as well as government sectors and the contract system of employment will be abolished, Rai added.

Agriculture-based industries will be set up in the state, he added.

The manifesto also promised a compensation of Rs 20,000 per acre in event of crop loss and introduction of new farm technologies.

Besides, it promised to bring Chhattisgarh Jan Lokpal Bill, an anti-graft legislation covering the Chief Minister, ministers, MLAs and all government officers.

The AAP wants to make Chhattisgarh an alcohol-free state. Liquor will be banned for people barring for some special communities, Rai said.

The party has projected its Bhanupratappur assembly seat candidate Komal Hupendi as its chief ministerial candidate.&nbsp;

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Sunday promised a corruption-free administration, prohibition and a loan waiver for farmers if elected to power in Chhattisgarh. Releasing its manifesto here for the state polls, which the AAP is contesting for the first time, the Arvind Kejriwal-led party announced a slew of measures for different sections of the society.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) Sunday promised a corruption-free administration, prohibition and a loan waiver for farmers if elected to power in Chhattisgarh. Releasing its manifesto here for the state polls, which the AAP is contesting for the first time, the Arvind Kejriwal-led party announced a slew of measures for different sections of the society. The Delhi-based party has fielded candidates in all the 90 assembly seats in the BJP-ruled state. The AAP manifesto comes on the eve of the first phase of polling Monday covering 18 assembly seats spread across over half a dozen Naxal-affected districts. The second and final phase of voting, covering the remaining 72 seats, will be held on November 20. In its 36-point manifesto, the fledgling outfit has promised Rs 2,600 minimum support price (MSP) for each quintal of paddy, a loan waiver for farmers, jobs to youths and a ban on sale of liquor in the state. "After the AAP government is formed in the state, the priority will be to make it corruption-free and prosperous," Delhi Cabinet Minister and Chhattisgarh AAP in-charge Gopal Rai said while releasing the manifesto at a press conference. The journey for a prosperous Chhattisgarh can not be undertaken until corruption is eradicated, he said. Apart from the main manifesto, all the AAP candidates have released similar documents in their respective areas, incorporating measures based on the situation prevailing in their region, he said. Targeting the ruling BJP and the opposition Congress, Rai sought to know what the two national parties have done for the state, which has a large tribal population. "What Ajit Jogi had done when he was (Congress) chief minister for three years (2000-2003) and what the BJP has done during its 15-year long rule?" the AAP leader asked. "Instead of releasing its report card (of works done till now), the BJP released its manifesto on Saturday as if it was seeking a chance for the first time to form its government in the state," Rai said. The ruling party had made a slew of promises to farmers ahead of every election, but it did not fulfil them, he said. All these years, farmers did not get good returns on their produce and once again the BJP has made "false" promises to cultivators (in its manifesto), Rai said. Besides providing remunerative price to paddy growers, the AAP will generate jobs for the youths of the state if elected to power, he said. The youths of the state will be given priority in jobs in private as well as government sectors and the contract system of employment will be abolished, Rai added. Agriculture-based industries will be set up in the state, he added. The manifesto also promised a compensation of Rs 20,000 per acre in event of crop loss and introduction of new farm technologies. Besides, it promised to bring Chhattisgarh Jan Lokpal Bill, an anti-graft legislation covering the Chief Minister, ministers, MLAs and all government officers. The AAP wants to make Chhattisgarh an alcohol-free state. Liquor will be banned for people barring for some special communities, Rai said. The party has projected its Bhanupratappur assembly seat candidate Komal Hupendi as its chief ministerial candidate.

AAP promises farm loan waiver, prohibition in Chhattisgarh

Former Chhattisgarh chief minister Ajit Jogi Saturday released his party's manifesto on stamp paper for the state Assembly polls and challenged the ruling BJP, and the Congress to do the same.

Jogi said he had released the 14-point manifesto of Janata Congress Chhattisgarh (J) on the stamp paper and therefore was committed to fulfilling the promises mentioned in it.

"If I don't fulfil promises made in it, I can be sent to jail," he said.

The state goes to polls in two phases on November 12 and November 20.

Jogi's party is in an alliance with Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party and the CPI. The JCC (J) will contest 55 seats, the BSP 33 and CPI two seats.

Jogi took a swipe at the Congress, his former party and the said its manifesto, titled 'Jan Ghoshna Patra', was a "true copy" of the one he had released on June 6, 2016 when the JCC (J) was formed.

He said the Congress had promised farm loan waiver in Punjab and Karnataka within ten days of coming to power, but had failed to do so even after ten months having passed.

Jogi's manifesto promises Rs 2,500 per quintal MSP for paddy, free power supply to agriculture pumps with a capacity of up to 5 horsepower, and complete waiver of farm loans among others.

He said local youth would be given "cent per cent" reservation in government jobs while 90 per cent of other jobs would be reserved for them.

Unemployed youngsters who had passed Class 12 would be given Rs 1001 as allowance, while graduates and post graduates without jobs would be given Rs 1501 and Rs 2001 respectively.

The manifesto promised regularisation of non-permanent employees like shikshakarmis, panchayat secretaries, employment assistants, Anganwadi workers and the like.

Jogi said if elected to power, his government would go for a ban on liquor in all parts of the state except Scheduled areas.

The manifesto said the party would open a Rs 1 lakh joint account for every newborn girl child along with respective district collectors.

The girl will get this amount, along with interest, when she attains 18 years of age, it said.

His government will provide 45 kg rice, 10 kg wheat, 5 kg pulses, 5 kg salt, 2 kg sugar and 5 litres of edible oil to all ration card-holders, except income tax payees among them, Jogi said.

He also promised a cut in state GST and excise on fuel as well as health insurance of Rs 7 lakh and setting up of hospitals on the lines of Delhi's AIIMS in every district of the state.&nbsp;

Former Chhattisgarh chief minister Ajit Jogi Saturday released his party's manifesto on stamp paper for the state Assembly polls and challenged the ruling BJP, and the Congress to do the same.

Former Chhattisgarh chief minister Ajit Jogi Saturday released his party's manifesto on stamp paper for the state Assembly polls and challenged the ruling BJP, and the Congress to do the same. Jogi said he had released the 14-point manifesto of Janata Congress Chhattisgarh (J) on the stamp paper and therefore was committed to fulfilling the promises mentioned in it. "If I don't fulfil promises made in it, I can be sent to jail," he said. The state goes to polls in two phases on November 12 and November 20. Jogi's party is in an alliance with Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party and the CPI. The JCC (J) will contest 55 seats, the BSP 33 and CPI two seats. Jogi took a swipe at the Congress, his former party and the said its manifesto, titled 'Jan Ghoshna Patra', was a "true copy" of the one he had released on June 6, 2016 when the JCC (J) was formed. He said the Congress had promised farm loan waiver in Punjab and Karnataka within ten days of coming to power, but had failed to do so even after ten months having passed. Jogi's manifesto promises Rs 2,500 per quintal MSP for paddy, free power supply to agriculture pumps with a capacity of up to 5 horsepower, and complete waiver of farm loans among others. He said local youth would be given "cent per cent" reservation in government jobs while 90 per cent of other jobs would be reserved for them. Unemployed youngsters who had passed Class 12 would be given Rs 1001 as allowance, while graduates and post graduates without jobs would be given Rs 1501 and Rs 2001 respectively. The manifesto promised regularisation of non-permanent employees like shikshakarmis, panchayat secretaries, employment assistants, Anganwadi workers and the like. Jogi said if elected to power, his government would go for a ban on liquor in all parts of the state except Scheduled areas. The manifesto said the party would open a Rs 1 lakh joint account for every newborn girl child along with respective district collectors. The girl will get this amount, along with interest, when she attains 18 years of age, it said. His government will provide 45 kg rice, 10 kg wheat, 5 kg pulses, 5 kg salt, 2 kg sugar and 5 litres of edible oil to all ration card-holders, except income tax payees among them, Jogi said. He also promised a cut in state GST and excise on fuel as well as health insurance of Rs 7 lakh and setting up of hospitals on the lines of Delhi's AIIMS in every district of the state.

Chhattisgarh elections: Ajit Jogi releases party manifesto on stamp paper

The Bhartiya Janata Party on Saturday&nbsp;released election&nbsp;manifesto for Chhattisgarh where election is scheduled to he held on November 12 and 20.

The manifesto, released by&nbsp;BJP President Amit Shah&nbsp;in the presence of chief minister Raman Singh,&nbsp;promises to build a film city in the state and journalist welfare board.&nbsp;In addition. &nbsp;Shah has also assured that the BJP government will provide loans up to 2 lakh without interest to women for starting their business.&nbsp;

The manifesto also promised free books and uniform to students till 12th standard.

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छत्तीसगढ़ फिल्म सिटी का निर्माण किया जाएगा, 12वीं तक सभी छात्र-छात्राओं को मुफ्त किताबें और वर्दी दी जाएगी : श्री <a href="https://twitter.com/drramansingh?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@drramansingh</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BJPCGSankalpPatra?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BJPCGSankalpPatra</a> 
 
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— BJP (@BJP4India) <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4India/status/1061155039325052929?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 10, 2018</a></blockquote>
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पत्रकार कल्याण बोर्ड का गठन किया जाएगा, महिलाओं को अपने व्यापार शुरू करने के लिए 2 लाख रुपये तक ब्याज मुक्त ऋण: श्री <a href="https://twitter.com/drramansingh?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@drramansingh</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BJPCGSankalpPatra?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BJPCGSankalpPatra</a> <a href="https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT">https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT</a> <a href="https://t.co/A9jrllaOLJ">pic.twitter.com/A9jrllaOLJ</a>
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Addressing the event, Amit Shah said, "Raman Singh has taken concrete steps to change Chhattisgarh in the past 15 years. He has been successful at his attempts at developing the state." &nbsp;

Shah further said that the BJP's most successful achievement in the state has been its&nbsp;crackdown on naxals. He said Raman Singh has almost finished Naxalism in Chhattisgarh.

"BJP government in Chhattisgarh and its 15 years of governance sets a perfect example of a welfare state in the country, "&nbsp;Shah added.

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.<a href="https://twitter.com/drramansingh?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@drramansingh</a> जी ने 15 साल में छत्तीसगढ़ को बदलने का भरसक प्रयास किया है, सफल प्रयास किया है। हमारी सबसे बड़ी उपलब्धि नक्सलवाद पर नकेल कसने की है, रमन सिंह जी ने नक्सलवाद को करीब करीब खत्म कर दिया है: श्री <a href="https://twitter.com/AmitShah?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@AmitShah</a> <a href="https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT">https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BJPCGSankalpPatra?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BJPCGSankalpPatra</a> <a href="https://t.co/2EOcwa4gQj">pic.twitter.com/2EOcwa4gQj</a>
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He said Chhattisgarh is the first state to provide short-term loans at zero interest and the first to bring in its own law for skill development.

Hitting out the Congress, Shah&nbsp;said the party which sees a revolution in Naxalism can never do any good for the state.

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जिस पार्टी को नक्सलवाद में क्रांति दिखाई देती हो वो छत्तीसगढ़ का भला नहीं कर सकती: श्री <a href="https://twitter.com/AmitShah?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@AmitShah</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BJPCGSankalpPatra?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BJPCGSankalpPatra</a> 
 
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"Congress ruled for almost 55 years in the country but the Modi government at the centre and the BJP government at the state is delivering development to every citizen of the state, " Amit Shah said.

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कांग्रेस ने करीब-करीब 55 साल शासन किया है लेकिन देश के अंतिम व्यक्ति तक विकास पहुँचाने का काम केंद्र की मोदी सरकार और राज्य में भाजपा सरकारें कर रही है : श्री <a href="https://twitter.com/AmitShah?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@AmitShah</a> <a href="https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT">https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/BJPCGSankalpPatra?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#BJPCGSankalpPatra</a> <a href="https://t.co/KXKe8ghJxd">pic.twitter.com/KXKe8ghJxd</a>
— BJP (@BJP4India) <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4India/status/1061153087182667778?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 10, 2018</a></blockquote>
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He further praised the BJP government in the state&nbsp;and said providing 24-hour electricity, clean water, roads, education, health has been his government's big achievement.

&nbsp;

The Bhartiya Janata Party on Saturday released election manifesto for Chhattisgarh where election is scheduled to he held on November 12 and 20. The manifesto, released by BJP President Amit Shah in the presence of chief minister Raman Singh, promises to build a film city in the state and journalist welfare board.

