President Donald Trump on Thursday questioned why the United States would want to have immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as &quot;shithole countries&quot;.

&quot;Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They&#39;re shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway&quot; he said. He further slammed the need for&nbsp;Haitians in the United States.

Trump&#39;s comments, made in the White House, came as Democratic Senator Dick Durbin and Republican Senator Lindsey Graham informed the president on a newly drafted immigration bill under works by a bipartisan group of senators.

The lawmakers were discussing how certain immigration programs work, including one to give safe haven in the United States to people from countries suffering from natural disasters and similar issues.

Many Democrats and some Republican lawmakers took to Twitter and lashed out at Trump.&nbsp;

Senator&nbsp;David Gergen said called Trump a bull carrying &quot;around his own china shop&quot;.

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Message from President of the US to foreigners: If you aren&#39;t white, you aren&#39;t welcome. A stream of stunning... <a href="https://t.co/DtIoRoLEo7">https://t.co/DtIoRoLEo7</a>
&mdash; David Gergen (@David_Gergen) <a href="https://twitter.com/David_Gergen/status/951608149089357825?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 12, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Lawyer David Leopold said that &quot;With his #Shithole countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in #immigration law &amp; policy have known since early last year; the Administration&#39;s draconian #immigration enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color.&quot;

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With his <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Shithole?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Shithole</a> countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/immigration?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#immigration</a> law &amp; policy have known since early last year; the Administration&#39;s draconian <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/immigration?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#immigration</a> enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color.
&mdash; David Leopold (@DavidLeopold) <a href="https://twitter.com/DavidLeopold/status/951602973523791872?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 11, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal, a frequent Trump critic, also took to Twitter to express his thoughts.&nbsp;

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President Trump&rsquo;s remarks smack of blatant racism &ndash; odious and insidious racism masquerading poorly as immigration policy. He does not speak for me as an American.
&mdash; Richard Blumenthal (@SenBlumenthal) <a href="https://twitter.com/SenBlumenthal/status/951602887829925888?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 11, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Republican US&nbsp;Representative Mia Love, a daughter of Haitian immigrants, said the comments were &quot;unkind, divisive, elitist, and fly in the face of our nation`s values&quot; and called on Trump to apologise to the American people and to the countries he denigrated.

Another Republican Representative, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who was born in Cuba and whose south Florida district includes many Haitian immigrants, said: &quot;Language like that shouldn`t be heard in locker rooms and it shouldn`t be heard in the White House.&quot;

Trump had moved to end the status for immigrants from El Salvador, which could result in 200,000 Salvadorans legally in the United States being deported, and other countries.

The bipartisan Senate plan would attempt to maintain TPS in return for ending or changing a &quot;diversity&quot; lottery programme that has been aimed at allowing up to 50,000 people a year from countries with few emigres to the United States.&nbsp;

Asked about Trump&#39;s quips, White House spokesman Raj Shah said: &quot;Certain Washington politicians choose to fight for foreign countries, but President Trump will always fight for the American people.&quot;

&quot;Like other nations that have merit-based immigration, President Trump is fighting for permanent solutions that make our country stronger by welcoming those who can contribute to our society, grow our economy and assimilate into our great nation,&quot; Shah said.

Trump questioned why the United States should take in unskilled labourers from the countries under discussion and should instead welcome immigrants from nations that can offer skilled workers.

The source said Trump did not intend any slur.

&nbsp;

(With agency inputs)

Many Democrats and some Republican lawmakers took to Twitter and lashed out at Trump

President Donald Trump on Thursday questioned why the United States would want to have immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as "shithole countries". "Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They're shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway" he said. He further slammed the need for Haitians in the United States. Trump's comments, made in the White House, came as Democratic Senator Dick Durbin and Republican Senator Lindsey Graham informed the president on a newly drafted immigration bill under works by a bipartisan group of senators. The lawmakers were discussing how certain immigration programs work, including one to give safe haven in the United States to people from countries suffering from natural disasters and similar issues. Many Democrats and some Republican lawmakers took to Twitter and lashed out at Trump. Senator David Gergen said called Trump a bull carrying "around his own china shop". Message from President of the US to foreigners: If you aren't white, you aren't welcome. A stream of stunning... https://t.co/DtIoRoLEo7 — David Gergen (@David_Gergen) January 12, 2018 × Lawyer David Leopold said that "With his #Shithole countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in #immigration law & policy have known since early last year; the Administration's draconian #immigration enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color." With his #Shithole countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in #immigration law & policy have known since early last year; the Administration's draconian #immigration enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color. — David Leopold (@DavidLeopold) January 11, 2018 × Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal, a frequent Trump critic, also took to Twitter to express his thoughts. President Trump’s remarks smack of blatant racism – odious and insidious racism masquerading poorly as immigration policy. He does not speak for me as an American. — Richard Blumenthal (@SenBlumenthal) January 11, 2018 × Republican US Representative Mia Love, a daughter of Haitian immigrants, said the comments were "unkind, divisive, elitist, and fly in the face of our nation`s values" and called on Trump to apologise to the American people and to the countries he denigrated. Another Republican Representative, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who was born in Cuba and whose south Florida district includes many Haitian immigrants, said: "Language like that shouldn`t be heard in locker rooms and it shouldn`t be heard in the White House." Trump had moved to end the status for immigrants from El Salvador, which could result in 200,000 Salvadorans legally in the United States being deported, and other countries. The bipartisan Senate plan would attempt to maintain TPS in return for ending or changing a "diversity" lottery programme that has been aimed at allowing up to 50,000 people a year from countries with few emigres to the United States. Asked about Trump's quips, White House spokesman Raj Shah said: "Certain Washington politicians choose to fight for foreign countries, but President Trump will always fight for the American people." "Like other nations that have merit-based immigration, President Trump is fighting for permanent solutions that make our country stronger by welcoming those who can contribute to our society, grow our economy and assimilate into our great nation," Shah said. Trump questioned why the United States should take in unskilled labourers from the countries under discussion and should instead welcome immigrants from nations that can offer skilled workers. The source said Trump did not intend any slur. (With agency inputs)

Lawmakers angry over Trump's expletive on immigrants

Ahead of World AIDS Day on Friday, here is a snapshot in numbers, based on UN data, of the deadly disease which was identified in the early 1980s.

17 seconds 
Roughly 1.8 million people worldwide contracted the virus that causes AIDS in 2016. That figure breaks down to about one HIV infection every 17 seconds, or almost 5,000 per day.

Two-thirds of new cases in Africa 
Since 2010 the rate of infection among adults has decreased slowly from 1.9 million to 1.7 million per year in 2016. Two-thirds of new cases occur in Africa.

Children&#39;s cases cut almost by half 
New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016.

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<h5>New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016</h5>
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A key factor has been detection among pregnant women in Africa, followed by treatment with anti-retroviral drugs that protect their baby.

Nearing 40 million with HIV 
Close to 40 million people live with the virus today. UNAIDS put their number last year at 36.7 million.

The number continues to increase, however, owing to continued transmission of the disease and increased access to anti-retroviral drugs in developing countries which has raised the survival rate of HIV-positive people.

Deaths halved 
AIDS-related deaths have declined by almost 50 percent since a peak of 1.9 million in 2005, to 1.0 million in 2016.

Some 20.9 million people now have access to treatment which is effective when followed regularly.

Some 76.1 million have been infected since the AIDS epidemic erupted in 1981 according to UNAIDS, with 35 million dying over that period.

World AIDS Day is observed every year on December 1

Ahead of World AIDS Day on Friday, here is a snapshot in numbers, based on UN data, of the deadly disease which was identified in the early 1980s. 17 seconds Roughly 1.8 million people worldwide contracted the virus that causes AIDS in 2016. That figure breaks down to about one HIV infection every 17 seconds, or almost 5,000 per day. Two-thirds of new cases in Africa Since 2010 the rate of infection among adults has decreased slowly from 1.9 million to 1.7 million per year in 2016. Two-thirds of new cases occur in Africa. Children's cases cut almost by half New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016. New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016 × A key factor has been detection among pregnant women in Africa, followed by treatment with anti-retroviral drugs that protect their baby. Nearing 40 million with HIV Close to 40 million people live with the virus today. UNAIDS put their number last year at 36.7 million. The number continues to increase, however, owing to continued transmission of the disease and increased access to anti-retroviral drugs in developing countries which has raised the survival rate of HIV-positive people. Deaths halved AIDS-related deaths have declined by almost 50 percent since a peak of 1.9 million in 2005, to 1.0 million in 2016. Some 20.9 million people now have access to treatment which is effective when followed regularly. Some 76.1 million have been infected since the AIDS epidemic erupted in 1981 according to UNAIDS, with 35 million dying over that period.

World AIDS Day: 1 HIV infection every 17 seconds in 2016

At least 25 migrants died after their boat sank off Libya&#39;s western coast on Saturday and survivors were being brought back to port in Tripoli, Libyan coastguard officials said.

Libya is the main departure point for mostly African migrants trying to cross to Europe. Smugglers usually pack them into flimsy inflatable boats that often break down or sink.

Most migrants are picked up by international vessels and taken to Italy, where more than 115,000 have landed so far this year, although an increasing number are intercepted by Libya&#39;s European-backed coastguard and returned to the North African country.

Since July, there has been a sharp drop in crossings, though this week has seen a renewed surge in departures.

Nearly 3,000 migrants are known to have died or been missing after trying to cross to Europe by sea this year, the majority of them between Libya and Italy. The International Organization for Migration said on Friday that since 2000 the Mediterranean had been &quot;by far the world&#39;s deadliest border&quot;.

Libya is the main departure point for mostly African migrants trying to cross to Europe and the smugglers usually pack them into flimsy inflatable boats that often break down or sink

At least 25 migrants died after their boat sank off Libya's western coast on Saturday and survivors were being brought back to port in Tripoli, Libyan coastguard officials said. Libya is the main departure point for mostly African migrants trying to cross to Europe. Smugglers usually pack them into flimsy inflatable boats that often break down or sink. Most migrants are picked up by international vessels and taken to Italy, where more than 115,000 have landed so far this year, although an increasing number are intercepted by Libya's European-backed coastguard and returned to the North African country. Since July, there has been a sharp drop in crossings, though this week has seen a renewed surge in departures. Nearly 3,000 migrants are known to have died or been missing after trying to cross to Europe by sea this year, the majority of them between Libya and Italy. The International Organization for Migration said on Friday that since 2000 the Mediterranean had been "by far the world's deadliest border".

At least 25 dead after migrant boat sinks off Libya

Zimbabwe&rsquo;s economic growth is threatened by high government spending, an untenable foreign exchange regime and inadequate reforms, a senior International Monetary Fund (IMF) official said.

Zimbabwe was once one of Africa&rsquo;s most promising economies but suffered decades of decline as former President Robert Mugabe pursued policies that included the violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms and money-printing that led to hyperinflation.

Mugabe, 93, resigned on Tuesday after nearly four decades in power following pressure from the military, the ruling ZANU-PF party, and the general population.

New ZANU-PF leader Emmerson Mnangagwa is expected to be sworn in as Zimbabwe&rsquo;s president on Friday.

Zimbabwe has not been able to borrow from international lenders since 1999 when it started defaulting on its debt and has $1.75 billion rands in foreign arrears.

&ldquo;The economic situation in Zimbabwe remains very difficult,&rdquo; Gene Leon, IMF&rsquo;s mission chief for Zimbabwe said in a statement to Reuters late on Wednesday.

&ldquo;Immediate action is critical to reduce the deficit to a sustainable level, accelerate structural reforms, and re-engage with the international community to access much needed financial support.&rdquo;

Leon said Zimbabwe should resolve arrears to the World Bank, African Development Bank, and the European Investment Bank, among other reforms, for the IMF to consider future financing request from the country.

Zimbabwe should also be ready to implement strong macroeconomic policies and structural reforms to restore fiscal and debt sustainability, Leon said.

Zimbabwe was once one of Africa?s most promising economies but suffered decades of decline as former President Robert Mugabe pursued policies that included the violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms and money-printing that led to hyperinflation

Zimbabwe’s economic growth is threatened by high government spending, an untenable foreign exchange regime and inadequate reforms, a senior International Monetary Fund (IMF) official said. Zimbabwe was once one of Africa’s most promising economies but suffered decades of decline as former President Robert Mugabe pursued policies that included the violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms and money-printing that led to hyperinflation. Mugabe, 93, resigned on Tuesday after nearly four decades in power following pressure from the military, the ruling ZANU-PF party, and the general population. New ZANU-PF leader Emmerson Mnangagwa is expected to be sworn in as Zimbabwe’s president on Friday. Zimbabwe has not been able to borrow from international lenders since 1999 when it started defaulting on its debt and has $1.75 billion rands in foreign arrears. “The economic situation in Zimbabwe remains very difficult,” Gene Leon, IMF’s mission chief for Zimbabwe said in a statement to Reuters late on Wednesday. “Immediate action is critical to reduce the deficit to a sustainable level, accelerate structural reforms, and re-engage with the international community to access much needed financial support.” Leon said Zimbabwe should resolve arrears to the World Bank, African Development Bank, and the European Investment Bank, among other reforms, for the IMF to consider future financing request from the country. Zimbabwe should also be ready to implement strong macroeconomic policies and structural reforms to restore fiscal and debt sustainability, Leon said.

Zimbabwe's economic situation 'very difficult': IMF mission chief

The US&nbsp;military said it killed more than&nbsp;100&nbsp;Islamist&nbsp;militants&nbsp;in Somalia&nbsp;on Tuesday when it launched an&nbsp;air&nbsp;strike&nbsp;against al Shabaab, an al Qaeda-linked insurgent group that wants to topple the UN-backed government.

The military&#39;s Africa Command said the&nbsp;strike&nbsp;was carried out on a camp 125 miles (201 km) northwest of the capital, Mogadishu and that the United States would continue to target&nbsp;militants.

The&nbsp;strike&nbsp;was done in coordination with&nbsp;Somalia&#39;s federal government, the Pentagon said.

US&nbsp;air&nbsp;strikes killing such a large number of&nbsp;militants&nbsp;in&nbsp;Somalia&nbsp;are rare, but not unprecedented. In March 2016, a US&nbsp;air strike&nbsp;killed more than 150 al Shabaab fighters in&nbsp;Somalia.

Somalia&#39;s state news agency SONNA reported late on Tuesday that &quot;about&nbsp;100&nbsp;militants&quot; were killed when US&nbsp;planes and Somali commandos attacked al Shabaab bases in the Bur Elay area of Bay region.

Al Shabaab spokesman Abdiasis Abu Musab denied the attack. &quot;It is just... propaganda,&quot; he told Reuters in&nbsp;Somalia.

Al Shabaab is fighting to topple&nbsp;Somalia&rsquo;s Western-backed transitional federal government and impose its own rule on the Horn of Africa country.

Earlier this month, the US&nbsp;warned of a threat to its diplomatic staff in Mogadishu and directed all non-essential staff to leave the capital.

Al Shabaab has lost control of most of&nbsp;Somalia&rsquo;s cities and towns since it was pushed out of Mogadishu in 2011. But it retains a strong presence in parts of the south and center and carries out gun and bomb attacks.

&quot;Al-Shabaab has publicly committed to planning and conducting attacks against the US&nbsp;and our partners in the region,&quot; the US&nbsp;military statement said.

Al Shabaab aims to topple&nbsp;Somalia&#39;s government, drive out African Union peacekeeping troops and impose its own harsh interpretation of Islamic law.

