Talking for the first time in seven months, United States President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping discussed the investigations into the origins of COVID-19 during a 90-minute telephonic conversation, the White House said.

Thursday’s 90-minute call between the two leaders was the first since February, when both the leaders talked for two hours shortly after Biden took over from Donald Trump.

“They did discuss a range of transnational issues including COVID-19, and understanding its origins is, of course, a primary concern for this administration," White House press secretary Jen Psaki said on Friday.

&nbsp;“Yes, it was a topic raised, but I`m not going to go into further detail,” she added.

Psaki asserted that the call was "respectful and candid, not lecturing or condescending, intended at keeping channels of communication open between the countries".

Climate and human rights were among the topics&nbsp;and though economic matters were discussed they were “not a major part” of the call, she said.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/president-biden-orders-us-intelligence-to-redouble-efforts-to-collect-information-on-covid-19-origin-387626">Businesses push US President Joe Biden to develop China trade policy</a>

A senior White House official told the BBC that the call came at the request of &nbsp;Biden, who had become “exasperated” by the unwillingness of lower-level Chinese officials to hold substantive talks with his administration.

Chinese state broadcaster CCTV said the phone call was "candid (and)&nbsp;in-depth", adding that it had covered "extensive strategic communication and... issues of mutual concern".

“Whether China and the US can properly handle their relations... is critical for the future and destiny of the world,” said Xi, according to the CCTV report.

Last month, Biden vowed to press China for answers over the origins of a pandemic&nbsp;that has now killed around 4.8 million people worldwide.&nbsp;The US intelligence agencies said they could conclusively prove whether the virus emerged from a Chinese research laboratory in Wuhan.

Beijing has repeatedly denied the US accusation that it has not cooperated with the pandemic source investigation.

(With inputs from agencies)

Talking for the first time in seven months, United States President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping discussed the investigations into the origins of COVID-19 during a 90-minute telephonic conversation, the White House said.

Talking for the first time in seven months, United States President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping discussed the investigations into the origins of COVID-19 during a 90-minute telephonic conversation, the White House said. Thursday’s 90-minute call between the two leaders was the first since February, when both the leaders talked for two hours shortly after Biden took over from Donald Trump. “They did discuss a range of transnational issues including COVID-19, and understanding its origins is, of course, a primary concern for this administration," White House press secretary Jen Psaki said on Friday. “Yes, it was a topic raised, but I`m not going to go into further detail,” she added. Psaki asserted that the call was "respectful and candid, not lecturing or condescending, intended at keeping channels of communication open between the countries". Climate and human rights were among the topics and though economic matters were discussed they were “not a major part” of the call, she said. Also read | Businesses push US President Joe Biden to develop China trade policy A senior White House official told the BBC that the call came at the request of Biden, who had become “exasperated” by the unwillingness of lower-level Chinese officials to hold substantive talks with his administration. Chinese state broadcaster CCTV said the phone call was "candid (and) in-depth", adding that it had covered "extensive strategic communication and... issues of mutual concern". “Whether China and the US can properly handle their relations... is critical for the future and destiny of the world,” said Xi, according to the CCTV report. Last month, Biden vowed to press China for answers over the origins of a pandemic that has now killed around 4.8 million people worldwide. The US intelligence agencies said they could conclusively prove whether the virus emerged from a Chinese research laboratory in Wuhan. Beijing has repeatedly denied the US accusation that it has not cooperated with the pandemic source investigation. (With inputs from agencies)

Biden, Xi hold first talks in 7 months, discuss COVID-19 origins

Russia and China agreed to step up their efforts to counter “threats” emanating from Afghanistan after the Taliban’s takeover of the country, the Kremlin said on Wednesday.

In a phone call, Russian President Vladamir Putin and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping expressed “their readiness to step up efforts to combat threats of terrorism and drug trafficking coming from the territory of Afghanistan”, the Kremlin said in a statement.

The leaders also highlighted the “importance of establishing peace” in Afghanistan and “preventing the spread of instability to adjacent regions”.

Putin has been quite cautious of the ongoing crisis in Afghanistan as several of the former soviet countries share a border with Kabul.