The Bhartiya Janata Party on Saturday released election manifesto for Chhattisgarh where election is scheduled to he held on November 12 and 20. The manifesto, released by BJP President Amit Shah in the presence of chief minister Raman Singh, promises to build a film city in the state and journalist welfare board. In addition. Shah has also assured that the BJP government will provide loans up to 2 lakh without interest to women for starting their business. The manifesto also promised free books and uniform to students till 12th standard. छत्तीसगढ़ फिल्म सिटी का निर्माण किया जाएगा, 12वीं तक सभी छात्र-छात्राओं को मुफ्त किताबें और वर्दी दी जाएगी : श्री @drramansingh #BJPCGSankalpPatra लाइव देखें https://t.co/jtwD1yPhm4 || https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT pic.twitter.com/8VFTVTGUfW — BJP (@BJP4India) November 10, 2018 × पत्रकार कल्याण बोर्ड का गठन किया जाएगा, महिलाओं को अपने व्यापार शुरू करने के लिए 2 लाख रुपये तक ब्याज मुक्त ऋण: श्री @drramansingh #BJPCGSankalpPatra https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT pic.twitter.com/A9jrllaOLJ — BJP (@BJP4India) November 10, 2018 × Addressing the event, Amit Shah said, "Raman Singh has taken concrete steps to change Chhattisgarh in the past 15 years. He has been successful at his attempts at developing the state." Shah further said that the BJP's most successful achievement in the state has been its crackdown on naxals. He said Raman Singh has almost finished Naxalism in Chhattisgarh. "BJP government in Chhattisgarh and its 15 years of governance sets a perfect example of a welfare state in the country, " Shah added. .@drramansingh जी ने 15 साल में छत्तीसगढ़ को बदलने का भरसक प्रयास किया है, सफल प्रयास किया है। हमारी सबसे बड़ी उपलब्धि नक्सलवाद पर नकेल कसने की है, रमन सिंह जी ने नक्सलवाद को करीब करीब खत्म कर दिया है: श्री @AmitShah https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT #BJPCGSankalpPatra pic.twitter.com/2EOcwa4gQj — BJP (@BJP4India) November 10, 2018 × He said Chhattisgarh is the first state to provide short-term loans at zero interest and the first to bring in its own law for skill development. Hitting out the Congress, Shah said the party which sees a revolution in Naxalism can never do any good for the state. जिस पार्टी को नक्सलवाद में क्रांति दिखाई देती हो वो छत्तीसगढ़ का भला नहीं कर सकती: श्री @AmitShah #BJPCGSankalpPatra लाइव देखें https://t.co/jtwD1yPhm4 || https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT — BJP (@BJP4India) November 10, 2018 × "Congress ruled for almost 55 years in the country but the Modi government at the centre and the BJP government at the state is delivering development to every citizen of the state, " Amit Shah said. कांग्रेस ने करीब-करीब 55 साल शासन किया है लेकिन देश के अंतिम व्यक्ति तक विकास पहुँचाने का काम केंद्र की मोदी सरकार और राज्य में भाजपा सरकारें कर रही है : श्री @AmitShah https://t.co/c3qEUmfqpT #BJPCGSankalpPatra pic.twitter.com/KXKe8ghJxd — BJP (@BJP4India) November 10, 2018 × He further praised the BJP government in the state and said providing 24-hour electricity, clean water, roads, education, health has been his government's big achievement.

BJP promises interest-free loan to women in Chhattisgarh election manifesto

Congress and its partners in the 'grand alliance' for the December 7 Assembly elections in Telangana Saturday held consultations on finalising seat sharing amid demands from the CPI to increase its share.

The 'grand alliance' comprises Congress, TDP, CPI and Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS).

CPI, which had expressed dissatisfaction over being offered three seats by the Congress, said it is hopeful that its demand for an increase in the share would be considered.

"It was we (CPI) who formed the alliance. Alliance will be there. We will definitely be successful in seat adjustments. We will go ahead with optimism," CPI State secretary Chada Venkat Reddy told reporters here.

Expressing dissatisfaction over the Congress 'unilaterally' announcing that it would give three seats to CPI, the Left party Friday said it has decided to contest five seats.

TDP's Telangana unit president L Ramana said the alliance partners intend to move ahead in a planned manner, including preparing a road map, in the days to come.

The first list of Congress candidates for the polls would be released on November 10, AICC in-charge of party affairs in Telangana R C Khuntia had said.

However, the move has been deferred as the talks remained inconclusive.

Congress had said that it has decided to leave 25 seats -- 14 to Telugu Desam Party, eight to Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS) and three to CPI.

Khuntia had said the party has cleared 74 names. There are 119 Assembly segments.

The gazette notification for the polls would be issued on November 12 and the last date of nominations is November 19, according to the schedule released by the Election Commission.

The supporters of some aspirants for Congress tickets staged a sit-in Saturday at Gandhi Bhavan, the State Congress headquarters,demanding that their leaders be given tickets.

The TRS, which had announced candidates for 105 seats on September 6 when the Assembly was dissolved, is on a hectic campaign.

TRS leader and minister in the caretaker government K T Rama Rao attacked the Congress-TDP alliance, alleging that TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu had been critical of the Congress and its former president Sonia Gandhi earlier.

TRS president and caretaker Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao would distribute the 'B forms' (authorised forms for candidature) to the party nominees on Sunday, party sources said.

He would also meet party activists from his constituency of Gajwel near here, they said.

Meanwhile, the office of the Chief Electoral Officer said in a press release that the Election Commission has issued an order banning conduct of exit polls and the publication of its results in Telangana from 7 AM on November 12 to 5.30 PM on December 7.&nbsp;

Congress and its partners in the 'grand alliance' for the December 7 Assembly elections in Telangana Saturday held consultations on finalising seat sharing amid demands from the CPI to increase its share.

Congress and its partners in the 'grand alliance' for the December 7 Assembly elections in Telangana Saturday held consultations on finalising seat sharing amid demands from the CPI to increase its share. The 'grand alliance' comprises Congress, TDP, CPI and Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS). CPI, which had expressed dissatisfaction over being offered three seats by the Congress, said it is hopeful that its demand for an increase in the share would be considered. "It was we (CPI) who formed the alliance. Alliance will be there. We will definitely be successful in seat adjustments. We will go ahead with optimism," CPI State secretary Chada Venkat Reddy told reporters here. Expressing dissatisfaction over the Congress 'unilaterally' announcing that it would give three seats to CPI, the Left party Friday said it has decided to contest five seats. TDP's Telangana unit president L Ramana said the alliance partners intend to move ahead in a planned manner, including preparing a road map, in the days to come. The first list of Congress candidates for the polls would be released on November 10, AICC in-charge of party affairs in Telangana R C Khuntia had said. However, the move has been deferred as the talks remained inconclusive. Congress had said that it has decided to leave 25 seats -- 14 to Telugu Desam Party, eight to Telangana Jana Samiti (TJS) and three to CPI. Khuntia had said the party has cleared 74 names. There are 119 Assembly segments. The gazette notification for the polls would be issued on November 12 and the last date of nominations is November 19, according to the schedule released by the Election Commission. The supporters of some aspirants for Congress tickets staged a sit-in Saturday at Gandhi Bhavan, the State Congress headquarters,demanding that their leaders be given tickets. The TRS, which had announced candidates for 105 seats on September 6 when the Assembly was dissolved, is on a hectic campaign. TRS leader and minister in the caretaker government K T Rama Rao attacked the Congress-TDP alliance, alleging that TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu had been critical of the Congress and its former president Sonia Gandhi earlier. TRS president and caretaker Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao would distribute the 'B forms' (authorised forms for candidature) to the party nominees on Sunday, party sources said. He would also meet party activists from his constituency of Gajwel near here, they said. Meanwhile, the office of the Chief Electoral Officer said in a press release that the Election Commission has issued an order banning conduct of exit polls and the publication of its results in Telangana from 7 AM on November 12 to 5.30 PM on December 7.

Telangana polls: 'Grand alliance' partners hold talks; CPI demands more seats

Congress president Rahul Gandhi on Saturday promised all-loan waiver to poor farmers within 10 days of forming the government if voted to power in Chattisgarh.

Gandhi, who was addressing a rally at Kanker, said: "It is my firm assurance to you that if the Congress emerges victorious in the ensuing Assembly polls, our government will waive off all loans of poor farmers within 10 days."

He also said that the Congress government would give Rs 2,500 to every farmer for harvesting his paddy crop.

"We will not only waive off farmers'&nbsp;within 10 days of coming to power but will also give Rs 2,500 to each farmer for harvesting and sowing paddy. Congress government will also give bonus to farmers. In case they have not received any bonus from the past two years, we will compensate them accordingly," he said.

Gandhi also touched upon the issue of unemployment and promised that after coming to power, his government will work day and night to set up food processing factories in every block and district of the state to ease the life of farmers in selling their produces.

"Congress government will ensure farmers get right price for their produces. We will set up food processing factories in all districts and blocks. From these factories, not only you will get the correct price for your crops but your children will also get employment in these factories," said Rahul in a bid to woo farmers, who play a key role in the state politics.

"It has been 15 years that Dr Raman Singh has been in power in the state. As on to date, more than 40 lakh people are unemployed in the region and around 65 per cent of the land has not been irrigated. Moreover, 75,000 acres of land have also been taken away from the tribal people and given to the close aides of the government," he claimed.

He said his mission is to make Chhattisgarh an agricultural state like Punjab and Haryana within five years.Talking about the issue of development, the Congress president tore into the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government at the Centre and claimed that the Centre failed to fulfill its promise of creating two crore jobs every year and created only fewer jobs for the youths.

"I have a vision. I want that Chhattisgarh youths must be given loans so that they can set up their own factories and create employment in the state," he added.

"If one looks closely, China within a span of 24 hours gives employment to more than 50,000 people but Modi ji is only providing employment to 450 people per hour as all the money, nearly Rs 12,50,000 crore, has been given to his 15 friends. Modi ji only believes in 15 people but I believe in crores of people," he added.

Gandhi also promised the gathering that his government would put an end to the outsourcing of labour works in the state and will first provide employment opportunity to the poor people of Chhattisgarh.

"Each family in the village who does not possess any property will be given a piece of land," he added.

While training guns at the Central government, Rahul Gandhi claimed that more than 60,000 seats of teachers are lying vacant in the state and they will make efforts to fill them fast after coming to power.

Talking about the decades old-MNREGA programme, the Congress president alleged that the Narendra Modi-led government has spent Rs 35,000 crore for the implementation of the scheme but still failed to provide any relief to the poor.

"All of that money has been distributed among his friends like Vijay Mallya, Nirav Modi, Mehul Choksi and Lalit Modi."

Speaking about the menace of corruption prevailing in the state, the 48-year-old leader alleged that Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Dr Raman Singh was himself corrupt. He also pointed fingers at the state government for not initiating any investigation against the Dr Singh's son after his name appeared in the Panama Papers case.

"Whenever Modi ji goes somewhere, he claims that his government is against the menace of corruption. But after coming to Chhattisgarh, he does not mention that the chief minister is also a corrupt man. The state CM should explain to the people of Chhattisgarh why has no action been taken against his son, whose name appeared in the Panama papers case? In Pakistan the PM is jailed because his name appeared in Panama Papers case," he said.

Rahul also mentioned about the famous Public Distribution System scam and stated that Rs 36,000 crore from the people of Chhattisgarh was looted.

"I want Raman Singh ji to answer who are this CM Madam and Dr Sahab whose names were found in the diary in connection with the scam."Gandhi scion said that his party will not work for any particular religion, community, caste or a district but for all.

He also added that as soon as the Congress comes to power in the state, they will build schools, colleges, and hospitals and will also uplift the status of poor in the society by implementing 'Paisa Kanoon,'&nbsp;Tribal Bill and Real Estate Law.

The first phase of elections in Chhattisgarh comprises 18 seats and these are distributed in eight Naxal-affected districts.

Of these, 12 are Scheduled Tribe seats while one is a Scheduled Caste-reserved seat. The polling for remaining 72 seats will take place on November 20.

The counting of votes will take place on December 11. A total of 1,291 candidates are in the fray for the two-phased state polls.