Earlier this month, the US&nbsp;military also carried out its first&nbsp;strikes against Islamic State&nbsp;militants in&nbsp;Somalia&nbsp;and said it killed &quot;several terrorists.&quot;

The military's Africa Command said the?strike?was carried out on a camp 125 miles (201 km) northwest of the capital, Mogadishu and that the United States would continue to target?militants

The US military said it killed more than 100 Islamist militants in Somalia on Tuesday when it launched an air strike against al Shabaab, an al Qaeda-linked insurgent group that wants to topple the UN-backed government. The military's Africa Command said the strike was carried out on a camp 125 miles (201 km) northwest of the capital, Mogadishu and that the United States would continue to target militants. The strike was done in coordination with Somalia's federal government, the Pentagon said. US air strikes killing such a large number of militants in Somalia are rare, but not unprecedented. In March 2016, a US air strike killed more than 150 al Shabaab fighters in Somalia. Somalia's state news agency SONNA reported late on Tuesday that "about 100 militants" were killed when US planes and Somali commandos attacked al Shabaab bases in the Bur Elay area of Bay region. Al Shabaab spokesman Abdiasis Abu Musab denied the attack. "It is just... propaganda," he told Reuters in Somalia. Al Shabaab is fighting to topple Somalia’s Western-backed transitional federal government and impose its own rule on the Horn of Africa country. Earlier this month, the US warned of a threat to its diplomatic staff in Mogadishu and directed all non-essential staff to leave the capital. Al Shabaab has lost control of most of Somalia’s cities and towns since it was pushed out of Mogadishu in 2011. But it retains a strong presence in parts of the south and center and carries out gun and bomb attacks. "Al-Shabaab has publicly committed to planning and conducting attacks against the US and our partners in the region," the US military statement said. Al Shabaab aims to topple Somalia's government, drive out African Union peacekeeping troops and impose its own harsh interpretation of Islamic law. Earlier this month, the US military also carried out its first strikes against Islamic State militants in Somalia and said it killed "several terrorists."

US says air strike kills over 100 militants in Somalia

Soon after Zimbabwe&rsquo;s army confined President Robert Mugabe to his palatial Harare home this week &ndash; allegedly for his safety &ndash; it was announced in Luanda that Angola&rsquo;s new President, Jo&atilde;o Louren&ccedil;o, had relieved Isabel dos Santos of her position as head of the state-run oil company Sonangol.

While there may not be any direct connection between these two events, they suggest some intriguing comparisons. In both countries, ruling families seem to have failed to secure themselves in power.

When Mugabe, as leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), became ruler of Zimbabwe at independence in April 1980, Jos&eacute; Eduardo dos Santos was already President of Angola. He had succeeded to that position after the death of Agostinho Neto in September 1979.

Dos Santos had to deal with external intervention and over two decades of civil war, during which he ruled dictatorially. Mugabe, despite a facade of constitutionalism and regular elections, also became increasingly dictatorial. He abandoned adherence to the rule of law and his country&rsquo;s economy collapsed. Angola became notorious for the scale of the corruption linked especially to its oil riches. Zimbabwe went from bread-basket to basket-case. With the great majority of the people of both countries living in dire poverty, Dos Santos flew to Europe when he needed medical attention, while Mugabe went to Singapore.

Though Dos Santos was probably as reluctant as Mugabe to give up power, he decided to quit as president of the country and try to retain influence through the ruling party and members of his family. Mugabe tried to impose his wife on his party as his chosen successor and then to cling on to his positions even when the army took effective control of his country.

Given recent developments in Luanda and Harare, it would seem that neither of these two old men have succeeded in securing their family dynasties.

Dos Santos&rsquo;s succession plan

By 2016, suffering health problems that took him to Spain for treatment, Dos Santos announced that he would step down as president of Angola and he approved his Minister of Defence, Jo&atilde;o Manuel Gon&ccedil;alves Louren&ccedil;o as his successor.

Following the victory of the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the general election held in August this year, Louren&ccedil;o took over as president in September. But Dos Santos remained president of the MPLA, and clearly expected Louren&ccedil;o to look after his interests and that of his family, who had become enormously wealthy.

From the action Louren&ccedil;o has now taken against Dos Santos&rsquo; billionaire daughter Isabel, it would seem that he&rsquo;s becoming his own man. It appears he wishes to distance himself from the Dos Santos family, which for many Angolans is associated with corruption on a vast scale.

The London-educated Isabel has proved herself to be a very capable businesswoman, and though the Angolan economy has been suffering because of low oil prices, on top of massive corruption, it&rsquo;s unlikely she was sacked to bring in a better chief executive to run the country&rsquo;s most important state-owned company. There is talk in Luanda that Isabel&rsquo;s brother, Jos&eacute; Filomeno dos Santos, will be relieved of his position as head of the country&rsquo;s large Sovereign Wealth Fund and that his father, the former president of the country, will be replaced as president of the ruling party, though that may have to wait until a party congress is held.

Mugabe&rsquo;s succession plan

In Zimbabwe Mugabe has sought to arrange that his wife will succeed him. But Gucci Grace and Robert made the mistake of trying to ensure this by firing Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

Though at the time of writing, the 93-year-old Mugabe remains president both of the country and of the ruling Zanu-PF party, it&rsquo;s widely expected that he will soon be relieved of both positions, probably by Mnangagwa, with the assistance of the army.

Changes for the better?

New leadership in Angola and Zimbabwe will have an impact on the region as a whole.

Given Mnangagwa&rsquo;s record as a long-serving member of the government in Zimbabwe and his involvement in the mass killing of Ndebele in the early 1980s, it is hardly likely that he will emerge as a champion of democracy.

In Angola, Louren&ccedil;o is still finding his feet as head of government.

It is therefore unrealistic to hope that either country will soon move from decades of repressive rule and lack of transparency to greater constitutionalism and closer adherence to the rule of law.

But if we are witnessing the end of an era in which dictators stayed in power for decades and tried to secure their continuing influence through their families, and if we are seeing the diminishing importance of liberation movements turned political party, this must be good not only for Angola and Zimbabwe but for the southern African region as a whole.

It should also hold lessons for those who rule in neighbouring countries.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/mugabe-and-dos-santos-africas-old-men-seem-finally-to-be-fading-away-87689" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The end of an era in which dictators like Mugabe and Dos Santos stayed in power for decades, is good not only for Angola and Zimbabwe but for southern Africa as a whole

Soon after Zimbabwe’s army confined President Robert Mugabe to his palatial Harare home this week – allegedly for his safety – it was announced in Luanda that Angola’s new President, João Lourenço, had relieved Isabel dos Santos of her position as head of the state-run oil company Sonangol. While there may not be any direct connection between these two events, they suggest some intriguing comparisons. In both countries, ruling families seem to have failed to secure themselves in power. When Mugabe, as leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), became ruler of Zimbabwe at independence in April 1980, José Eduardo dos Santos was already President of Angola. He had succeeded to that position after the death of Agostinho Neto in September 1979. Dos Santos had to deal with external intervention and over two decades of civil war, during which he ruled dictatorially. Mugabe, despite a facade of constitutionalism and regular elections, also became increasingly dictatorial. He abandoned adherence to the rule of law and his country’s economy collapsed. Angola became notorious for the scale of the corruption linked especially to its oil riches. Zimbabwe went from bread-basket to basket-case. With the great majority of the people of both countries living in dire poverty, Dos Santos flew to Europe when he needed medical attention, while Mugabe went to Singapore. Though Dos Santos was probably as reluctant as Mugabe to give up power, he decided to quit as president of the country and try to retain influence through the ruling party and members of his family. Mugabe tried to impose his wife on his party as his chosen successor and then to cling on to his positions even when the army took effective control of his country. Given recent developments in Luanda and Harare, it would seem that neither of these two old men have succeeded in securing their family dynasties. Dos Santos’s succession plan By 2016, suffering health problems that took him to Spain for treatment, Dos Santos announced that he would step down as president of Angola and he approved his Minister of Defence, João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço as his successor. Following the victory of the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the general election held in August this year, Lourenço took over as president in September. But Dos Santos remained president of the MPLA, and clearly expected Lourenço to look after his interests and that of his family, who had become enormously wealthy. From the action Lourenço has now taken against Dos Santos’ billionaire daughter Isabel, it would seem that he’s becoming his own man. It appears he wishes to distance himself from the Dos Santos family, which for many Angolans is associated with corruption on a vast scale. The London-educated Isabel has proved herself to be a very capable businesswoman, and though the Angolan economy has been suffering because of low oil prices, on top of massive corruption, it’s unlikely she was sacked to bring in a better chief executive to run the country’s most important state-owned company. There is talk in Luanda that Isabel’s brother, José Filomeno dos Santos, will be relieved of his position as head of the country’s large Sovereign Wealth Fund and that his father, the former president of the country, will be replaced as president of the ruling party, though that may have to wait until a party congress is held. Mugabe’s succession plan In Zimbabwe Mugabe has sought to arrange that his wife will succeed him. But Gucci Grace and Robert made the mistake of trying to ensure this by firing Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Though at the time of writing, the 93-year-old Mugabe remains president both of the country and of the ruling Zanu-PF party, it’s widely expected that he will soon be relieved of both positions, probably by Mnangagwa, with the assistance of the army. Changes for the better? New leadership in Angola and Zimbabwe will have an impact on the region as a whole. Given Mnangagwa’s record as a long-serving member of the government in Zimbabwe and his involvement in the mass killing of Ndebele in the early 1980s, it is hardly likely that he will emerge as a champion of democracy. In Angola, Lourenço is still finding his feet as head of government. It is therefore unrealistic to hope that either country will soon move from decades of repressive rule and lack of transparency to greater constitutionalism and closer adherence to the rule of law. But if we are witnessing the end of an era in which dictators stayed in power for decades and tried to secure their continuing influence through their families, and if we are seeing the diminishing importance of liberation movements turned political party, this must be good not only for Angola and Zimbabwe but for the southern African region as a whole. It should also hold lessons for those who rule in neighbouring countries. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Mugabe and Dos Santos: No place for dictators in Africa

For decades, Robert Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe in a ruthless, even reckless manner. Over nearly 40 years, he turned the &ldquo;jewel of Africa&rdquo; into an economic basket case that&rsquo;s seen inflation of up to 800 percent.

Then, late in the night of Nov. 14, the country&rsquo;s security services detained and put Zimbabwe&rsquo;s 93-year-old president under house arrest in what appeared to be a military coup. The whereabouts of his powerful wife, Grace, are unconfirmed.

Much remains unclear at this early stage. Will violence erupt? Is this really the end of the Mugabe era?

I don&rsquo;t know the answers to those questions yet. I&rsquo;m not sure even Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who appears to have orchestrated Mugabe&rsquo;s overthrow, knows how his gambit will turn out.

But with each passing hour, it is increasingly evident that Zimbabwe &ndash; a country whose politics I spent uncountable hours grappling with as a State Department official &ndash; is poised to see its first real leadership transition since 1980.

Setting the stage for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s coup

For decades, Mugabe&rsquo;s grip on Zimbabwe was iron-clad. Even when challenged by an invigorated opposition in 2008, he kept the presidency by entering into a nominal power-sharing agreement. After a decisive electoral victory in 2013, though, he cast the coalition aside.

But as the elderly president grew increasingly frail this year, the power struggle to succeed him became frenzied. Two major camps were vying for power.

Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who as a soldier fighting for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s liberation earned the nickname &ldquo;the crocodile,&rdquo; represented the old guard. The 75-year-old enjoyed strong military backing, particularly from the veterans&rsquo; association, a powerful coalition of former combatants from Zimbabwe&rsquo;s independence struggle which began in 1964 and ended in 1979.

Last year, the group broke with Mugabe in a public letter, declaring that he had &ldquo;presided over unbridled corruption and downright mismanagement of the economy, leading to national economic ruin.&rdquo; Many believed that Vice President Mnangagwa orchestrated the group&rsquo;s letter as a shot across the bow to warn would-be rivals.

The second camp jockeying to control Zimbabwe before the coup was led by Mugabe&rsquo;s current wife, Grace Mugabe. At a relatively spry 53, she represented the younger generation, drawing significant support from the ruling party&rsquo;s loyalist Youth League and from an informal grouping of emerging leaders known as &ldquo;Generation 40.&rdquo;

But Grace Mugabe was deeply unpopular among ordinary Zimbabweans, who called her &ldquo;Gucci Grace&rdquo; because of her extravagant spending. Plus, she had a reputation for cruelty. Earlier this year, the president&rsquo;s wife faced accusations of beating a 20-year old South African model with an electric cable.

In September, after Vice President Mnangagwa was emergency airlifted to South Africa due to a strange illness, Grace Mugabe had to publicly deny, on state TV, that she had poisoned her rival.

As recently as early November, it appeared that Grace&rsquo;s camp had prevailed. President Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, who fled to South Africa. Mnangagwa, it seems, had a different plan. While in exile, he stayed in touch with his military allies.

On Nov. 14, Mnangagwa&rsquo;s camp struck back. By the next morning, Mugabe was under house arrest, his wife had reportedly fled to Namibia seeking asylum and Mnangagwa&rsquo;s cohort appeared to control the country.

Democracy or dictatorship?

At least, that&rsquo;s the picture right now. Events have moved swiftly in the last 24 hours, and some big questions remain unanswered.

If Mnangagwa officially takes power, the first unknown is whether he will rule by fiat or cobble together a transitional government. It&rsquo;s unclear whether Mnanangwa and his allies have any real interest in introducing democracy to Zimbabwe. To do so, they would need to hold an election within a reasonable period of time, say six months.

Military coups don&rsquo;t have a promising track record of ushering in democracy. Recent scholarship finds that while &ldquo;democratisation coups&rdquo; have become more frequent worldwide, their most common outcome is to replace an incumbent dictatorship with a &ldquo;different group of autocrats.&rdquo;

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Soldiers patrol the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe&rsquo;s capital, after a military coup d&#39;etat against president Robert Mugabe. (AP)
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Signals in Zimbabwe are mixed so far. Experts generally describe the latest developments as &ldquo;an internecine fight&rdquo; among inner-circle elites and ask two key questions: Which side will prevail, and will violence break out?

In my assessment, the answers hinge on Mnangagwa, a hard-nosed realist and survivor who was critical in securing Mugabe&rsquo;s four-decade rule. Mnangagwa has an appalling human rights record. Many consider him responsible for overseeing a series of massacres between 1982 and 1986 known as the &ldquo;Gukurahundi,&rdquo; in which an estimated 20,000 civilians from the Ndebele ethnic group perished.

More recently, in 2008, civil society groups accused Mnangagwa of orchestrating electoral violence against the political opposition and rigging polls in Mugabe&rsquo;s favour.

It is also true that Mnangagwa is massively invested in ensuring his continued and unfettered access to power, which has proven highly lucrative for him. The vice president is &ldquo;reputed&rdquo; to be one of Zimbabwe&rsquo;s richest people. All of this suggests he might become yet another dictator.

&lsquo;Unity&rsquo; for Zimbabwe?

Nonetheless, reports indicate that Mnangagwa is currently talking to several opposition parties about potentially forming a transitional government.

A key stakeholder in any such arrangement would be Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change, who served as prime minister to Mugabe as part of the 2009 power-sharing agreement.

That coalition achieved some success on economic matters, but Mugabe&rsquo;s party never relinquished any real authority. Mnangagwa was among those who clung to power back then, but I believe he might play things differently now. Mnangagwa is no reformer, but he does need to find ways to bolster his legitimacy. Not to mention he will quickly need to confront Zimbabwe&rsquo;s massive economic woes.

The choices that Zimbabwe&rsquo;s political leadership makes in the coming weeks will have immense consequences for the future of a country whose development has stagnated under 40 years of authoritarian rule.

