India has said that its partnership with Africa is based on the "principles of equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit."&nbsp;

While speaking on the occasion of Africa Day at Vibrant Gujarat 2019 in Gandhinagar, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said, "We take pride in our model of cooperation with Africa which is demand-driven, consultative, participative, involves local resources, builds capacity and is based on Africa’s own prioritisation of its needs."

Swaraj further said India views its "substantive engagement" with the African countries through "the prism of our own experience."

"When we became independent, we found that external assistance came with conditionality, both overt and covert, with prescriptions that would have constricted our sovereignty and independence," Swaraj added.&nbsp;

China's debt practices have come under criticism around the world including in Africa. Bejing has been involved in large scale infrastructure in Africa, putting many countries in massive debt which they are unable to repay.&nbsp;

India is focusing on its historical ties with Africa to promote ties. Speaking at the event, the external affairs minister said, "India has always shared a special bond with the people of Africa and supported their liberation from colonialism and from apartheid."&nbsp;

India will be opening 18 new embassies and High Commissions in Africa in the next few years which will take the number of Indian missions in Africa to 47. Last year, India opened its mission in Rwanda.

The development comes days before India's Republic Day wherein South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has been invited as the chief guest.&nbsp;

India is the fifth largest investor in Africa with cumulative investments of $54 billion. Indian Lines of Credit are being used to develop 189 projects in 42 African countries for nearly $ 11.4 billion. In 2015, the third India-Africa summit took place in New Delhi and was one of the biggest diplomatic events under the Modi government in the last four years.

&nbsp;

India has said that its partnership with Africa is based on the "principles of equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit." While speaking on the occasion of Africa Day at Vibrant Gujarat 2019 in Gandhinagar, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said, "We take pride in our model of cooperation with Africa which is demand-driven, consultative, participative, involves local resources, builds capacity and is based on Africa’s own prioritisation of its needs.

India has said that its partnership with Africa is based on the "principles of equality, mutual respect and mutual benefit." While speaking on the occasion of Africa Day at Vibrant Gujarat 2019 in Gandhinagar, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said, "We take pride in our model of cooperation with Africa which is demand-driven, consultative, participative, involves local resources, builds capacity and is based on Africa’s own prioritisation of its needs." Swaraj further said India views its "substantive engagement" with the African countries through "the prism of our own experience." "When we became independent, we found that external assistance came with conditionality, both overt and covert, with prescriptions that would have constricted our sovereignty and independence," Swaraj added. China's debt practices have come under criticism around the world including in Africa. Bejing has been involved in large scale infrastructure in Africa, putting many countries in massive debt which they are unable to repay. India is focusing on its historical ties with Africa to promote ties. Speaking at the event, the external affairs minister said, "India has always shared a special bond with the people of Africa and supported their liberation from colonialism and from apartheid." India will be opening 18 new embassies and High Commissions in Africa in the next few years which will take the number of Indian missions in Africa to 47. Last year, India opened its mission in Rwanda. The development comes days before India's Republic Day wherein South African President Cyril Ramaphosa has been invited as the chief guest. India is the fifth largest investor in Africa with cumulative investments of $54 billion. Indian Lines of Credit are being used to develop 189 projects in 42 African countries for nearly $ 11.4 billion. In 2015, the third India-Africa summit took place in New Delhi and was one of the biggest diplomatic events under the Modi government in the last four years.

India plans to open 18 new missions in Africa: Sushma Swaraj

The debate over the restitution of thousands of African cultural artefacts from France has become heated, but in West Africa conservators prefer to call it "collaboration" and are preparing for their return.

The French presidency announced on Friday night that it was restoring "without delay" 26 works plundered by the French army in 1892 and claimed by the authorities in Benin.

The recommendations come with the delivery of a non-binding report that proposes a change in legislation and urges the return of museum artefacts to Africa from France.

Alain Godonou, a Beninese conservator responsible for heritage at the new national agency for tourism promotion in Benin, has been working on this issue for more than 30 years and says now is the time for reflection.

The small West African country of Benin, formerly Dahomey, was home to the kingdom of Abomey (1600-1894) and priceless wealth.

But instead of sitting in the capital of Porto-Novo, the throne of King Glele from 1858 is one of the centrepieces of the 70,000 African objects kept at the Musée du quai Branly-Jacques Chirac in Paris.

"To keep war booty in countries that are now friends and collaborate doesn't make sense," Godonou told AFP.

"It's a relief but it's only the beginning. There is still so much to be done so that our youth can access this heritage that will make them proud."&nbsp;

Sensitive question&nbsp;

"We don't want them to have our objects just for the sake of it," Godonou continues.&nbsp;

"The cultural education of African youth is important and these objects will help to root them."

This includes a rehabilitation of museums. For years, Europeans have justified keeping the treasured artefacts by arguing that African countries didn't have the facilities to take care of their cultural heritage.

But in many countries -- including Senegal, Ivory Coast, Gabon and Benin -- plans are underway new museums have been built and plans are underway for yet more.

Beninese President Patrice Talon, whose goal is to make tourism one of the pillars of the national economy, has approved the sites for five museums that will open in 2020 to honour the kings of Abomey and the Amazons, the all-female military regiment in Dahomey.

The country's minister of foreign affairs Aurelien Agbenonci told AFP on Saturday the government is "delighted" with the decision, which he said was "an invitation to get to work quickly."

Ousmane Aledji, in charge of heritage for the Benin presidency, welcomed the "new form of cultural exchange" with France.

"We're not for a violent claim, but we want to put in place measures for progressive restitution," he says.

His sentiment was echoed in Abidjan, where the director of the museum of civilisation of Ivory Coast Silvie Memel Kassi said "it's not a bad thing in itself that they were preserved and indexed in France."

"Ancestral pieces"

The national museum of Abidjan was renovated last year, but a larger museum is sill in the works.

In this case, said Kassi, "we could start talking about a definitive restitution."&nbsp;

She added that "the important thing is to work together, we want to have access to these objects, we need this memory, these objects are a memory."

In Dakar, the museum of black civilisation, whose inauguration is scheduled for December 6, will be ready one day to house the objects, pledges Kassi.

"We have operational reserves that can accommodate such objects," said the Senegalese museum director Hamady Bocoum, stressing the works may not necessarily end up in museums and could go back to communities who may "decide to put them in the altars of the ancestors."

"These works came from our ancestors," said Taho Toubo, a traditional leader from Ivory Coast.

"I pray for the ancestors that their pieces are returned."

The debate over the restitution of thousands of African cultural artefacts from France has become heated, but in West Africa conservators prefer to call it "collaboration" and are preparing for their return.

The debate over the restitution of thousands of African cultural artefacts from France has become heated, but in West Africa conservators prefer to call it "collaboration" and are preparing for their return. The French presidency announced on Friday night that it was restoring "without delay" 26 works plundered by the French army in 1892 and claimed by the authorities in Benin. The recommendations come with the delivery of a non-binding report that proposes a change in legislation and urges the return of museum artefacts to Africa from France. Alain Godonou, a Beninese conservator responsible for heritage at the new national agency for tourism promotion in Benin, has been working on this issue for more than 30 years and says now is the time for reflection. The small West African country of Benin, formerly Dahomey, was home to the kingdom of Abomey (1600-1894) and priceless wealth. But instead of sitting in the capital of Porto-Novo, the throne of King Glele from 1858 is one of the centrepieces of the 70,000 African objects kept at the Musée du quai Branly-Jacques Chirac in Paris. "To keep war booty in countries that are now friends and collaborate doesn't make sense," Godonou told AFP. "It's a relief but it's only the beginning. There is still so much to be done so that our youth can access this heritage that will make them proud." Sensitive question "We don't want them to have our objects just for the sake of it," Godonou continues. "The cultural education of African youth is important and these objects will help to root them." This includes a rehabilitation of museums. For years, Europeans have justified keeping the treasured artefacts by arguing that African countries didn't have the facilities to take care of their cultural heritage. But in many countries -- including Senegal, Ivory Coast, Gabon and Benin -- plans are underway new museums have been built and plans are underway for yet more. Beninese President Patrice Talon, whose goal is to make tourism one of the pillars of the national economy, has approved the sites for five museums that will open in 2020 to honour the kings of Abomey and the Amazons, the all-female military regiment in Dahomey. The country's minister of foreign affairs Aurelien Agbenonci told AFP on Saturday the government is "delighted" with the decision, which he said was "an invitation to get to work quickly." Ousmane Aledji, in charge of heritage for the Benin presidency, welcomed the "new form of cultural exchange" with France. "We're not for a violent claim, but we want to put in place measures for progressive restitution," he says. His sentiment was echoed in Abidjan, where the director of the museum of civilisation of Ivory Coast Silvie Memel Kassi said "it's not a bad thing in itself that they were preserved and indexed in France." "Ancestral pieces" The national museum of Abidjan was renovated last year, but a larger museum is sill in the works. In this case, said Kassi, "we could start talking about a definitive restitution." She added that "the important thing is to work together, we want to have access to these objects, we need this memory, these objects are a memory." In Dakar, the museum of black civilisation, whose inauguration is scheduled for December 6, will be ready one day to house the objects, pledges Kassi. "We have operational reserves that can accommodate such objects," said the Senegalese museum director Hamady Bocoum, stressing the works may not necessarily end up in museums and could go back to communities who may "decide to put them in the altars of the ancestors." "These works came from our ancestors," said Taho Toubo, a traditional leader from Ivory Coast. "I pray for the ancestors that their pieces are returned."

Restitution of African art from France: 'We need this memory'

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa will pay back 500,000 rands ($35,000) donated to his campaign fund by a firm with links to his son after admitting he misled parliament, an official said.

Ramaphosa has staked his reputation on fighting corruption after his predecessor Jacob Zuma was mired in graft scandals that finally led to his ousting earlier this year.

Ramaphosa had told parliament that the payment in October 2017 was to his son Andile for consultancy work for Bosasa, a company that has contracts with government institutions.

But Ramaphosa later admitted it was a donation towards his own campaign last year to become leader of the ruling ANC party, a hard-fought battle in which he beat Zuma's chosen candidate.

"The donation was made without his knowledge," ANC official Zizi Kodwa told the SABC state broadcaster on Saturday.

"He has decided voluntarily that he will pay back the said amount and he will call for further investigation on all donations that were made to the campaign."

The main opposition Democratic Alliance party said Bosasa had won lucrative government contracts, adding "this looks suspiciously like all other ANC government corruption deals."

A judicial inquiry is probing allegations that Zuma and some of his family members oversaw a web of corrupt government contracts.

The ANC and Democratic Alliance will face off in elections next May.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa will pay back 500,000 rands ($35,000) donated to his campaign fund by a firm with links to his son after admitting he misled parliament, an official said.

South African President Cyril Ramaphosa will pay back 500,000 rands ($35,000) donated to his campaign fund by a firm with links to his son after admitting he misled parliament, an official said. Ramaphosa has staked his reputation on fighting corruption after his predecessor Jacob Zuma was mired in graft scandals that finally led to his ousting earlier this year. Ramaphosa had told parliament that the payment in October 2017 was to his son Andile for consultancy work for Bosasa, a company that has contracts with government institutions. But Ramaphosa later admitted it was a donation towards his own campaign last year to become leader of the ruling ANC party, a hard-fought battle in which he beat Zuma's chosen candidate. "The donation was made without his knowledge," ANC official Zizi Kodwa told the SABC state broadcaster on Saturday. "He has decided voluntarily that he will pay back the said amount and he will call for further investigation on all donations that were made to the campaign." The main opposition Democratic Alliance party said Bosasa had won lucrative government contracts, adding "this looks suspiciously like all other ANC government corruption deals." A judicial inquiry is probing allegations that Zuma and some of his family members oversaw a web of corrupt government contracts. The ANC and Democratic Alliance will face off in elections next May.

South Africa president to pay back $35,000 campaign funds

When Moustapha Dieng came down with stomach pains one-day last month he did the sensible thing and went to a doctor in his hometown of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso's capital.

The doctor prescribed a malaria treatment but the medicine cost too much for Dieng, a 30-year-old tailor, so he went to an unlicensed street vendor for pills on the cheap.

"It was too expensive at the pharmacy. I was forced to buy street drugs as they are less expensive," he said.

Within days he was hospitalized - sickened by the very drugs that were supposed to cure him.

Tens of thousands of people in Africa die each year because of fake and counterfeit medication, an EU-funded report released on Tuesday said. The drugs are mainly made in China but also in India, Paraguay, Pakistan and the United Kingdom.

Almost half the fake and low-quality medicines reported to the World Health Organization (WHO) between 2013 and 2017 were found to be in sub-Saharan Africa, said the report, also backed by Interpol and the Institute for Security Studies.