He recently warned of Afghan terrorists entering neighbouring countries as refugees.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-offers-the-taliban-a-warm-welcome-while-urging-peace-talks-401278">China offers the Taliban a warm welcome while urging peace talks</a>

The president has also been critical of the western nations for “unnecessary interference” in the restive region, saying “ they must stop the irresponsible policy of imposing foreign values from abroad”.

Putin and Xi “agreed to intensify bilateral contacts” and “make the most of the potential” of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) that is due to convene in Tajikistan next month.

After the Taliban came to power on August 15, China said it was ready to deepen “friendly and cooperative ties” with Afghanistan.

(with inputs from agencies)

Russia and China agreed to step up their efforts to counter “threats” emanating from Afghanistan after the Taliban’s takeover of the country, the Kremlin said on Wednesday.

Russia and China agreed to step up their efforts to counter “threats” emanating from Afghanistan after the Taliban’s takeover of the country, the Kremlin said on Wednesday. In a phone call, Russian President Vladamir Putin and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping expressed “their readiness to step up efforts to combat threats of terrorism and drug trafficking coming from the territory of Afghanistan”, the Kremlin said in a statement. The leaders also highlighted the “importance of establishing peace” in Afghanistan and “preventing the spread of instability to adjacent regions”. Putin has been quite cautious of the ongoing crisis in Afghanistan as several of the former soviet countries share a border with Kabul. He recently warned of Afghan terrorists entering neighbouring countries as refugees. Also read | China offers the Taliban a warm welcome while urging peace talks The president has also been critical of the western nations for “unnecessary interference” in the restive region, saying “ they must stop the irresponsible policy of imposing foreign values from abroad”. Putin and Xi “agreed to intensify bilateral contacts” and “make the most of the potential” of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) that is due to convene in Tajikistan next month. After the Taliban came to power on August 15, China said it was ready to deepen “friendly and cooperative ties” with Afghanistan. (with inputs from agencies)

China, Russia agree to jointly counter “threats” from Afghanistan

China reported its biggest daily jump in new COVID-19 cases in more than two months, as a city on the border with Myanmar in southwestern Yunnan province accounted for all new local cases.

Ruili's local government put residents in its urban area under home quarantine, launched a massive testing drive and began restricting people from leaving and entering the city from last week after reporting COVID-19 patients.

The city accounted for all of the 15 new local cases reported on April 4. The total number of new COVID-19 infections, including imported infections originating from overseas, stood at 32, marking the highest total since Jan. 31.

Genetic analysis of the cases discovered in Ruili suggest the new local infections stem from viruses imported from Myanmar, state media reported. Of the new patients reported in the city, 11 of them were identified as Myanmar citizens.

Ruili is a key transit point for Yunnan province, which has struggled to monitor its rugged 4,000 km (2,500-mile) border with Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam for illegal immigration amid a wave of unauthorised crossings last year by people seeking a haven from the pandemic.

Local authorities have also begun a vaccination drive in Ruili in a bid to contain COVID-19 and build up herd immunity in the city. 
The number of new asymptomatic cases, which China does not classify as confirmed cases, stood at 18, matching the total from a day earlier.

The total number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in mainland China now stands at 90,305, while the death toll remains unchanged at 4,636.

China reported its biggest daily jump in new COVID-19 cases in more than two months, as a city on the border with Myanmar in southwestern Yunnan province accounted for all new local cases.

China reported its biggest daily jump in new COVID-19 cases in more than two months, as a city on the border with Myanmar in southwestern Yunnan province accounted for all new local cases. Ruili's local government put residents in its urban area under home quarantine, launched a massive testing drive and began restricting people from leaving and entering the city from last week after reporting COVID-19 patients. The city accounted for all of the 15 new local cases reported on April 4. The total number of new COVID-19 infections, including imported infections originating from overseas, stood at 32, marking the highest total since Jan. 31. Genetic analysis of the cases discovered in Ruili suggest the new local infections stem from viruses imported from Myanmar, state media reported. Of the new patients reported in the city, 11 of them were identified as Myanmar citizens. Ruili is a key transit point for Yunnan province, which has struggled to monitor its rugged 4,000 km (2,500-mile) border with Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam for illegal immigration amid a wave of unauthorised crossings last year by people seeking a haven from the pandemic. Local authorities have also begun a vaccination drive in Ruili in a bid to contain COVID-19 and build up herd immunity in the city. The number of new asymptomatic cases, which China does not classify as confirmed cases, stood at 18, matching the total from a day earlier. The total number of confirmed COVID-19 cases in mainland China now stands at 90,305, while the death toll remains unchanged at 4,636.