Real transitions in Zimbabwe are all too rare. Mugabe led the country to independence in March 1980, assumed the presidency and never left. His demise represents a chance for a political reset.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/after-coup-will-zimbabwe-see-democracy-or-dictatorship-87563" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The choices that Zimbabwe?s political leadership will make for the future of a country will have immense consequences

For decades, Robert Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe in a ruthless, even reckless manner. Over nearly 40 years, he turned the “jewel of Africa” into an economic basket case that’s seen inflation of up to 800 percent. Then, late in the night of Nov. 14, the country’s security services detained and put Zimbabwe’s 93-year-old president under house arrest in what appeared to be a military coup. The whereabouts of his powerful wife, Grace, are unconfirmed. Much remains unclear at this early stage. Will violence erupt? Is this really the end of the Mugabe era? I don’t know the answers to those questions yet. I’m not sure even Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who appears to have orchestrated Mugabe’s overthrow, knows how his gambit will turn out. But with each passing hour, it is increasingly evident that Zimbabwe – a country whose politics I spent uncountable hours grappling with as a State Department official – is poised to see its first real leadership transition since 1980. Setting the stage for Zimbabwe’s coup For decades, Mugabe’s grip on Zimbabwe was iron-clad. Even when challenged by an invigorated opposition in 2008, he kept the presidency by entering into a nominal power-sharing agreement. After a decisive electoral victory in 2013, though, he cast the coalition aside. But as the elderly president grew increasingly frail this year, the power struggle to succeed him became frenzied. Two major camps were vying for power. Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who as a soldier fighting for Zimbabwe’s liberation earned the nickname “the crocodile,” represented the old guard. The 75-year-old enjoyed strong military backing, particularly from the veterans’ association, a powerful coalition of former combatants from Zimbabwe’s independence struggle which began in 1964 and ended in 1979. Last year, the group broke with Mugabe in a public letter, declaring that he had “presided over unbridled corruption and downright mismanagement of the economy, leading to national economic ruin.” Many believed that Vice President Mnangagwa orchestrated the group’s letter as a shot across the bow to warn would-be rivals. The second camp jockeying to control Zimbabwe before the coup was led by Mugabe’s current wife, Grace Mugabe. At a relatively spry 53, she represented the younger generation, drawing significant support from the ruling party’s loyalist Youth League and from an informal grouping of emerging leaders known as “Generation 40.” But Grace Mugabe was deeply unpopular among ordinary Zimbabweans, who called her “Gucci Grace” because of her extravagant spending. Plus, she had a reputation for cruelty. Earlier this year, the president’s wife faced accusations of beating a 20-year old South African model with an electric cable. In September, after Vice President Mnangagwa was emergency airlifted to South Africa due to a strange illness, Grace Mugabe had to publicly deny, on state TV, that she had poisoned her rival. As recently as early November, it appeared that Grace’s camp had prevailed. President Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, who fled to South Africa. Mnangagwa, it seems, had a different plan. While in exile, he stayed in touch with his military allies. On Nov. 14, Mnangagwa’s camp struck back. By the next morning, Mugabe was under house arrest, his wife had reportedly fled to Namibia seeking asylum and Mnangagwa’s cohort appeared to control the country. Democracy or dictatorship? At least, that’s the picture right now. Events have moved swiftly in the last 24 hours, and some big questions remain unanswered. If Mnangagwa officially takes power, the first unknown is whether he will rule by fiat or cobble together a transitional government. It’s unclear whether Mnanangwa and his allies have any real interest in introducing democracy to Zimbabwe. To do so, they would need to hold an election within a reasonable period of time, say six months. Military coups don’t have a promising track record of ushering in democracy. Recent scholarship finds that while “democratisation coups” have become more frequent worldwide, their most common outcome is to replace an incumbent dictatorship with a “different group of autocrats.” Soldiers patrol the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, after a military coup d'etat against president Robert Mugabe. (AP) × Signals in Zimbabwe are mixed so far. Experts generally describe the latest developments as “an internecine fight” among inner-circle elites and ask two key questions: Which side will prevail, and will violence break out? In my assessment, the answers hinge on Mnangagwa, a hard-nosed realist and survivor who was critical in securing Mugabe’s four-decade rule. Mnangagwa has an appalling human rights record. Many consider him responsible for overseeing a series of massacres between 1982 and 1986 known as the “Gukurahundi,” in which an estimated 20,000 civilians from the Ndebele ethnic group perished. More recently, in 2008, civil society groups accused Mnangagwa of orchestrating electoral violence against the political opposition and rigging polls in Mugabe’s favour. It is also true that Mnangagwa is massively invested in ensuring his continued and unfettered access to power, which has proven highly lucrative for him. The vice president is “reputed” to be one of Zimbabwe’s richest people. All of this suggests he might become yet another dictator. ‘Unity’ for Zimbabwe? Nonetheless, reports indicate that Mnangagwa is currently talking to several opposition parties about potentially forming a transitional government. A key stakeholder in any such arrangement would be Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change, who served as prime minister to Mugabe as part of the 2009 power-sharing agreement. That coalition achieved some success on economic matters, but Mugabe’s party never relinquished any real authority. Mnangagwa was among those who clung to power back then, but I believe he might play things differently now. Mnangagwa is no reformer, but he does need to find ways to bolster his legitimacy. Not to mention he will quickly need to confront Zimbabwe’s massive economic woes. The choices that Zimbabwe’s political leadership makes in the coming weeks will have immense consequences for the future of a country whose development has stagnated under 40 years of authoritarian rule. Real transitions in Zimbabwe are all too rare. Mugabe led the country to independence in March 1980, assumed the presidency and never left. His demise represents a chance for a political reset. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

After the coup, will a dictator rule Zimbabwe?

Four people were killed and over 20 wounded when grenades were thrown into a concert in the capital of the chronically unstable Central African Republic, while revenge attacks later left another three people dead, the UN peacekeeping force and a local official said Sunday.&nbsp;

In the first serious incident of violence in Bangui this year, the assault late Saturday saw two unidentified attackers hurl grenades at a cafe called &quot;On the Crossroads of Peace&quot; during a performance, said Herve Verhoosel, spokesman for the UN peacekeeping force MINUSCA.

CAR&#39;s minister for public security, Henri Wanzet, told state radio that four people had died in the attack and around 20 were injured. An official probe has been opened, Wanzet said.&nbsp;

The cafe is located near the PK5 majority Muslim district of Bangui, once a Muslim rebel bastion, and now home to several armed groups.&nbsp;

Even though relative peace has been restored in Central Africa following the civil war that erupted in 2013, inter-communal tensions remain.

Among those injured in Saturday&#39;s attack were several musicians from the group that was performing, Verhoosel said.

A doctor at the hospital where the injured were rushed for treatment said 21 people had been admitted.

Seven others were taken to another health centre, a local official with Doctors Without Borders (MSF) medical charity said.

A local public figure said three people were killed later in the night in revenge attacks -&nbsp;two of whom had their throats cut and one who was beaten to death.

&quot;They were two motorcycle-taxi drivers and a young man who was walking in the neighbourhood,&quot; the man, who asked not to be identified, he said. &quot;They are innocents&quot;.

He appealed for calm in the neighbourhood where sporadic gunfire could be heard and armed members of &quot;self-defence&quot; groups patrolled. An armoured car carrying MINUSCA troops was stationed at the entrance to PK5.

An AFP correspondent saw three bodies taken to the morgue from a local mosque.

A witness who did not give his name said the attackers at the cafe had launched four grenades.

In a video posted on his Facebook page, the concert&#39;s singer Ozaguin - dubbed the king of Central African rumba - confirmed six of his fellow musicians had been injured.

He said he was surprised that he was not himself injured by grenade fragments.

&quot;Ozaguin came to perform here to ensure that all Central Africans -&nbsp;Muslims and Christians - can find some social cohesion,&quot; the cafe&#39;s owner, Issiakou Guymba, told AFP.

&quot;An unidentified group came on a motorcycle-taxi, they threw one or some grenades in the middle of the crowd,&quot; he said.

&quot;It makes us lose hope when people come to cause panic like that among the population.&quot;

Mired in poverty but rich in diamonds and other minerals, CAR has been battered by a conflict between rival militias that began after then-president Francois Bozize was overthrown in 2013.

Under a UN mandate, the former colonial power France intervened to push out the Muslim Seleka rebels who had taken over, and the UN launched a peacekeeping mission in 2014.

But the country remains chronically prone to violence, with armed groups controlling most of the country.

Fighting between armed groups around the town of Batangafo in northern CAR left at least two dead and 10 wounded at the end of last month.

Among those injured in Saturday's attack were several musicians from the group that was performing

Four people were killed and over 20 wounded when grenades were thrown into a concert in the capital of the chronically unstable Central African Republic, while revenge attacks later left another three people dead, the UN peacekeeping force and a local official said Sunday. In the first serious incident of violence in Bangui this year, the assault late Saturday saw two unidentified attackers hurl grenades at a cafe called "On the Crossroads of Peace" during a performance, said Herve Verhoosel, spokesman for the UN peacekeeping force MINUSCA. CAR's minister for public security, Henri Wanzet, told state radio that four people had died in the attack and around 20 were injured. An official probe has been opened, Wanzet said. The cafe is located near the PK5 majority Muslim district of Bangui, once a Muslim rebel bastion, and now home to several armed groups. Even though relative peace has been restored in Central Africa following the civil war that erupted in 2013, inter-communal tensions remain. Among those injured in Saturday's attack were several musicians from the group that was performing, Verhoosel said. A doctor at the hospital where the injured were rushed for treatment said 21 people had been admitted. Seven others were taken to another health centre, a local official with Doctors Without Borders (MSF) medical charity said. A local public figure said three people were killed later in the night in revenge attacks - two of whom had their throats cut and one who was beaten to death. "They were two motorcycle-taxi drivers and a young man who was walking in the neighbourhood," the man, who asked not to be identified, he said. "They are innocents". He appealed for calm in the neighbourhood where sporadic gunfire could be heard and armed members of "self-defence" groups patrolled. An armoured car carrying MINUSCA troops was stationed at the entrance to PK5. An AFP correspondent saw three bodies taken to the morgue from a local mosque. A witness who did not give his name said the attackers at the cafe had launched four grenades. In a video posted on his Facebook page, the concert's singer Ozaguin - dubbed the king of Central African rumba - confirmed six of his fellow musicians had been injured. He said he was surprised that he was not himself injured by grenade fragments. "Ozaguin came to perform here to ensure that all Central Africans - Muslims and Christians - can find some social cohesion," the cafe's owner, Issiakou Guymba, told AFP. "An unidentified group came on a motorcycle-taxi, they threw one or some grenades in the middle of the crowd," he said. "It makes us lose hope when people come to cause panic like that among the population." Mired in poverty but rich in diamonds and other minerals, CAR has been battered by a conflict between rival militias that began after then-president Francois Bozize was overthrown in 2013. Under a UN mandate, the former colonial power France intervened to push out the Muslim Seleka rebels who had taken over, and the UN launched a peacekeeping mission in 2014. But the country remains chronically prone to violence, with armed groups controlling most of the country. Fighting between armed groups around the town of Batangafo in northern CAR left at least two dead and 10 wounded at the end of last month.

Attacks in the Central African Republic leave 7 dead, over 20 injured

Kenya&#39;s Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This unprecedented move is also a sign of hope for veteran Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who has over the years accused the electoral body of irregularities.

&ldquo;The declaration of Kenyatta&rsquo;s win&nbsp;is invalid, null and void,&rdquo; said Judge David Maraga, announcing the verdict of four out of the six judges.

The Supreme Court ruled on last Friday that the election board had committed irregularities that rendered the August 8 poll invalid, thereby,&nbsp;overturning&nbsp;President Uhuru Kenyatta&#39;s win. Incidentally,&nbsp;Kenyatta won&nbsp;by a margin of 1.4 million votes.&nbsp;

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<h5>Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga&#39;s 40 per cent.</h5>
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Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga&#39;s 40 per cent.

Main Opposition leader Raila Odinga headed to the Court with a petition, citing irregularities by the electoral body and hacking of results which he considered to have&nbsp;favoured&nbsp;Kenyatta&#39;s campaign. Kenya&#39;s election body acknowledged hacking attempts but said those attempts were unsuccessful.

Kenyatta&#39;s victory had the backing of election observers, they all welcomed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission&#39;s report of free and fair elections.

The Election Commission&#39;s stand on a fair election, however, did not go down very well with Odinga&#39;s followers who took to violence, resulting in dozens of death. To put an end to the violence,&nbsp;Odinga approached&nbsp;the Supreme Court.

This is not the first time, however, that Odinga has approached the Court hoping that the judges will be impartial. He did the same in 2013&nbsp;when he lost the election to the same rival Uhuru Kenyatta.&nbsp;There was light at the end of the tunnel for Odinga when the Supreme Court granted his coalition, NASA, limited access to the electoral body&rsquo;s data.

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<h5>Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court&#39;s impartiality.</h5>
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Kenya Supreme Court&#39;s ruling has brought&nbsp;hope to other Opposition candidates across Africa. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court&#39;s impartiality. The latest post-election Constitutional Court battle is in Gabon, where the main Opposition, led by former African Union (AU) chief, Jean Ping is seeking to overturn results of the last presidential election. Approaching the Courts proved to be effective to curb instability, it is a move that Odinga took and many others in Africa.

But what does it mean for the winner?

Observers are watching as events unfold in Kenya after the Supreme Court ruling. The elections body was ordered to conduct fresh polls in sixty days.&nbsp;

With all eyes on Kenyatta&#39;s response to the unprecedented ruling,&nbsp;Kenyatta said that he has accepted a Court ruling annulling his re-election on August 8. He, however, expressed his disagreement with the judges&rsquo; position. The 55-year-old, now a serving president and not president-elect, had some uncharitable words for the Supreme Court describing them as &lsquo;thugs&#39;, local media reported.

For the poll re- run to take place peacefully, there has to be a consensus between President Kenyatta and the Opposition leader on the electoral board to run&nbsp;the election. For now, both leaders have voiced their differences, with Odinga calling for a new electoral board while Kenyatta insisting&nbsp;the poll should re-run with the current electoral board.

Kenya has a history of post-election violence, it remains to be seen how&nbsp;these&nbsp;two leaders will handle the re-run and ensure stability in this sixty days.

Kenya's Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This gives hope to Opposition leaders in Africa.

Kenya's Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This unprecedented move is also a sign of hope for veteran Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who has over the years accused the electoral body of irregularities. “The declaration of Kenyatta’s win is invalid, null and void,” said Judge David Maraga, announcing the verdict of four out of the six judges. The Supreme Court ruled on last Friday that the election board had committed irregularities that rendered the August 8 poll invalid, thereby, overturning President Uhuru Kenyatta's win. Incidentally, Kenyatta won by a margin of 1.4 million votes. Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga's 40 per cent. × Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga's 40 per cent. Main Opposition leader Raila Odinga headed to the Court with a petition, citing irregularities by the electoral body and hacking of results which he considered to have favoured Kenyatta's campaign. Kenya's election body acknowledged hacking attempts but said those attempts were unsuccessful. Kenyatta's victory had the backing of election observers, they all welcomed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission's report of free and fair elections. The Election Commission's stand on a fair election, however, did not go down very well with Odinga's followers who took to violence, resulting in dozens of death. To put an end to the violence, Odinga approached the Supreme Court. This is not the first time, however, that Odinga has approached the Court hoping that the judges will be impartial. He did the same in 2013 when he lost the election to the same rival Uhuru Kenyatta. There was light at the end of the tunnel for Odinga when the Supreme Court granted his coalition, NASA, limited access to the electoral body’s data. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court's impartiality. × Kenya Supreme Court's ruling has brought hope to other Opposition candidates across Africa. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court's impartiality. The latest post-election Constitutional Court battle is in Gabon, where the main Opposition, led by former African Union (AU) chief, Jean Ping is seeking to overturn results of the last presidential election. Approaching the Courts proved to be effective to curb instability, it is a move that Odinga took and many others in Africa. But what does it mean for the winner? Observers are watching as events unfold in Kenya after the Supreme Court ruling. The elections body was ordered to conduct fresh polls in sixty days. With all eyes on Kenyatta's response to the unprecedented ruling, Kenyatta said that he has accepted a Court ruling annulling his re-election on August 8. He, however, expressed his disagreement with the judges’ position. The 55-year-old, now a serving president and not president-elect, had some uncharitable words for the Supreme Court describing them as ‘thugs', local media reported. For the poll re- run to take place peacefully, there has to be a consensus between President Kenyatta and the Opposition leader on the electoral board to run the election. For now, both leaders have voiced their differences, with Odinga calling for a new electoral board while Kenyatta insisting the poll should re-run with the current electoral board. Kenya has a history of post-election violence, it remains to be seen how these two leaders will handle the re-run and ensure stability in this sixty days.