In the 2013 assembly elections, the BJP had bagged 49 seats, Congress got 39, Bahujan Samajwadi Party and Independent got one seat each in the 90-member House.&nbsp;

Congress president Rahul Gandhi on Saturday promised all-loan waiver to poor farmers within 10 days of forming the government if voted to power in Chattisgarh. Gandhi, who was addressing a rally at Kanker, said: "It is my firm assurance to you that if the Congress emerges victorious in the ensuing Assembly polls, our government will waive off all loans of poor farmers within 10 days.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi on Saturday promised all-loan waiver to poor farmers within 10 days of forming the government if voted to power in Chattisgarh. Gandhi, who was addressing a rally at Kanker, said: "It is my firm assurance to you that if the Congress emerges victorious in the ensuing Assembly polls, our government will waive off all loans of poor farmers within 10 days." He also said that the Congress government would give Rs 2,500 to every farmer for harvesting his paddy crop. "We will not only waive off farmers' within 10 days of coming to power but will also give Rs 2,500 to each farmer for harvesting and sowing paddy. Congress government will also give bonus to farmers. In case they have not received any bonus from the past two years, we will compensate them accordingly," he said. Gandhi also touched upon the issue of unemployment and promised that after coming to power, his government will work day and night to set up food processing factories in every block and district of the state to ease the life of farmers in selling their produces. "Congress government will ensure farmers get right price for their produces. We will set up food processing factories in all districts and blocks. From these factories, not only you will get the correct price for your crops but your children will also get employment in these factories," said Rahul in a bid to woo farmers, who play a key role in the state politics. "It has been 15 years that Dr Raman Singh has been in power in the state. As on to date, more than 40 lakh people are unemployed in the region and around 65 per cent of the land has not been irrigated. Moreover, 75,000 acres of land have also been taken away from the tribal people and given to the close aides of the government," he claimed. He said his mission is to make Chhattisgarh an agricultural state like Punjab and Haryana within five years.Talking about the issue of development, the Congress president tore into the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led government at the Centre and claimed that the Centre failed to fulfill its promise of creating two crore jobs every year and created only fewer jobs for the youths. "I have a vision. I want that Chhattisgarh youths must be given loans so that they can set up their own factories and create employment in the state," he added. "If one looks closely, China within a span of 24 hours gives employment to more than 50,000 people but Modi ji is only providing employment to 450 people per hour as all the money, nearly Rs 12,50,000 crore, has been given to his 15 friends. Modi ji only believes in 15 people but I believe in crores of people," he added. Gandhi also promised the gathering that his government would put an end to the outsourcing of labour works in the state and will first provide employment opportunity to the poor people of Chhattisgarh. "Each family in the village who does not possess any property will be given a piece of land," he added. While training guns at the Central government, Rahul Gandhi claimed that more than 60,000 seats of teachers are lying vacant in the state and they will make efforts to fill them fast after coming to power. Talking about the decades old-MNREGA programme, the Congress president alleged that the Narendra Modi-led government has spent Rs 35,000 crore for the implementation of the scheme but still failed to provide any relief to the poor. "All of that money has been distributed among his friends like Vijay Mallya, Nirav Modi, Mehul Choksi and Lalit Modi." Speaking about the menace of corruption prevailing in the state, the 48-year-old leader alleged that Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Dr Raman Singh was himself corrupt. He also pointed fingers at the state government for not initiating any investigation against the Dr Singh's son after his name appeared in the Panama Papers case. "Whenever Modi ji goes somewhere, he claims that his government is against the menace of corruption. But after coming to Chhattisgarh, he does not mention that the chief minister is also a corrupt man. The state CM should explain to the people of Chhattisgarh why has no action been taken against his son, whose name appeared in the Panama papers case? In Pakistan the PM is jailed because his name appeared in Panama Papers case," he said. Rahul also mentioned about the famous Public Distribution System scam and stated that Rs 36,000 crore from the people of Chhattisgarh was looted. "I want Raman Singh ji to answer who are this CM Madam and Dr Sahab whose names were found in the diary in connection with the scam."Gandhi scion said that his party will not work for any particular religion, community, caste or a district but for all. He also added that as soon as the Congress comes to power in the state, they will build schools, colleges, and hospitals and will also uplift the status of poor in the society by implementing 'Paisa Kanoon,' Tribal Bill and Real Estate Law. The first phase of elections in Chhattisgarh comprises 18 seats and these are distributed in eight Naxal-affected districts. Of these, 12 are Scheduled Tribe seats while one is a Scheduled Caste-reserved seat. The polling for remaining 72 seats will take place on November 20. The counting of votes will take place on December 11. A total of 1,291 candidates are in the fray for the two-phased state polls. In the 2013 assembly elections, the BJP had bagged 49 seats, Congress got 39, Bahujan Samajwadi Party and Independent got one seat each in the 90-member House.

If Congress emerges victorious, will waive off farmers loan within 10 days: Rahul Gandhi in Chattisgarh

The Election Commission of India on Saturday held a meeting and decided to call for a panel of names for the post of State Chief Electoral Officer, from Chief Secretary of Mizoram, news agency ANI reported.&nbsp;

According to reports, the Commission also decided to take further steps only after receiving a report of the visit by Deputy Election Commissioner's team to the state.

On Friday, an Election Commission team held discussions with government officials and members of an apex body for civil societies in Mizoram. During the meeting, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/election-commission-team-has-agreed-to-remove-mizoram-ceo-ngo-coordination-committee-chief-176531">it was decided to remove state Chief Electoral Officer</a> (CEO) SB Shashank, a civil society leader said.

The EC team held discussions with two additional CEOs, Home Secretary Lalrinliana Fanai, leaders of the NGO Coordination Committee - apex body of the civil societies.&nbsp;

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In the EC meeting held today, the Commission has only decided to call for a panel of names for the post of State Chief Electoral Officer, from Chief Secy of Mizoram. Further steps to only be taken after receiving report of the visit by Dy Election Commissioner's team to the state <a href="https://t.co/PORnZDgKq1">pic.twitter.com/PORnZDgKq1</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1061182072226807808?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 10, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Committee chairman Vanlalruata said the EC team agreed to the body's demand to remove Shashank as CEO of Mizoram immediately, news agency PTI reported.&nbsp;

The EC team, however, refused to make any commitment on revoking the transfer order of former principal secretary Lalnunmawia Chuaungo and restore him in his position in Mizoram.

(With inputs from agencies)

The Election Commission of India on Saturday held a meeting and decided to call for a panel of names for the post of State Chief Electoral Officer, from Chief Secretary of Mizoram, news agency ANI reported.

The Election Commission of India on Saturday held a meeting and decided to call for a panel of names for the post of State Chief Electoral Officer, from Chief Secretary of Mizoram, news agency ANI reported. According to reports, the Commission also decided to take further steps only after receiving a report of the visit by Deputy Election Commissioner's team to the state. On Friday, an Election Commission team held discussions with government officials and members of an apex body for civil societies in Mizoram. During the meeting, it was decided to remove state Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) SB Shashank, a civil society leader said. The EC team held discussions with two additional CEOs, Home Secretary Lalrinliana Fanai, leaders of the NGO Coordination Committee - apex body of the civil societies. In the EC meeting held today, the Commission has only decided to call for a panel of names for the post of State Chief Electoral Officer, from Chief Secy of Mizoram. Further steps to only be taken after receiving report of the visit by Dy Election Commissioner's team to the state pic.twitter.com/PORnZDgKq1 — ANI (@ANI) November 10, 2018 × Committee chairman Vanlalruata said the EC team agreed to the body's demand to remove Shashank as CEO of Mizoram immediately, news agency PTI reported. The EC team, however, refused to make any commitment on revoking the transfer order of former principal secretary Lalnunmawia Chuaungo and restore him in his position in Mizoram. (With inputs from agencies)

Mizoram: EC to call for panel of names for state Chief Electoral Officer's office

An Election Commission team, held discussions with government officials and members of an apex body for civil societies in Mizoram here Friday and agreed to remove state Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank, a civil society leader said.

The four-member EC team, headed by Deputy Election Commissioner Sudeep Jain, did not speak to the press.

Chief Secretary Arvind Ray and the joint CEO were not allowed inside the hall where the meeting was held.&nbsp;

The EC team held discussions with two additional CEOs, Home Secretary Lalrinliana Fanai, leaders of the NGO Coordination Committee - apex body of the civil societies. It was a closed door meeting and the team left the venue without making any comments.

Committee chairman Vanlalruata said the EC team agreed to the body's demand to remove Shashank as CEO of Mizoram immediately.

The team also agreed to stick to the commitment made by the poll panel in April 2014 that Bru voters who are staying in Tripura would exercise their franchise in Mizoram and not in the relief camps of that state, he said.

Thousands of Bru community members had fled Mizoram in October 1997 after ethnic clashes and have been living in camps in Tripura since then.

The EC team, however, refused to make any commitment on revoking the transfer order of former principal secretary Lalnunmawia Chuaungo and restore him in his position in Mizoram, he said.

Shashank, who was being seen by the civil society as a Bru sympathiser, had allegedly complained to the EC that Chuaungo was interfering with the poll process in Mizoram where election to its 40-member Assembly is slated for November 28.

The EC team also met members of the Mizoram Kohhran Hruaitute Committee (MKHC), which is a conglomerate of leaders of major churches in the state, and those of the IAS officers association which included several serving and retired bureaucrats.

They would visit Champhai district, on the Mizoram-Myanmar border, Saturday and hold discussions with the Deputy Commissioner Naveen Agrawal, before returning to Delhi.&nbsp;

An Election Commission team, held discussions with government officials and members of an apex body for civil societies in Mizoram here Friday and agreed to remove state Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank, a civil society leader said.

An Election Commission team, held discussions with government officials and members of an apex body for civil societies in Mizoram here Friday and agreed to remove state Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank, a civil society leader said. The four-member EC team, headed by Deputy Election Commissioner Sudeep Jain, did not speak to the press. Chief Secretary Arvind Ray and the joint CEO were not allowed inside the hall where the meeting was held. The EC team held discussions with two additional CEOs, Home Secretary Lalrinliana Fanai, leaders of the NGO Coordination Committee - apex body of the civil societies. It was a closed door meeting and the team left the venue without making any comments. Committee chairman Vanlalruata said the EC team agreed to the body's demand to remove Shashank as CEO of Mizoram immediately. The team also agreed to stick to the commitment made by the poll panel in April 2014 that Bru voters who are staying in Tripura would exercise their franchise in Mizoram and not in the relief camps of that state, he said. Thousands of Bru community members had fled Mizoram in October 1997 after ethnic clashes and have been living in camps in Tripura since then. The EC team, however, refused to make any commitment on revoking the transfer order of former principal secretary Lalnunmawia Chuaungo and restore him in his position in Mizoram, he said. Shashank, who was being seen by the civil society as a Bru sympathiser, had allegedly complained to the EC that Chuaungo was interfering with the poll process in Mizoram where election to its 40-member Assembly is slated for November 28. The EC team also met members of the Mizoram Kohhran Hruaitute Committee (MKHC), which is a conglomerate of leaders of major churches in the state, and those of the IAS officers association which included several serving and retired bureaucrats. They would visit Champhai district, on the Mizoram-Myanmar border, Saturday and hold discussions with the Deputy Commissioner Naveen Agrawal, before returning to Delhi.

Election Commission team has agreed to remove Mizoram CEO: NGO coordination committee chief 

The Election Commission on Thursday rejected a plea of the BJP to extend the last date of filing nominations for the November 28 assembly polls in Mizoram.

The party had moved the plea citing the law and order situation in the northeastern state.

In a letter to state BJP chief J V Hluna, the poll panel said his plea has "not been acceded to on account of peace and normalcy in the state today." 
Friday is the last date of filing nominations.

There have been protests demanding the ouster of Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank by the NGO Coordination Committee.

But the protests were called off Wednesday after the officer left for Delhi.

The NGO Coordination Committee, the apex body of civil societies and students' organisations in the north-eastern state, has been demanding that Shashank be replaced and transferred outside the state.

It also demanded that 11,232 Bru voters lodged in six Tripura relief camps be allowed to exercise their franchise at their respective polling stations in Mizoram and not in Tripura as committed by the poll panel in 2014. 
&nbsp;

The Election Commission on Thursday rejected a plea of the BJP to extend the last date of filing nominations for the November 28 assembly polls in Mizoram. The party had moved the plea citing the law and order situation in the northeastern state.

The Election Commission on Thursday rejected a plea of the BJP to extend the last date of filing nominations for the November 28 assembly polls in Mizoram. The party had moved the plea citing the law and order situation in the northeastern state. In a letter to state BJP chief J V Hluna, the poll panel said his plea has "not been acceded to on account of peace and normalcy in the state today." Friday is the last date of filing nominations. There have been protests demanding the ouster of Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank by the NGO Coordination Committee. But the protests were called off Wednesday after the officer left for Delhi. The NGO Coordination Committee, the apex body of civil societies and students' organisations in the north-eastern state, has been demanding that Shashank be replaced and transferred outside the state. It also demanded that 11,232 Bru voters lodged in six Tripura relief camps be allowed to exercise their franchise at their respective polling stations in Mizoram and not in Tripura as committed by the poll panel in 2014.

EC rejects Mizoram BJP plea to extend date of filing nominations for assembly polls

Senior BJP leader and former Union minister Sartaj Singh Thursday switched over to the Congress after his name did not figure in the ruling party's third list for the November 28 Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls.

Singh, two-time MLA from Seoni-Malwa who wept openly after the BJP snub, was immediately named as the Congress' nominee for the Hoshangabad Assembly seat in the opposition party's fifth list comprising 16 candidates.