"Counterfeiters prey on poorer countries more than their richer counterparts, with up to 30 times greater penetration of fakes in the supply chain," said the report.

Substandard or fake anti-malarials cause the deaths of between 64,000 and 158,000 people per year in sub-Saharan Africa, the report said.

The counterfeit drug market is worth around $200 billion worldwide annually, WHO says, making it the most lucrative trade of illegally copied goods. Its impact has been devastating.

Nigeria said more than 80 children were killed in 2009 by a teething syrup tainted with a chemical normally used in engine coolant and blamed for causing kidney failure.

For Dieng, the cost can be measured in more than simple suffering. The night in hospital cost him more than double what he would have paid had he bought the drugs the doctor ordered.

"After taking those drugs, the provenance of which we don't know, he came back with new symptoms ... All this had aggravated his condition," said nurse Jules Raesse, who treated Dieng when he stayed at the clinic last month.

Fake drugs also threaten a thriving pharmaceutical sector in several African countries.

That has helped prompt Ivory Coast - where fake drugs were also sold openly - to crack down on the trade, estimated at $30 billion by Reuters last year.

Ivorian authorities said last month they had seized almost 400 tonnes of fake medicine over the past two years.

Able Ekissi, an inspector at the health ministry, told Reuters the seized goods, had they been sold to consumers, would have represented a loss to the legitimate pharmaceutical industry of more than $170 million.

"They are reputed to be cheaper, but at best they are ineffective and at worst toxic," Abderrahmane Chakibi, Managing Director of French pharmaceutical firm Sanofi's sub-Saharan Africa branch.

But in Ivory Coast, many cannot afford to shop in pharmacies, which often only stock expensive drugs imported from France, rather than cheaper generics from places like India.

"When you have no means you are forced to go out onto the street," said Barakissa Cherik, a pharmacist in Ivory Coast's lagoon-side commercial capital Abidjan.

When Moustapha Dieng came down with stomach pains one-day last month he did the sensible thing and went to a doctor in his hometown of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso's capital.

When Moustapha Dieng came down with stomach pains one-day last month he did the sensible thing and went to a doctor in his hometown of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso's capital. The doctor prescribed a malaria treatment but the medicine cost too much for Dieng, a 30-year-old tailor, so he went to an unlicensed street vendor for pills on the cheap. "It was too expensive at the pharmacy. I was forced to buy street drugs as they are less expensive," he said. Within days he was hospitalized - sickened by the very drugs that were supposed to cure him. Tens of thousands of people in Africa die each year because of fake and counterfeit medication, an EU-funded report released on Tuesday said. The drugs are mainly made in China but also in India, Paraguay, Pakistan and the United Kingdom. Almost half the fake and low-quality medicines reported to the World Health Organization (WHO) between 2013 and 2017 were found to be in sub-Saharan Africa, said the report, also backed by Interpol and the Institute for Security Studies. "Counterfeiters prey on poorer countries more than their richer counterparts, with up to 30 times greater penetration of fakes in the supply chain," said the report. Substandard or fake anti-malarials cause the deaths of between 64,000 and 158,000 people per year in sub-Saharan Africa, the report said. The counterfeit drug market is worth around $200 billion worldwide annually, WHO says, making it the most lucrative trade of illegally copied goods. Its impact has been devastating. Nigeria said more than 80 children were killed in 2009 by a teething syrup tainted with a chemical normally used in engine coolant and blamed for causing kidney failure. For Dieng, the cost can be measured in more than simple suffering. The night in hospital cost him more than double what he would have paid had he bought the drugs the doctor ordered. "After taking those drugs, the provenance of which we don't know, he came back with new symptoms ... All this had aggravated his condition," said nurse Jules Raesse, who treated Dieng when he stayed at the clinic last month. Fake drugs also threaten a thriving pharmaceutical sector in several African countries. That has helped prompt Ivory Coast - where fake drugs were also sold openly - to crack down on the trade, estimated at $30 billion by Reuters last year. Ivorian authorities said last month they had seized almost 400 tonnes of fake medicine over the past two years. Able Ekissi, an inspector at the health ministry, told Reuters the seized goods, had they been sold to consumers, would have represented a loss to the legitimate pharmaceutical industry of more than $170 million. "They are reputed to be cheaper, but at best they are ineffective and at worst toxic," Abderrahmane Chakibi, Managing Director of French pharmaceutical firm Sanofi's sub-Saharan Africa branch. But in Ivory Coast, many cannot afford to shop in pharmacies, which often only stock expensive drugs imported from France, rather than cheaper generics from places like India. "When you have no means you are forced to go out onto the street," said Barakissa Cherik, a pharmacist in Ivory Coast's lagoon-side commercial capital Abidjan.

Tens of thousands die in Africa each year due to fake drugs

Four new outbreaks of African swine fever have been reported in China's provinces of Jiangxi, Yunnan and Sichuan as well as the municipality of Shanghai, the agriculture ministry said on Saturday.

Ten pigs had died from the disease and 10 others had fallen ill on a farm with 150 hogs in the southeastern province of Jiangxi, the ministry said on its website. Another 348 pigs will be slaughtered in Yunnan province in the southwest, it added.

A farm with 314 pigs in the Jinshan district of Shanghai was affected, the ministry reported. Eleven of the hogs had died while another 50 were infected, it said.

Four new outbreaks of African swine fever have been reported in China's provinces of Jiangxi, Yunnan and Sichuan as well as the municipality of Shanghai, the agriculture ministry said on Saturday.

Four new outbreaks of African swine fever have been reported in China's provinces of Jiangxi, Yunnan and Sichuan as well as the municipality of Shanghai, the agriculture ministry said on Saturday. Ten pigs had died from the disease and 10 others had fallen ill on a farm with 150 hogs in the southeastern province of Jiangxi, the ministry said on its website. Another 348 pigs will be slaughtered in Yunnan province in the southwest, it added. A farm with 314 pigs in the Jinshan district of Shanghai was affected, the ministry reported. Eleven of the hogs had died while another 50 were infected, it said.

China reports new outbreaks of African swine fever in Jiangxi, Yunnan, Sichuan and Shanghai

By Stephen Chan

As China and the US continue their trade war, what will be the outcome for Africa?

This trade war should not be seen in isolation, and the new year will bring a changed world. China and Russia will cooperate as the new Silk Road begins to join Asia and Europe with a transport and communications corridor Marco Polo could not even imagine.

Russia, Turkey and Iran – once unlikely partners in the Syrian conflict – will form a new Middle East axis to rival that of the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia, with none of the latent instabilities of the latter with its Zionist and Islamic ingredients.

And the US, under Donald Trump, is likely to continue to view Africa – in all but name – as that collection of “shit hole” countries derided by the American president at his undiplomatic, offensive and unthinking worst.

After two years without one, the US will have a permanent assistant secretary of state for Africa – the highest State Department official with an Africa portfolio. Tibor Nagy also comes with a sound reputation as a seasoned diplomat. But will he have any clout on Capitol Hill? And can any official be effective in a State Department that Trump and the former US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, have slashed and burned?

May’s dancing and used clothes

If the US doesn’t care much for Africa, neither really does the UK. Theresa May’s dismal efforts at dancing on her Africa tour summed up a clumsy view of what the continent needs.

The UK posture is summed up by the position of minister of state for Africa – now held by Harriet Baldwin – with responsibilities in two departments: the Foreign Office and International Development. These are two very different departments and the joint position is both a money-saving device – two ministers for the price of one – and also a confusion of policy as to how the UK should approach Africa. Indeed, perhaps the beleaguered minister’s main responsibility is the search for new UK trading partners in the wake of Brexit.

The US approach to Africa, meanwhile, was summed up in measures launched between May and September 2018: basically, the suspension by the US of trade benefits to Rwanda because of Rwanda’s refusal to import &nbsp;used clothes from the US. In continental terms, the sums are tiny, but the principle enunciated by Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, was stark.

If the volume of used clothes continues or increases, there can be no development of a Rwandan textile industry. In effect, the US is dumping textiles on Rwanda in much the same way as it once dumped grain so cheaply that African farmers could not even begin to compete and agriculture could not develop. For Trump, in his trade wars not just with China but with the world, blue collar manufacturing in his heartland is more important than good relations with anyone.

For a populist president this is dangerous but perhaps understandable. But who has drawn first blood in this US-China standoff? Chinese economic growth has slowed – but only to 6.5 per cent a year, a growth figure for which most other countries would die. The value of the Chinese yuan against the dollar seems destined to fall, but Chinese reserves, divided almost equally between foreign and domestic reserves, of about $60-$70 trillion, are more than enough to weather the storms to come. Added to what the Chinese did during the US financial crisis of 2007 to 2010 – buying up huge quantities of US toxic debt – China has far more leverage on the US economy than the US has on China’s.

China and Africa 
 
For Africa, it means business with China remains a reality. This relationship has, however, taken on two key new characteristics of late. The first is that China expects its loans to be repaid. Indeed, there is no doubt that a new fiscal propriety is now expected by the Chinese.

The second, very closely connected development – and one which curiously seems not to have been noticed or taken seriously by African leaders – is that increasingly Chinese liquidity is made available not on a state-to-state basis but on a Chinese bank to African state basis.

They may be Chinese state banks – but a bank is a bank, and a bank needs to ensure its loans are repaid and its lending to assets ratio is robust. The use of banks reflects a global Chinese turn to the creation of international and regional banks and funds, most noticeable in Asia-Pacific. The Chinese capitalise these regional funds to the tune of about $50 billion a time. But this means the beginning of a new Chinese global financial infrastructure that seems deliberately designed to rival the IMF and the World Bank. It’s not just a trade war but a war over who will control the world’s financial flows in the long term.

For Africa, the choice is between growth with borrowed liquidity and growth without – the latter being very difficult. Investment doesn’t come out of anything, so wise spending of borrowed liquidity is key. It cannot be just for standby budgetary support without product and without exportable value – which is why the Chinese turned down Zimbabwe’s desperate pleas for exactly that.

An uncertain future 
 
The future will embroil Africa even more in the trade wars to come. What Africa needs to do is to industrialise – to add manufacturing to its raw materials. The long-awaited oil refinery in Nigeria is the perfect example. How a significant oil-producing country could spend so many years exporting crude and then reimporting it as a refined product beggars description. The revenue streams would have always been greater if it had been exported refined.

Trouble is, African industry will create jobs in Africa but take away blue collar jobs elsewhere. And the West won’t like that.

But what about China? African governments must navigate the attractions of the quick fix via Chinese loans, and seek the development of long-term industrial capacity. Or will the next decade be another of missed opportunities – with trade wars steamrollering an Africa whose response will be to plunge again deeper and deeper into debt?

(Stephen Chan is Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London)

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/will-us-china-trade-war-ruin-africa-or-offer-new-opportunities-national-leaders-must-decide-106499">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

By Stephen Chan As China and the US continue their trade war, what will be the outcome for Africa? This trade war should not be seen in isolation, and the new year will bring a changed world.