Kenya's Supreme Court's verdict on election malpractices will have wider repercussions in Africa

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun!

Not with your naked eye, not with sunglasses and certainly not with binoculars or with a telescope. Our sun might be just an ordinary star, but it&rsquo;s extremely close to us &mdash; about 269,000 times closer than the <a href="https://imagine.gsfc.nasa.gov/features/cosmic/nearest_star_info.html">next nearest star</a>. This makes the sun very, very bright.

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun. But what about during an eclipse? This situation will confront us <a href="http://eclipse.aas.org">on August 21</a>, when the entirety of North America, along with parts of South America, Africa, Europe and eastern Russia, will experience a solar eclipse.

For the vast majority of viewers, including anyone in any part of Canada, the eclipse will be a <a href="https://www.timeanddate.com/eclipse/partial-solar-eclipse.html">partial one</a>. This means that the moon will block out part of the face of the sun but leave the rest of it unchanged.

<figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181475/area14mp/file-20170808-26048-o6es2t.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181475/width237/file-20170808-26048-o6es2t.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>
NASA&rsquo;s Solar Dynamics Observatory saw a partial solar eclipse in space when it caught the moon passing in front of the sun on May 25, 2017.

If you&rsquo;re under <a href="https://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEanimate/SEanimate2001/SE2017Aug21T.GIF">the path of the partial eclipse</a> &mdash; even somewhere where the sun is 99 per cent concealed &mdash; you still should not look at the sun with the unaided eye. Even one-hundredth of the sun&rsquo;s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Instead, you can safely watch the action through special <a href="https://www.space.com/36941-solar-eclipse-eye-protection-guide.html">eclipse glasses</a> (make sure they&rsquo;re <a href="https://eclipse.aas.org/eye-safety/iso-certification">ISO certified and from a reliable supplier</a>), through a simple <a href="https://www.jpl.nasa.gov/edu/learn/project/how-to-make-a-pinhole-camera/">home-made pinhole camera</a> or even by looking at the shadows cast by <a href="https://petapixel.com/2012/05/21/crescent-shaped-projections-through-tree-leaves-during-the-solar-eclipse/">tree leaves</a> or by a <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/03/20/solar-eclipse-colander-_n_6908140.html">kitchen colander</a>.

For some lucky viewers in parts of <a href="http://eclipse2017.org/blog/2017/01/15/states-the-total-eclipse-touches/">14 U.S. states</a>, a total solar eclipse awaits on August 21. This will be far more exciting than a mere partial eclipse. For maybe as long as two minutes, depending on your exact location, the sun will disappear completely behind the moon. The temperature will drop, the stars will come out, and the birds will think evening has come.

If you are under the path of the total eclipse, you&rsquo;ll likely have more than an hour of partial eclipse both before and after the exciting moment of totality. During the partial phases, the usual rules apply: Wear your eclipse glasses or use your colander, but don&rsquo;t look at the sun unaided!

However, when the time finally arrives and when the sky goes dark, it will finally be safe to look. Take off your glasses, stare at the sun with your unaided eyes, and soak up a remarkable cosmic moment.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181476/width754/file-20170808-26004-1qtloh3.jpg" />
<figcaption>
The Hinode satellite observed the sun&rsquo;s corona during a total solar eclipse on July 22, 2009.

During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun without any equipment at all. And what a sight it will be.
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</figure>

Revealed, just for a moment, will be <a href="https://www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse/what-to-see-during-eclipse#totality">the sun&rsquo;s glorious corona</a>, the faint <a href="https://eclipse2017.nasa.gov/solar-corona">tendrils of ultra-hot gas</a> that stream off the sun&rsquo;s blazing surface. This is not to be missed. If you leave your eclipse glasses on, you won&rsquo;t see anything.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81067/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />After a minute or two, the total eclipse will be over, the skies will lighten and special safety precautions must once again be taken. But those who experience totality will be left with memories of an otherwise hidden view of the Universe, a brief glimpse of our life-giving sun unlike any other.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-safely-watch-an-eclipse-advice-from-an-astronomer-81067">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Even one-hundredth of the sun?s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight, says astronomer Gaensler.

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun! Not with your naked eye, not with sunglasses and certainly not with binoculars or with a telescope. Our sun might be just an ordinary star, but it’s extremely close to us — about 269,000 times closer than the next nearest star. This makes the sun very, very bright. Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun. But what about during an eclipse? This situation will confront us on August 21, when the entirety of North America, along with parts of South America, Africa, Europe and eastern Russia, will experience a solar eclipse. For the vast majority of viewers, including anyone in any part of Canada, the eclipse will be a partial one. This means that the moon will block out part of the face of the sun but leave the rest of it unchanged. NASA’s Solar Dynamics Observatory saw a partial solar eclipse in space when it caught the moon passing in front of the sun on May 25, 2017. If you’re under the path of the partial eclipse — even somewhere where the sun is 99 per cent concealed — you still should not look at the sun with the unaided eye. Even one-hundredth of the sun’s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight. Instead, you can safely watch the action through special eclipse glasses (make sure they’re ISO certified and from a reliable supplier), through a simple home-made pinhole camera or even by looking at the shadows cast by tree leaves or by a kitchen colander. For some lucky viewers in parts of 14 U.S. states, a total solar eclipse awaits on August 21. This will be far more exciting than a mere partial eclipse. For maybe as long as two minutes, depending on your exact location, the sun will disappear completely behind the moon. The temperature will drop, the stars will come out, and the birds will think evening has come. If you are under the path of the total eclipse, you’ll likely have more than an hour of partial eclipse both before and after the exciting moment of totality. During the partial phases, the usual rules apply: Wear your eclipse glasses or use your colander, but don’t look at the sun unaided! However, when the time finally arrives and when the sky goes dark, it will finally be safe to look. Take off your glasses, stare at the sun with your unaided eyes, and soak up a remarkable cosmic moment. The Hinode satellite observed the sun’s corona during a total solar eclipse on July 22, 2009. During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun without any equipment at all. And what a sight it will be. Revealed, just for a moment, will be the sun’s glorious corona, the faint tendrils of ultra-hot gas that stream off the sun’s blazing surface. This is not to be missed. If you leave your eclipse glasses on, you won’t see anything. After a minute or two, the total eclipse will be over, the skies will lighten and special safety precautions must once again be taken. But those who experience totality will be left with memories of an otherwise hidden view of the Universe, a brief glimpse of our life-giving sun unlike any other. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun

China hasn&rsquo;t been known for establishing military bases in Africa &ndash; or even beyond its immediate sphere of influence. This is changing following its decision to build a military base in <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/07/china-open-overseas-military-base-djibouti-170712135241977.html">Djibouti</a> on the Horn of Africa. The base will be next door to the <a href="https://www.africom.mil/area-of-responsibility/east-africa/republic-of-djibouti">United States Africa Command</a>.

China will be able to use the base to improve the way it manages its peacekeeping operations and humanitarian efforts in Africa, as well as its regional maritime operations.

How should this be understood in terms of China&rsquo;s global positioning? And what are the implications of its expanding military footprint in Africa?

The brief answer is that there has not been a sudden change in China&rsquo;s role and foreign policy profile on the continent. Instead, the change has been gradual and incremental. This is particularly evident from an international peacekeeping perspective.

Beijing&rsquo;s views and approach towards United Nations peacekeeping have changed significantly since China <a href="http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/feat/archives/2015/10/18/2003630319">joined the UN</a> in 1971. A major shift took place after the end of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Cold-War">Cold War</a> and, over the years, it&rsquo;s gradually taken a more positive stance and indicated a greater willingness to contribute.

Today China contributes peacekeepers in <a href="https://theglobalobservatory.org/2016/10/china-peacekeeping-dpko-south-sudan-mali/">substantial numbers</a> to operations in South Sudan, Mali and the <a href="http://www.african-defense.com/defense-news/chinese-peacekeepers-shine-in-drc/">Democratic Republic of Congo</a>. In doing so, it&rsquo;s deliberately sending a message that its rising profile is not a strategic threat to other major powers. Instead, it wants to be regarded as a friend to developing nations and be more responsive to global expectations. This includes the need to reduce tensions and conflicts.

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<h5>China&rsquo;s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests.</h5>
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China&rsquo;s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests.

A global player

China increasingly intends to show that it is a global power. The new base in Djibouti should be viewed in this context. It&rsquo;s in line with China&rsquo;s views on international peacekeeping. This is that peacekeeping&nbsp;way of exerting greater influence on international affairs through the UN.

Unlike the US, which has numerous <a href="http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-worldwide-network-of-us-military-bases/5564">military bases around the world</a>, China has exercised its global presence through peacekeeping operations. As a result, Beijing has emerged as a significant actor in international peacekeeping operations &ndash; in Africa and elsewhere.

Its commitment to this can be seen from the fact that it&rsquo;s the only country that significantly contributes both troops and money to <a href="http://chinapower.csis.org/china-un-mission/">UN peacekeeping operations</a>.

Secondly, China&rsquo;s expanding role in UN peacekeeping over the last two decades has helped it craft a more positive and constructive global image and reputation. It has used peacekeeping deliberately, and systematically, as a diplomatic instrument aimed at projecting China as a responsible global power. Its approach to peacekeeping has also allowed it to respond more quickly to African requests or challenges. And it&rsquo;s worked as a confidence building measure with both African governments and the African Union.

Thirdly, China&rsquo;s emerging role in Africa is part of an evolving and pragmatic reorientation in Chinese policymaking circles, specifically where Beijing&rsquo;s political interests and related investments are at stake. China is <a href="http://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/january-2013/china-heart-africa">Africa&rsquo;s largest trading partner</a>, and its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with African concerns.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/180386/width754/file-20170731-22175-9evoy0.jpg" />
<figcaption>
Chinese soldiers deployed for UN peacekeeping missions at their military base in Qinyang, Henan province, China.&nbsp;

But its growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with its historical commitment to non-interventionism. This is particularly clear in the case of South Sudan.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Strategic interests

Africa&rsquo;s youngest nation has presented both challenges and opportunities for China. It has had to soften its historical arm&rsquo;s length approach to facilitate a political solution to the ongoing conflict in South Sudan. But it has also needed to secure its strategic interests, especially the production of oil.

In this volatile and turbulent environment, Beijing felt compelled to make a substantial peacekeeping contribution to the <a href="http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/unmiss/">United Nations Mission in South Sudan</a>. This included deploying combat troops.

But it also had to assume a number of new political roles, such as mediating between warring parties and engaging in <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=45658&amp;#.V-KBmvl97IU">multilateral peace talks</a>. This puts Chinese foreign policy principles under pressure and steered its involvement in international peacekeeping operations in a new direction.

China&rsquo;s peacekeeping experience in South Sudan suggests that it tacitly recognises that some kind of intervention is sometimes needed to protect its strategic interests.

Although China&rsquo;s involvement in peacekeeping in South Sudan should not be overstated in terms of its scope and extent, it does seem to signal the beginning of a far more assertive role in Africa&rsquo;s peace and security issues.

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<h5>As much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial</h5>
</blockquote>
</div>

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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=As much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial" target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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At the same time, as much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial. It remains true that China&rsquo;s increased involvement in political dynamics in South Sudan doesn&rsquo;t sit easily with its long held policy of non-intervention.

A new colonialism?

Will China&rsquo;s presence in Africa &ndash; including its military footprint in Djibouti &ndash; turn into a new form of colonialism in Africa?

I believe this is highly unlikely. China remains acutely aware of the pitfalls associated with the politics of interventionism, especially in developing nations. It wants developing countries to regard it as a friend in global politics.

But it wouldn&rsquo;t be surprising if China started to apply at least a measure of military (hard) power alongside diplomatic (soft) power if it believes its economic interests are under threat.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81783/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />African leaders must be realistic about developments such as the Djibouti military base. They can&rsquo;t welcome China&rsquo;s presence &ndash; and investments &ndash; as an acceptable alternative to America, while opposing Beijing&rsquo;s use of diplomatic &ndash; and even military &ndash; means to protect its interests.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-djibouti-military-base-tells-us-about-chinas-growing-role-in-africa-81783">original article</a>.

China?s expanding role in UN peacekeeping over the last two decades has helped it craft a more positive and constructive global image and reputation

China hasn’t been known for establishing military bases in Africa – or even beyond its immediate sphere of influence. This is changing following its decision to build a military base in Djibouti on the Horn of Africa. The base will be next door to the United States Africa Command. China will be able to use the base to improve the way it manages its peacekeeping operations and humanitarian efforts in Africa, as well as its regional maritime operations. How should this be understood in terms of China’s global positioning? And what are the implications of its expanding military footprint in Africa? The brief answer is that there has not been a sudden change in China’s role and foreign policy profile on the continent. Instead, the change has been gradual and incremental. This is particularly evident from an international peacekeeping perspective. Beijing’s views and approach towards United Nations peacekeeping have changed significantly since China joined the UN in 1971. A major shift took place after the end of the Cold War and, over the years, it’s gradually taken a more positive stance and indicated a greater willingness to contribute. Today China contributes peacekeepers in substantial numbers to operations in South Sudan, Mali and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In doing so, it’s deliberately sending a message that its rising profile is not a strategic threat to other major powers. Instead, it wants to be regarded as a friend to developing nations and be more responsive to global expectations. This includes the need to reduce tensions and conflicts. China’s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests. × China’s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests. A global player China increasingly intends to show that it is a global power. The new base in Djibouti should be viewed in this context. It’s in line with China’s views on international peacekeeping. This is that peacekeeping way of exerting greater influence on international affairs through the UN. Unlike the US, which has numerous military bases around the world, China has exercised its global presence through peacekeeping operations. As a result, Beijing has emerged as a significant actor in international peacekeeping operations – in Africa and elsewhere. Its commitment to this can be seen from the fact that it’s the only country that significantly contributes both troops and money to UN peacekeeping operations. Secondly, China’s expanding role in UN peacekeeping over the last two decades has helped it craft a more positive and constructive global image and reputation. It has used peacekeeping deliberately, and systematically, as a diplomatic instrument aimed at projecting China as a responsible global power. Its approach to peacekeeping has also allowed it to respond more quickly to African requests or challenges. And it’s worked as a confidence building measure with both African governments and the African Union. Thirdly, China’s emerging role in Africa is part of an evolving and pragmatic reorientation in Chinese policymaking circles, specifically where Beijing’s political interests and related investments are at stake. China is Africa’s largest trading partner, and its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with African concerns. Chinese soldiers deployed for UN peacekeeping missions at their military base in Qinyang, Henan province, China. But its growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with its historical commitment to non-interventionism. This is particularly clear in the case of South Sudan. Strategic interests Africa’s youngest nation has presented both challenges and opportunities for China. It has had to soften its historical arm’s length approach to facilitate a political solution to the ongoing conflict in South Sudan. But it has also needed to secure its strategic interests, especially the production of oil. In this volatile and turbulent environment, Beijing felt compelled to make a substantial peacekeeping contribution to the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. This included deploying combat troops. But it also had to assume a number of new political roles, such as mediating between warring parties and engaging in multilateral peace talks. This puts Chinese foreign policy principles under pressure and steered its involvement in international peacekeeping operations in a new direction. China’s peacekeeping experience in South Sudan suggests that it tacitly recognises that some kind of intervention is sometimes needed to protect its strategic interests. Although China’s involvement in peacekeeping in South Sudan should not be overstated in terms of its scope and extent, it does seem to signal the beginning of a far more assertive role in Africa’s peace and security issues. As much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial × At the same time, as much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial. It remains true that China’s increased involvement in political dynamics in South Sudan doesn’t sit easily with its long held policy of non-intervention. A new colonialism? Will China’s presence in Africa – including its military footprint in Djibouti – turn into a new form of colonialism in Africa? I believe this is highly unlikely. China remains acutely aware of the pitfalls associated with the politics of interventionism, especially in developing nations. It wants developing countries to regard it as a friend in global politics. But it wouldn’t be surprising if China started to apply at least a measure of military (hard) power alongside diplomatic (soft) power if it believes its economic interests are under threat. African leaders must be realistic about developments such as the Djibouti military base. They can’t welcome China’s presence – and investments – as an acceptable alternative to America, while opposing Beijing’s use of diplomatic – and even military – means to protect its interests. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

China?s new military base in Africa will help China in asserting its position as a global power

<h1>The small hands of Moroccan recycling</h1>

<figure><img alt="File 20170519 12263 vvjzz7" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170165/width754/file-20170519-12263-vvjzz7.jpg" />
<figcaption>A wastepicker working in the streets of Casablanca. (Photo Pascal Garret, July 2013) <a class="source" href="http://www.bab-el-louk.org/">www.bab-el-louk.org</a>, <a class="license" href="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/">CC BY-NC-ND</a></figcaption>
</figure>

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/benedicte-florin-348742">B&eacute;n&eacute;dicte Florin</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universite-francois-rabelais-de-tours-2282">Universit&eacute; Fran&ccedil;ois-Rabelais de Tours</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mustapha-azaitraoui-369200">Mustapha Azaitraoui</a>, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universite-hassan-ier-3095">Universit&eacute; Hassan Ier</a>

This article is based on a series about recycling documented in the 2017 book <a href="http://www.pressesdesciencespo.fr/fr/livre/?GCOI=27246100106200">What to do with leftovers? Re-employment in Accumulation Societies</a>. The photographs by <a href="http://www.bab-el-louk.org/">Pascal Garret</a>, sociologist and freelance photographer, who collaborates with social scientists on the theme of waste recovery and recycling.