Singh holds sway in the Hoshangabad region and had defeated late Congress stalwart Arjun Singh from there in 1998.

"I am grateful to the Congress for nominating me from Hoshangabad. I had been with the saffron family for 58 long years. The BJP denied me a ticket. I want to be in the midst of the people so I am contesting elections," Singh told PTI over phone.

"I don't want to sit at home and confine myself to counting prayer beads," he added.

With the fifth list, released Thursday evening, the Congress has now announced names for 225 seats in the 230-member MP Assembly.

The Congress is yet to announce its contestants from Budhni (Sehore), Manpur (Dhar), Indore-2, Indore-5 and Jatara (Tikamgarh) seats.

Congress sources said the party is looking for a strong candidate for Budhni to "confine" MP Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan there.

The BJP Thursday released its third list of 32 candidates, leaving only six seats, in the 230-member MP House, for which no names have been declared so far.

These are Seoni-Malwa, from which Singh was a sitting MLA, Panna, Lakhnadoun, Bhopal North, Mahidpur and Garoth.

Sitting among his supporters earlier Thursday, the Sikh leader tried to conceal his tears by covering his face for a few moments.

State BJP spokesperson Anil Soumitra, who had earlier in the day called Singh's teary reaction to his exclusion from the party's list as "unbecoming", later in the evening said the veteran MLA's exit would not harm the BJP.

"Will the Congress workers accept him? Is this trend of nursing personal political ambitions right? If he was such a big leader, why he did not run as an Independent candidate," Soumitra said.

Earlier in the day, asked for a comment, Soumitra said," The BJP has valued him immensely. The party has made him Union minister, twice MP Minister, MP and MLA. What more does he want? Instead of Vanaprashta (retirement in forest), he wants to stay put in Grihastha (household)."

Singh was earlier dropped as MP PWD minister along with state Home minister Babulal Gaur in June 2016 reportedly due to old age.

Singh is the third powerful BJP leader to join Congress after Sanjay Sharma and Padma Shukla.

Sharma was the sitting BJP MLA from Tendukhenda in Seoni district and has now been given a ticket from there by the Congress.

Shukla, who resigned as MP Social Welfare Board chief and quit the BJP, has got the Congress' nomination from Vijayraghavgarh constituency in Katni district.

Besides, the Congress has made Sanjay Singh Masani, brother-in-law of MP CM Chouhan, its nominee from Waraseoni assembly seat in Balaghat district, currently represented by BJP's Yogendra Nirmal.

A native of Maharashtra, Masani's name figured on the fourth list of 29 candidates released Wednesday by the Congress.

Meanwhile, the Congress took a dig at the BJP over Sartaj Singh and said the ruling party had a habit of treating senior leaders in such a manner.

 
MP Congress spokesperson Bhupendra Gupta claimed that the BJP had "no respect" for elders and gave the example of party patriarch LK Advani.

Senior BJP leader and former Union minister Sartaj Singh Thursday switched over to the Congress after his name did not figure in the ruling party's third list for the November 28 Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls.

Senior BJP leader and former Union minister Sartaj Singh Thursday switched over to the Congress after his name did not figure in the ruling party's third list for the November 28 Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls. Singh, two-time MLA from Seoni-Malwa who wept openly after the BJP snub, was immediately named as the Congress' nominee for the Hoshangabad Assembly seat in the opposition party's fifth list comprising 16 candidates. Singh holds sway in the Hoshangabad region and had defeated late Congress stalwart Arjun Singh from there in 1998. "I am grateful to the Congress for nominating me from Hoshangabad. I had been with the saffron family for 58 long years. The BJP denied me a ticket. I want to be in the midst of the people so I am contesting elections," Singh told PTI over phone. "I don't want to sit at home and confine myself to counting prayer beads," he added. With the fifth list, released Thursday evening, the Congress has now announced names for 225 seats in the 230-member MP Assembly. The Congress is yet to announce its contestants from Budhni (Sehore), Manpur (Dhar), Indore-2, Indore-5 and Jatara (Tikamgarh) seats. Congress sources said the party is looking for a strong candidate for Budhni to "confine" MP Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan there. The BJP Thursday released its third list of 32 candidates, leaving only six seats, in the 230-member MP House, for which no names have been declared so far. These are Seoni-Malwa, from which Singh was a sitting MLA, Panna, Lakhnadoun, Bhopal North, Mahidpur and Garoth. Sitting among his supporters earlier Thursday, the Sikh leader tried to conceal his tears by covering his face for a few moments. State BJP spokesperson Anil Soumitra, who had earlier in the day called Singh's teary reaction to his exclusion from the party's list as "unbecoming", later in the evening said the veteran MLA's exit would not harm the BJP. "Will the Congress workers accept him? Is this trend of nursing personal political ambitions right? If he was such a big leader, why he did not run as an Independent candidate," Soumitra said. Earlier in the day, asked for a comment, Soumitra said," The BJP has valued him immensely. The party has made him Union minister, twice MP Minister, MP and MLA. What more does he want? Instead of Vanaprashta (retirement in forest), he wants to stay put in Grihastha (household)." Singh was earlier dropped as MP PWD minister along with state Home minister Babulal Gaur in June 2016 reportedly due to old age. Singh is the third powerful BJP leader to join Congress after Sanjay Sharma and Padma Shukla. Sharma was the sitting BJP MLA from Tendukhenda in Seoni district and has now been given a ticket from there by the Congress. Shukla, who resigned as MP Social Welfare Board chief and quit the BJP, has got the Congress' nomination from Vijayraghavgarh constituency in Katni district. Besides, the Congress has made Sanjay Singh Masani, brother-in-law of MP CM Chouhan, its nominee from Waraseoni assembly seat in Balaghat district, currently represented by BJP's Yogendra Nirmal. A native of Maharashtra, Masani's name figured on the fourth list of 29 candidates released Wednesday by the Congress. Meanwhile, the Congress took a dig at the BJP over Sartaj Singh and said the ruling party had a habit of treating senior leaders in such a manner. MP Congress spokesperson Bhupendra Gupta claimed that the BJP had "no respect" for elders and gave the example of party patriarch LK Advani.

MP polls: Snubbed senior BJP leader joins Congress, gets ticket

Raja Singh, a Bharatiya Janata Party legislator representing the Goshamahal assembly constituency, here has claimed that the party will rename Hyderabad as Bhagyanagar, if voted to power in the state.

The BJP MLA on Thursday also added that the party will change the names of Secunderabad and Karimnagar. "Earlier, Hyderabad was Bhagyanagar and in 1590 Quli Qutub Shah came to Hyderabad, he changed Bhagyanagar to Hyderabad. At that time many Hindus were attacked, many temples destroyed. We are planning to rename Hyderabad. In Telangana, BJP will win in the majority and then our first aim will be developing the state and the second objective will be renaming Hyderabad as Bhagyanagar. We will also change the names of Secunderabad and Karimnagar," he told ANI.

Singh further stated that the areas named after Mughals and Nizams will be changed and kept after the persons who fought for Telangana and for the country. His statement comes a day after Gujarat Deputy Chief Minister Nitin Patel said that his government is considering renaming Ahmedabad as Karnavati if the BJP manages to muster support from the people.

Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani today said that the state government will take concrete steps on the name change of Ahmedabad to Karnavati after assessing "legal and all other angles."

Continuing the name changing spree, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Tuesday announced that the city of Faizabad would be renamed to Ayodhya.

Names of a number of Indian cities and railway stations have been changed in the recent past. Apart from renaming Faizabad as Ayodhya, the Uttar Pradesh government also changed the name of Allahabad to Prayagraj saying the name holds great significance to India.

In addition, the Mughalsarai Railway Station was renamed as Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay Junction earlier this year.&nbsp;

Raja Singh, a Bharatiya Janata Party legislator representing the Goshamahal assembly constituency, here has claimed that the party will rename Hyderabad as Bhagyanagar, if voted to power in the state.

Raja Singh, a Bharatiya Janata Party legislator representing the Goshamahal assembly constituency, here has claimed that the party will rename Hyderabad as Bhagyanagar, if voted to power in the state. The BJP MLA on Thursday also added that the party will change the names of Secunderabad and Karimnagar. "Earlier, Hyderabad was Bhagyanagar and in 1590 Quli Qutub Shah came to Hyderabad, he changed Bhagyanagar to Hyderabad. At that time many Hindus were attacked, many temples destroyed. We are planning to rename Hyderabad. In Telangana, BJP will win in the majority and then our first aim will be developing the state and the second objective will be renaming Hyderabad as Bhagyanagar. We will also change the names of Secunderabad and Karimnagar," he told ANI. Singh further stated that the areas named after Mughals and Nizams will be changed and kept after the persons who fought for Telangana and for the country. His statement comes a day after Gujarat Deputy Chief Minister Nitin Patel said that his government is considering renaming Ahmedabad as Karnavati if the BJP manages to muster support from the people. Gujarat Chief Minister Vijay Rupani today said that the state government will take concrete steps on the name change of Ahmedabad to Karnavati after assessing "legal and all other angles." Continuing the name changing spree, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath on Tuesday announced that the city of Faizabad would be renamed to Ayodhya. Names of a number of Indian cities and railway stations have been changed in the recent past. Apart from renaming Faizabad as Ayodhya, the Uttar Pradesh government also changed the name of Allahabad to Prayagraj saying the name holds great significance to India. In addition, the Mughalsarai Railway Station was renamed as Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay Junction earlier this year.

Telangana: If voted to power, Hyderabad will be renamed as Bhagyanagar, says BJP MLA

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Monday released the third list of 32 candidates for the ensuing Madhya Pradesh assembly elections.

The party has fielded national general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya's son Akash Vijayvargiya from the Indore-3 constituency and former Madhya Pradesh chief minister Babulal Gaur's daughter-in-law Krishna Gour from Govindpura constituency.

The list includes six Scheduled Castes, two Scheduled Tribes and five women. Among others are Shivmangal Singh Tomar, Rakesh Choudhary, Rajni Prajapati, Anil Jain, Lakhan Patel, Shiv Bahadur Chandel, Moti Kashyap, Babulal Verma, and Malini Gour.

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Earlier, the party released the first list of 177 candidates on November 2.

Current Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is contesting from his home constituency, Budhni. The BJP later released the second list of 17 candidates on November 5.

Madhya Pradesh is slated to go to polls on November 28 for 230 constituencies.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Monday released the third list of 32 candidates for the ensuing Madhya Pradesh assembly elections. The party has fielded national general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya's son Akash Vijayvargiya from the Indore-3 constituency and former Madhya Pradesh chief minister Babulal Gaur's daughter-in-law Krishna Gour from Govindpura constituency.

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Monday released the third list of 32 candidates for the ensuing Madhya Pradesh assembly elections. The party has fielded national general secretary Kailash Vijayvargiya's son Akash Vijayvargiya from the Indore-3 constituency and former Madhya Pradesh chief minister Babulal Gaur's daughter-in-law Krishna Gour from Govindpura constituency. The list includes six Scheduled Castes, two Scheduled Tribes and five women. Among others are Shivmangal Singh Tomar, Rakesh Choudhary, Rajni Prajapati, Anil Jain, Lakhan Patel, Shiv Bahadur Chandel, Moti Kashyap, Babulal Verma, and Malini Gour. BJP releases the third list of candidates for #MadhyaPradeshElections2018 pic.twitter.com/ZLN6IayfUz — ANI (@ANI) November 8, 2018 × Earlier, the party released the first list of 177 candidates on November 2. Current Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan is contesting from his home constituency, Budhni. The BJP later released the second list of 17 candidates on November 5. Madhya Pradesh is slated to go to polls on November 28 for 230 constituencies.

MP assembly polls: BJP releases third list of 32 candidates

The Election commission of India Wednesday set up a high-level committee headed by a deputy election commissioner to hold talks with protestors seeking ouster of the Mizoram poll panel chief.

In a statement, the ECI said it has accepted the broad contours of the resolution passed by the Mizoram's NGOs coordination committee, spearheading the protest, after its delegation's deliberations with the EC.

"The Election Commission has also decided to depute a high-level team led by Mizoram Deputy election Commissioner Sudeep Jain to hold further deliberations on their resolution," the statement said.

Jharkhand Chief Electoral Officer Lalbiaktluanga Khiangte, who is also a Mizo, has been included in the EC panel.&nbsp;

The ECI set up the panel hours after the protests demanding the ouster of Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank were called off in Aizawl by the NGO Coordination Committee Wednesday.

The protests were called off at 1 pm after the state election officials, including the Mizoram CEO, summoned by the ECI, left for New Delhi, state NGOs coordination committee chairman Vanlalruata said.

The CEO left for New Delhi by an evening flight. Earlier in the day, Shashank said he has been summoned by the Election Commission and would meet the poll panel in the national capital Thursday.