By Stephen Chan As China and the US continue their trade war, what will be the outcome for Africa? This trade war should not be seen in isolation, and the new year will bring a changed world. China and Russia will cooperate as the new Silk Road begins to join Asia and Europe with a transport and communications corridor Marco Polo could not even imagine. Russia, Turkey and Iran – once unlikely partners in the Syrian conflict – will form a new Middle East axis to rival that of the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia, with none of the latent instabilities of the latter with its Zionist and Islamic ingredients. And the US, under Donald Trump, is likely to continue to view Africa – in all but name – as that collection of “shit hole” countries derided by the American president at his undiplomatic, offensive and unthinking worst. After two years without one, the US will have a permanent assistant secretary of state for Africa – the highest State Department official with an Africa portfolio. Tibor Nagy also comes with a sound reputation as a seasoned diplomat. But will he have any clout on Capitol Hill? And can any official be effective in a State Department that Trump and the former US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, have slashed and burned? May’s dancing and used clothes If the US doesn’t care much for Africa, neither really does the UK. Theresa May’s dismal efforts at dancing on her Africa tour summed up a clumsy view of what the continent needs. The UK posture is summed up by the position of minister of state for Africa – now held by Harriet Baldwin – with responsibilities in two departments: the Foreign Office and International Development. These are two very different departments and the joint position is both a money-saving device – two ministers for the price of one – and also a confusion of policy as to how the UK should approach Africa. Indeed, perhaps the beleaguered minister’s main responsibility is the search for new UK trading partners in the wake of Brexit. The US approach to Africa, meanwhile, was summed up in measures launched between May and September 2018: basically, the suspension by the US of trade benefits to Rwanda because of Rwanda’s refusal to import used clothes from the US. In continental terms, the sums are tiny, but the principle enunciated by Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, was stark. If the volume of used clothes continues or increases, there can be no development of a Rwandan textile industry. In effect, the US is dumping textiles on Rwanda in much the same way as it once dumped grain so cheaply that African farmers could not even begin to compete and agriculture could not develop. For Trump, in his trade wars not just with China but with the world, blue collar manufacturing in his heartland is more important than good relations with anyone. For a populist president this is dangerous but perhaps understandable. But who has drawn first blood in this US-China standoff? Chinese economic growth has slowed – but only to 6.5 per cent a year, a growth figure for which most other countries would die. The value of the Chinese yuan against the dollar seems destined to fall, but Chinese reserves, divided almost equally between foreign and domestic reserves, of about $60-$70 trillion, are more than enough to weather the storms to come. Added to what the Chinese did during the US financial crisis of 2007 to 2010 – buying up huge quantities of US toxic debt – China has far more leverage on the US economy than the US has on China’s. China and Africa For Africa, it means business with China remains a reality. This relationship has, however, taken on two key new characteristics of late. The first is that China expects its loans to be repaid. Indeed, there is no doubt that a new fiscal propriety is now expected by the Chinese. The second, very closely connected development – and one which curiously seems not to have been noticed or taken seriously by African leaders – is that increasingly Chinese liquidity is made available not on a state-to-state basis but on a Chinese bank to African state basis. They may be Chinese state banks – but a bank is a bank, and a bank needs to ensure its loans are repaid and its lending to assets ratio is robust. The use of banks reflects a global Chinese turn to the creation of international and regional banks and funds, most noticeable in Asia-Pacific. The Chinese capitalise these regional funds to the tune of about $50 billion a time. But this means the beginning of a new Chinese global financial infrastructure that seems deliberately designed to rival the IMF and the World Bank. It’s not just a trade war but a war over who will control the world’s financial flows in the long term. For Africa, the choice is between growth with borrowed liquidity and growth without – the latter being very difficult. Investment doesn’t come out of anything, so wise spending of borrowed liquidity is key. It cannot be just for standby budgetary support without product and without exportable value – which is why the Chinese turned down Zimbabwe’s desperate pleas for exactly that. An uncertain future The future will embroil Africa even more in the trade wars to come. What Africa needs to do is to industrialise – to add manufacturing to its raw materials. The long-awaited oil refinery in Nigeria is the perfect example. How a significant oil-producing country could spend so many years exporting crude and then reimporting it as a refined product beggars description. The revenue streams would have always been greater if it had been exported refined. Trouble is, African industry will create jobs in Africa but take away blue collar jobs elsewhere. And the West won’t like that. But what about China? African governments must navigate the attractions of the quick fix via Chinese loans, and seek the development of long-term industrial capacity. Or will the next decade be another of missed opportunities – with trade wars steamrollering an Africa whose response will be to plunge again deeper and deeper into debt? (Stephen Chan is Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London) This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Will US-China trade war ruin Africa or offer new opportunities?

China has confirmed a new outbreak of African swine fever in the eastern province of Anhui.

China, home to the world's largest hog herd, has reported more than 50 cases of the highly contagious disease, including in Anhui, since the first detected outbreak in early August.

The fever was found on a farm with 8,339 pigs in Qingyang county in the south of Anhui, infecting 96 of the animals and killing 47 of them, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs said in a statement.

Transportation of pigs in and out of the area has been banned, as has movement of pork products outside the area. Last month, the ministry said it would lift African swine fever-related restrictions in four Anhui cities hit by previous outbreaks.

In a statement to the Shenzhen Stock Exchange on Sunday, Tangrenshen Group, a major Chinese pork producer, said the fever was found in feed samples provided by its 51 per cent-owned subsidiary, Bili Meiyingwei Nutrition Feedstuff, during inspections in the aftermath of the Qingyang outbreak.

Tangrenshen said the origin of the detected fever remained unclear and the matter was still under investigation. It said the impact on its operations would be "relatively small," with Bili Meiyingwei accounting for only 2.27 per cent of the group's net profit in the first nine months of 2018.

China has confirmed a new outbreak of African swine fever in the eastern province of Anhui. China, home to the world's largest hog herd, has reported more than 50 cases of the highly contagious disease, including in Anhui, since the first detected outbreak in early August.

China has confirmed a new outbreak of African swine fever in the eastern province of Anhui. China, home to the world's largest hog herd, has reported more than 50 cases of the highly contagious disease, including in Anhui, since the first detected outbreak in early August. The fever was found on a farm with 8,339 pigs in Qingyang county in the south of Anhui, infecting 96 of the animals and killing 47 of them, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs said in a statement. Transportation of pigs in and out of the area has been banned, as has movement of pork products outside the area. Last month, the ministry said it would lift African swine fever-related restrictions in four Anhui cities hit by previous outbreaks. In a statement to the Shenzhen Stock Exchange on Sunday, Tangrenshen Group, a major Chinese pork producer, said the fever was found in feed samples provided by its 51 per cent-owned subsidiary, Bili Meiyingwei Nutrition Feedstuff, during inspections in the aftermath of the Qingyang outbreak. Tangrenshen said the origin of the detected fever remained unclear and the matter was still under investigation. It said the impact on its operations would be "relatively small," with Bili Meiyingwei accounting for only 2.27 per cent of the group's net profit in the first nine months of 2018.

China reports new African swine fever outbreak in Anhui province

The government is exploring options for the chief guest at the Republic Day parade after US President <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/trump-unable-to-attend-indias-republic-day-parade-due-to-scheduling-constraints-white-house-174292">Donald Trump turned down</a> its invite for the ceremony.

Sources said the government has in mind leaders from three countries including a head of state from a leading African nation.

"We have very little time left for deciding on the chief guest and the process will be completed soon," a source familiar with the development said.

Trump declined India's invitation&nbsp;to be the chief guest at the parade, citing pressing engagements, including his State of The Union (SOTU) address, around the time India will celebrate its Republic Day.

It came at a time when Indo-US ties have witnessed some strain after India went ahead and sealed a deal with Russia to procure a batch of S-400 air defence missile systems, notwithstanding the US threat of punitive action under CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act).

The sources said India has already shortlisted names of two to three heads of state for extending invitation to be the chief guest at the Republic Day parade.

Sources indicated that India was not exclusively looking at Trump's presence at the Republic Day celebrations and that various other options were also being explored.

In July, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders had said that Trump has received an invitation to visit India, but no decision has been taken yet.<iframe data-google-container-id="6" data-load-complete="true" frameborder="0" height="1" id="google_ads_iframe_/1068322/NDTV_News_ROS_Native_Outstream_0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" name="google_ads_iframe_/1068322/NDTV_News_ROS_Native_Outstream_0" scrolling="no" srcdoc="" title="3rd party ad content" width="1"></iframe>

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had invited President Trump for a bilateral visit to India during their talks in Washington in June 2017.

Every year, India invites world leaders to attend its Republic Day celebrations.

In 2015, the then US president Barack Obama had attended it as the chief guest which was his second visit to India as American president.

This year, leaders from 10 ASEAN countries had attended the Republic Day celebrations.

In 2016, the then French president Francois Hollande was the chief guest of the parade while Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was the chief guest at the celebrations in 2014.

The heads of state and government who have attended the Republic Day celebrations include Nicolas Sarkozy, Vladimir Putin, Nelson Mandela, John Major, Mohammed Khatami and Jacques Chirac.

The government is exploring options for the chief guest at the Republic Day parade after US President Donald Trump turned down its invite for the ceremony. Sources said the government has in mind leaders from three countries including a head of state from a leading African nation.

The government is exploring options for the chief guest at the Republic Day parade after US President Donald Trump turned down its invite for the ceremony. Sources said the government has in mind leaders from three countries including a head of state from a leading African nation. "We have very little time left for deciding on the chief guest and the process will be completed soon," a source familiar with the development said. Trump declined India's invitation to be the chief guest at the parade, citing pressing engagements, including his State of The Union (SOTU) address, around the time India will celebrate its Republic Day. It came at a time when Indo-US ties have witnessed some strain after India went ahead and sealed a deal with Russia to procure a batch of S-400 air defence missile systems, notwithstanding the US threat of punitive action under CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act). The sources said India has already shortlisted names of two to three heads of state for extending invitation to be the chief guest at the Republic Day parade. Sources indicated that India was not exclusively looking at Trump's presence at the Republic Day celebrations and that various other options were also being explored. In July, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders had said that Trump has received an invitation to visit India, but no decision has been taken yet. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had invited President Trump for a bilateral visit to India during their talks in Washington in June 2017. Every year, India invites world leaders to attend its Republic Day celebrations. In 2015, the then US president Barack Obama had attended it as the chief guest which was his second visit to India as American president. This year, leaders from 10 ASEAN countries had attended the Republic Day celebrations. In 2016, the then French president Francois Hollande was the chief guest of the parade while Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was the chief guest at the celebrations in 2014. The heads of state and government who have attended the Republic Day celebrations include Nicolas Sarkozy, Vladimir Putin, Nelson Mandela, John Major, Mohammed Khatami and Jacques Chirac.

India looks at alternatives as Trump rejects Republic Day invite: Report

African Penguin population on a decline

By Yu-Shan Wu, Chris Alden and Cobus van Staden

The complex relationship between Africa and China has become even more complicated this year. Initially, 2018 was set to reaffirm the bond through the latest Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit held in Beijing in September. The summit delivered its usual pageant of African leaders, side deals, and the announcement of a $60 billion financing package. The year also saw the recurrence of misgivings about the relationship.

The most explicit theme of this conversation was debt. Donald Trump’s US administration added fuel to smouldering anxiety, and China found itself having to defend its lending to Africa – at home and globally. At the same time, African governments are battling rumours that they are about to hand over state assets to the Chinese.

The debt debate is flawed – not least for underestimating Western contributions to African debt. Nevertheless, it is revealing. In particular, the debate reflects an anxiety that has haunted relations between China and the continent since the beginning of this century: the massive power gap between China and individual African countries.

Power imbalances

The constant rhetoric of win-win cooperation between China and Africa has never adequately answered the simple structural question at the heart of the relationship. That is: how is an economy the size of Benin’s or Togo’s, for example, supposed to meaningfully engage with the Chinese behemoth? It’s a bit like trying to speed up your bicycle by grabbing on to a passing jumbo jet. It can take you to the next level, or it can simply rip off your arms.

The fundamental economic and power imbalance between China and African countries has led to the relationship being criticised as neocolonial. The truth, however, is that African governments exercise more agency than they are given credit for. This includes frequently playing China and traditional Western development partners off against one another.

The word “agency” is key here: to what extent is Africa able to freely make its own decisions and drive the best deals with China?

Our new research focused on this issue. We looked at two emerging areas shaping African agency in relation to China. These are reforms to the African Union (AU) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The initiative involves a massive infrastructure rollout aimed at linking China to Europe and beyond. The aim is to set up a zone of shared development that encompasses Central and Western Asia and Africa.

The AU and the Belt and Road initiative

The AU has proposed a set of reforms to streamline African negotiations at events like the FOCAC under the auspices of the continental body. This could be seen as a step towards the frequently repeated goal of Africa negotiating collectively with China. But, in fact, we show that it faces significant resistance from within the continent. This comes both from powerful states worried about losing control of their bilateral relationships with China, and from smaller states worried about being excluded.

China’s BRI reveals other aspects of African agency. It’s structured by numerous bilateral agreements but is also subject to regional as well as local pressures. The way the initiative’s projects have been pulled into national debates involving opposition politics shows that the range of actors constituting African agency is potentially much wider than national governments.

We argue that before African agency can be maximised, this aspect of relations between China and particular African governments needs to be taken into account. Thinking about the issue has so far fixated on the role of national governments, to the exclusion of other actors. The biggest include regional economic communities such as Nepad and the AU. The smaller ones comprise opposition parties, civil society, local businesses and communities. All contribute to and constitute African agency.

What is this agency, how does it work and how can it be strengthened?

Understanding African agency 
 
We identified three key areas where African agency can be located.

Firstly, African agency is expressed in the frameworks and documents that govern bodies like the forum. For example, in the early days arrangements paid relatively little attention to the issue of industrialisation. That changed after the formal adoption in 2015 of the AU’s Agenda 2063 – its blueprint for Africa’s sustainable development. The forum held that year saw an uptick in how many times the issue was mentioned.

By 2016, African industrialisation had become a key initiative of China’s presidency of the G20. Beijing directed an unprecedented level of G20 attention to the continent.