<hr />
Casablanca, Morocco, summer 2016. With constant heat often above 30&deg;C, garbage can quickly suffocate the four millions inhabitants of this city. But as visitors navigate through the second-largest city of the Maghrebian region, small hands are making sure that large quantities of waste do not pile up on landfills by offering them new life.

These men and women belong to populations that anthropologist Delphine Corteel and sociologist St&eacute;phane Le Lay (<a href="https://www.cairn.info/travailleurs-des-dechets--9782749214368.htm">ERES, 2011</a>) have called &ldquo;waste workers&rdquo;.

Despite their tremendous and tiring work, they remain excluded from the Moroccan society because of the uncleanliness of their work, and the nature of their living spaces.

They live on the margins of legal urban areas, in slums and makeshift houses, which are regularly demolished or threatened by real estate and urban projects. While working in the streets, they are often victims of violence either committed by the authorities or other inhabitants.

We conducted interviews with many members of this community <a href="https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01249663">from 2011</a>. Our objective was to show that these waste collectors, sorters, semi-wholesalers, recyclers and transporters often consider their work as a real profession and believe that their role is essential, especially given that environmental issues have never been higher on the agenda.

According to our multi-site surveys, more than a third of Casablanca&rsquo;s household waste would escape rejection from landfills.

Far from presenting an image of misery and exclusion, we wish to portray this population free from the stigma that usually accompanies activities linked to waste.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170162/area14mp/file-20170519-12226-tpm669.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170162/width754/file-20170519-12226-tpm669.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>Overview of one part of a waste recycling area in Casablanca, Lahraouine. In the background, you can see the social housing district of Attacharouk. (Photo Pascal Garret/MuCEM, January 2015)</figcaption>
</figure>

Situated on the outskirts of Casablanca and in a topographic depression, the Lahraouine district remains virtually invisible from the outside. Most workers live in neighbouring douars (slums) where running water is absent and electricity is supplied by generators or illegal connections.

Several real estate projects have put pressure on the city to revamp the <a href="http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2015/04/15/casablanca-construit-son-reve-de-place-economique-internationale_4616523_3212.html">district and get rid of its slums</a>. As the waste collectors do not owner their lands and there&rsquo;s no rehousing project, they live in fear of eviction.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170167/area14mp/file-20170519-12231-td08us.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170167/width754/file-20170519-12231-td08us.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>A bouar returning from his tour in the outskirts of Casablanca. (Photo Pascal Garret, May 2016)</figcaption>
</figure>

This bouar (the word is derived from the French word &eacute;boueur for garbage man) returns from the city with a cart filled with his daily collection. But the increasing number of containers buried in the affluent neighbourhoods of Casablanca reduces access to this waste resource.

More often than not, the bouara (plural for bouar) have to limit their work to open bins in working-class neighbourhoods. They are also more tolerated in these areas than in the city&rsquo;s central districts or middle-upper class areas. In the latter, police can harass them, even arrest them and confiscate their donkeys and carts.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170277/area14mp/file-20170522-25068-19nhlyf.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170277/width754/file-20170522-25068-19nhlyf.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>Inside view of a gelssa of Lahraouine. (Photo Pascal Garret, April 2017)</figcaption>
</figure>

The gelssas (a term derived from the verb gels, which means sit down in darija, the language of the Maghreb region) are enclosures of various sizes surrounded by palisades (metal sheets, tarps, boards or dried waste that form a kind of wall) where the bouara centralise their harvest after each city tour.

Their collection is sold by weight and consists mainly of cardboard, plastics, metals, glass, fabrics and vegetable waste. Valuable objects, after changing hands several times, will eventually end up in one of the city&rsquo;s flea markets (joutiya). Nothing that can be used is left behind.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170280/area14mp/file-20170522-25041-9c0nul.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170280/width754/file-20170522-25041-9c0nul.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>A worker sorting waste in a gelssa specialised on plastic materials. (Photo Pascal Garret, May 2016)</figcaption>
</figure>

The bouara of Casablanca can make about &euro;20 daily, but many must rent their equipment (cart and animal) from their bosses for &euro;2.

Some gelssas are versatile sorting and recycling sites (plastics, wood, metal, rags), where materials are sorted by type. Others specialise in a particular material, as is the case below for plastic.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170282/area14mp/file-20170522-25076-jox0vi.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170282/width754/file-20170522-25076-jox0vi.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>There is no electricity in the gelssas and this machine is powered by a generator. (Photo Pascal Garret, April 2017)</figcaption>
</figure>

After collection and sorting, some materials have to be compacted and crushed to take up less space, which adds value. The materials will then be sold to informal sector wholesalers or to the formal sector through pick-ups or trucks sent to carry the waste.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170279/area14mp/file-20170522-25076-9jjyyc.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170279/width754/file-20170522-25076-9jjyyc.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>Women sorting plastic waste. (Photo Pascal Garret, May 2016)</figcaption>
</figure>

In Lahraouine, we have not seen many women in the gelssas. Among the 3,000 active waste-recyclers we roughly counted, the majority are young men and we estimated that there were only 500 to 600 women. They are only assigned to sorting tasks.

The <a href="http://www.hcp.ma/Etude-d-Impact-de-la-crise-mondiale-sur-l-economie-marocaine_a867.html">economic crisis in Morocco</a> has led to an increase of waste workers in Casablanca.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170286/area14mp/file-20170522-25008-1jbpntt.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170286/width754/file-20170522-25008-1jbpntt.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>The sheds of waste collectors are themselves made with waste. (Photo Pascal Garret, January 2015)</figcaption>
</figure>

Waste collectors come, for the most part, from the countryside to escape poverty. Some of them originate from very remote villages in the eastern regions of Casablanca.

Many, especially youngsters, come and go according to agricultural cycles. <a href="http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2016/10/17/poverty-has-fallen-in-the-maghreb-but-inequality-persists">Nearly 19% of Morocco&rsquo;s agriculturally dependent rural population</a> still lives in poverty or in danger of becoming impoverished. These seasonal workers are hosted by relatives in the douars of Lahraouine or live in sheds inside gelssas.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170285/area14mp/file-20170522-25041-wjvqkj.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170285/width754/file-20170522-25041-wjvqkj.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>The boss of a gelssa posing with his horse. (Photo Pascal Garret, January 2015)</figcaption>
</figure>

This boss of a gelssa employs several waste collectors. He owns a few carts pulled by a donkey or a horse, and is a &ldquo;middle-income earner&rdquo;.

There is a very strong hierarchy in the world of recycling. At the lower level are the simple bouara and women who sort and earn low incomes. At the end of the higher range are the bosses of large gelssas who own one or more trucks and plastic crushers.

Gelssas bosses are very familiar with the cost and value of materials on the market and keep themselves updated through the internet or their mobile phones. They know exactly where, to whom and when to sell to get the maximum benefit from their wares.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170288/area14mp/file-20170522-25027-1l4gh1j.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/170288/width754/file-20170522-25027-1l4gh1j.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>A waste collector at work in the Mediouna dump. (Photo Pascal Garret/MuCEM, January 2015)</figcaption>
</figure>

Situated about 20 kilometres south of Greater Casablanca, <a href="https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01524893">the Mediouna&rsquo;s landfill</a> receives nearly 3,500 tons of household waste each day, brought in by the trucks of waste-recycling companies.

At this site, which should normally mark the end of life for Casablanca&rsquo;s waste, some 600 illegal waste collectors extract about 1000 tons of materials daily that will be re-injected into the informal and formal recycling circuit.

The business of recycling factories and export wholesalers depends heavily on the activities of street collectors or the Mediouna landfill from whom they buy recovered materials at a lower cost. Secondary raw materials produced by the formal sector of the economy are largely derived from the work of these hidden workers.

Blurring the borders, this small world of informal workers is thus &ndash; directly or indirectly &ndash; well inserted in the economic chain on every level: local, regional, national and even international. The PET brought in by waste collectors, for example, is exported to China.

Many of them have also fully understood and integrated environmental arguments. One, called Mustapha, told us in an interview in 2013:

<blockquote>
We contribute to the economy of Morocco. It is thanks to us that this waste is recycled instead of being simply buried or burned. This is our livelihood, it&rsquo;s our survival and it makes our community live
</blockquote>

This wholesaler even tried to create an association for the waste collectors of the Lahraouine district in order to get them officially acknowledged and organised. But so far he has faced indifference or opposition from the authorities.

His failure highlights the perpetual stigma attached to the profession of waste collecting. It also shows their isolation and relegation to the spatial and social margins of the economic capital of Morocco.

Yet, <a href="http://globalrec.org/en/">elsewhere in the world</a>, innovative experiments, mobilisation of reclaiming communities and associations are signs that integration, access to social rights and, more broadly, recognition or informal waste collectors are possible.

<hr />
<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/74878/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />B&eacute;n&eacute;dicte Florin and Pascal Garret also collaborated for the <a href="http://www.mucem.org/programme/exposition-et-temps-forts/vies-dordures">Vies d&#39;ordures, waste economics exhibition at the Museum of Civilisation of Europe and the Mediterranean (MuCEM, Marseille)</a>, March 22 to August 14 2017.

<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/benedicte-florin-348742">B&eacute;n&eacute;dicte Florin</a>, Ma&icirc;tre de conf&eacute;rences, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universite-francois-rabelais-de-tours-2282">Universit&eacute; Fran&ccedil;ois-Rabelais de Tours</a> and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/mustapha-azaitraoui-369200">Mustapha Azaitraoui</a>, Enseignant-chercheur en g&eacute;ographie humaine, <a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universite-hassan-ier-3095">Universit&eacute; Hassan Ier</a>

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-small-hands-of-moroccan-recycling-74878">original article</a>.

The small hands of Moroccan recycling A wastepicker working in the streets of Casablanca. (Photo Pascal Garret, July 2013) www.bab-el-louk.org, CC BY-NC-ND Bénédicte Florin, Université François-Rabelais de Tours and Mustapha Azaitraoui, Université Hassan Ier This article is based on a series about recycling documented in the 2017 book What to do with leftovers?

The small hands of Moroccan recycling A wastepicker working in the streets of Casablanca. (Photo Pascal Garret, July 2013) www.bab-el-louk.org, CC BY-NC-ND Bénédicte Florin, Université François-Rabelais de Tours and Mustapha Azaitraoui, Université Hassan Ier This article is based on a series about recycling documented in the 2017 book What to do with leftovers? Re-employment in Accumulation Societies. The photographs by Pascal Garret, sociologist and freelance photographer, who collaborates with social scientists on the theme of waste recovery and recycling. Casablanca, Morocco, summer 2016. With constant heat often above 30°C, garbage can quickly suffocate the four millions inhabitants of this city. But as visitors navigate through the second-largest city of the Maghrebian region, small hands are making sure that large quantities of waste do not pile up on landfills by offering them new life. These men and women belong to populations that anthropologist Delphine Corteel and sociologist Stéphane Le Lay (ERES, 2011) have called “waste workers”. Despite their tremendous and tiring work, they remain excluded from the Moroccan society because of the uncleanliness of their work, and the nature of their living spaces. They live on the margins of legal urban areas, in slums and makeshift houses, which are regularly demolished or threatened by real estate and urban projects. While working in the streets, they are often victims of violence either committed by the authorities or other inhabitants. We conducted interviews with many members of this community from 2011. Our objective was to show that these waste collectors, sorters, semi-wholesalers, recyclers and transporters often consider their work as a real profession and believe that their role is essential, especially given that environmental issues have never been higher on the agenda. According to our multi-site surveys, more than a third of Casablanca’s household waste would escape rejection from landfills. Far from presenting an image of misery and exclusion, we wish to portray this population free from the stigma that usually accompanies activities linked to waste. Overview of one part of a waste recycling area in Casablanca, Lahraouine. In the background, you can see the social housing district of Attacharouk. (Photo Pascal Garret/MuCEM, January 2015) Situated on the outskirts of Casablanca and in a topographic depression, the Lahraouine district remains virtually invisible from the outside. Most workers live in neighbouring douars (slums) where running water is absent and electricity is supplied by generators or illegal connections. Several real estate projects have put pressure on the city to revamp the district and get rid of its slums. As the waste collectors do not owner their lands and there’s no rehousing project, they live in fear of eviction. A bouar returning from his tour in the outskirts of Casablanca. (Photo Pascal Garret, May 2016) This bouar (the word is derived from the French word éboueur for garbage man) returns from the city with a cart filled with his daily collection. But the increasing number of containers buried in the affluent neighbourhoods of Casablanca reduces access to this waste resource. More often than not, the bouara (plural for bouar) have to limit their work to open bins in working-class neighbourhoods. They are also more tolerated in these areas than in the city’s central districts or middle-upper class areas. In the latter, police can harass them, even arrest them and confiscate their donkeys and carts. Inside view of a gelssa of Lahraouine. (Photo Pascal Garret, April 2017) The gelssas (a term derived from the verb gels, which means sit down in darija, the language of the Maghreb region) are enclosures of various sizes surrounded by palisades (metal sheets, tarps, boards or dried waste that form a kind of wall) where the bouara centralise their harvest after each city tour. Their collection is sold by weight and consists mainly of cardboard, plastics, metals, glass, fabrics and vegetable waste. Valuable objects, after changing hands several times, will eventually end up in one of the city’s flea markets (joutiya). Nothing that can be used is left behind. A worker sorting waste in a gelssa specialised on plastic materials. (Photo Pascal Garret, May 2016) The bouara of Casablanca can make about €20 daily, but many must rent their equipment (cart and animal) from their bosses for €2. Some gelssas are versatile sorting and recycling sites (plastics, wood, metal, rags), where materials are sorted by type. Others specialise in a particular material, as is the case below for plastic. There is no electricity in the gelssas and this machine is powered by a generator. (Photo Pascal Garret, April 2017) After collection and sorting, some materials have to be compacted and crushed to take up less space, which adds value. The materials will then be sold to informal sector wholesalers or to the formal sector through pick-ups or trucks sent to carry the waste. Women sorting plastic waste. (Photo Pascal Garret, May 2016) In Lahraouine, we have not seen many women in the gelssas. Among the 3,000 active waste-recyclers we roughly counted, the majority are young men and we estimated that there were only 500 to 600 women. They are only assigned to sorting tasks. The economic crisis in Morocco has led to an increase of waste workers in Casablanca. The sheds of waste collectors are themselves made with waste. (Photo Pascal Garret, January 2015) Waste collectors come, for the most part, from the countryside to escape poverty. Some of them originate from very remote villages in the eastern regions of Casablanca. Many, especially youngsters, come and go according to agricultural cycles. Nearly 19% of Morocco’s agriculturally dependent rural population still lives in poverty or in danger of becoming impoverished. These seasonal workers are hosted by relatives in the douars of Lahraouine or live in sheds inside gelssas. The boss of a gelssa posing with his horse. (Photo Pascal Garret, January 2015) This boss of a gelssa employs several waste collectors. He owns a few carts pulled by a donkey or a horse, and is a “middle-income earner”. There is a very strong hierarchy in the world of recycling. At the lower level are the simple bouara and women who sort and earn low incomes. At the end of the higher range are the bosses of large gelssas who own one or more trucks and plastic crushers. Gelssas bosses are very familiar with the cost and value of materials on the market and keep themselves updated through the internet or their mobile phones. They know exactly where, to whom and when to sell to get the maximum benefit from their wares. A waste collector at work in the Mediouna dump. (Photo Pascal Garret/MuCEM, January 2015) Situated about 20 kilometres south of Greater Casablanca, the Mediouna’s landfill receives nearly 3,500 tons of household waste each day, brought in by the trucks of waste-recycling companies. At this site, which should normally mark the end of life for Casablanca’s waste, some 600 illegal waste collectors extract about 1000 tons of materials daily that will be re-injected into the informal and formal recycling circuit. The business of recycling factories and export wholesalers depends heavily on the activities of street collectors or the Mediouna landfill from whom they buy recovered materials at a lower cost. Secondary raw materials produced by the formal sector of the economy are largely derived from the work of these hidden workers. Blurring the borders, this small world of informal workers is thus – directly or indirectly – well inserted in the economic chain on every level: local, regional, national and even international. The PET brought in by waste collectors, for example, is exported to China. Many of them have also fully understood and integrated environmental arguments. One, called Mustapha, told us in an interview in 2013: We contribute to the economy of Morocco. It is thanks to us that this waste is recycled instead of being simply buried or burned. This is our livelihood, it’s our survival and it makes our community live This wholesaler even tried to create an association for the waste collectors of the Lahraouine district in order to get them officially acknowledged and organised. But so far he has faced indifference or opposition from the authorities. His failure highlights the perpetual stigma attached to the profession of waste collecting. It also shows their isolation and relegation to the spatial and social margins of the economic capital of Morocco. Yet, elsewhere in the world, innovative experiments, mobilisation of reclaiming communities and associations are signs that integration, access to social rights and, more broadly, recognition or informal waste collectors are possible. Bénédicte Florin and Pascal Garret also collaborated for the Vies d'ordures, waste economics exhibition at the Museum of Civilisation of Europe and the Mediterranean (MuCEM, Marseille), March 22 to August 14 2017. Bénédicte Florin, Maître de conférences, Université François-Rabelais de Tours and Mustapha Azaitraoui, Enseignant-chercheur en géographie humaine, Université Hassan Ier This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The small hands of Moroccan recycling