The agitation demanding his removal was launched Tuesday. It was resumed Wednesday morning by a large number of Young Mizo Association members demonstrating in front of the CEO's office from 8 am. The protestors later dispersed.

The Mizoram is slated to go to polls November 28 to elect its new assembly.

Vanlalruata said the NGOs' coordination committee would wait and watch the decision taken by the Election Commission of India on the state CEO.

"If Shashank comes back, the agitation will be relaunched," Vanlalruata said.

The state NGOs coordination committee, the apex body of civil societies and students' organisations of the north-eastern state, has been demanding that Shashank be replaced and transferred outside the state.

It has also demanded that 11,232 Bru voters lodged in six Tripura relief camps be allowed to exercise their franchise at their respective polling stations in

Mizoram and not in Tripura as committed by the poll panel in 2014.

The committee had called for Shashank's exit from the state shortly after the Election Commission (EC) removed the state's Principal Secretary (Home) Lalnunmawia Chuaungo.

He had allegedly sought deployment of additional central armed police forces (CAPF) in the state which did not go down well with the committee.

On Monday, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi that "as people have lost faith in him (Shashank), the only solution for the smooth conduct of the 2008 assembly elections would be removal of CEO S B Shashank from office forthwith."

The meeting of a visiting three-member EC team, state government officials and the leaders of the NGOs coordination committee on the current standoff here Tuesday night had remained inconclusive as the team said the final call would be made by the commission.

The team members said they would submit their findings to the commission.

The agitators are also protesting against the removal of Chuaungo, a Mizoram native and Gujarat-cadre IAS officer.

Thousands of people from Bru community had fled Mizoram in 1997 following ethnic clashes. They have since been lodged in six relief camps in Tripura.

In the past too, the civil society organisations had opposed the Election Commission's decision to conduct electoral revision of Bru voters in Tripura relief camps.

They urged the EC to defranchise all Bru voters who chose to stay back in Tripura and did not return to Mizoram.

A 12-hour bandh was observed at Mamit town on Tuesday along the Mizoram-Tripura-Bangladesh border to support the agitation against the Mizoram CEO. Rallies and pickets were organised by the NGO Coordination Committee across the state.&nbsp;

The Election commission of India Wednesday set up a high-level committee headed by a deputy election commissioner to hold talks with protestors seeking ouster of the Mizoram poll panel chief.

The Election commission of India Wednesday set up a high-level committee headed by a deputy election commissioner to hold talks with protestors seeking ouster of the Mizoram poll panel chief. In a statement, the ECI said it has accepted the broad contours of the resolution passed by the Mizoram's NGOs coordination committee, spearheading the protest, after its delegation's deliberations with the EC. "The Election Commission has also decided to depute a high-level team led by Mizoram Deputy election Commissioner Sudeep Jain to hold further deliberations on their resolution," the statement said. Jharkhand Chief Electoral Officer Lalbiaktluanga Khiangte, who is also a Mizo, has been included in the EC panel. The ECI set up the panel hours after the protests demanding the ouster of Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank were called off in Aizawl by the NGO Coordination Committee Wednesday. The protests were called off at 1 pm after the state election officials, including the Mizoram CEO, summoned by the ECI, left for New Delhi, state NGOs coordination committee chairman Vanlalruata said. The CEO left for New Delhi by an evening flight. Earlier in the day, Shashank said he has been summoned by the Election Commission and would meet the poll panel in the national capital Thursday. The agitation demanding his removal was launched Tuesday. It was resumed Wednesday morning by a large number of Young Mizo Association members demonstrating in front of the CEO's office from 8 am. The protestors later dispersed. The Mizoram is slated to go to polls November 28 to elect its new assembly. Vanlalruata said the NGOs' coordination committee would wait and watch the decision taken by the Election Commission of India on the state CEO. "If Shashank comes back, the agitation will be relaunched," Vanlalruata said. The state NGOs coordination committee, the apex body of civil societies and students' organisations of the north-eastern state, has been demanding that Shashank be replaced and transferred outside the state. It has also demanded that 11,232 Bru voters lodged in six Tripura relief camps be allowed to exercise their franchise at their respective polling stations in Mizoram and not in Tripura as committed by the poll panel in 2014. The committee had called for Shashank's exit from the state shortly after the Election Commission (EC) removed the state's Principal Secretary (Home) Lalnunmawia Chuaungo. He had allegedly sought deployment of additional central armed police forces (CAPF) in the state which did not go down well with the committee. On Monday, Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi that "as people have lost faith in him (Shashank), the only solution for the smooth conduct of the 2008 assembly elections would be removal of CEO S B Shashank from office forthwith." The meeting of a visiting three-member EC team, state government officials and the leaders of the NGOs coordination committee on the current standoff here Tuesday night had remained inconclusive as the team said the final call would be made by the commission. The team members said they would submit their findings to the commission. The agitators are also protesting against the removal of Chuaungo, a Mizoram native and Gujarat-cadre IAS officer. Thousands of people from Bru community had fled Mizoram in 1997 following ethnic clashes. They have since been lodged in six relief camps in Tripura. In the past too, the civil society organisations had opposed the Election Commission's decision to conduct electoral revision of Bru voters in Tripura relief camps. They urged the EC to defranchise all Bru voters who chose to stay back in Tripura and did not return to Mizoram. A 12-hour bandh was observed at Mamit town on Tuesday along the Mizoram-Tripura-Bangladesh border to support the agitation against the Mizoram CEO. Rallies and pickets were organised by the NGO Coordination Committee across the state.

EC sets up panel to look into Mizos' demand for ouster of state poll panel chief

Karnataka bypoll results have once again proven that the vote share of combined Opposition can defeat BJP easily. It has been a repeat of Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party wrested Phulpur and Gorakhpur from BJP.&nbsp;

Both BSP and SP were ideologically opposed to each other but votes at the time of the polls were transferred. Even in this case, JDS and Congress were able to transfer votes to each other.&nbsp;

The victory adds gravity to the idea of sensible state-level alliances against BJP throughout the country. There is no doubt that BJP has become the new Congress of Indian politics and all new axis would be organised against BJP the way socialist organised anti-Congress politics in the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. But there exists a lesson for both BJP and Congress Party.

The biggest problem for the Congress in the 1990s was its slowly reduced status in north India but it continued to fall prey to hubris that being the oldest and biggest party it will not go for alliances at the state level. On the other hand, BJP was the resurgent party and its problem was untouchability.&nbsp;

Times were changing quickly. Congress which used to be untouchable for the Opposition was becoming okay for the third front after Babri Masjid demolition. BJP was able to break its marginalisation by getting through like-minded regional parties opposed to the Congress whereas Congress in both 1998 and 1999 continued to fight the election like a hegemon where both ego and size were mismatched. Vajpayee was able to stitch a coalition by 1998.

Congress had to do a BJP in 2004 wherein Sonia made smart tie-ups and UPA 1 came into power. Similarly, today BJP is suffering from a massive hubris.&nbsp;

Its expansion has taken place at the expense of its alliance partner. As of now, its focus is to break the partnership of the Opposition and forward the logic that there is no alternative.&nbsp;

The same reason - 'there is no alternative', was forwarded by Congress also when the party was in power, but that could not stop Deve Gowda and I K Gujral from becoming the Prime Ministers.

It is this inability of BJP like Congress of 1996 and 1998 that is likely to hurt the prospect of the party. There is always a limit to expansion. The Roman Empire expanded because of unbridled expansion. Congress collapsed because its leadership in the state was not in the sync with emerging intermediate castes who continue to compromise the core of regional parties today. For any political party, both cooperation and hegemony are required in equal measure.&nbsp;

Any loss of balance impacts that fortune of the party. The lesson for the BJP is that as it has discovered the power of number and hegemony, it will also need to understand the power of cooperation as in long run it helps you achieve far more than brute numbers.&nbsp;

Indira Gandhi, under whose leadership India played a vital role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and conducted Pokhran test in 1974, could not manage social coalition at the local level despite having numbers.

Congress, on the other hand, will benefit tactically by these alliances. It will build the confidence of the Congress to fight the Lok Sabha elections by cooperating with the regional parties but it will, unlike BJP, need to focus on rebuilding its hegemony. Without basic core hegemony, Congress will not be taken seriously by the regional players. So, victory is sweet but it cannot be the long-term goal of the Congress Party as electoral victories at cost of the organisation will devour the party itself.

What one will have to see is whether state-level alliances be able to stop the heady mix of religion and nationalism which BJP has adopted to fight the Lok Sabha elections. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Karnataka bypoll results have once again proven that the vote share of combined Opposition can defeat BJP easily. It has been a repeat of Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party wrested Phulpur and Gorakhpur from BJP.

Karnataka bypoll results have once again proven that the vote share of combined Opposition can defeat BJP easily. It has been a repeat of Uttar Pradesh where Samajwadi Party wrested Phulpur and Gorakhpur from BJP. Both BSP and SP were ideologically opposed to each other but votes at the time of the polls were transferred. Even in this case, JDS and Congress were able to transfer votes to each other. The victory adds gravity to the idea of sensible state-level alliances against BJP throughout the country. There is no doubt that BJP has become the new Congress of Indian politics and all new axis would be organised against BJP the way socialist organised anti-Congress politics in the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s. But there exists a lesson for both BJP and Congress Party. The biggest problem for the Congress in the 1990s was its slowly reduced status in north India but it continued to fall prey to hubris that being the oldest and biggest party it will not go for alliances at the state level. On the other hand, BJP was the resurgent party and its problem was untouchability. Times were changing quickly. Congress which used to be untouchable for the Opposition was becoming okay for the third front after Babri Masjid demolition. BJP was able to break its marginalisation by getting through like-minded regional parties opposed to the Congress whereas Congress in both 1998 and 1999 continued to fight the election like a hegemon where both ego and size were mismatched. Vajpayee was able to stitch a coalition by 1998. Congress had to do a BJP in 2004 wherein Sonia made smart tie-ups and UPA 1 came into power. Similarly, today BJP is suffering from a massive hubris. Its expansion has taken place at the expense of its alliance partner. As of now, its focus is to break the partnership of the Opposition and forward the logic that there is no alternative. The same reason - 'there is no alternative', was forwarded by Congress also when the party was in power, but that could not stop Deve Gowda and I K Gujral from becoming the Prime Ministers. It is this inability of BJP like Congress of 1996 and 1998 that is likely to hurt the prospect of the party. There is always a limit to expansion. The Roman Empire expanded because of unbridled expansion. Congress collapsed because its leadership in the state was not in the sync with emerging intermediate castes who continue to compromise the core of regional parties today. For any political party, both cooperation and hegemony are required in equal measure. Any loss of balance impacts that fortune of the party. The lesson for the BJP is that as it has discovered the power of number and hegemony, it will also need to understand the power of cooperation as in long run it helps you achieve far more than brute numbers. Indira Gandhi, under whose leadership India played a vital role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and conducted Pokhran test in 1974, could not manage social coalition at the local level despite having numbers. Congress, on the other hand, will benefit tactically by these alliances. It will build the confidence of the Congress to fight the Lok Sabha elections by cooperating with the regional parties but it will, unlike BJP, need to focus on rebuilding its hegemony. Without basic core hegemony, Congress will not be taken seriously by the regional players. So, victory is sweet but it cannot be the long-term goal of the Congress Party as electoral victories at cost of the organisation will devour the party itself. What one will have to see is whether state-level alliances be able to stop the heady mix of religion and nationalism which BJP has adopted to fight the Lok Sabha elections. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Karnataka bypoll results have a lesson for both BJP and Congress

To a lesser or greater degree as compared to other states, the caste factor in Rajasthan will be an important determinant in the forthcoming Assembly election. Every major leader, be it Vasundhara Raje or Sachin Pilot or Ashok Gehlot, is aware of the possibilities that a proper combination can result in, and is straining every nerve to get it right.&nbsp;

&nbsp;The caste issue has gained further dominance in recent months with the traditionally well-off castes upping the ante and demanding attention as well as benefits. The Gujjars, the Jat and the Meena communities — they all have grievances. And so have the Rajputs.&nbsp;

The Gujjars have been granted the Other Backward Classes (OBC) status in the state, but now its powerful leaders have been demanding a Scheduled Tribe categorisation because they feel short-changed in the OBC pie which is shared by many, including the Jats.&nbsp;

They are also cut up because they believe that their political representation is low as compared to their numbers. Besides, the Gujjars are politically hostile to the Meena community because the latter enjoys a Scheduled Tribe status and avails of the benefits that come as a result. &nbsp;

The Rajputs, on the other hand, are upset by all the attention that the Jats, the Meenas and the Gujjars have gained over the years. Historically, the Rajputs were landowners and the Jats their tenants, particularly in the then Rajputana region. In 1946, a charismatic Jat leader, Baldev Ram Mirdha, mobilised farmers and led a ‘revolt’ against the landed aristocracy which comprised the Rajputs. 
 