By 2018, the Beijing summit ended with fewer declarations of intent relating to industrialisation. Instead, it had become integrated into the continental and bilateral planning processes. In particular, it features regularly in discussions on development financing. Likewise, the word “training” was mentioned over 40 times and in virtually every section of the Beijing Action Plan.

This suggests there is a shift from declarations of intent to more specific engagement towards industrialisation. This doesn’t necessarily guarantee the success of Africa’s industrialisation. But it shows that China responds to African agenda-setting.

Secondly, African agency is diffused across various levels and among various actors. Any analysis of African agency has to consider the complex interactions between continental bodies like the AU, regional economic blocs, national governments, civil society, business, and local communities. Each plays a role in shaping African decision making in relation to China. Partnerships that cut across the state-business-civil society divide are as important as state-led initiatives in articulating policy initiatives in relation to China.

Thirdly, it’s important to think of the changing terms of agency as African governments face growing debt burdens via such initiatives as the BRI. For instance, rumours that the Zambian government offered its national electricity supplier as collateral in exchange for a new tranche of Chinese loans have reportedly caused political division at home.

Critics have focused on debt as diminishing African agency. What they’ve ignored are the significant financial and reputational risks to China.

Maximising African agency

As Africa becomes more involved in global initiatives, and as it moves towards greater continental integration via AU reforms and the Continental Free Trade Agreement, the need increases to think harder and more creatively about what African agency means. It isn’t enough to simply reiterate the call for Africa to negotiate collectively with China – not least because this disregards the complex interactions between African governments.

Rather, it’s time for more comprehensive thinking about how African agency manifests across actors and geographic scales. Only once we have a firmer handle on this can we move towards maximising it.

(Yu-Shan Wu is Foreign policy researcher and doctoral candidate, University of the Witwatersrand; Chris Alden is Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science; Cobus van Staden Senior Researcher: China Africa, South African Institute of International Affairs)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ties-between-african-countries-and-china-are-complex-understanding-this-matters-104700">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Yu-Shan Wu, Chris Alden and Cobus van Staden The complex relationship between Africa and China has become even more complicated this year. Initially, 2018 was set to reaffirm the bond through the latest Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit held in Beijing in September.

By Yu-Shan Wu, Chris Alden and Cobus van Staden The complex relationship between Africa and China has become even more complicated this year. Initially, 2018 was set to reaffirm the bond through the latest Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit held in Beijing in September. The summit delivered its usual pageant of African leaders, side deals, and the announcement of a $60 billion financing package. The year also saw the recurrence of misgivings about the relationship. The most explicit theme of this conversation was debt. Donald Trump’s US administration added fuel to smouldering anxiety, and China found itself having to defend its lending to Africa – at home and globally. At the same time, African governments are battling rumours that they are about to hand over state assets to the Chinese. The debt debate is flawed – not least for underestimating Western contributions to African debt. Nevertheless, it is revealing. In particular, the debate reflects an anxiety that has haunted relations between China and the continent since the beginning of this century: the massive power gap between China and individual African countries. Power imbalances The constant rhetoric of win-win cooperation between China and Africa has never adequately answered the simple structural question at the heart of the relationship. That is: how is an economy the size of Benin’s or Togo’s, for example, supposed to meaningfully engage with the Chinese behemoth? It’s a bit like trying to speed up your bicycle by grabbing on to a passing jumbo jet. It can take you to the next level, or it can simply rip off your arms. The fundamental economic and power imbalance between China and African countries has led to the relationship being criticised as neocolonial. The truth, however, is that African governments exercise more agency than they are given credit for. This includes frequently playing China and traditional Western development partners off against one another. The word “agency” is key here: to what extent is Africa able to freely make its own decisions and drive the best deals with China? Our new research focused on this issue. We looked at two emerging areas shaping African agency in relation to China. These are reforms to the African Union (AU) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The initiative involves a massive infrastructure rollout aimed at linking China to Europe and beyond. The aim is to set up a zone of shared development that encompasses Central and Western Asia and Africa. The AU and the Belt and Road initiative The AU has proposed a set of reforms to streamline African negotiations at events like the FOCAC under the auspices of the continental body. This could be seen as a step towards the frequently repeated goal of Africa negotiating collectively with China. But, in fact, we show that it faces significant resistance from within the continent. This comes both from powerful states worried about losing control of their bilateral relationships with China, and from smaller states worried about being excluded. China’s BRI reveals other aspects of African agency. It’s structured by numerous bilateral agreements but is also subject to regional as well as local pressures. The way the initiative’s projects have been pulled into national debates involving opposition politics shows that the range of actors constituting African agency is potentially much wider than national governments. We argue that before African agency can be maximised, this aspect of relations between China and particular African governments needs to be taken into account. Thinking about the issue has so far fixated on the role of national governments, to the exclusion of other actors. The biggest include regional economic communities such as Nepad and the AU. The smaller ones comprise opposition parties, civil society, local businesses and communities. All contribute to and constitute African agency. What is this agency, how does it work and how can it be strengthened? Understanding African agency We identified three key areas where African agency can be located. Firstly, African agency is expressed in the frameworks and documents that govern bodies like the forum. For example, in the early days arrangements paid relatively little attention to the issue of industrialisation. That changed after the formal adoption in 2015 of the AU’s Agenda 2063 – its blueprint for Africa’s sustainable development. The forum held that year saw an uptick in how many times the issue was mentioned. By 2016, African industrialisation had become a key initiative of China’s presidency of the G20. Beijing directed an unprecedented level of G20 attention to the continent. By 2018, the Beijing summit ended with fewer declarations of intent relating to industrialisation. Instead, it had become integrated into the continental and bilateral planning processes. In particular, it features regularly in discussions on development financing. Likewise, the word “training” was mentioned over 40 times and in virtually every section of the Beijing Action Plan. This suggests there is a shift from declarations of intent to more specific engagement towards industrialisation. This doesn’t necessarily guarantee the success of Africa’s industrialisation. But it shows that China responds to African agenda-setting. Secondly, African agency is diffused across various levels and among various actors. Any analysis of African agency has to consider the complex interactions between continental bodies like the AU, regional economic blocs, national governments, civil society, business, and local communities. Each plays a role in shaping African decision making in relation to China. Partnerships that cut across the state-business-civil society divide are as important as state-led initiatives in articulating policy initiatives in relation to China. Thirdly, it’s important to think of the changing terms of agency as African governments face growing debt burdens via such initiatives as the BRI. For instance, rumours that the Zambian government offered its national electricity supplier as collateral in exchange for a new tranche of Chinese loans have reportedly caused political division at home. Critics have focused on debt as diminishing African agency. What they’ve ignored are the significant financial and reputational risks to China. Maximising African agency As Africa becomes more involved in global initiatives, and as it moves towards greater continental integration via AU reforms and the Continental Free Trade Agreement, the need increases to think harder and more creatively about what African agency means. It isn’t enough to simply reiterate the call for Africa to negotiate collectively with China – not least because this disregards the complex interactions between African governments. Rather, it’s time for more comprehensive thinking about how African agency manifests across actors and geographic scales. Only once we have a firmer handle on this can we move towards maximising it. (Yu-Shan Wu is Foreign policy researcher and doctoral candidate, University of the Witwatersrand; Chris Alden is Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science; Cobus van Staden Senior Researcher: China Africa, South African Institute of International Affairs) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Ties between African countries and China are more complex now

Mohammed Dewji, 43, Africa's youngest billionaire was kidnapped Thursday by gunmen from a gymnasium in Tanzania's economic capital Dar es Salaam.

Dewji who heads the MeTL Group operating in about 10 countries in agriculture, insurance, transport, logistics and the food industry, was&nbsp;abducted as he entered the gym of a hotel in Dar es Salaam.&nbsp;

He is also the main shareholder in Tanzania's Simba FC football club.

Initial speculations by Governor Paul Makonda say that the billionaire was kidnapped by whites travelling in two vehicles. The city police also claimed the involvement of foreigners in the incident.&nbsp;

Addressing a press conference Dar es Salaam police chief Lazaro Mambosasa said that the assailants had "shot into the air" before bustling Dewji into their car.&nbsp;

The police further said that three people in connection with the kidnapping were arrested and refused to disclose the identity of any.

Born in Tanzania, Dewji studied at Georgetown University in the United States and served as the member of parliament from 2005 to 2015.

According to Forbes, he is 17th on the list of Africa's billionaires and worth $1.5 billion (1.29 billion euros).

In 2016 he signed a pledge to donate at least half of his fortune to philanthropic causes, according to Forbes.

Dewji is married and has three children.&nbsp;

(With inputs from AFP)

Mohammed Dewji, 43, Africa's youngest billionaire was kidnapped Thursday by gunmen from a gymnasium in Tanzania's economic capital Dar es Salaam. Dewji who heads the MeTL Group operating in about 10 countries in agriculture, insurance, transport, logistics and the food industry, was abducted as he entered the gym of a hotel in Dar es Salaam.

Mohammed Dewji, 43, Africa's youngest billionaire was kidnapped Thursday by gunmen from a gymnasium in Tanzania's economic capital Dar es Salaam. Dewji who heads the MeTL Group operating in about 10 countries in agriculture, insurance, transport, logistics and the food industry, was abducted as he entered the gym of a hotel in Dar es Salaam. He is also the main shareholder in Tanzania's Simba FC football club. Initial speculations by Governor Paul Makonda say that the billionaire was kidnapped by whites travelling in two vehicles. The city police also claimed the involvement of foreigners in the incident. Addressing a press conference Dar es Salaam police chief Lazaro Mambosasa said that the assailants had "shot into the air" before bustling Dewji into their car. The police further said that three people in connection with the kidnapping were arrested and refused to disclose the identity of any. Born in Tanzania, Dewji studied at Georgetown University in the United States and served as the member of parliament from 2005 to 2015. According to Forbes, he is 17th on the list of Africa's billionaires and worth $1.5 billion (1.29 billion euros). In 2016 he signed a pledge to donate at least half of his fortune to philanthropic causes, according to Forbes. Dewji is married and has three children. (With inputs from AFP)

Africa's youngest billionaire kidnapped in Tanzania

Melania Trump's wardrobe choices during Africa trip stir controversy 

US First Lady Melania Trump on Tuesday kicked off her first major solo trip in Ghana's capital Accra, aiming to cast a positive light on her embattled husband's administration.&nbsp;

A relaxed-looking Trump smiled and waved as she stepped off an overnight flight from Washington to be met on the red carpet by her Ghanaian counterpart Rebecca Akufo-Addo.

She beamed as she was welcomed by a troupe of traditional drummers and dancers. "Thank you very much," she said with a smile.

The former model, whose choice of clothing is keenly watched, changed from a safari-inspired departure outfit of suede trench coat and leopard print heels to a red and white striped dress with white pumps by the time she arrived in West Africa.

She is scheduled to visit a hospital in Accra to learn about newborn health and also have tea with Mrs Akufo-Addo at the presidential residence, Jubilee House.

The 48-year-old is promoting her Be Best initiative, her official agenda unveiled in May designed to improve children's well-being.&nbsp;

Her office said it will also "showcase" the work of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), even at a time when her husband's government is looking to slash US aid across the world.

But unlike her predecessors, her visit will be followed closely to see if she can build bridges after the president reportedly dismissed Africa as a collection of "shithole countries".

In addition to Ghana, she is due to visit Malawi, Kenya and Egypt before returning to Washington early on October 7.

'Rorschach test in Louboutins'&nbsp;

The enigmatic US first lady has typically stayed out of the spotlight since her husband became president yet she has made headlines for rare public appearances.&nbsp;

In June, she made a surprise visit to Texas to visit detained children at the Mexican border, wearing a jacket emblazoned with the words "I really don't care. Do U?"

No one knew who the message was intended for, leaving it -- and her -- up for interpretation.&nbsp;

This ambiguity has led some pundits to describe her as a "Rorschach test in Louboutins" after the interpretative ink blots used in psychoanalysis and the luxury shoes.

But as Melania Trump attempts to step out of her husband's shadow, this trip has been seen as an attempt for her to carve her own diplomatic path.&nbsp;

She has previously travelled alone to Canada and joined her husband on several foreign visits.

Spokeswoman Stephanie Grisham said the Africa tour is close to her heart. "This is her trip, her initiative," she said.

That hasn't stopped Donald Trump from weighing in last week, when he told journalists that his wife was "making a big trip to Africa".&nbsp;

"We both love Africa. Africa is so beautiful, the most beautiful part of the world, in many ways," he added.

The US president has yet to travel to Africa since taking office.