Almost 1.4 million children suffering from severe malnutrition could die this year from famine in Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen, the UN children&#39;s agency said Monday.

In Yemen, where war has been raging for nearly two years, 462,000 children are suffering from acute malnutrition while 450,000 children are severely malnourished in northeast Nigeria.

Fews Net, the famine early warning system, said some remote areas of Nigeria&#39;s Borno state are already affected by famine since late last year and the disaster is likely to continue as aid agencies are unable to reach those in need.

Drought in Somalia has left 185,000 children on the brink of famine but that figure is expected to reach 270,000 in the next few months, said UNICEF.

In South Sudan, over 270,000 children are malnourished and a famine has just been declared in parts of Unity State in the north of the country, where 20,000 children live.&nbsp;

UNICEF director Anthony Lake appealed for quick action. &quot;We can still save many lives,&quot; he said.

UN Security Council ambassadors are due to travel to northern Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Niger next month to draw international attention to the humanitarian crisis triggered by the conflict with Boko Haram militants.

(AFP)

In Yemen, where war has been raging for nearly two years, 462,000 children are suffering from acute malnutrition

Almost 1.4 million children suffering from severe malnutrition could die this year from famine in Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen, the UN children's agency said Monday. In Yemen, where war has been raging for nearly two years, 462,000 children are suffering from acute malnutrition while 450,000 children are severely malnourished in northeast Nigeria. Fews Net, the famine early warning system, said some remote areas of Nigeria's Borno state are already affected by famine since late last year and the disaster is likely to continue as aid agencies are unable to reach those in need. Drought in Somalia has left 185,000 children on the brink of famine but that figure is expected to reach 270,000 in the next few months, said UNICEF. In South Sudan, over 270,000 children are malnourished and a famine has just been declared in parts of Unity State in the north of the country, where 20,000 children live. UNICEF director Anthony Lake appealed for quick action. "We can still save many lives," he said. UN Security Council ambassadors are due to travel to northern Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Niger next month to draw international attention to the humanitarian crisis triggered by the conflict with Boko Haram militants. (AFP)

1.4 million malnourished children could die due to famine in four countries: UN

It&#39;s lower cost has made it popular in commercial food production, but after being blamed for deforestation in Asia, palm oil plantations are now getting a similar rap in Africa.

The sheer scale of land required is having an impact in Gabon, Cameroon and the Congo Basin, environmentalists say.

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<h5>The production process accelerates deforestation, contributes to climate change and threatens fauna and flora in vulnerable areas, opponents argue</h5>
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With financing coming from American, European and Asian agri-businesses, palm bunches are cultivated then cut from trees and sent to factories where oil is extracted by hot pressing.

But the production process accelerates deforestation, contributes to climate change and threatens fauna and flora in vulnerable areas, opponents argue.

However, the companies say that palm oil is not only less expensive than soya or sunflower oil but requires much less land to produce and provides much-needed jobs.

Gabon -- where forest covers 80 percent of the territory -- is feeling the brunt.

Brainforest and Mighty, two environmental groups, investigated the activities of Olam, an agri-business from Singapore, which said it has planted 58,000 hectares of palm trees in Gabon.

&quot;It is estimated that Olam has deforested 20,000 hectares in its Gabonese concessions of Awala et Mouila since 2012,&quot; the groups said in a report released in mid-December. &quot;Investigators on the scene witnessed and filmed bulldozers knocking down huge trees en masse.&quot;

Olam said palm trees had been planted on 25,000 hectares of land which had previously been forested, but that this had been &quot;highly logged and degraded secondary forest&quot; and represented just 0.1 percent of Gabon&#39;s forests.

In response to the report, Olam published advertisements touting the almost 11,000 jobs it has created, the 1,100 hectares of food crops planted and 251 kilometres (150 miles) of roads built.

A wider impact

But the impact appears wider. In their report, the environmental groups expressed fears that the Congo Basin, considered the lung of Africa, could go the same way as forests in Sumatra, Indonesia and on Borneo.

&quot;A few decades ago, these places were almost entirely covered with forests, a paradise for orangutans, rhinos, elephants and exotic birds. Today, only 20-30 percent of the forest cover exists.&quot;

The report was released in Libreville when an environmental film festival honoured the French documentary &quot;Et Maintenant Nos Terres&quot; (And Now Our Land).

Its directors, Julien Le Net and Benjamin Polle, chronicled how villages in Cameroon and Senegal were being affected by what they called &quot;land grabs&quot; by multinational companies.

In south-west Cameroon, 244 farmers have filed a trespassing complaint against a company that intends to plant 20,000 hectares of palm trees.

Hearings in the case against Sustainable Oils Cameroon, formerly a subsidiary of American company Herakles Farms, were postponed after reports of unrest in the area in November.

Greenpeace has asked Cameroon not to renew the company&#39;s concession which expired at the end of November, and it cited &quot;six years of illegal foresting, trampling of locals&#39; rights, unfulfilled investments and destruction of forest&quot;.

A petition signed by 180,000 people against renewal of the contract was sent last week to Cameroon President Paul Biya, Greenpeace said.

The government has not yet made a decision but Greenpeace said it hoped it would hear the voices of &quot;thousands of Cameroonians&quot;.

Meanwhile, the plantations of Socapalm, a subsidiary of the Luxembourg company Socfin in which the family firm of French businessman Vincent Bollore owns a large minority stake, were targeted by protests in November.

&quot;No to pollution and massive environmental destruction&quot; read one banner, while another urged the company to open a dialogue with residents.

&quot;More than 5,000 hectares has been used,&quot; a resident called Ebeneser Ekango told AFPTV at the time, complaining there wasn&#39;t enough land to plant the staple crop cassava. &quot;What do we eat?&quot;

Greenpeace, which has complained that Socfin concessions have included old-growth forests, applauded the company publishing in December a responsible management policy commits to &quot;eliminating deforestation&quot;.

(AFP)

The sheer scale of land required is having an impact in Gabon, Cameroon and the Congo Basin, say environmentalists

It's lower cost has made it popular in commercial food production, but after being blamed for deforestation in Asia, palm oil plantations are now getting a similar rap in Africa. The sheer scale of land required is having an impact in Gabon, Cameroon and the Congo Basin, environmentalists say. The production process accelerates deforestation, contributes to climate change and threatens fauna and flora in vulnerable areas, opponents argue × With financing coming from American, European and Asian agri-businesses, palm bunches are cultivated then cut from trees and sent to factories where oil is extracted by hot pressing. But the production process accelerates deforestation, contributes to climate change and threatens fauna and flora in vulnerable areas, opponents argue. However, the companies say that palm oil is not only less expensive than soya or sunflower oil but requires much less land to produce and provides much-needed jobs. Gabon -- where forest covers 80 percent of the territory -- is feeling the brunt. Brainforest and Mighty, two environmental groups, investigated the activities of Olam, an agri-business from Singapore, which said it has planted 58,000 hectares of palm trees in Gabon. "It is estimated that Olam has deforested 20,000 hectares in its Gabonese concessions of Awala et Mouila since 2012," the groups said in a report released in mid-December. "Investigators on the scene witnessed and filmed bulldozers knocking down huge trees en masse." Olam said palm trees had been planted on 25,000 hectares of land which had previously been forested, but that this had been "highly logged and degraded secondary forest" and represented just 0.1 percent of Gabon's forests. In response to the report, Olam published advertisements touting the almost 11,000 jobs it has created, the 1,100 hectares of food crops planted and 251 kilometres (150 miles) of roads built. A wider impact But the impact appears wider. In their report, the environmental groups expressed fears that the Congo Basin, considered the lung of Africa, could go the same way as forests in Sumatra, Indonesia and on Borneo. "A few decades ago, these places were almost entirely covered with forests, a paradise for orangutans, rhinos, elephants and exotic birds. Today, only 20-30 percent of the forest cover exists." The report was released in Libreville when an environmental film festival honoured the French documentary "Et Maintenant Nos Terres" (And Now Our Land). Its directors, Julien Le Net and Benjamin Polle, chronicled how villages in Cameroon and Senegal were being affected by what they called "land grabs" by multinational companies. In south-west Cameroon, 244 farmers have filed a trespassing complaint against a company that intends to plant 20,000 hectares of palm trees. Hearings in the case against Sustainable Oils Cameroon, formerly a subsidiary of American company Herakles Farms, were postponed after reports of unrest in the area in November. Greenpeace has asked Cameroon not to renew the company's concession which expired at the end of November, and it cited "six years of illegal foresting, trampling of locals' rights, unfulfilled investments and destruction of forest". A petition signed by 180,000 people against renewal of the contract was sent last week to Cameroon President Paul Biya, Greenpeace said. The government has not yet made a decision but Greenpeace said it hoped it would hear the voices of "thousands of Cameroonians". Meanwhile, the plantations of Socapalm, a subsidiary of the Luxembourg company Socfin in which the family firm of French businessman Vincent Bollore owns a large minority stake, were targeted by protests in November. "No to pollution and massive environmental destruction" read one banner, while another urged the company to open a dialogue with residents. "More than 5,000 hectares has been used," a resident called Ebeneser Ekango told AFPTV at the time, complaining there wasn't enough land to plant the staple crop cassava. "What do we eat?" Greenpeace, which has complained that Socfin concessions have included old-growth forests, applauded the company publishing in December a responsible management policy commits to "eliminating deforestation". (AFP)

After Asia, palm oil faces backlash in Africa

Protests against United Nations peacekeepers in Central African Republic turned violent on Monday, leaving four civilians dead and 14 wounded.&nbsp;

The UN said&nbsp;five of its peacekeepers were among those wounded in demonstrations across the capital city of&nbsp;Bangui.&nbsp;

The agency condemned the gunfire and looting reported during mass protests called by a coalition of civil society groups.

Protesters are demanding the withdrawal of&nbsp;the more than 10,000-strong&nbsp;United&nbsp;Nations&nbsp;Multidimensional&nbsp;Integrated&nbsp;Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) force over alleged failures to stop the rise of armed militias.

Gervais Lakosso, the coordinator of the civil society coalition calling for the UN to withdraw, said Monday that &quot;wherever the UN forces go there is violence&quot;. &quot;Civil society believes MINUSCA has shown passivity and complicity,&quot; he added.

The statement said the force &quot;intervened from the early hours of Monday in the capital to dismantle the barricades erected by hostile demonstrators&quot;.

President of CAR Red Cross, Antoine Mbai-Bogo told Reuters that three protesters were killed and six injured in violence.&nbsp;

UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric has called for calm in the capital and said that patrols would be strengthened.

The MINUSCA statement rejected the protests as a &quot;smear campaign&quot; against the peacekeeping force, and threatened &quot;international criminal prosecution&quot; for those accused of violence against the mission.

According to Reuters, MINUSCA workers have been accused of sexual assault and of not doing more for the people of CAR.&nbsp;

The Central African Republic has been in turmoil since 2013 due to conflict between Muslim Seleka rebels and anti-Balaka Christian militants.

(WION with inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

Five MINUSCA peacekeepers were wounded as the UN prepares to pull out from the country

Protests against United Nations peacekeepers in Central African Republic turned violent on Monday, leaving four civilians dead and 14 wounded. The UN said five of its peacekeepers were among those wounded in demonstrations across the capital city of Bangui. The agency condemned the gunfire and looting reported during mass protests called by a coalition of civil society groups. Protesters are demanding the withdrawal of the more than 10,000-strong United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic (MINUSCA) force over alleged failures to stop the rise of armed militias. Gervais Lakosso, the coordinator of the civil society coalition calling for the UN to withdraw, said Monday that "wherever the UN forces go there is violence". "Civil society believes MINUSCA has shown passivity and complicity," he added. The statement said the force "intervened from the early hours of Monday in the capital to dismantle the barricades erected by hostile demonstrators". President of CAR Red Cross, Antoine Mbai-Bogo told Reuters that three protesters were killed and six injured in violence. UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric has called for calm in the capital and said that patrols would be strengthened. The MINUSCA statement rejected the protests as a "smear campaign" against the peacekeeping force, and threatened "international criminal prosecution" for those accused of violence against the mission. According to Reuters, MINUSCA workers have been accused of sexual assault and of not doing more for the people of CAR. The Central African Republic has been in turmoil since 2013 due to conflict between Muslim Seleka rebels and anti-Balaka Christian militants. (WION with inputs from agencies)

Central African Republic protest leaves 4 civilians dead and 14 injured

Social media, if used strategically, is one of the most powerful tool to communicate and engage with masses. While brand marketers&nbsp;are innovatively&nbsp;using&nbsp;the web&nbsp;to engage with&nbsp;potential customers, there are many&nbsp;who&nbsp;harnessed this impactful platform&nbsp;to raise attention and initiate action on social causes.&nbsp;Here, we talk about some majorly successful campaigns that used an out of the box approach of&nbsp;inducing&nbsp;a comic factor to grab attention of the masses. These campaigns, besides tickling audience&#39;s funny&nbsp;bone, also instigated a sense of responsibility in them&nbsp;to participate in a larger than life issue behind the humour.