His Marwar Kisan Sabha demanded land reforms and declaration of tenancy rights. Once his party merged with the Congress, the latter stridently undertook some of the changes that the Sabha had sought and brought in land reforms. The Rajputs believed that they were unfairly dealt with, painted as villains and wrongly projected. But the community — like the others — had few political options and continued to support the Congress. &nbsp;

After the Congress’s landslide win in the 1998 Assembly election, the Jats expected one of their prominent leaders to become the Chief Minister, but Ashok Gehlot considered an outsider, got the honour. That is when the Jats began to move away from the Congress, and in the next Assembly poll, they backed the Bharatiya Janata Party, which got nearly three times more seats than it had in 1998. The Congress was reduced to less than half the number it had.&nbsp;

The Rajputs, who had been sulking, also seized the opportunity and went over to the BJP fold. Others followed suit. The 2013 result, which was overwhelmingly in the BJP’s favour, indicated that the party had cracked the caste code.&nbsp;

Things are different now, though it’s still not clear if indeed the carefully crafted caste alignment of the BJP has fallen apart to the party’s detriment. But there are problems, The Karni Sena, a group that claims to represent the interests of the upper castes, had recently shot into the limelight with their street protests against the release of the film, Padmavat. 
 
Given that the Raje Government is in power, it had to bear the brunt of the opposition, although it had taken the safe way out by supporting a conditional ban on the film’s release in Rajasthan and favouring dialogue with stakeholders. The Jats, Gujjars and Meenas are being assiduously wooed by the Congress, which hopes to repeat its 1998 performance in the State.&nbsp;

Mindful of the challenge, the BJP has roped in two of its prominent Rajput leaders from Rajasthan, Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore and Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, to project a Rajput-friendly image. It does seem to have, for the moment, cut the Karni Sena to size — a recent rally organised in Jaipur by the outfit managed to draw just a few hundred people. The Congress, on the other hand, is playing other cards, perhaps uncertain of the Rajput community’s support. 
 
It is tapping on the discontent among the Meena, Jat and Gujjar communities, combining their caste pride with rural distress. Sachin Pilot is a Gujjar, and he had lost out on a ministerial berth in a Union Cabinet reshuffle in the UPA rule, reportedly because of fear within the Congress that the powerful Meena community would be angered. On the other hand, Gehlot can claim association with both the Jat and the Rajput communities in a historical sense, though his gotra is seen to be part of the Jats. Given that multiple identifications can work, chief minister Vasundhara Raje is also not averse to flaunting it, even if she underplays it at times. She was born into a Rajput family and married a Jat; her daughter-in-law is a Gujjar.&nbsp;&nbsp;

It’s difficult for either the BJP or the Congress to annoy any of the castes in the state because they have all become dominant in recent decades. The question now is: Which caste will triumph in the chief ministerial race: The Meena, the Gujjar, the Jat, or the Rajput?&nbsp;

 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

To a lesser or greater degree as compared to other states, the caste factor in Rajasthan will be an important determinant in the forthcoming Assembly election. Every major leader, be it Vasundhara Raje or Sachin Pilot or Ashok Gehlot, is aware of the possibilities that a proper combination can result in, and is straining every nerve to get it right.

To a lesser or greater degree as compared to other states, the caste factor in Rajasthan will be an important determinant in the forthcoming Assembly election. Every major leader, be it Vasundhara Raje or Sachin Pilot or Ashok Gehlot, is aware of the possibilities that a proper combination can result in, and is straining every nerve to get it right. The caste issue has gained further dominance in recent months with the traditionally well-off castes upping the ante and demanding attention as well as benefits. The Gujjars, the Jat and the Meena communities — they all have grievances. And so have the Rajputs. The Gujjars have been granted the Other Backward Classes (OBC) status in the state, but now its powerful leaders have been demanding a Scheduled Tribe categorisation because they feel short-changed in the OBC pie which is shared by many, including the Jats. They are also cut up because they believe that their political representation is low as compared to their numbers. Besides, the Gujjars are politically hostile to the Meena community because the latter enjoys a Scheduled Tribe status and avails of the benefits that come as a result. The Rajputs, on the other hand, are upset by all the attention that the Jats, the Meenas and the Gujjars have gained over the years. Historically, the Rajputs were landowners and the Jats their tenants, particularly in the then Rajputana region. In 1946, a charismatic Jat leader, Baldev Ram Mirdha, mobilised farmers and led a ‘revolt’ against the landed aristocracy which comprised the Rajputs. His Marwar Kisan Sabha demanded land reforms and declaration of tenancy rights. Once his party merged with the Congress, the latter stridently undertook some of the changes that the Sabha had sought and brought in land reforms. The Rajputs believed that they were unfairly dealt with, painted as villains and wrongly projected. But the community — like the others — had few political options and continued to support the Congress. After the Congress’s landslide win in the 1998 Assembly election, the Jats expected one of their prominent leaders to become the Chief Minister, but Ashok Gehlot considered an outsider, got the honour. That is when the Jats began to move away from the Congress, and in the next Assembly poll, they backed the Bharatiya Janata Party, which got nearly three times more seats than it had in 1998. The Congress was reduced to less than half the number it had. The Rajputs, who had been sulking, also seized the opportunity and went over to the BJP fold. Others followed suit. The 2013 result, which was overwhelmingly in the BJP’s favour, indicated that the party had cracked the caste code. Things are different now, though it’s still not clear if indeed the carefully crafted caste alignment of the BJP has fallen apart to the party’s detriment. But there are problems, The Karni Sena, a group that claims to represent the interests of the upper castes, had recently shot into the limelight with their street protests against the release of the film, Padmavat. Given that the Raje Government is in power, it had to bear the brunt of the opposition, although it had taken the safe way out by supporting a conditional ban on the film’s release in Rajasthan and favouring dialogue with stakeholders. The Jats, Gujjars and Meenas are being assiduously wooed by the Congress, which hopes to repeat its 1998 performance in the State. Mindful of the challenge, the BJP has roped in two of its prominent Rajput leaders from Rajasthan, Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore and Gajendra Singh Shekhawat, to project a Rajput-friendly image. It does seem to have, for the moment, cut the Karni Sena to size — a recent rally organised in Jaipur by the outfit managed to draw just a few hundred people. The Congress, on the other hand, is playing other cards, perhaps uncertain of the Rajput community’s support. It is tapping on the discontent among the Meena, Jat and Gujjar communities, combining their caste pride with rural distress. Sachin Pilot is a Gujjar, and he had lost out on a ministerial berth in a Union Cabinet reshuffle in the UPA rule, reportedly because of fear within the Congress that the powerful Meena community would be angered. On the other hand, Gehlot can claim association with both the Jat and the Rajput communities in a historical sense, though his gotra is seen to be part of the Jats. Given that multiple identifications can work, chief minister Vasundhara Raje is also not averse to flaunting it, even if she underplays it at times. She was born into a Rajput family and married a Jat; her daughter-in-law is a Gujjar. It’s difficult for either the BJP or the Congress to annoy any of the castes in the state because they have all become dominant in recent decades. The question now is: Which caste will triumph in the chief ministerial race: The Meena, the Gujjar, the Jat, or the Rajput? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Caste politics rules the roost in Rajasthan assembly elections 2018

BJP MP Anurag Thakur Saturday alleged Congress chief Rahul Gandhi was "pretending to be a religious person to deceive voters", adding that the Congress' "pretence" for "Hindu interests" made it clear that only those who talked of Hindus would rule the country.&nbsp;

The ongoing campaign for the Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls, slated for November 28, has seen the Congress projecting Gandhi as a 'Shiv bhakt' with the party chief offering prayers at several temples, including the revered Mahakaleshwar Temple in Ujjain.

"Rahul is pretending to be a religious person. The Congress did not remember 'janeu' (sacred thread worn by Hindus) in the last 70 years. But the Congress chief is now showing his thread to deceive voters," the Himachal MP, also the BJP's chief whip in Lok Sabha, said.

"Congress used to talk about Hindu terrorism and saffron terrorism earlier. But Rahul is repeatedly visiting temples now. This has made one thing clear that those who talk about interests of Hindus would rule the country. But the Congress is only pretending to be bothered about Hindu interests," Thakur said.&nbsp;

In reply to a question, the BJP MP from Hamirpur said, "Rahul alleges (liquor baron) Vijay Mallya, (diamantaires) Mehul Choksi and Nirav Modi fled the country after taking loans worth thousands of crore rupees from Indian banks. But these businessmen were close to the Congress during the UPA regime".&nbsp;

Speaking about alleged differences between senior Congress leaders Digvijaya Singh and Jyotiraditya Scindia on ticket distribution, Thakur said the "battle" within the opposition party had led to its failure in projecting a CM face for the state.&nbsp;

"The state Congress has been engaged in the battle of raja (Digvijaya) and maharaja (Scindia). It has even failed to decide about a chief ministerial face," the BJP leader said.

The counting of votes for the 230-member Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls will be held on December 11.&nbsp;

BJP MP Anurag Thakur Saturday alleged Congress chief Rahul Gandhi was "pretending to be a religious person to deceive voters", adding that the Congress' "pretence" for "Hindu interests" made it clear that only those who talked of Hindus would rule the country.

BJP MP Anurag Thakur Saturday alleged Congress chief Rahul Gandhi was "pretending to be a religious person to deceive voters", adding that the Congress' "pretence" for "Hindu interests" made it clear that only those who talked of Hindus would rule the country. The ongoing campaign for the Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls, slated for November 28, has seen the Congress projecting Gandhi as a 'Shiv bhakt' with the party chief offering prayers at several temples, including the revered Mahakaleshwar Temple in Ujjain. "Rahul is pretending to be a religious person. The Congress did not remember 'janeu' (sacred thread worn by Hindus) in the last 70 years. But the Congress chief is now showing his thread to deceive voters," the Himachal MP, also the BJP's chief whip in Lok Sabha, said. "Congress used to talk about Hindu terrorism and saffron terrorism earlier. But Rahul is repeatedly visiting temples now. This has made one thing clear that those who talk about interests of Hindus would rule the country. But the Congress is only pretending to be bothered about Hindu interests," Thakur said. In reply to a question, the BJP MP from Hamirpur said, "Rahul alleges (liquor baron) Vijay Mallya, (diamantaires) Mehul Choksi and Nirav Modi fled the country after taking loans worth thousands of crore rupees from Indian banks. But these businessmen were close to the Congress during the UPA regime". Speaking about alleged differences between senior Congress leaders Digvijaya Singh and Jyotiraditya Scindia on ticket distribution, Thakur said the "battle" within the opposition party had led to its failure in projecting a CM face for the state. "The state Congress has been engaged in the battle of raja (Digvijaya) and maharaja (Scindia). It has even failed to decide about a chief ministerial face," the BJP leader said. The counting of votes for the 230-member Madhya Pradesh Assembly polls will be held on December 11.