Melania Trump's visit to Ghana will inevitably draw comparisons to when former president Barack Obama and his wife Michelle visited Ghana in 2009.&nbsp;

During that visit, Barack Obama gave a speech to parliament saying "Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions".

He also toured the Cape Coast Castle, a former slavery outpost, with his family.&nbsp;

Ghana is seen as a haven of stability in an often turbulent region but despite the interest back home, the first lady's visit did not appear to have generated similar fervour locally.

Unlike the Obamas' visit, the roads from the airport were not packed with onlookers while there was little fanfare in the local media, according to an AFP reporter on the ground.

US First Lady Melania Trump on Tuesday kicked off her first major solo trip in Ghana's capital Accra, aiming to cast a positive light on her embattled husband's administration.

US First Lady Melania Trump on Tuesday kicked off her first major solo trip in Ghana's capital Accra, aiming to cast a positive light on her embattled husband's administration. A relaxed-looking Trump smiled and waved as she stepped off an overnight flight from Washington to be met on the red carpet by her Ghanaian counterpart Rebecca Akufo-Addo. She beamed as she was welcomed by a troupe of traditional drummers and dancers. "Thank you very much," she said with a smile. The former model, whose choice of clothing is keenly watched, changed from a safari-inspired departure outfit of suede trench coat and leopard print heels to a red and white striped dress with white pumps by the time she arrived in West Africa. She is scheduled to visit a hospital in Accra to learn about newborn health and also have tea with Mrs Akufo-Addo at the presidential residence, Jubilee House. The 48-year-old is promoting her Be Best initiative, her official agenda unveiled in May designed to improve children's well-being. Her office said it will also "showcase" the work of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), even at a time when her husband's government is looking to slash US aid across the world. But unlike her predecessors, her visit will be followed closely to see if she can build bridges after the president reportedly dismissed Africa as a collection of "shithole countries". In addition to Ghana, she is due to visit Malawi, Kenya and Egypt before returning to Washington early on October 7. 'Rorschach test in Louboutins' The enigmatic US first lady has typically stayed out of the spotlight since her husband became president yet she has made headlines for rare public appearances. In June, she made a surprise visit to Texas to visit detained children at the Mexican border, wearing a jacket emblazoned with the words "I really don't care. Do U?" No one knew who the message was intended for, leaving it -- and her -- up for interpretation. This ambiguity has led some pundits to describe her as a "Rorschach test in Louboutins" after the interpretative ink blots used in psychoanalysis and the luxury shoes. But as Melania Trump attempts to step out of her husband's shadow, this trip has been seen as an attempt for her to carve her own diplomatic path. She has previously travelled alone to Canada and joined her husband on several foreign visits. Spokeswoman Stephanie Grisham said the Africa tour is close to her heart. "This is her trip, her initiative," she said. That hasn't stopped Donald Trump from weighing in last week, when he told journalists that his wife was "making a big trip to Africa". "We both love Africa. Africa is so beautiful, the most beautiful part of the world, in many ways," he added. The US president has yet to travel to Africa since taking office. Melania Trump's visit to Ghana will inevitably draw comparisons to when former president Barack Obama and his wife Michelle visited Ghana in 2009. During that visit, Barack Obama gave a speech to parliament saying "Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions". He also toured the Cape Coast Castle, a former slavery outpost, with his family. Ghana is seen as a haven of stability in an often turbulent region but despite the interest back home, the first lady's visit did not appear to have generated similar fervour locally. Unlike the Obamas' visit, the roads from the airport were not packed with onlookers while there was little fanfare in the local media, according to an AFP reporter on the ground.

Melania Trump kicks off Africa tour in Ghana

In her first speech in the ongoing 73rd session of United Nations General Assembly, India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj choose to highlight India's links with Africa and linkages between the Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi.

Speaking at the Nelson Mandela Peace Summit, Sushma Swaraj said,"India cherishes its special relationship and longstanding partnership with Africa and its people. Our close bonds are reflected in the philosophy of Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi - Father of our Nation. "

Nelson Mandela Peace Summit was held in honour of the centenary of the birth of Nelson Mandela in New York and was attended by a large number of world leaders.&nbsp;

Emphasising on the commonalities between the two&nbsp;leaders, minister Swaraj said,"both of them led their peoples to freedom through mass peaceful struggles. They made all efforts to overcome the divisive and narrow identity politics to turn diversity of a society into its strength, instead of a weakness."

India has been in the past few years tried to reaffirm her ties with the African continent and a number of high-level visits have taken from India including that of the President and Prime minister. Recently the cabinet approved the opening of 18 new Indian missions in Africa by 2021. India has 29 resident missions in Africa. The 3rd India-Africa Forum summit took place in 2015 and was called as India's biggest diplomatic outreach to African nations.

Paying tributes to Mandela, the minister said,"The values espoused by him – forgiveness and compassion as well as inclusiveness of society - are needed now, more than ever, in these turbulent times around the world. We, Indians, consider Madiba to be one of our own."

Mandela was one of the only two&nbsp;non-Indians who has ever been conferred with Bharat Ratna, the other being Pakistani national Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Madiba, as he was popularly called, was conferred with Bharat Ratna in 1990.

Minister also used the occasion to raise the issue of terror and without taking any name said, "no one should be allowed to support terror or its perpetration."&nbsp;

India is expected to strongly raise the issue of terror at the world body this year. India has been calling for a common definition of terror through the comprehensive convention on international terrorism.

It will be a busy week for EAM Sushma at the UNGA with over 30 bilaterals and participation in various meets of groups such as BRICS, SAARC.

In her first speech in the ongoing 73rd session of United Nations General Assembly, India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj choose to highlight India's links with Africa and linkages between the Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi.

In her first speech in the ongoing 73rd session of United Nations General Assembly, India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj choose to highlight India's links with Africa and linkages between the Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi. Speaking at the Nelson Mandela Peace Summit, Sushma Swaraj said,"India cherishes its special relationship and longstanding partnership with Africa and its people. Our close bonds are reflected in the philosophy of Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi - Father of our Nation. " Nelson Mandela Peace Summit was held in honour of the centenary of the birth of Nelson Mandela in New York and was attended by a large number of world leaders. Emphasising on the commonalities between the two leaders, minister Swaraj said,"both of them led their peoples to freedom through mass peaceful struggles. They made all efforts to overcome the divisive and narrow identity politics to turn diversity of a society into its strength, instead of a weakness." India has been in the past few years tried to reaffirm her ties with the African continent and a number of high-level visits have taken from India including that of the President and Prime minister. Recently the cabinet approved the opening of 18 new Indian missions in Africa by 2021. India has 29 resident missions in Africa. The 3rd India-Africa Forum summit took place in 2015 and was called as India's biggest diplomatic outreach to African nations. Paying tributes to Mandela, the minister said,"The values espoused by him – forgiveness and compassion as well as inclusiveness of society - are needed now, more than ever, in these turbulent times around the world. We, Indians, consider Madiba to be one of our own." Mandela was one of the only two non-Indians who has ever been conferred with Bharat Ratna, the other being Pakistani national Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Madiba, as he was popularly called, was conferred with Bharat Ratna in 1990. Minister also used the occasion to raise the issue of terror and without taking any name said, "no one should be allowed to support terror or its perpetration." India is expected to strongly raise the issue of terror at the world body this year. India has been calling for a common definition of terror through the comprehensive convention on international terrorism. It will be a busy week for EAM Sushma at the UNGA with over 30 bilaterals and participation in various meets of groups such as BRICS, SAARC.

At UN, India highlights links with Africa

Nissan Motor Co. aims to expand the company's footprints in African, Middle Eastern, and Indian markets as part of its six-year midterm plan.

It plans to maintain and build on solid profit margins in the region by developing a partnership with local talent to meet growing demand for automobiles.

Nissan has projected an increase of forty per cent in its regional sales by bringing more than 12 million vehicles by 2022.

It will further accelerate its Datsun brand's presence in new and existing markets and will continue to increase its market share in Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and India.

The product range provided under Nissan Intelligent Mobility will be expanded as new services in electrification, autonomous driving systems, and improved connectivity tools will be introduced.

Chairman of Nissan in Africa, Middle East, and India Peyman Kargar said, "Our ambitious plans reflect the exciting opportunities ahead. Nissan has already developed a strong presence within this fast-growing region, and we are well-positioned to maximize our growth and make an increasing and lasting contribution to Nissan's overall performance."

As per its mid-term plan, Nissan is targeting annual revenue of 16.5 trillion yen and an 8% core consolidated operating profit margin by the end of the fiscal year 2022.

The company has specific plans for each region.

Nissan plans to increase its market share in South Africa, now at 10%, substantially over the course of the plan. The company's sales in South Africa jumped by 26% as 53,400 vehicles are currently in the market in the fiscal year 2017. The introduction of new models, including the new Nissan Micra, is expected to boost demand further.

In India, the company will strengthen its dealership network and develop the power of the Datsun and Nissan brands through initiatives including sponsorship of the International Cricket Council. Nissan has built a strong foundation for growth in India with a 480,000-vehicle capacity plant, as well as a large research and development centre - both in Chennai and established with its Alliance partner, Renault.

In the Middle East, Nissan will add new models to its already strong presence in key segments, building on its fiscal year 2017 sales of 96,600 vehicles.

Nissan has projected an increase of forty per cent in its regional sales by bringing more than 12 million vehicles by 2022

Nissan Motor Co. aims to expand the company's footprints in African, Middle Eastern, and Indian markets as part of its six-year midterm plan. It plans to maintain and build on solid profit margins in the region by developing a partnership with local talent to meet growing demand for automobiles. Nissan has projected an increase of forty per cent in its regional sales by bringing more than 12 million vehicles by 2022. It will further accelerate its Datsun brand's presence in new and existing markets and will continue to increase its market share in Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and India. The product range provided under Nissan Intelligent Mobility will be expanded as new services in electrification, autonomous driving systems, and improved connectivity tools will be introduced. Chairman of Nissan in Africa, Middle East, and India Peyman Kargar said, "Our ambitious plans reflect the exciting opportunities ahead. Nissan has already developed a strong presence within this fast-growing region, and we are well-positioned to maximize our growth and make an increasing and lasting contribution to Nissan's overall performance." As per its mid-term plan, Nissan is targeting annual revenue of 16.5 trillion yen and an 8% core consolidated operating profit margin by the end of the fiscal year 2022. The company has specific plans for each region. Nissan plans to increase its market share in South Africa, now at 10%, substantially over the course of the plan. The company's sales in South Africa jumped by 26% as 53,400 vehicles are currently in the market in the fiscal year 2017. The introduction of new models, including the new Nissan Micra, is expected to boost demand further. In India, the company will strengthen its dealership network and develop the power of the Datsun and Nissan brands through initiatives including sponsorship of the International Cricket Council. Nissan has built a strong foundation for growth in India with a 480,000-vehicle capacity plant, as well as a large research and development centre - both in Chennai and established with its Alliance partner, Renault. In the Middle East, Nissan will add new models to its already strong presence in key segments, building on its fiscal year 2017 sales of 96,600 vehicles.

Nissan announces expansion plans in India, Africa, Middle East

In the city of Mbandaka in northwest Congo, Mbombo Roge does not shake hands with friends anymore: Ebola changed all that.

Roge simply bowed when he met a group of friends on Saturday afternoon, obeying one of the key lessons taught by health officials since an outbreak of the deadly virus was confirmed in the city of 1.5 million people this week.

"Ebola doesn't forgive," said Roge on a street in the center of Mbandaka "We just greet each other with words so as to not get contaminated."

The Democratic Republic of Congo joined with world agencies and neighbouring countries on Friday in boosting the response to an Ebola outbreak in the sprawling country's northwest, as the toll mounted.

The health ministry declared it had activated an "action plan" in the city of Mbandaka after a case of Ebola occurred there.

After visiting the Mbandaka and launching a coordination centre there, Health Minister Oly Ilunga announced on television that all health care would be free.

"Financial hurdles should not in any way be a brake to having access to health care, especially at a time of epidemic," Ilunga said.

Democratic Republic of Congo faces a "very high" public health risk from Ebola because the disease has been confirmed in a patient in a big city, the World Health Organization (WHO) said on Friday, raising its assessment from "high" previously.

The risk to countries in the region was now "high", raised from "moderate", but the global risk remained "low", the WHO said.

So far, the changes in Mbandaka are subtle, but they point to a growing trepidation. At the small regional airport, health inspectors check the temperature of arriving passengers. Local aid agencies have gone to churches and schools to try to educate people of the dangers.

Soap dispensers have been put outside some local businesses so people can wash their hands before entering. Meat sales at riverside markets have dropped off, traders say, because of the fear of eating contaminated bush meat which can pass Ebola on to humans.