Here are brilliant examples of comedy&nbsp;being used to convey serious messages:

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<h2>ALS Ice Bucket Challenge</h2>

 
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Source : Shine On Media

 
The ice bucket challenge was launched by the ALS association in 2014 to raise awareness about amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, a fatal brain disease that damages motor neurons.&nbsp;People poured a bucket of iced water over their heads in order to appeal for donations before nominating others to do the same. The campaign spread like wildfire over the internet with over 2.4 million entertaining videos circulating. Renowned personalities including Lady Gaga, Tom Cruise, Cristiano Ronaldo, Leonardo DiCaprio, Robert Downey Jr and Tom Cruise participated. The campaign raised over $100 million in the first month itself that was used to fund several research projects. One of these was Project MinE, where the researchers recently announced that they have identified a new gene associated with the disease, which experts say could lead to new treatment possibilities

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<h2>Feeling Nuts</h2>

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Source : @realhughjackman via Twitter (Twitter)
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Brothers and founders of Salter Brothers Entertainment, Simon and Andrew Salter were touched and inspired by the story of Wendy Gough, a woman who lost her son to testicular cancer only because he was too embarrassed to talk about it.

They launched the #FeelingNuts campaign where boys were to post a picture of crotch grabs to catch attention of males to check early symptoms of the disease.&nbsp;With support from celebrities like Hugh Jackman and Nick Jonas, the campaign reached 750 million people globally.

The &quot;simple and powerful message&quot; of Feeling Nuts has impressed the British&nbsp;health minister Norman Lamb, the Liberal Democrat MP for North Norfolk, who said &quot; we have to make sure as the government that the system is able to respond to those people who come forward as a result.&quot;

<h2> 
Save The Internet, By All India Backchod</h2>

 
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Source : All India Bakchod 
 
All India Bakchod from India released a video - Save The Internet, that explained net neutrality and highlighted how telecom companies can change the internet usage scenario through a very basic and funny example. #SaveTheInternet took over Twitter trends with Bollywood stars like Shah Rukh Khan, Farhan Akhtar and Ayushmann Khurrana urging fans to support the cause. 
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<h2> 
Africa For Norway</h2>

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Source : SAIH Norway 
 
A Norwegian group called Radi-Aid launched a video to request Africa to send radiators to Norway. The cause was the condition of freezing children during Norway&rsquo;s severely cold winter months. The humorous video has a serious message. Their effort is a serious critique of the Western media coverage that stereotypes underdeveloped nations .The point is that images of pitiable&nbsp;Africans are just as imprecise&nbsp;as the idea of helpless freezing Norwegians.

<h2> 
British Heart Foundation - Promoting Hands-Only CPR</h2>

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Source : British Heart Foundation 
 
British Heart Foundation (BHF) launched a campaign aimed at encouraging bystanders to perform hands only Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation in case of emergency. Actor and former footballer Vinnie Jones appeared in a humourous training video demonstrating hands-only CPR. It demonstrates a simple drill : Call 999 and push hard and fast in the centre of the chest to the tune of the song &#39;Stayin Alive&#39;.The BHF claimed at least 23 people used the technique&nbsp;in a medical emergency after seeing the ad.

<h2> 
Movember</h2>

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Source : Made Men

<meta charset="utf-8" />Movember, a fusion&nbsp;of the words &quot;moustache&quot; and &quot;November,&quot; is an annual movement where men ditch their razors for a month and grow moustaches to raise funds for prostate cancer, testicular cancer, and other men&#39;s health issues. Popularly known as &lsquo;No Shave November&rsquo;, this&nbsp;initially started as a fundraiser in 1999 that grew into a worldwide tradition, led by the Movember Foundation and has raised over $559 million to fund 832 men&#39;s health programs in 21 countries.

<h2> 
Spice Girls</h2>

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<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/UpBoKjdm2Ek" width="560"></iframe> 
 
The United Nations&rsquo; Global Goals for Sustainable Development campaign recreated Spice Girls&rsquo; 1996 hit &ldquo;Wannabe&rdquo; to empower women by emphasising on a number of key women&rsquo;s issues like violence gender pay gap, and quality education for girls. It stars a range of stars from across the globe, including Canada&rsquo;s Taylor Hatala, Sri Lanka&rsquo;s Jacqueline Fernandez, Nigeria&rsquo;s Seyi Shay and the UK&rsquo;s M.O. The original &ldquo;Wannabe&rdquo; debuted on July 8, 1996 featuring Victoria Beckham, so this is a pitch perfect way to celebrate 20 years of completion.

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What an entertaining mix of social media and social responsibility!

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(Inputs from Shashwat Mittal and Devanshi Verma)

Sometimes, humour tells you where the trouble is

Social media, if used strategically, is one of the most powerful tool to communicate and engage with masses. While brand marketers are innovatively using the web to engage with potential customers, there are many who harnessed this impactful platform to raise attention and initiate action on social causes. Here, we talk about some majorly successful campaigns that used an out of the box approach of inducing a comic factor to grab attention of the masses. These campaigns, besides tickling audience's funny bone, also instigated a sense of responsibility in them to participate in a larger than life issue behind the humour. Here are brilliant examples of comedy being used to convey serious messages: ALS Ice Bucket Challenge Source : Shine On Media The ice bucket challenge was launched by the ALS association in 2014 to raise awareness about amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, a fatal brain disease that damages motor neurons. People poured a bucket of iced water over their heads in order to appeal for donations before nominating others to do the same. The campaign spread like wildfire over the internet with over 2.4 million entertaining videos circulating. Renowned personalities including Lady Gaga, Tom Cruise, Cristiano Ronaldo, Leonardo DiCaprio, Robert Downey Jr and Tom Cruise participated. The campaign raised over $100 million in the first month itself that was used to fund several research projects. One of these was Project MinE, where the researchers recently announced that they have identified a new gene associated with the disease, which experts say could lead to new treatment possibilities Feeling Nuts Source : @realhughjackman via Twitter (Twitter) × Brothers and founders of Salter Brothers Entertainment, Simon and Andrew Salter were touched and inspired by the story of Wendy Gough, a woman who lost her son to testicular cancer only because he was too embarrassed to talk about it. They launched the #FeelingNuts campaign where boys were to post a picture of crotch grabs to catch attention of males to check early symptoms of the disease. With support from celebrities like Hugh Jackman and Nick Jonas, the campaign reached 750 million people globally. The "simple and powerful message" of Feeling Nuts has impressed the British health minister Norman Lamb, the Liberal Democrat MP for North Norfolk, who said " we have to make sure as the government that the system is able to respond to those people who come forward as a result." Save The Internet, By All India Backchod Source : All India Bakchod All India Bakchod from India released a video - Save The Internet, that explained net neutrality and highlighted how telecom companies can change the internet usage scenario through a very basic and funny example. #SaveTheInternet took over Twitter trends with Bollywood stars like Shah Rukh Khan, Farhan Akhtar and Ayushmann Khurrana urging fans to support the cause. Africa For Norway Source : SAIH Norway A Norwegian group called Radi-Aid launched a video to request Africa to send radiators to Norway. The cause was the condition of freezing children during Norway’s severely cold winter months. The humorous video has a serious message. Their effort is a serious critique of the Western media coverage that stereotypes underdeveloped nations .The point is that images of pitiable Africans are just as imprecise as the idea of helpless freezing Norwegians. British Heart Foundation - Promoting Hands-Only CPR Source : British Heart Foundation British Heart Foundation (BHF) launched a campaign aimed at encouraging bystanders to perform hands only Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation in case of emergency. Actor and former footballer Vinnie Jones appeared in a humourous training video demonstrating hands-only CPR. It demonstrates a simple drill : Call 999 and push hard and fast in the centre of the chest to the tune of the song 'Stayin Alive'.The BHF claimed at least 23 people used the technique in a medical emergency after seeing the ad. Movember Source : Made Men Movember, a fusion of the words "moustache" and "November," is an annual movement where men ditch their razors for a month and grow moustaches to raise funds for prostate cancer, testicular cancer, and other men's health issues. Popularly known as ‘No Shave November’, this initially started as a fundraiser in 1999 that grew into a worldwide tradition, led by the Movember Foundation and has raised over $559 million to fund 832 men's health programs in 21 countries. Spice Girls The United Nations’ Global Goals for Sustainable Development campaign recreated Spice Girls’ 1996 hit “Wannabe” to empower women by emphasising on a number of key women’s issues like violence gender pay gap, and quality education for girls. It stars a range of stars from across the globe, including Canada’s Taylor Hatala, Sri Lanka’s Jacqueline Fernandez, Nigeria’s Seyi Shay and the UK’s M.O. The original “Wannabe” debuted on July 8, 1996 featuring Victoria Beckham, so this is a pitch perfect way to celebrate 20 years of completion. What an entertaining mix of social media and social responsibility! (Inputs from Shashwat Mittal and Devanshi Verma)

Social media campaigns that used comedy to bring awareness

US Secretary of State John Kerry and counterparts from eight African nations meet in Nairobi on Monday to discuss ways to prevent South Sudan from sliding back into civil war and advance a political transition in Somalia. 
 
Kerry arrived in the Kenyan capital late on Sunday - after a two-week summer break - for his second trip as secretary of state to Nairobi since May 2015. 
 
On Tuesday, he travels to Sokoto, Nigeria, the historic Muslim city in the remote northwest, followed by talks with Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari in Abuja. 
 
&quot;We will ... talk about how we move forward in trying to implement peace in this country,&quot; a senior State Department official said of South Sudan. 
 
&quot;The people of South Sudan have suffered for far too long, and the continued instability there has led almost a million refugees and a humanitarian crisis that is far beyond the abilities of even the international community to respond to,&quot; the official told a conference call. 
 
The international community has poured billions of aid into supporting the world&#39;s youngest nation, which gained independence in 2011. Oil production, by far the biggest source of government revenue, has plummeted. 
 
But worsening violence has raised fears of a return to civil war that erupted in late 2013, which broadly ran along ethnic lines, pitting President Salva Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, against his rival and vice president Riek Machar, a Nuer. 
 
Violence flared when Machar withdrew his forces from the capital Juba in July and was sacked by Kiir as vice president. 
 
Machar was picked up by UN peacekeepers in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo a week ago with a leg injury and was handed over to authorities in Congo. 
 
Machar led a two-year rebellion against forces loyal to rival Kiir before the two sides reached a peace deal in August 2015. Under the deal, Machar returned to Juba in April to resume his role as vice president. 
 
On Monday, Kerry will meet Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta before joining foreign ministers from Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, Sudan, Djibouti, Tanzania, Somalia and Ethiopia to discuss South Sudan and Somalia, where there are concerns that delays in the approval of new election rules could dampen its recovery from conflict. 
 
World powers and regional states have struggled to find leverage over the warring factions in South Sudan, despite US and European sanctions on some military leaders and African threats of punitive actions. 
 
Especially of concern to Washington was an attack on a Juba hotel in July by uniformed men who killed a U.S.-funded journalist and raped civilians, including aid workers. 
 
The UN has launched an investigation into accusations UN peacekeepers in Juba failed to respond properly to the attack. 
 
In Kerry&#39;s talks with Kenyatta, he will also discuss Kenya&#39;s presidential election set for August 2017, the senior State Department official said. 
 
Opposition protests in Nairobi since April have stoked fears among church leaders and Western diplomats of a repeat of the violence following the 2007 election in which 1,200 people were killed. 
 
In a letter to Kerry before his visit, the Human Rights Watch group urged him to discuss rights concerns with Kenyatta. The group said it had documented 34 cases of extrajudicial killings and another 11 deaths of people last seen in state custody over alleged links with al-Shabaab militants in Nairobi and in the northeast. 
 
(Reuters)

World powers and regional states have long struggled to find leverage over the warring factions in South Sudan

US Secretary of State John Kerry and counterparts from eight African nations meet in Nairobi on Monday to discuss ways to prevent South Sudan from sliding back into civil war and advance a political transition in Somalia. Kerry arrived in the Kenyan capital late on Sunday - after a two-week summer break - for his second trip as secretary of state to Nairobi since May 2015. On Tuesday, he travels to Sokoto, Nigeria, the historic Muslim city in the remote northwest, followed by talks with Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari in Abuja. "We will ... talk about how we move forward in trying to implement peace in this country," a senior State Department official said of South Sudan. "The people of South Sudan have suffered for far too long, and the continued instability there has led almost a million refugees and a humanitarian crisis that is far beyond the abilities of even the international community to respond to," the official told a conference call. The international community has poured billions of aid into supporting the world's youngest nation, which gained independence in 2011. Oil production, by far the biggest source of government revenue, has plummeted. But worsening violence has raised fears of a return to civil war that erupted in late 2013, which broadly ran along ethnic lines, pitting President Salva Kiir, an ethnic Dinka, against his rival and vice president Riek Machar, a Nuer. Violence flared when Machar withdrew his forces from the capital Juba in July and was sacked by Kiir as vice president. Machar was picked up by UN peacekeepers in the neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo a week ago with a leg injury and was handed over to authorities in Congo. Machar led a two-year rebellion against forces loyal to rival Kiir before the two sides reached a peace deal in August 2015. Under the deal, Machar returned to Juba in April to resume his role as vice president. On Monday, Kerry will meet Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta before joining foreign ministers from Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, Sudan, Djibouti, Tanzania, Somalia and Ethiopia to discuss South Sudan and Somalia, where there are concerns that delays in the approval of new election rules could dampen its recovery from conflict. World powers and regional states have struggled to find leverage over the warring factions in South Sudan, despite US and European sanctions on some military leaders and African threats of punitive actions. Especially of concern to Washington was an attack on a Juba hotel in July by uniformed men who killed a U.S.-funded journalist and raped civilians, including aid workers. The UN has launched an investigation into accusations UN peacekeepers in Juba failed to respond properly to the attack. In Kerry's talks with Kenyatta, he will also discuss Kenya's presidential election set for August 2017, the senior State Department official said. Opposition protests in Nairobi since April have stoked fears among church leaders and Western diplomats of a repeat of the violence following the 2007 election in which 1,200 people were killed. In a letter to Kerry before his visit, the Human Rights Watch group urged him to discuss rights concerns with Kenyatta. The group said it had documented 34 cases of extrajudicial killings and another 11 deaths of people last seen in state custody over alleged links with al-Shabaab militants in Nairobi and in the northeast. (Reuters)

US Secretary of State John Kerry, African ministers to meet on South Sudan violence, Somalia

Serbian Milovan Rajevac has been appointed the new coach of Algeria, the country&#39;s football federation has confirmed. 
 
Rajevac came close to helping Ghana, who became the first African side to reach the semi-finals of the World Cup in 2010 and takes over from Christian Gourcuff, who resigned in April ahead of a move to French Ligue 1 side Stade Rennais. 
 
Rajevac, 62, will be expected to lead Algeria to the World Cup in Russia but faces a difficult qualification group that also contains Nigeria, Cameroon and Zambia. Only the top team advances to the finals. 
 
Algeria have already qualified for the African Nations Cup finals in Gabon starting next January. 
 
(Reuters)

He takes over from Christian Gourcuff who resigned in April ahead of a move to French Ligue 1 side Stade Rennais

Serbian Milovan Rajevac has been appointed the new coach of Algeria, the country's football federation has confirmed. Rajevac came close to helping Ghana, who became the first African side to reach the semi-finals of the World Cup in 2010 and takes over from Christian Gourcuff, who resigned in April ahead of a move to French Ligue 1 side Stade Rennais. Rajevac, 62, will be expected to lead Algeria to the World Cup in Russia but faces a difficult qualification group that also contains Nigeria, Cameroon and Zambia. Only the top team advances to the finals. Algeria have already qualified for the African Nations Cup finals in Gabon starting next January. (Reuters)

Milovan Rajevac confirmed as new coach of Algeria

Morocco said today that it had arrested 52 suspected militants inspired by Islamic State and that it had foiled several attacks in the North African kingdom by seizing weapons and bomb-making materials. 
 
It is the largest group arrested in years and the latest of a series of cells that the authorities say they have found plotting attacks inside and outside Morocco. 
 