Rahul 'pretending' to be religious to 'deceive' voters: BJP MP

Congress president Rahul Gandhi, a self-professed "Shiv-bhakt", is on a pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar, the mythical meditation-abode of Shiva and his consort, Parvati. A pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar is considered to be the most sacred according to many Hindus, but only a few are able to go on it, as it is both arduous and expensive.&nbsp;

Located at a height of more than 6,000 metres, the mountain and the lakes that are spread around it are revered by Buddhists and Jains as well. This is hardly surprising as the origin, history and development of these three religions is intimately intertwined. &nbsp;

With elections in states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram just months away the Congress scion’s trek to the holy site is being seen as yet another ‘temple-run’ by his opponents in the BJP. &nbsp;

The BJP’s charge is simple and a repeat of their attack on the Congress during the Gujarat and Karnataka assembly elections where Rahul had visited a string of important monasteries and temples ahead of elections in the two states. BJP charges Rahul with opportunism, saying that Gandhi goes to temples only for votes and not because he is actually a devout Hindu. Rahul’s critics among left-liberals decry his visits such as the latest as appeasement of &nbsp;BJP’s politics of Hindutva, labelling it ‘soft Hindutva’.&nbsp;

More recently, Congress’s spokesperson Randeep Surjewala proclaimed that his party’s DNA consists of ‘Brahmins’. He was speaking at a rally organised to reach out to the influential Brahmin community in Haryana’s Kurukshetra. It seems the grand old party has decided to adopt the BJP’s strategy of espousing religion to woo the Indian voter in the upcoming state elections and the general elections in 2019. &nbsp;

It is also clear now that the top leadership in the Congress has finally decided to counter the BJP’s successful campaign to label it as a party mainly for Muslims and minorities. In this the BJP has effectively made use of past statements and comments made by a slew of Congress leaders like Digvijay Singh, Salman Khurshid, and Sushil Kumar Shinde. For the Kailash-Mansarovar pilgrimage too, Rahul has been pilloried by BJP leaders who call it nothing but a ‘gimmick’ and its spokesperson Sambit Patra even suggests a ‘secret love for China’ being behind the visit. &nbsp;

Congress’s playing of the Hindu card is as critics say, a specious and cynical move, but at the same time it gives credence to the view that party is now out of the morass that engulfed it in the wake of 2014. It is adopting different strategies to woo different communities while retaining its image as a secular party that fought for and won independence from the British. &nbsp;As far as Rahul’s latest pilgrimage is concerned he had announced it after his aircraft had to make an emergency landing after a sudden mid-air snag while campaigning during Karnataka elections. &nbsp;

Whether or not Rahul’s apparently new-found religious devotion is politically motivated, one thing is clear, his so-called temple-runs are giving the BJP sleepless nights. However, it remains to be seen if Rahul’s "Shiv-bhakti" will get him the political boons he hopes for in order to save the Congress, which is facing an existential crisis.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

With elections in states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram just months away the Congress scion’s trek to the holy site is being seen as yet another ‘temple-run’ by his opponents in the BJP.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi, a self-professed "Shiv-bhakt", is on a pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar, the mythical meditation-abode of Shiva and his consort, Parvati. A pilgrimage to Kailash Mansarovar is considered to be the most sacred according to many Hindus, but only a few are able to go on it, as it is both arduous and expensive. Located at a height of more than 6,000 metres, the mountain and the lakes that are spread around it are revered by Buddhists and Jains as well. This is hardly surprising as the origin, history and development of these three religions is intimately intertwined. With elections in states like Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Mizoram just months away the Congress scion’s trek to the holy site is being seen as yet another ‘temple-run’ by his opponents in the BJP. The BJP’s charge is simple and a repeat of their attack on the Congress during the Gujarat and Karnataka assembly elections where Rahul had visited a string of important monasteries and temples ahead of elections in the two states. BJP charges Rahul with opportunism, saying that Gandhi goes to temples only for votes and not because he is actually a devout Hindu. Rahul’s critics among left-liberals decry his visits such as the latest as appeasement of BJP’s politics of Hindutva, labelling it ‘soft Hindutva’. More recently, Congress’s spokesperson Randeep Surjewala proclaimed that his party’s DNA consists of ‘Brahmins’. He was speaking at a rally organised to reach out to the influential Brahmin community in Haryana’s Kurukshetra. It seems the grand old party has decided to adopt the BJP’s strategy of espousing religion to woo the Indian voter in the upcoming state elections and the general elections in 2019. It is also clear now that the top leadership in the Congress has finally decided to counter the BJP’s successful campaign to label it as a party mainly for Muslims and minorities. In this the BJP has effectively made use of past statements and comments made by a slew of Congress leaders like Digvijay Singh, Salman Khurshid, and Sushil Kumar Shinde. For the Kailash-Mansarovar pilgrimage too, Rahul has been pilloried by BJP leaders who call it nothing but a ‘gimmick’ and its spokesperson Sambit Patra even suggests a ‘secret love for China’ being behind the visit. Congress’s playing of the Hindu card is as critics say, a specious and cynical move, but at the same time it gives credence to the view that party is now out of the morass that engulfed it in the wake of 2014. It is adopting different strategies to woo different communities while retaining its image as a secular party that fought for and won independence from the British. As far as Rahul’s latest pilgrimage is concerned he had announced it after his aircraft had to make an emergency landing after a sudden mid-air snag while campaigning during Karnataka elections. Whether or not Rahul’s apparently new-found religious devotion is politically motivated, one thing is clear, his so-called temple-runs are giving the BJP sleepless nights. However, it remains to be seen if Rahul’s "Shiv-bhakti" will get him the political boons he hopes for in order to save the Congress, which is facing an existential crisis. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Will 'Shiv-bhakti' save the Congress?

With assembly and general elections a few months away, politics and politicking are taking a centre stage in India. The past few days have been significant in subtle ways. &nbsp;

First of all, a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, Yoga guru and FMCG tycoon Ramdev has said that he is not going to support any political party in the coming elections.&nbsp;

Ramdev’s statement reflects the growing public resentment against the central government for rising fuel prices and inflation. Petrol and diesel prices are at more than Rs 80 and Rs 70 in most states in India and it is having a cascading effect on the prices of essential commodities, which in turn is causing severe hardship to people who are already reeling under an economic slump. &nbsp;

Secondly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat both appear to be operating in tandem in softening the hard Hindutva edges that people associate with the present government. Bhagwat emphasised that RSS doesn't support a ‘mukt’ Bharat, referring obliquely to BJP’s promise of a ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’. Bhagwat, in fact, said that the RSS welcomes even those who oppose the outfit. 
 
PM Modi too did his own outreach towards minorities by meeting the spiritual head of the influential Bohra Muslims in Indore. &nbsp;At this meeting, Modi praised the Bohras for their patriotism subtly indicating that all are welcome in the BJP irrespective of religion.&nbsp;

Finally, as elections draw nearer in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Congress and BJP are gearing up and fine-tuning election campaign strategies.

In Madhya Pradesh, traditional infighting between Congress factions is yet to cease and the public, though, wanting a change from the BJP, remains wary of this factionalism. Rahul Gandhi on Monday launched the Congress’s election campaign from capital Bhopal.

The Kailash Mansarovar-returned Gandhi scion led a roadshow of thousands of supporters through the winding streets of old Bhopal and even stopped at a famous tea shop. But most noteworthy was the positioning of Gandhi and Congress&nbsp;posters and cutouts in the city showed Rahul in a Janeu&nbsp;offering holy water on a Shivling against the backdrop of Kailash mountain, considered sacred for millions of Hindus.

Projecting Rahul Gandhi as a devout 'Shiv-bhakt' might be expedient for the Congress but it is also alienating some of its supporters who are neither Hindu nor supporters of overt religiosity in politics.&nbsp;

However it seems the Congress has made up its mind- it would do anything, even emulate the BJP to win back its former stronghold.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

As elections draw nearer in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Congress and BJP are gearing up and fine-tuning election campaign strategies.

With assembly and general elections a few months away, politics and politicking are taking a centre stage in India. The past few days have been significant in subtle ways. First of all, a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, Yoga guru and FMCG tycoon Ramdev has said that he is not going to support any political party in the coming elections. Ramdev’s statement reflects the growing public resentment against the central government for rising fuel prices and inflation. Petrol and diesel prices are at more than Rs 80 and Rs 70 in most states in India and it is having a cascading effect on the prices of essential commodities, which in turn is causing severe hardship to people who are already reeling under an economic slump. Secondly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat both appear to be operating in tandem in softening the hard Hindutva edges that people associate with the present government. Bhagwat emphasised that RSS doesn't support a ‘mukt’ Bharat, referring obliquely to BJP’s promise of a ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’. Bhagwat, in fact, said that the RSS welcomes even those who oppose the outfit. PM Modi too did his own outreach towards minorities by meeting the spiritual head of the influential Bohra Muslims in Indore. At this meeting, Modi praised the Bohras for their patriotism subtly indicating that all are welcome in the BJP irrespective of religion. Finally, as elections draw nearer in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Congress and BJP are gearing up and fine-tuning election campaign strategies. In Madhya Pradesh, traditional infighting between Congress factions is yet to cease and the public, though, wanting a change from the BJP, remains wary of this factionalism. Rahul Gandhi on Monday launched the Congress’s election campaign from capital Bhopal. The Kailash Mansarovar-returned Gandhi scion led a roadshow of thousands of supporters through the winding streets of old Bhopal and even stopped at a famous tea shop. But most noteworthy was the positioning of Gandhi and Congress posters and cutouts in the city showed Rahul in a Janeu offering holy water on a Shivling against the backdrop of Kailash mountain, considered sacred for millions of Hindus. Projecting Rahul Gandhi as a devout 'Shiv-bhakt' might be expedient for the Congress but it is also alienating some of its supporters who are neither Hindu nor supporters of overt religiosity in politics. However it seems the Congress has made up its mind- it would do anything, even emulate the BJP to win back its former stronghold. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Politicking begins in full earnest ahead of elections

After remaining in power for 15-years, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is confronted with double anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, whereas the major opposition Congress, which was ready to forge an alliance with both the BSP and Samajwadi Party in the midst of the hype generated recently over the prospects of a grand alliance to take on the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary election, has been left alone in the two central Indian states now in the grip of poll fever.

The Congress received the first blow when shortly after announcing an alliance with Janata Congress of Ajit Jogi in Chhattisgarh in the second fortnight of September, BSP Supremo Mayawati went ahead and ruled out any kind of alliance with the Congress party in MP.&nbsp;

The Samajwadi Party also has chosen to maintain distance from the Congress party in MP.

Recently the caste factor has got precipitated due to the amendment in the SC/ST Atrocities Act at the initiative of the Modi government at the Centre and with the full support of all the political parties. This amendment was brought to undo the Supreme Court of India order directing that no one booked under the Atrocities Act should be arrested without a preliminary enquiry.&nbsp;

The violent protests by Dalits after the apex court order and the massive Bharat Band (strike) against the amendment in the Atrocities Act indicate the magnitude of the caste divide. Obviously, therefore, driven by the motive of retaining their respective vote banks among the Dalits and the backward communities, the BSP and Samajwadi Party have chosen to go alone in MP.

For the last many years, the ruling BJP has been working concertedly to expand its base in the tribal areas of MP and Chhattisgarh by building a network of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram schools and colleges. The Vivekananda Kendra functionaries have also been in the overdrive mode in the tribal areas in recent years. This has brought dividends and in successive elections, there’s been a remarkable upward swing in BJP’s electoral fortunes in the tribal belt.

In the 2018 MP Assembly election, there are multiple dimensions when it comes to the battle for the Assembly seats reserved for the STs. Besides the BJP and Congress, now there is also a tribal group attracting huge crowds under the banner of Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS) in western MP.&nbsp;

After talks for seat sharing between the Congress and JAYS have failed, the Gondwana Gantantra Party, having strong roots in the tribal areas, and Samajwadi Party have decided to go together in MP and Chhattisgarh. &nbsp;

In MP, both the ruling BJP and Congress should be ready for a backlash due to seething anger against the quota system and the Atrocities Act.&nbsp;

The State is witnessing a crusade against the government provision for reservation in promotion for SCs and STs by an organisation called SAPAKS formed by State government officers and employees belonging to the general, backward and minority communities.

SAPAKS Samaj, another body formed by citizens to extend support to the aggrieved government employees, is also spearheading a State-wide movement since 2016 to build public awareness against the pitfalls of reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act.&nbsp;

A large section of SAPAKS Samaj is backing the newly floated Anarakshit Samaj Party in this election, which is for reservation only on an economic basis. &nbsp;In the meanwhile, galvanised by a huge SAPAKS rally in Bhopal, a faction within SAPAKS Samaj that has floated a political party, also by the name of “Sapaks”, has repeatedly kept on announcing that it would be fielding candidates in all the 230 Assembly constituencies of MP even before its registration by the Election Commission of India.&nbsp;

Notwithstanding the confusion created by Sapaks Party, there is every indication that a vast majority of the youth would be voting with vengeance on the issue of reservation and the Atrocities Act in Madhya Pradesh. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

After remaining in power for 15-years, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is confronted with double anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, whereas the major opposition Congress, which was ready to forge an alliance with both the BSP and Samajwadi Party in the midst of the hype generated recently over the prospects of a grand alliance to take on the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary election, has been left alone in the two central Indian states now in the grip of poll fever.