"We are scared of this epidemic. We can't make contact with people coming from outside," said border hygiene inspector Bolongoyi Juptie.

Not everyone is convinced of the dangers, and one resident said that Ebola can be cured through prayer.

But the general wariness is encouraging for health officials who remember how mistrust of doctors, nurses, authorities and western aid agencies made containment more difficult during the 2013-16 epidemic.

The reassessment came after the first confirmed case in Mbandaka, a city of around 1.5 million in the northwest. Previous reports of the disease had all been in remote areas where Ebola might spread be more easily contained.

They have started deploying emergency teams of specialists last week to try to prevent the spread of an Ebola epidemic suspected to have infected more than 30 people, they said.

The outbreak of Ebola in Congo, the vast central African country's ninth since the disease made its first known appearance near the northern Ebola river in the 1970s, is believed to have cost the lives of 25 people since April.

The outbreak is dwarfed by the epidemic which killed over 11,300 in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone between 2013 and 2016, but it brings with it some worrying echoes.

The Ebola virus causes hemorrhagic fever and is spread through direct contact with body fluids from an infected person, who suffers severe bouts of vomiting and diarrhea.

The Democratic Republic of Congo joined with world agencies and neighbouring countries on Friday in boosting the response to an Ebola outbreak in the sprawling country's northwest, as the toll mounted

In the city of Mbandaka in northwest Congo, Mbombo Roge does not shake hands with friends anymore: Ebola changed all that. Roge simply bowed when he met a group of friends on Saturday afternoon, obeying one of the key lessons taught by health officials since an outbreak of the deadly virus was confirmed in the city of 1.5 million people this week. "Ebola doesn't forgive," said Roge on a street in the center of Mbandaka "We just greet each other with words so as to not get contaminated." The Democratic Republic of Congo joined with world agencies and neighbouring countries on Friday in boosting the response to an Ebola outbreak in the sprawling country's northwest, as the toll mounted. The health ministry declared it had activated an "action plan" in the city of Mbandaka after a case of Ebola occurred there. After visiting the Mbandaka and launching a coordination centre there, Health Minister Oly Ilunga announced on television that all health care would be free. "Financial hurdles should not in any way be a brake to having access to health care, especially at a time of epidemic," Ilunga said. Democratic Republic of Congo faces a "very high" public health risk from Ebola because the disease has been confirmed in a patient in a big city, the World Health Organization (WHO) said on Friday, raising its assessment from "high" previously. The risk to countries in the region was now "high", raised from "moderate", but the global risk remained "low", the WHO said. So far, the changes in Mbandaka are subtle, but they point to a growing trepidation. At the small regional airport, health inspectors check the temperature of arriving passengers. Local aid agencies have gone to churches and schools to try to educate people of the dangers. Soap dispensers have been put outside some local businesses so people can wash their hands before entering. Meat sales at riverside markets have dropped off, traders say, because of the fear of eating contaminated bush meat which can pass Ebola on to humans. "We are scared of this epidemic. We can't make contact with people coming from outside," said border hygiene inspector Bolongoyi Juptie. Not everyone is convinced of the dangers, and one resident said that Ebola can be cured through prayer. But the general wariness is encouraging for health officials who remember how mistrust of doctors, nurses, authorities and western aid agencies made containment more difficult during the 2013-16 epidemic. The reassessment came after the first confirmed case in Mbandaka, a city of around 1.5 million in the northwest. Previous reports of the disease had all been in remote areas where Ebola might spread be more easily contained. They have started deploying emergency teams of specialists last week to try to prevent the spread of an Ebola epidemic suspected to have infected more than 30 people, they said. The outbreak of Ebola in Congo, the vast central African country's ninth since the disease made its first known appearance near the northern Ebola river in the 1970s, is believed to have cost the lives of 25 people since April. The outbreak is dwarfed by the epidemic which killed over 11,300 in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone between 2013 and 2016, but it brings with it some worrying echoes. The Ebola virus causes hemorrhagic fever and is spread through direct contact with body fluids from an infected person, who suffers severe bouts of vomiting and diarrhea.

In Congo city where Ebola resides, fear but not panic

By: Natasha Ezrow*

All around the world, democracy is looking shaky. While consolidated democracies are struggling to stay healthy, many flawed ones have turned into outright authoritarian regimes – most notably Russia under Vladimir Putin and Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. But the news isn’t all bad: On several continents over the last decade, longstanding dictators have resigned, lost elections, or been deposed.

But has their demise led to any kind of democratic reform? It’s a mixed picture to say the least. While a handful of promising cases deserve praise, only a few of the dictatorships that have fallen in recent years have given way to lasting, stable democracies.

The 2010s began with tremendous optimism for the future of global democracy, reaching an apogee with the Arab Spring protests in 2011.

Across the Middle East and North Africa, several dictators fell in a row: After Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya was toppled in a civil war. Fighting also erupted in Yemen, leading to the eventual flight of longtime strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It seemed for a moment that in one fell swoop, a clutch of countries were suddenly shaking off authoritarianism at last. But with the exception of Tunisia – whose situation is still somewhat fragile – none of them have developed into democracies.

Egypt’s brief spell under the elected Muslim Brotherhood came to an end in 2013, when a military intervention brought General Abdel Fatteh al-Sisi to power. He remains president today, legitimised by largely meaningless elections. Libya is still a weak state beset by instability and violence Yemen has slipped into devastating conflict and humanitarian crisis.

Though protests exploded throughout the Middle East, only modest reforms took place elsewhere. And in Syria, the Assad regime’s crackdown on the 2011 protests helped spark a nightmarish conflict that has torn the country apart.

Iraq and Afghanistan, meanwhile, saw a change in leadership with the elections that forced Nouri al-Maliki and Hamid Karzai out of power. But neither country’s democracy has notably improved. Afghanistan is still authoritarian and unstable, and in Iraq, Maliki is still very powerful behind the scenes.

Mixed bag

Latin America was home to a clutter of military dictatorships for decades, but since the mid-to-late 1980s, most of its countries have been flawed but functioning democracies.

The two notable holdouts were Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Cuba under Fidel Castro – and in the last decade, the two have diverged considerably.

While Cuba has reformed a little under the rule of Fidel’s brother Raúl, who has now handed over to Miguel Díaz-Canal, Venezuela is falling apart under the dictatorial leadership of Chavez’s hand-picked successor, Nicolás Maduro. Other regimes in Latin America continue to hold free and fair elections, but struggle to uphold the rule of law.

In Asia, meanwhile, a few less-than-democratic countries have made strides towards reform, but most authoritarian regimes have stayed the same. Still, some reforms and resignations are noteworthy.

In the Caucasus, Armenia’s Serzh Sargsyan was recently forced to resign after mass protests against his rule. Almazbek Atambayev of Kyrgyzstan also stepped down after elections, the first peaceful handover of power in the country’s history.

In South-East Asia, most of the attention since 2015 has been on surprising events in Myanmar, when the military regime that ran the country for decades allowed open elections for the first time since 1990. Myanmar’s military government was oppressive even by authoritarian standards, so it was quite something to see it holding elections, releasing political prisoners and allowing more press freedom.

The regime’s leader, Thein Sein, stepped down to make way for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy.

But the democratic transformation was short-lived. The regime has continued to violate the human rights of its minority groups, most notably the Rohingya minority, and civil liberties and press freedoms are in serious jeopardy.

Turfed out

One place where things are looking up for democracy is Sub-Saharan Africa. The last decade has seen the overall standing of democracy in Africa improve. In the early 1980s, only five countries in Africa could be considered democratic: Botswana, Gambia, Mauritius, Senegal and Zimbabwe.

The end of the Cold War saw the expansion of elections and civil liberties. But more recent years has seen the fall or peaceful resignation of important authoritarian figures, many of them old men who had clung on to power for decades.

Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia eventually fled the country in 2017 after he lost the presidential elections to the opposition. Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso resigned after political protests broke out in 2014, following nearly three decades in power.

José Eduardo dos Santos of Angola resigned after nearly 40 years in power (though he remains influential in Angolan politics). All three countries have become slightly more democratic as a result.

But the biggest tree felled in Africa was undoubtedly Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe. In his capacity as president since 1980, Mugabe had become increasingly dictatorial and brutal, and his misguided leadership plunged the country into chaos.

When he unceremoniously fired his vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa at the end of 2017, his previous backers in the military decided they had finally had enough. With parliamentary impeachment hearings in the offing, Mugabe eventually resigned, and new elections are scheduled for July 2018.

The bloodless Zimbabwean transition was a heartening spectacle, but there are nonetheless plenty of other countries to worry about. Hungary’s Viktor Orban is threatening to constrict his country’s democracy by clamping down on civil liberties, even as he wins landslide election victores.

China’s Xi Jinping recently orchestrated the removal of term limits, giving him the power to rule indefinitely. Thailand’s military is heading the most repressive government the country has seen in years. Still, while many countries have taken an authoritarian turn, others have made a success of their escape from dictatorship.

As recent events in Armenia attest, citizens the world over are becoming more involved in politics and taking their displeasure to the streets. And while it’s true that most dictators who fall are replaced by another dictator, there are enough examples to the contrary to give the defenders of democracy some hope.

*Natasha Ezrow is a&nbspSenior Lecturer, University of Essex

(This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/are-dictators-on-the-way-out-or-on-the-way-up-95128">original article</a>.)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

While a handful of promising cases deserve praise, only a few of the dictatorships that have fallen in recent years have given way to lasting, stable democracies

By: Natasha Ezrow* All around the world, democracy is looking shaky. While consolidated democracies are struggling to stay healthy, many flawed ones have turned into outright authoritarian regimes – most notably Russia under Vladimir Putin and Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. But the news isn’t all bad: On several continents over the last decade, longstanding dictators have resigned, lost elections, or been deposed. But has their demise led to any kind of democratic reform? It’s a mixed picture to say the least. While a handful of promising cases deserve praise, only a few of the dictatorships that have fallen in recent years have given way to lasting, stable democracies. The 2010s began with tremendous optimism for the future of global democracy, reaching an apogee with the Arab Spring protests in 2011. Across the Middle East and North Africa, several dictators fell in a row: After Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya was toppled in a civil war. Fighting also erupted in Yemen, leading to the eventual flight of longtime strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh. It seemed for a moment that in one fell swoop, a clutch of countries were suddenly shaking off authoritarianism at last. But with the exception of Tunisia – whose situation is still somewhat fragile – none of them have developed into democracies. Egypt’s brief spell under the elected Muslim Brotherhood came to an end in 2013, when a military intervention brought General Abdel Fatteh al-Sisi to power. He remains president today, legitimised by largely meaningless elections. Libya is still a weak state beset by instability and violence Yemen has slipped into devastating conflict and humanitarian crisis. Though protests exploded throughout the Middle East, only modest reforms took place elsewhere. And in Syria, the Assad regime’s crackdown on the 2011 protests helped spark a nightmarish conflict that has torn the country apart. Iraq and Afghanistan, meanwhile, saw a change in leadership with the elections that forced Nouri al-Maliki and Hamid Karzai out of power. But neither country’s democracy has notably improved. Afghanistan is still authoritarian and unstable, and in Iraq, Maliki is still very powerful behind the scenes. Mixed bag Latin America was home to a clutter of military dictatorships for decades, but since the mid-to-late 1980s, most of its countries have been flawed but functioning democracies. The two notable holdouts were Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Cuba under Fidel Castro – and in the last decade, the two have diverged considerably. While Cuba has reformed a little under the rule of Fidel’s brother Raúl, who has now handed over to Miguel Díaz-Canal, Venezuela is falling apart under the dictatorial leadership of Chavez’s hand-picked successor, Nicolás Maduro. Other regimes in Latin America continue to hold free and fair elections, but struggle to uphold the rule of law. In Asia, meanwhile, a few less-than-democratic countries have made strides towards reform, but most authoritarian regimes have stayed the same. Still, some reforms and resignations are noteworthy. In the Caucasus, Armenia’s Serzh Sargsyan was recently forced to resign after mass protests against his rule. Almazbek Atambayev of Kyrgyzstan also stepped down after elections, the first peaceful handover of power in the country’s history. In South-East Asia, most of the attention since 2015 has been on surprising events in Myanmar, when the military regime that ran the country for decades allowed open elections for the first time since 1990. Myanmar’s military government was oppressive even by authoritarian standards, so it was quite something to see it holding elections, releasing political prisoners and allowing more press freedom. The regime’s leader, Thein Sein, stepped down to make way for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy. But the democratic transformation was short-lived. The regime has continued to violate the human rights of its minority groups, most notably the Rohingya minority, and civil liberties and press freedoms are in serious jeopardy. Turfed out One place where things are looking up for democracy is Sub-Saharan Africa. The last decade has seen the overall standing of democracy in Africa improve. In the early 1980s, only five countries in Africa could be considered democratic: Botswana, Gambia, Mauritius, Senegal and Zimbabwe. The end of the Cold War saw the expansion of elections and civil liberties. But more recent years has seen the fall or peaceful resignation of important authoritarian figures, many of them old men who had clung on to power for decades. Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia eventually fled the country in 2017 after he lost the presidential elections to the opposition. Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso resigned after political protests broke out in 2014, following nearly three decades in power. José Eduardo dos Santos of Angola resigned after nearly 40 years in power (though he remains influential in Angolan politics). All three countries have become slightly more democratic as a result. But the biggest tree felled in Africa was undoubtedly Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe. In his capacity as president since 1980, Mugabe had become increasingly dictatorial and brutal, and his misguided leadership plunged the country into chaos. When he unceremoniously fired his vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa at the end of 2017, his previous backers in the military decided they had finally had enough. With parliamentary impeachment hearings in the offing, Mugabe eventually resigned, and new elections are scheduled for July 2018. The bloodless Zimbabwean transition was a heartening spectacle, but there are nonetheless plenty of other countries to worry about. Hungary’s Viktor Orban is threatening to constrict his country’s democracy by clamping down on civil liberties, even as he wins landslide election victores. China’s Xi Jinping recently orchestrated the removal of term limits, giving him the power to rule indefinitely. Thailand’s military is heading the most repressive government the country has seen in years. Still, while many countries have taken an authoritarian turn, others have made a success of their escape from dictatorship. As recent events in Armenia attest, citizens the world over are becoming more involved in politics and taking their displeasure to the streets. And while it’s true that most dictators who fall are replaced by another dictator, there are enough examples to the contrary to give the defenders of democracy some hope. *Natasha Ezrow is a&nbspSenior Lecturer, University of Essex (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Are dictators on the way out or on the way up?