The North African kingdom, an ally of the West against Islamist militancy, has been on high alert since 2014, when Islamic State took control of large swathes of northern Iraq and Syria. The 52 arrested were among 143 people investigated in many Moroccan cities and towns, the interior ministry said in a statement. 
 
Many members of the group were planning to create an Islamic State province (Wilayat) in Morocco, the statement said. They intended to assassinate Moroccan security and military officers and tourists, as well as targeting prisons and festivals and other institutions in the country. 
 
Morocco&#39;s Central Bureau of Judicial Investigation, the judicial part of the Moroccan domestic intelligence service, has tracked suspected militants since Islamic State established itself as a global threat. Morocco has dismantled 38 suspected militant cells with Islamic State ties since 2013, the statement said, adding 159 cells had been found since 2002. 
 
Hundreds of fighters from Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria have joined Islamist militant forces in Syria. Some are threatening to return and create new jihadist wings in their home countries, security experts have said. 
 
Nearby Libya has become a major draw for jihadists from North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. Islamic State has taken advantage of the security chaos there to build a base, operate training camps and take over the city of Sirte. 
 
Morocco has been the target of militant attacks, most recently in 2011 in Marrakesh, when an explosion in a cafe killed 15 people, mostly foreigners. 
 
(Reuters) 
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The 52 suspects arrested were among 143 people investigated in many Moroccan cities and towns

Morocco said today that it had arrested 52 suspected militants inspired by Islamic State and that it had foiled several attacks in the North African kingdom by seizing weapons and bomb-making materials. It is the largest group arrested in years and the latest of a series of cells that the authorities say they have found plotting attacks inside and outside Morocco. The North African kingdom, an ally of the West against Islamist militancy, has been on high alert since 2014, when Islamic State took control of large swathes of northern Iraq and Syria. The 52 arrested were among 143 people investigated in many Moroccan cities and towns, the interior ministry said in a statement. Many members of the group were planning to create an Islamic State province (Wilayat) in Morocco, the statement said. They intended to assassinate Moroccan security and military officers and tourists, as well as targeting prisons and festivals and other institutions in the country. Morocco's Central Bureau of Judicial Investigation, the judicial part of the Moroccan domestic intelligence service, has tracked suspected militants since Islamic State established itself as a global threat. Morocco has dismantled 38 suspected militant cells with Islamic State ties since 2013, the statement said, adding 159 cells had been found since 2002. Hundreds of fighters from Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria have joined Islamist militant forces in Syria. Some are threatening to return and create new jihadist wings in their home countries, security experts have said. Nearby Libya has become a major draw for jihadists from North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa. Islamic State has taken advantage of the security chaos there to build a base, operate training camps and take over the city of Sirte. Morocco has been the target of militant attacks, most recently in 2011 in Marrakesh, when an explosion in a cafe killed 15 people, mostly foreigners. (Reuters)

Morocco arrests 52 suspected Islamic State militants, foils several attacks

Malawian President Peter Mutharika today ordered the arrest of a man paid to have sex with more than 100 adolescent girls as part of a traditional ritual marking their passage to womanhood. 
 
The order was issued after the man from the southern district of Nsanje gave a media interview confessing to have slept with the girls for a fee between four and seven dollars paid by each of their families.&nbsp;&quot;I order police to immediately arrest Mr Eric Aniva, investigate him and take him to court forthwith for defilement cases,&quot; Mutharika said in a statement. 
 
This little-known local practice is performed in southern Malawi by men known as &quot;hyenas&quot; at the behest of a girl&#39;s parents after her first menstruation.&nbsp;The ritual is believed to train girls to become good wives and to protect them from disease, or misfortune could fall on their families or their village. But it is blamed for spreading AIDS. 
 
In a BBC interview broadcast last week, Aniva confessed to being infected with HIV and sleeping with virgin girls without using protection.&nbsp;Aniva said that the girls were as young as 12. &quot;All these girls find pleasure in having me as their &#39;hyena&#39;,&#39; he said. &quot;They actually are proud.&quot; 
 
Mutharika said Aniva should &quot;be investigated for exposing the young girls to contracting HIV and further be charged accordingly.&quot;&nbsp;He also ordered an inquiry into the role of parents, saying &quot;harmful cultural and traditional practices cannot be accepted.&quot; 
 
The sexual cleansing ritual by a &quot;hyena&quot; is also performed on bereaved widows in Nsanje district to exorcise villages of evil spirits or to prevent another death occurring.&nbsp;Aniva said a &quot;hyena&quot; was selected by the community based on good morals and that custom did not allow him to use condoms. 
 
Malawi, which has one of the highest HIV infections in the world, criminalises sex with a person under the age of 16.&nbsp;If found guilty of underage sex, Aniva could be imprisoned for life. 
 
(AFP) 
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A 'ritual' of paid sex in Malawi is believed to train girls to become good wives. But it is blamed for spread of AIDS

Malawian President Peter Mutharika today ordered the arrest of a man paid to have sex with more than 100 adolescent girls as part of a traditional ritual marking their passage to womanhood. The order was issued after the man from the southern district of Nsanje gave a media interview confessing to have slept with the girls for a fee between four and seven dollars paid by each of their families. "I order police to immediately arrest Mr Eric Aniva, investigate him and take him to court forthwith for defilement cases," Mutharika said in a statement. This little-known local practice is performed in southern Malawi by men known as "hyenas" at the behest of a girl's parents after her first menstruation. The ritual is believed to train girls to become good wives and to protect them from disease, or misfortune could fall on their families or their village. But it is blamed for spreading AIDS. In a BBC interview broadcast last week, Aniva confessed to being infected with HIV and sleeping with virgin girls without using protection. Aniva said that the girls were as young as 12. "All these girls find pleasure in having me as their 'hyena',' he said. "They actually are proud." Mutharika said Aniva should "be investigated for exposing the young girls to contracting HIV and further be charged accordingly." He also ordered an inquiry into the role of parents, saying "harmful cultural and traditional practices cannot be accepted." The sexual cleansing ritual by a "hyena" is also performed on bereaved widows in Nsanje district to exorcise villages of evil spirits or to prevent another death occurring. Aniva said a "hyena" was selected by the community based on good morals and that custom did not allow him to use condoms. Malawi, which has one of the highest HIV infections in the world, criminalises sex with a person under the age of 16. If found guilty of underage sex, Aniva could be imprisoned for life. (AFP)

Malawi orders arrest of man paid to have sex with children

At least eight people were killed today when two huge bombs went off near Mogadishu&#39;s airport, including one close to the UN&#39;s political office in the Somali capital, a security source told AFP. 
 
An AFP journalist at the scene heard gunfire after the explosions tore through the area, one of which was believed to be a car bomb. 
 
Somalia&#39;s Al-Qaeda-linked Shabaab has carried out a string of similar attacks. 
 
The city&#39;s airport is heavily fortified and adjoins the capital&#39;s main base for the African Union mission to Somalia, the 22,000-strong force backing the government in the battle against Shabaab insurgents. 
 
The jihadists were chased out of Mogadishu in 2011 but remain a serious threat in both Somalia and neighbouring Kenya, where they carry out frequent attacks. 
 
(AFP)&nbsp;

Somalia's Al-Qaeda-linked Shabaab has carried out a string of similar attacks

At least eight people were killed today when two huge bombs went off near Mogadishu's airport, including one close to the UN's political office in the Somali capital, a security source told AFP. An AFP journalist at the scene heard gunfire after the explosions tore through the area, one of which was believed to be a car bomb. Somalia's Al-Qaeda-linked Shabaab has carried out a string of similar attacks. The city's airport is heavily fortified and adjoins the capital's main base for the African Union mission to Somalia, the 22,000-strong force backing the government in the battle against Shabaab insurgents. The jihadists were chased out of Mogadishu in 2011 but remain a serious threat in both Somalia and neighbouring Kenya, where they carry out frequent attacks. (AFP)

Twin explosions kill at least 8 in Somali capital

Moroccan King Mohammed VI announced that his country wanted to rejoin the African Union, 32 years after quitting the bloc in protest of its decision to accept Western Sahara as a member. 
 
&quot;For a long time our friends have been asking us to return to them, so that Morocco can take up its natural place within its institutional family. The moment has now come,&quot; the monarch said in a message sent to an AU summit taking place in Kigali, the MAP Moroccan news agency reported. 
 
Morocco quit the grouping in protest in 1984 when the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) was admitted as a member. 
 
But although Morocco left the club, &quot;it never quit Africa&quot;, King Mohammed said in his message to AU leaders as they began a two-day meeting in the Rwandan capital. 
 
Morocco has occupied the sparsely populated Western Sahara area since 1975 in a move that was not recognised by the international community. 
 
It maintains that Western Sahara is an integral part of the kingdom even though local Sahrawi people have long campaigned for the right to self-determination. 
 
In 1991, the United Nations brokered a ceasefire between Moroccan troops and Sahrawi rebels of the Algerian-backed Polisario Front but a promised referendum to settle the status of the desert territory has yet to materialise. 
 
In his address to the African Union, King Mohammed urged the bloc to rethink its position on the &quot;fantom state&quot; of Western Sahara, saying that a political solution was being worked on under the auspices of the UN. 
 
(AFP)

King Mohammed urged the bloc to rethink its position on the 'fantom state' of Western Sahara

Moroccan King Mohammed VI announced that his country wanted to rejoin the African Union, 32 years after quitting the bloc in protest of its decision to accept Western Sahara as a member. "For a long time our friends have been asking us to return to them, so that Morocco can take up its natural place within its institutional family. The moment has now come," the monarch said in a message sent to an AU summit taking place in Kigali, the MAP Moroccan news agency reported. Morocco quit the grouping in protest in 1984 when the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) was admitted as a member. But although Morocco left the club, "it never quit Africa", King Mohammed said in his message to AU leaders as they began a two-day meeting in the Rwandan capital. Morocco has occupied the sparsely populated Western Sahara area since 1975 in a move that was not recognised by the international community. It maintains that Western Sahara is an integral part of the kingdom even though local Sahrawi people have long campaigned for the right to self-determination. In 1991, the United Nations brokered a ceasefire between Moroccan troops and Sahrawi rebels of the Algerian-backed Polisario Front but a promised referendum to settle the status of the desert territory has yet to materialise. In his address to the African Union, King Mohammed urged the bloc to rethink its position on the "fantom state" of Western Sahara, saying that a political solution was being worked on under the auspices of the UN. (AFP)

Morocco wants to rejoin African Union after 32 years

HIV, AIDS remains the leading cause of death among Africans aged between 10 and 19, &nbsp;United Nations Children&#39;s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) chief Anthony Lake said on Monday at the start of a major international conference on the virus. 
 
&quot;Despite remarkable global progress in tackling the HIV/AIDS pandemic, much work remains to be done to protect children and adolescents from infection, sickness and death,&quot; Lake said in a statement released on the first day of AIDS 2016, held in the South African city of Durban. 
 
&quot;AIDS is still the number two cause of death for those aged 10-19 globally - and number one in Africa,&quot; added the head of the UN children`s agency. 
 
According to UNICEF, AIDS-related deaths among people aged between 15 and 19 have more than doubled since 2000, with 29 new infections within this age group taking place across the world every hour. 
 
&quot;Girls are particularly vulnerable, making up about 65 per cent of new adolescent infections worldwide,&quot; said the statement. 
 
&quot;In sub-Saharan Africa, which accounts for about 70 per cent of people in the world living with HIV, three out of every four adolescents newly infected by HIV in 2015 were girls.&quot; 
 
Some 68 per cent of 52,000 young people surveyed in 16 countries said they did not want to be tested, both because they were afraid of an HIV-positive result, and because they were worried about social stigma. 
 
Meanwhile, new mother-to-child infections taking place during childbirth or breastfeeding have dropped by 70 per cent since 2000. 
 
In 2015, just six countries - all but one in Africa - accounted for half of new infections among under-14s: India, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa and Tanzania. 
 
&quot;The undeniable progress we have made in the last three decades does not mean that our struggle is over,&quot; said Lake. 
 
&quot;The battle against AIDS will not be over until we redouble prevention and treatment efforts; until we reach those young lives still being denied the progress that millions before them have enjoyed; and until we end the stigma and fear that prevent so many young people from getting tested.&quot; 
 
AIDS 2016, the 21st International AIDS Conference, brings together 18,000 scientists, politicians, activists, jurists, and donors. 
 
(AFP)

UNICEF: AIDS-related deaths among people aged between 15 and 19 have more than doubled since 2000

HIV, AIDS remains the leading cause of death among Africans aged between 10 and 19, United Nations Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) chief Anthony Lake said on Monday at the start of a major international conference on the virus. "Despite remarkable global progress in tackling the HIV/AIDS pandemic, much work remains to be done to protect children and adolescents from infection, sickness and death," Lake said in a statement released on the first day of AIDS 2016, held in the South African city of Durban. "AIDS is still the number two cause of death for those aged 10-19 globally - and number one in Africa," added the head of the UN children`s agency. According to UNICEF, AIDS-related deaths among people aged between 15 and 19 have more than doubled since 2000, with 29 new infections within this age group taking place across the world every hour. "Girls are particularly vulnerable, making up about 65 per cent of new adolescent infections worldwide," said the statement. "In sub-Saharan Africa, which accounts for about 70 per cent of people in the world living with HIV, three out of every four adolescents newly infected by HIV in 2015 were girls." Some 68 per cent of 52,000 young people surveyed in 16 countries said they did not want to be tested, both because they were afraid of an HIV-positive result, and because they were worried about social stigma. Meanwhile, new mother-to-child infections taking place during childbirth or breastfeeding have dropped by 70 per cent since 2000. In 2015, just six countries - all but one in Africa - accounted for half of new infections among under-14s: India, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa and Tanzania. "The undeniable progress we have made in the last three decades does not mean that our struggle is over," said Lake. "The battle against AIDS will not be over until we redouble prevention and treatment efforts; until we reach those young lives still being denied the progress that millions before them have enjoyed; and until we end the stigma and fear that prevent so many young people from getting tested." AIDS 2016, the 21st International AIDS Conference, brings together 18,000 scientists, politicians, activists, jurists, and donors. (AFP)

HIV, AIDS top killers of African adolescents

African heads of state meeting in Kigali failed today to elect a new head of the African Union and will try again in January, an official said. 
 
Current AU Commission President Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was due to stand down but leaders were unable to agree on a successor to lead the executive branch of the continental body during its 27th summit meeting, being held in the Rwandan capital. 
 
&quot;Black smoke billows from the 27th AU Summit as no winner emerges... Commission elections postponed till next summit,&quot; Dlamini-Zuma&#39;s spokesman, Jacob Enoh Eben, said on Twitter, referencing the smoke signal that precedes the naming of a new pope. 
 
None of the three candidates was able to muster the two-thirds majority required to win in the secret ballot. 
 
Ahead of the vote many states had expressed dismay at the &quot;lack of stature&quot; among the little known candidates from Botswana, Equatorial-Guinea and Uganda and, in the end, 28 of the 54 member states abstained from the final round of voting thus forcing a postponement of the election and an extension of Dlamini-Zuma&#39;s term. 
 
(AFP)

28 of the 54 member states abstained from the final round of voting thus forcing postponement of the election

African heads of state meeting in Kigali failed today to elect a new head of the African Union and will try again in January, an official said. Current AU Commission President Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was due to stand down but leaders were unable to agree on a successor to lead the executive branch of the continental body during its 27th summit meeting, being held in the Rwandan capital. "Black smoke billows from the 27th AU Summit as no winner emerges... Commission elections postponed till next summit," Dlamini-Zuma's spokesman, Jacob Enoh Eben, said on Twitter, referencing the smoke signal that precedes the naming of a new pope. None of the three candidates was able to muster the two-thirds majority required to win in the secret ballot. Ahead of the vote many states had expressed dismay at the "lack of stature" among the little known candidates from Botswana, Equatorial-Guinea and Uganda and, in the end, 28 of the 54 member states abstained from the final round of voting thus forcing a postponement of the election and an extension of Dlamini-Zuma's term. (AFP)

African Union fails to elect new leader

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