China reports biggest daily COVID-19 case jump in over two months

Chinese President Xi Jinping has conveyed condolences over the death of former French President&nbsp;Valery Giscard d'Estaing on Friday. Jinping&nbsp;called the former French President a "remarkable French statesman".&nbsp;

Valery Giscard d'Estaing was aged 94 and died on his estate after losing a battle to the novel coronavirus. Xi expressed "deep condolences" to the Frenc President&nbsp;Emmanuel Macron. He also reminisced about how Giscard had always "loved Chinese culture".

He "actively encouraged friendly exchanges and cooperation between China and France, and greatly contributed to the development of relations between the two countries," Jinping said adding, "an important promoter of European integration."

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/former-french-president-giscard-destaing-dies-of-covid-complications-347073">Former French president Giscard d'Estaing dies of Covid complications</a>

Giscard was the leader of the European country from&nbsp;1974 to 1981 and was a centre-right politician. He had been recently admitted to a hospital in&nbsp;Tours after complaints of respiratory problems.&nbsp;

"His state of health had worsened and he died as a consequence of Covid-19," his family reported on the social media platform, Twitter.

Giscard's funeral will take place in a private ceremony,&nbsp;Foundation Valéry Giscard d’Estaing said.&nbsp;"In accordance with his wishes, his funeral will take place in the strictest family intimacy," the foundation tweeted.

The French President Emmanuel Macron also paid respects to the former President saying he was a "servant of the state, a politician of progress and freedom."

Xi's condolences for Giscard were passed on remembering his visit&nbsp;for the first time as president in 1980, just as the country was beginning to open up to the outside world.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has conveyed condolences over the death of former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing on Friday. Jinping called the former French President a "remarkable French statesman".

Chinese President Xi Jinping has conveyed condolences over the death of former French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing on Friday. Jinping called the former French President a "remarkable French statesman". Valery Giscard d'Estaing was aged 94 and died on his estate after losing a battle to the novel coronavirus. Xi expressed "deep condolences" to the Frenc President Emmanuel Macron. He also reminisced about how Giscard had always "loved Chinese culture". He "actively encouraged friendly exchanges and cooperation between China and France, and greatly contributed to the development of relations between the two countries," Jinping said adding, "an important promoter of European integration." Also read| Former French president Giscard d'Estaing dies of Covid complications Giscard was the leader of the European country from 1974 to 1981 and was a centre-right politician. He had been recently admitted to a hospital in Tours after complaints of respiratory problems. "His state of health had worsened and he died as a consequence of Covid-19," his family reported on the social media platform, Twitter. Giscard's funeral will take place in a private ceremony, Foundation Valéry Giscard d’Estaing said. "In accordance with his wishes, his funeral will take place in the strictest family intimacy," the foundation tweeted. The French President Emmanuel Macron also paid respects to the former President saying he was a "servant of the state, a politician of progress and freedom." Xi's condolences for Giscard were passed on remembering his visit for the first time as president in 1980, just as the country was beginning to open up to the outside world.

China's Xi sends condolences over death of former French president

The United States is embroiled in a bitter presidential race and a surge in coronavirus infections. Europe is locking down again. In Beijing, by contrast, Xi Jinping is exuding confidence that he and China can emerge from the pandemic stronger and unbowed.

A Communist Party conclave concluded Thursday with a rousing statement lauding Xi as the party’s helmsman, affirming his broad mandate as the leader who will steer China through perilous waters for years to come. The meeting of the Central Committee, a council of senior officials, laid out ambitions for China to mature as an economic, military and cultural power despite rising uncertainty abroad.

With Xi as “the core navigator and helmsman,” an official summary from the meeting read, “we will certainly be able to conquer the range of hardships and dangers that lie on the path forward.”