After remaining in power for 15-years, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is confronted with double anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, whereas the major opposition Congress, which was ready to forge an alliance with both the BSP and Samajwadi Party in the midst of the hype generated recently over the prospects of a grand alliance to take on the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary election, has been left alone in the two central Indian states now in the grip of poll fever. The Congress received the first blow when shortly after announcing an alliance with Janata Congress of Ajit Jogi in Chhattisgarh in the second fortnight of September, BSP Supremo Mayawati went ahead and ruled out any kind of alliance with the Congress party in MP. The Samajwadi Party also has chosen to maintain distance from the Congress party in MP. Recently the caste factor has got precipitated due to the amendment in the SC/ST Atrocities Act at the initiative of the Modi government at the Centre and with the full support of all the political parties. This amendment was brought to undo the Supreme Court of India order directing that no one booked under the Atrocities Act should be arrested without a preliminary enquiry. The violent protests by Dalits after the apex court order and the massive Bharat Band (strike) against the amendment in the Atrocities Act indicate the magnitude of the caste divide. Obviously, therefore, driven by the motive of retaining their respective vote banks among the Dalits and the backward communities, the BSP and Samajwadi Party have chosen to go alone in MP. For the last many years, the ruling BJP has been working concertedly to expand its base in the tribal areas of MP and Chhattisgarh by building a network of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram schools and colleges. The Vivekananda Kendra functionaries have also been in the overdrive mode in the tribal areas in recent years. This has brought dividends and in successive elections, there’s been a remarkable upward swing in BJP’s electoral fortunes in the tribal belt. In the 2018 MP Assembly election, there are multiple dimensions when it comes to the battle for the Assembly seats reserved for the STs. Besides the BJP and Congress, now there is also a tribal group attracting huge crowds under the banner of Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS) in western MP. After talks for seat sharing between the Congress and JAYS have failed, the Gondwana Gantantra Party, having strong roots in the tribal areas, and Samajwadi Party have decided to go together in MP and Chhattisgarh. In MP, both the ruling BJP and Congress should be ready for a backlash due to seething anger against the quota system and the Atrocities Act. The State is witnessing a crusade against the government provision for reservation in promotion for SCs and STs by an organisation called SAPAKS formed by State government officers and employees belonging to the general, backward and minority communities. SAPAKS Samaj, another body formed by citizens to extend support to the aggrieved government employees, is also spearheading a State-wide movement since 2016 to build public awareness against the pitfalls of reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act. A large section of SAPAKS Samaj is backing the newly floated Anarakshit Samaj Party in this election, which is for reservation only on an economic basis. In the meanwhile, galvanised by a huge SAPAKS rally in Bhopal, a faction within SAPAKS Samaj that has floated a political party, also by the name of “Sapaks”, has repeatedly kept on announcing that it would be fielding candidates in all the 230 Assembly constituencies of MP even before its registration by the Election Commission of India. Notwithstanding the confusion created by Sapaks Party, there is every indication that a vast majority of the youth would be voting with vengeance on the issue of reservation and the Atrocities Act in Madhya Pradesh. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Anti-incumbency stares BJP in the face in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh

Electioneering is yet to pick up and touch the feverish pitch in Madhya Pradesh, especially as the two principal rivals – ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress - have remained caught in the grip of the ticket distribution exercise with claimants and their supporters flocking to camps identified with state party leaders.

The stakes are too high in these elections with Congress trying to dislodge the BJP, which has continuously remained in power for 15-years in Madhya Pradesh and neighbouring Chhattisgarh.

During the week that was, there has been no dearth of those trying to play their cards to the best of their ability. It’s been so starkly visible, how most ticket seekers have cultivated the acumen and were busy demonstrating their strength by brazenly flaunting their SUVs, crisp anti-crease attire, robust gait and money power.&nbsp;

All this, obviously, gets the extra push by the pack of perpetual seekers who hang around the petty leaders in the hope that once their “boss” gets into the Assembly, they would be rewarded amply with the perks of power and fruits of electoral politics. Of course, the crony capitalists are also there acting as punters as they know that the returns on the investment would be in geometric proportion. Obviously, therefore, day-to-day business activity has become less of a priority these days.

To maintain a safe distance from the endless tangle of ticket seekers, Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and state BJP President Rakesh Singh air-dashed to Delhi to finalise the list of candidates on Monday. The BJP ticket seekers, who have been elbowed out in Chhattisgarh, have demonstrated their ire in a big way. In Madhya Pradesh, BJP president will be directly addressing the ticket seekers to control dissent and reduce the number of rebel candidates in the poll fray.

While the BJP is desperately trying to plug the possibility of a backlash from a large number of rebel candidates, the warring camps in the Congress party are making it difficult for the party mandarins to finalise the tickets, especially for constituencies in big cities.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi, who has predicted BJP’s defeat and a swing in favour of Congress in both Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, has adopted the no-holds-barred strategy. Speaking at election rallies in Jhabua and Ujjain this week, Gandhi went for a frontal attack against Madhya Pradesh chief minister by raising the issue of Vyapam (the massive scam linked with admissions in medical colleges and government recruitments) and the Simhastha scam. At an election rally at Ujjain, Gandhi said that the Kshipra river remains dirty even after the Madhya Pradesh BJP government had spent Rs 400 crore for this purpose. They talk of “dharma” but do not spare even the Mahakumbh, he added. Chouhan has retorted to this by threatening legal action.

During his current round of electioneering, Gandhi did not spare even Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Putting him in the dock on the Rafale deal, he said that the government knew that if there was a thorough probe into this deal by the CBI, the truth would get uncovered. He cited the present CBI controversy (revolving around the Director and his second in command, who have been removed from the scene) as a case in point. Gandhi has also hammered the charge that the Modi government was bent upon undermining the autonomous institutions.

Tailpiece: BJP, also called the saffron party, has been cornered by the Sadhus (Hindu religious saints), who have revolted and given a call to throw out the BJP. At a congregation of a couple of thousand Sadhus at Koteshwar temple in Gwalior on Tuesday, the BJP was slammed for failing to protect the cows and neglecting the Ganges River.

In the coming days, what will be watched closely is the role to be played by Devkinandan Thakur, the world-renowned Katha Vachak, in Madhya Pradesh Assembly election. Devkinandan has a huge following. He strongly opposes reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act. The news went viral after he was detained and released by the Police on Monday when he went to offer prayers at Pitambara Peeth at Datia.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Electioneering is yet to pick up and touch the feverish pitch in Madhya Pradesh, especially as the two principal rivals – ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress - have remained caught in the grip of the ticket distribution exercise with claimants and their supporters flocking to camps identified with state party leaders.

Electioneering is yet to pick up and touch the feverish pitch in Madhya Pradesh, especially as the two principal rivals – ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress - have remained caught in the grip of the ticket distribution exercise with claimants and their supporters flocking to camps identified with state party leaders. The stakes are too high in these elections with Congress trying to dislodge the BJP, which has continuously remained in power for 15-years in Madhya Pradesh and neighbouring Chhattisgarh. During the week that was, there has been no dearth of those trying to play their cards to the best of their ability. It’s been so starkly visible, how most ticket seekers have cultivated the acumen and were busy demonstrating their strength by brazenly flaunting their SUVs, crisp anti-crease attire, robust gait and money power. All this, obviously, gets the extra push by the pack of perpetual seekers who hang around the petty leaders in the hope that once their “boss” gets into the Assembly, they would be rewarded amply with the perks of power and fruits of electoral politics. Of course, the crony capitalists are also there acting as punters as they know that the returns on the investment would be in geometric proportion. Obviously, therefore, day-to-day business activity has become less of a priority these days. To maintain a safe distance from the endless tangle of ticket seekers, Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and state BJP President Rakesh Singh air-dashed to Delhi to finalise the list of candidates on Monday. The BJP ticket seekers, who have been elbowed out in Chhattisgarh, have demonstrated their ire in a big way. In Madhya Pradesh, BJP president will be directly addressing the ticket seekers to control dissent and reduce the number of rebel candidates in the poll fray. While the BJP is desperately trying to plug the possibility of a backlash from a large number of rebel candidates, the warring camps in the Congress party are making it difficult for the party mandarins to finalise the tickets, especially for constituencies in big cities. Congress president Rahul Gandhi, who has predicted BJP’s defeat and a swing in favour of Congress in both Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, has adopted the no-holds-barred strategy. Speaking at election rallies in Jhabua and Ujjain this week, Gandhi went for a frontal attack against Madhya Pradesh chief minister by raising the issue of Vyapam (the massive scam linked with admissions in medical colleges and government recruitments) and the Simhastha scam. At an election rally at Ujjain, Gandhi said that the Kshipra river remains dirty even after the Madhya Pradesh BJP government had spent Rs 400 crore for this purpose. They talk of “dharma” but do not spare even the Mahakumbh, he added. Chouhan has retorted to this by threatening legal action. During his current round of electioneering, Gandhi did not spare even Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Putting him in the dock on the Rafale deal, he said that the government knew that if there was a thorough probe into this deal by the CBI, the truth would get uncovered. He cited the present CBI controversy (revolving around the Director and his second in command, who have been removed from the scene) as a case in point. Gandhi has also hammered the charge that the Modi government was bent upon undermining the autonomous institutions. Tailpiece: BJP, also called the saffron party, has been cornered by the Sadhus (Hindu religious saints), who have revolted and given a call to throw out the BJP. At a congregation of a couple of thousand Sadhus at Koteshwar temple in Gwalior on Tuesday, the BJP was slammed for failing to protect the cows and neglecting the Ganges River. In the coming days, what will be watched closely is the role to be played by Devkinandan Thakur, the world-renowned Katha Vachak, in Madhya Pradesh Assembly election. Devkinandan has a huge following. He strongly opposes reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act. The news went viral after he was detained and released by the Police on Monday when he went to offer prayers at Pitambara Peeth at Datia. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP, Congress caught in quagmire of ticket distribution ahead of Assembly polls

With assembly elections in the state inching closer, the political battle has intensified, not only among political rivals but within the parties as well.

On Thursday, Congress party workers created ruckus at the district party office in Bilaspur and protested against an alleged anomaly in ticket distribution for the upcoming assembly polls.&nbsp;

In a similar incident, the party office in Raipur witnessed the wrath of aggrieved workers, who vented out their anger against ticket allocation for one seat.

At the Bilaspur party office, Congress workers raised slogans against one of the party candidate who was given a ticket for one of the constituencies of the district. Slogans were also raised against senior party leader and Chhattisgarh Congress in-charge PL Punia.

Some protestors also broke chairs and ransacked the office of the Congress district president, while a large group staged a sit-in outside the district party office.

Following the ruckus, district Congress President Vijay Kesharwani said, "If party workers have a grievance over ticket distribution, they have a right to raise an objection and we will be taking their concerns to the party leaders. There is some resentment among party workers but we want to assure that all will fight together to defeat Bharatiya Janata Party."

District party functionary Narendra Bolar added, "From last 15 years we are out of power but have been struggling for the party. We believe that workers who have been dedicatedly working for all these years must be considered for the candidature of the party. There is some angst among some workers and we will be bringing their concerns to the notice state leadership of the party."Later in the day, ruckus ensued at the Congress office in Raipur following arguments over the Raipur South seat.

Speaking about the incident in Raipur, party leader R Tiwari said, "It is Congress workers` sentiments for the seat as they have the right to speak. They had a discussion with state in-charge PL Punia. There may be some resentment on any issue among party workers but their voice will be heard."

Chhattisgarh will go to the polls in two phases- first on November 12 and second on November 20. The high stakes political battle will conclude on December 11 with the counting of votes.

In the 2013 polls, BJP had won 49 seats, Congress bagged 39, while Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and an Independent candidate had won a seat each.

With assembly elections in the state inching closer, the political battle has intensified, not only among political rivals but within the parties as well. On Thursday, Congress party workers created ruckus at the district party office in Bilaspur and protested against an alleged anomaly in ticket distribution for the upcoming assembly polls.

With assembly elections in the state inching closer, the political battle has intensified, not only among political rivals but within the parties as well. On Thursday, Congress party workers created ruckus at the district party office in Bilaspur and protested against an alleged anomaly in ticket distribution for the upcoming assembly polls. In a similar incident, the party office in Raipur witnessed the wrath of aggrieved workers, who vented out their anger against ticket allocation for one seat. At the Bilaspur party office, Congress workers raised slogans against one of the party candidate who was given a ticket for one of the constituencies of the district. Slogans were also raised against senior party leader and Chhattisgarh Congress in-charge PL Punia. Some protestors also broke chairs and ransacked the office of the Congress district president, while a large group staged a sit-in outside the district party office. Following the ruckus, district Congress President Vijay Kesharwani said, "If party workers have a grievance over ticket distribution, they have a right to raise an objection and we will be taking their concerns to the party leaders. There is some resentment among party workers but we want to assure that all will fight together to defeat Bharatiya Janata Party." District party functionary Narendra Bolar added, "From last 15 years we are out of power but have been struggling for the party. We believe that workers who have been dedicatedly working for all these years must be considered for the candidature of the party. There is some angst among some workers and we will be bringing their concerns to the notice state leadership of the party."Later in the day, ruckus ensued at the Congress office in Raipur following arguments over the Raipur South seat. Speaking about the incident in Raipur, party leader R Tiwari said, "It is Congress workers` sentiments for the seat as they have the right to speak. They had a discussion with state in-charge PL Punia. There may be some resentment on any issue among party workers but their voice will be heard." Chhattisgarh will go to the polls in two phases- first on November 12 and second on November 20. The high stakes political battle will conclude on December 11 with the counting of votes. In the 2013 polls, BJP had won 49 seats, Congress bagged 39, while Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and an Independent candidate had won a seat each.

Chhattisgarh: Congress workers create ruckus over ticket distribution