Two brides from Nigeria were propelled to leave their wedding and write their final exams on April 7, dressed in their wedding attire, reports said.&nbsp;

Two final year students of Mass Communications quickly attended their wedding ceremonies and rushed to the respective exam venues due to clashes in dates.&nbsp;

Dorcas Atsea and Deborah Atoh had fixed their wedding dates when the exam, originally scheduled for February, was postponed due to inadequate facilities at the Benue State University in Nigeria's Middle Belt region, reports said.&nbsp;

The two women tried to find a solution and tried to speak to the exam officer when she gave them an ultimatum of choosing one of the two options - wedding or exam.&nbsp;

As soon as they entered the exam hall, students began showering them with wishes, cheers, and applause.

Course lecturer Dr Benjamin Ogbu reportedly said that it was unfair to change the dayes for the exam for just one or two people as it would have involved a long and tedious process. &nbsp;

In February, a similar incident happened in Patna when a bride rushed to give her exam right after her wedding, while the groom waited outside for three hours - the incident had soon caught everyone's attention.&nbsp;

Two final year students of Mass Communications quickly attended their wedding ceremonies and rushed to the respective exam venues due to clashes in dates

Two brides from Nigeria were propelled to leave their wedding and write their final exams on April 7, dressed in their wedding attire, reports said. Two final year students of Mass Communications quickly attended their wedding ceremonies and rushed to the respective exam venues due to clashes in dates. Dorcas Atsea and Deborah Atoh had fixed their wedding dates when the exam, originally scheduled for February, was postponed due to inadequate facilities at the Benue State University in Nigeria's Middle Belt region, reports said. The two women tried to find a solution and tried to speak to the exam officer when she gave them an ultimatum of choosing one of the two options - wedding or exam. As soon as they entered the exam hall, students began showering them with wishes, cheers, and applause. Course lecturer Dr Benjamin Ogbu reportedly said that it was unfair to change the dayes for the exam for just one or two people as it would have involved a long and tedious process. In February, a similar incident happened in Patna when a bride rushed to give her exam right after her wedding, while the groom waited outside for three hours - the incident had soon caught everyone's attention.

Two Nigeria brides attempt final exam in wedding gowns

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya.&nbsp;

According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet.

Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents.

The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse.

News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects.

The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity.

However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years.

The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner.

Families living around has fled the area.&nbsp;

&nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the RIft valley of South-western Kenya

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya. According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet. Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents. The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse. News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects. The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity. However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years. The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner. Families living around has fled the area.

Africa one day could split into two continents!

More than a dozen people were killed in a clash between suspected Boko Haram militants and Nigerian soldiers in Northern Nigeria.

Reportedly around 18 militants including suicide bombers, mortars and gunmen targeted two villages namely Bale Shuwa and Alkaranti and a military base near the city of Maiduguri, in Borno State.

A cross-firing took place between the soldiers and the militants which reportedly left 14 civilians and a soldier dead.

Further 83 others sustained injuries in the attack.

As per the government statement, it was the largest attack since it initiated bilateral talks with the Islamist militants to consider a proposed peace process.

Further 83 others sustained injuries in the attack

More than a dozen people were killed in a clash between suspected Boko Haram militants and Nigerian soldiers in Northern Nigeria. Reportedly around 18 militants including suicide bombers, mortars and gunmen targeted two villages namely Bale Shuwa and Alkaranti and a military base near the city of Maiduguri, in Borno State. A cross-firing took place between the soldiers and the militants which reportedly left 14 civilians and a soldier dead. Further 83 others sustained injuries in the attack. As per the government statement, it was the largest attack since it initiated bilateral talks with the Islamist militants to consider a proposed peace process.

14 civilians killed in clash between Nigerian Army, Boko Haram militants

By&nbsp;Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji*

Following a legally dubious seizure of the Doraleh Container Terminal and the abrupt termination of DP World’s contract by the Djibouti authorities at the end of February, the company’s chairman, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, had harsh words for both Djibouti and other governments on the African continent. Speaking at a news conference in Dubai, Sulayem stressed that “Africa needs infrastructure investments and if countries can change their law, [to take assets then this] is going to basically make it more difficult to attract investment.”

The seizure is the latest chapter in a six-year tussle between the government of Djibouti and DP World, a Dubai-based trade-logistics company, over a concession agreement that saw the latter design, build and operate the container terminal at the Port of Doraleh, in which DP World holds a 33% stake. Djibouti had alleged that the 30-year concession (in effect since 2006) “contains elements in flagrant violation of its sovereignty.” In 2014, it initiated legal proceedings at the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) accusing DP World of paying bribes to the head of Djibouti’s port authority, Abdourahman Boreh, when the concession was secured.

Those allegations were categorically rejected by the LCIA last year. The court ruled the concession terms were “fair and reasonable” and cleared Boreh of wrongdoing after the Djiboutian government ran into trouble for misleading judges in London. Coming one year after that decision, DP World claims the seizure is just another step in Djibouti’s campaign to force a renegotiation of the contract. Dubai’s government also accuses Djibouti of arbitrarily flouting a signed agreement.

Competing Interests

But why is Djibouti so insistent on renegotiating the deal? The real reason behind this otherwise complicated legal tussle is the battle for influence over the country’s ports. In fact, the tiny country is a square in a geopolitical chessboard where world powers, particularly the United States and China, are competing for pre-eminence. The Doraleh area houses America’s largest military base in Africa, as well as China’s, which inaugurated its first African base there last August.

After the port seizure, many American officials feared Djibouti’s intentions were to seize the port from DP World only to cede it as a gift to the Chinese. The erstwhile US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, made Djibouti one of the five stops on the African tour that turned out to be his last. Speaking in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, just before his dismissal, Tillerson offered this oblique warning: “We are not, in any way, attempting to keep Chinese investment dollars out of Africa. They are badly needed. However, we think it’s important that African countries carefully consider the terms of those investments.”

Tillerson’s point is a valid one. Locals are increasingly worried about their countries’ over-reliance on Chinese money. Beijing’s investments span across almost all sectors, and there seem to be hidden strings attached. Earlier this year, allegations emerged that China had bugged the headquarters of the African Union. That the AU building itself was wholly financed and built by China raised eyebrows, in particular the reports that its systems sent data to Chinese servers for five years.

Large swathes of Chinese investments in the media sector have raised concerns about media neutrality as well. In 2012, China loaned the Nigerian state of Kaduna just over $30 million to fund its shift from analogue to digital broadcasting — a brazen attempt to strengthen the state-mouthpiece model of broadcasting over local independent voices.

While the Chinese investment model is far from exemplary, some Africans focus on the potential positives. Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta framed the question by insisting that, for China-Africa relations to get better, “just as Africa opens up to China, China must also open up to Africa.”

Potential Positives

In reality, investment in African countries cannot be a zero-sum game between American, Chinese and other interests. The continent, as both Sulayem and Tillerson rightly pointed out, has serious infrastructural deficits that require large-scale investment. The International Monetary Fund’s 2018 Article IV consultation report indicates Nigeria could grow its GDP by three-fourths of a percent if its large infrastructure gap is narrowed.

This means attracting investment from all sides and looking to creative solutions. Many African countries are taking the lead in capital investments, telecommunications and agriculture. The continent now has substantial investments from other regions such as the Middle East. Presently, non-oil trade between Africa and the Persian Gulf is valued at around $24 billion — representing a 700% growth over the previous decade.

Other analysts believe alternative investment options, such as Islamic finance, could be key to closing sub-Saharan Africa’s infrastructural investment deficit, currently at $100 billion per annum. South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo and Ivory Coast have all issued sovereign sukuk (Islamic bonds). Kenya is also preparing to hop on board that train, though the Kenyatta government has pushed back its first issuing.

Irrespective of the numerous hurdles, the simple fact for investors to keep in mind is that Africa should not be treated as a charity case. The region has produced at least half of the world’s fastest-growing economies in the last two decades. Africa is estimated to be home to 1.7 billion people by 2030. Taken together, the consumer and business spending of that population will come to $6.7 trillion a year.

In 2016, the World Economic Forum highlighted six reasons to invest in Africa, the core of which is its continuing economic diversification and its capability to lead in sustainable development in the future. With the recent signing of the Continental Free Trade Area agreement — an EU-like pact to unify Africa’s economies — by 44 countries, the continent’s demographic and economic growth will come to power global trade in the decades to come.

The rest of the world should see countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and Kenya as engines of future growth, so long as their governments can provide political stability, good governance and the rule of law. To make sure political capriciousness does not interfere with economic progress, leaders across the continent need to make sure Djibouti’s willingness to undermine other partnerships to please China proves the exception and not the rule.

*(Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji is a writer and blogger on political and economic affairs with a background in political science. He is a graduate of Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife, Nigeria.)

This <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/africa/djibouti-china-us-investment-development-africa-news-54311/">article</a> has been originally published in <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/">Fair Observer</a>.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the authors and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

After the seizure of a port facility by the Djibouti government, questions arise about the safety of investing in Africa

By Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji* Following a legally dubious seizure of the Doraleh Container Terminal and the abrupt termination of DP World’s contract by the Djibouti authorities at the end of February, the company’s chairman, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, had harsh words for both Djibouti and other governments on the African continent. Speaking at a news conference in Dubai, Sulayem stressed that “Africa needs infrastructure investments and if countries can change their law, [to take assets then this] is going to basically make it more difficult to attract investment.” The seizure is the latest chapter in a six-year tussle between the government of Djibouti and DP World, a Dubai-based trade-logistics company, over a concession agreement that saw the latter design, build and operate the container terminal at the Port of Doraleh, in which DP World holds a 33% stake. Djibouti had alleged that the 30-year concession (in effect since 2006) “contains elements in flagrant violation of its sovereignty.” In 2014, it initiated legal proceedings at the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) accusing DP World of paying bribes to the head of Djibouti’s port authority, Abdourahman Boreh, when the concession was secured. Those allegations were categorically rejected by the LCIA last year. The court ruled the concession terms were “fair and reasonable” and cleared Boreh of wrongdoing after the Djiboutian government ran into trouble for misleading judges in London. Coming one year after that decision, DP World claims the seizure is just another step in Djibouti’s campaign to force a renegotiation of the contract. Dubai’s government also accuses Djibouti of arbitrarily flouting a signed agreement. Competing Interests But why is Djibouti so insistent on renegotiating the deal? The real reason behind this otherwise complicated legal tussle is the battle for influence over the country’s ports. In fact, the tiny country is a square in a geopolitical chessboard where world powers, particularly the United States and China, are competing for pre-eminence. The Doraleh area houses America’s largest military base in Africa, as well as China’s, which inaugurated its first African base there last August. After the port seizure, many American officials feared Djibouti’s intentions were to seize the port from DP World only to cede it as a gift to the Chinese. The erstwhile US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, made Djibouti one of the five stops on the African tour that turned out to be his last. Speaking in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, just before his dismissal, Tillerson offered this oblique warning: “We are not, in any way, attempting to keep Chinese investment dollars out of Africa. They are badly needed. However, we think it’s important that African countries carefully consider the terms of those investments.” Tillerson’s point is a valid one. Locals are increasingly worried about their countries’ over-reliance on Chinese money. Beijing’s investments span across almost all sectors, and there seem to be hidden strings attached. Earlier this year, allegations emerged that China had bugged the headquarters of the African Union. That the AU building itself was wholly financed and built by China raised eyebrows, in particular the reports that its systems sent data to Chinese servers for five years. Large swathes of Chinese investments in the media sector have raised concerns about media neutrality as well. In 2012, China loaned the Nigerian state of Kaduna just over $30 million to fund its shift from analogue to digital broadcasting — a brazen attempt to strengthen the state-mouthpiece model of broadcasting over local independent voices. While the Chinese investment model is far from exemplary, some Africans focus on the potential positives. Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta framed the question by insisting that, for China-Africa relations to get better, “just as Africa opens up to China, China must also open up to Africa.” Potential Positives In reality, investment in African countries cannot be a zero-sum game between American, Chinese and other interests. The continent, as both Sulayem and Tillerson rightly pointed out, has serious infrastructural deficits that require large-scale investment. The International Monetary Fund’s 2018 Article IV consultation report indicates Nigeria could grow its GDP by three-fourths of a percent if its large infrastructure gap is narrowed. This means attracting investment from all sides and looking to creative solutions. Many African countries are taking the lead in capital investments, telecommunications and agriculture. The continent now has substantial investments from other regions such as the Middle East. Presently, non-oil trade between Africa and the Persian Gulf is valued at around $24 billion — representing a 700% growth over the previous decade. Other analysts believe alternative investment options, such as Islamic finance, could be key to closing sub-Saharan Africa’s infrastructural investment deficit, currently at $100 billion per annum. South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo and Ivory Coast have all issued sovereign sukuk (Islamic bonds). Kenya is also preparing to hop on board that train, though the Kenyatta government has pushed back its first issuing. Irrespective of the numerous hurdles, the simple fact for investors to keep in mind is that Africa should not be treated as a charity case. The region has produced at least half of the world’s fastest-growing economies in the last two decades. Africa is estimated to be home to 1.7 billion people by 2030. Taken together, the consumer and business spending of that population will come to $6.7 trillion a year. In 2016, the World Economic Forum highlighted six reasons to invest in Africa, the core of which is its continuing economic diversification and its capability to lead in sustainable development in the future. With the recent signing of the Continental Free Trade Area agreement — an EU-like pact to unify Africa’s economies — by 44 countries, the continent’s demographic and economic growth will come to power global trade in the decades to come. The rest of the world should see countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and Kenya as engines of future growth, so long as their governments can provide political stability, good governance and the rule of law. To make sure political capriciousness does not interfere with economic progress, leaders across the continent need to make sure Djibouti’s willingness to undermine other partnerships to please China proves the exception and not the rule. *(Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji is a writer and blogger on political and economic affairs with a background in political science. He is a graduate of Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife, Nigeria.) This article has been originally published in Fair Observer. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the authors and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Did Djibouti just jeopardise investment for all of Africa?

Robbers used a hacksaw to try to cut off a South African triathlete&#39;s legs when they attacked him on his way to a training session, the sportsman&#39;s colleagues said Wednesday.

A gang of three men targeted 27-year-old triathlete Mhlengi Gwala in a dawn attack in the east coast city of Durban on Tuesday before dragging him to a bush and attempting to cut off his legs.

&quot;He is currently in surgery to try and save his leg - the surgeons are confident,&quot; said Dennis Jackson, the head of South Africa&#39;s Elite Athlete Development Programme.

Gwala&#39;s friend and fellow triathlete Sandile Shange said Gwala told him that the attackers failed to cut through the bone because they had used a blunt, rusty saw.

&quot;Two guys were holding his upper body and the other guy was just was cutting the leg and I think when they got to the bone they got stuck,&quot; told Shange.

&quot;Mhlengi said the... saw they were using was very rusty and it was, like, oldish and it was not sharpened and they tried another leg.&quot;

The attackers fled when a private security patrol passed close by.

Gwala then managed to limp to the road and raise the alarm.

The motive for the attack was not immediately known.

Doctors have said &quot;he will be able to walk and run again&quot; - but it will take a long time, according to Shange.

South African 2016 Olympic triathlon medallist Henri Schoeman described the attack in a tweet as &quot;absolutely disgusting! How safe are we on South Africa&#39;s roads?&quot;

South Africa suffers some of the world&#39;s highest crime rates and faced 34 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015-16, according to the police.

The attackers fled when a private security patrol passed close by

Robbers used a hacksaw to try to cut off a South African triathlete's legs when they attacked him on his way to a training session, the sportsman's colleagues said Wednesday. A gang of three men targeted 27-year-old triathlete Mhlengi Gwala in a dawn attack in the east coast city of Durban on Tuesday before dragging him to a bush and attempting to cut off his legs. "He is currently in surgery to try and save his leg - the surgeons are confident," said Dennis Jackson, the head of South Africa's Elite Athlete Development Programme. Gwala's friend and fellow triathlete Sandile Shange said Gwala told him that the attackers failed to cut through the bone because they had used a blunt, rusty saw. "Two guys were holding his upper body and the other guy was just was cutting the leg and I think when they got to the bone they got stuck," told Shange. "Mhlengi said the... saw they were using was very rusty and it was, like, oldish and it was not sharpened and they tried another leg." The attackers fled when a private security patrol passed close by. Gwala then managed to limp to the road and raise the alarm. The motive for the attack was not immediately known. Doctors have said "he will be able to walk and run again" - but it will take a long time, according to Shange. South African 2016 Olympic triathlon medallist Henri Schoeman described the attack in a tweet as "absolutely disgusting! How safe are we on South Africa's roads?" South Africa suffers some of the world's highest crime rates and faced 34 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015-16, according to the police.

Attackers try to cut off South African triathlete's legs

According to UN Food and Agriculture&#39;s top official, Africa is home to nearly 224 million under-nourished people.&nbsp;

FAO&#39;s assistant director-general for Africa, Bukar Tijani, noted climate change and conflicts to heighten food insecurity across the continent. Conflicts in countries like Somalia, South Sudan and the Central African Republic have also increased food insecurity in the region.

Tijani spoke at a conference on Africa organised by the UN&#39;s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). He further noted that the situation in the continent was a &quot;cause of concern&quot;.

&quot;Under-nourishment appears to have increased from about 21 percent to nearly 23 percent between 2015 and 2016,&quot; Tijani noted.

&quot;Over the same period, the number of under-nourished rose from 200 million to 224 million in Africa. This is a cause of concern for all of us.&quot;

UN officials have previously warned against growing food insecurity in the region. According to the international body, food insecurity is now displacing more and more people across the continent.

Many African countries -- like South Sudan -- struggle for proper food. Proper nutrition is also one of the main issues in some African countries.

Tijani noted Africa&#39;s economy to have improved, its food and agriculture market was estimated to reach one trillion dollars by 2030.

The ongoing five-day conference in Sudan&#39;s capital will witness hundreds of delegates from across the continent. These delegates will discuss ways to eradicate hunger and food insecurity in Africa.

(With inputs from AFP)&nbsp;

Many African countries -- like South Sudan -- struggle for proper food

According to UN Food and Agriculture's top official, Africa is home to nearly 224 million under-nourished people. FAO's assistant director-general for Africa, Bukar Tijani, noted climate change and conflicts to heighten food insecurity across the continent. Conflicts in countries like Somalia, South Sudan and the Central African Republic have also increased food insecurity in the region. Tijani spoke at a conference on Africa organised by the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). He further noted that the situation in the continent was a "cause of concern". "Under-nourishment appears to have increased from about 21 percent to nearly 23 percent between 2015 and 2016," Tijani noted. "Over the same period, the number of under-nourished rose from 200 million to 224 million in Africa. This is a cause of concern for all of us." UN officials have previously warned against growing food insecurity in the region. According to the international body, food insecurity is now displacing more and more people across the continent. Many African countries -- like South Sudan -- struggle for proper food. Proper nutrition is also one of the main issues in some African countries. Tijani noted Africa's economy to have improved, its food and agriculture market was estimated to reach one trillion dollars by 2030. The ongoing five-day conference in Sudan's capital will witness hundreds of delegates from across the continent. These delegates will discuss ways to eradicate hunger and food insecurity in Africa. (With inputs from AFP)

Food insecurity rising across Africa: United Nations 

A game reserve in Nambia has slammed US president Donald Trump&#39;s alleged remark over African countries and made a video promoting the country.&nbsp;

The video called - &quot;S***hole Nambia&quot; - was made by the Gondwana Collection Namibia, which runs several game reserves in the southern African nation. It comes following Trump&#39;s comment over immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/why-do-we-want-people-from-these-shithole-countries-trump-over-immigrants-from-africa-haiti-29278" target="_blank">&quot;shithole countries</a>&quot;.

&quot;Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They&#39;re shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway&quot; he said. He further slammed the need for Haitians in the United States.

Gondwana Collection Namibia, in their video, shows the country&#39;s great beauty - weeping desert dunes, starry skies and tourists enjoying a sunset beer overlooking the game reserve.

&quot;We would like to invite you to come to s***hole Namibia, one of the most beautiful s***hole countries out there,&quot; the faux-Trump voice-over says.

&quot;Actually Namibia is such a s***hole country that we converted about 42 per cent of it into various conservation areas, where wild s***hole animals can roam freely,&quot; it continues, with stunning footage of ostriches and elephants.

&quot;Not only is our country a s***hole place,&quot; the narrator continues, &quot;even our elephants are highly qualified to dump large amounts of s*** everywhere.&quot;

Watch the video here:

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&quot;You&#39;re more than welcome to visit Africa&#39;s number one s***hole country, known to your president as Nambia,&quot; it ends, in reference to another Trump gaffe.

The video has become a hit on social media - receiving thousands of views on Facebook and over 200,000 on Youtube.&nbsp;&nbsp;

A group of &quot;extremely appalled&quot; African countries earlier demanded that US President Donald Trump <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/54-african-countries-demand-trump-apology-over-shithole-remark-29377">retract and apologise</a> for his reported denunciation of immigration from &quot;shithole&quot; nations.

However, US President Donald Trump on Friday<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-denies-vulgar-remarks-about-haiti-african-countries-condemnation-mounts-29379" target="_blank"> denied using the word</a> &quot;shithole&quot; to describe Haiti and African countries, but kept up criticism of a Senate immigration plan that he said would force the United States to admit people from countries that &quot;are doing badly.&quot;

The video called - 'S***hole Nambia' - was made by the Gondwana Collection Namibia, which runs several game reserves in the southern African nation

A game reserve in Nambia has slammed US president Donald Trump's alleged remark over African countries and made a video promoting the country. The video called - "S***hole Nambia" - was made by the Gondwana Collection Namibia, which runs several game reserves in the southern African nation. It comes following Trump's comment over immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as "shithole countries". "Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They're shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway" he said. He further slammed the need for Haitians in the United States. Gondwana Collection Namibia, in their video, shows the country's great beauty - weeping desert dunes, starry skies and tourists enjoying a sunset beer overlooking the game reserve. "We would like to invite you to come to s***hole Namibia, one of the most beautiful s***hole countries out there," the faux-Trump voice-over says. "Actually Namibia is such a s***hole country that we converted about 42 per cent of it into various conservation areas, where wild s***hole animals can roam freely," it continues, with stunning footage of ostriches and elephants. "Not only is our country a s***hole place," the narrator continues, "even our elephants are highly qualified to dump large amounts of s*** everywhere." Watch the video here: × "You're more than welcome to visit Africa's number one s***hole country, known to your president as Nambia," it ends, in reference to another Trump gaffe. The video has become a hit on social media - receiving thousands of views on Facebook and over 200,000 on Youtube. A group of "extremely appalled" African countries earlier demanded that US President Donald Trump retract and apologise for his reported denunciation of immigration from "shithole" nations. However, US President Donald Trump on Friday denied using the word "shithole" to describe Haiti and African countries, but kept up criticism of a Senate immigration plan that he said would force the United States to admit people from countries that "are doing badly."

'You're welcome to visit Africa's number one s***hole country': Namibia mocks Trump

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