Xi has used the meeting to show that he remains unchallenged and resurgent nine months after the coronavirus plunged China into its worst crisis in decades. Without mentioning the missteps that marred China’s initial response to the virus outbreak, the committee’s 200 or so voting members praised the country’s “major strategic achievement” in largely stifling the outbreak.

The party elite’s show of unity behind Xi shored up his political dominance and will help him as he pushes for technological, social and economic advances to make China and its ruling party more resilient in a post-pandemic world. China, the party officials said, faces “new tensions and challenges engendered by intricately complicated international conditions.”

“He is trying to convince the party that only he, Xi Jinping, has the political resources, the experience and the determination to pull China through,” said Willy Wo-Lap Lam, an adjunct professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong who has long studied Chinese politics.

As other leaders and nations turn inward, consumed by crises, Xi appears keen to press the message that the party’s grip on power is secure and the country can play a greater role internationally. Party propaganda has asserted that China’s success in extinguishing COVID-19 infections shows its overall “institutional superiority,” and Beijing has promised to share a potential vaccine for the coronavirus.

Even so, Xi must tackle some of the most serious economic and geopolitical challenges China has faced in many years.

The coronavirus crisis has slowed China’s economic growth, increased unemployment and hurt the country’s global standing. Relations with the United States have reached a new low, brought down by disputes over trade, technology and human rights. Western governments have turned against Beijing over crackdowns on protest in the semi-autonomous city of Hong Kong and on Muslim minorities in China’s west. Chinese military moves have rattled neighbors.

“China has done a pretty good job by itself in putting together a loose, global anti-China coalition,” said Bilahari Kausikan, a former diplomat from Singapore who is now chair of the Middle East Institute at the National University of Singapore. “I cannot think of any serious country — with a big economy or even some with small economies — that does not have some concerns about China and Chinese behavior.”

With Xi’s position secure, a dramatic shift in Chinese policy seems unlikely. He is expected to push for another five-year term as the Communist Party’s leader, beginning in 2022, meaning his highly personalized rule could last another decade or more.

By then, he would have ruled longer than any other Chinese leader except Mao Zedong. Mao was also praised as the “great helmsman,” though in referring to Xi on Thursday, the committee used different characters for the term helmsman.

“This is a big show for Xi Jinping to try to convince the senior cadres that he deserves support to remain supreme leader well beyond 10 years,” Lam, the analyst, said.

Xi’s vision for China’s rise rests on strengthening the Communist Party’s reach into society and making technological advances to expand domestic consumption, upgrade industry, clean up the environment and protect the country from security threats. These goals formed the thrust of the party’s plans for the next five years, a draft of which the Central Committee endorsed Thursday.

“The dominant tone is that China has major opportunities for growth, for managing the process of decoupling in its own favor, and for setting the terms for the next stage of globalization,” said Julian B. Gewirtz, a senior fellow for China studies at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. “This is really an extraordinary tone to hear at a moment where it is not just the United States that is continuing to struggle with the pandemic.”

For Xi, the party meeting highlighted how China’s success in dealing with the coronavirus revived his political fortunes after setbacks early this year. Chinese officials initially played down the threat of the virus, and as infections multiplied, Xi faced a sharp surge of public anger.

Coming less than a week before the United States votes, the Chinese party meeting offered a stark contrast to the raucous wrangling of democratic politics. The Central Committee met behind closed doors, and if there was any internal dissension, propaganda overseers ensured that it did not leak.

After the meeting ended, Chinese television news showed Xi entering the meeting hall to sustained applause. The officials listening earnestly to his speech did not wear masks, a sign of China’s confidence that it has controlled the virus.

“The contrast between the current state of the United States and China, especially about COVID and the economy, has got to be a huge resource for Xi in terms of domestic support,” said Susan L. Shirk, chair of the 21st Century China Center at the University of California San Diego, who was a deputy assistant secretary of state in the Clinton administration.

“We’re in the campaign period for the 20th Party Congress” in 2022, she said. “There is no successor in sight, and every indication is that he’ll want to stay on for a third term.”

Xi’s move to end the two-term limit on the presidency has held off contention over a potential successor that would otherwise have been in full swing by now, eight years into his tenure. That 2018 decision ignited criticism about the danger of concentrating power in one supreme leader, but now seems to be accepted as reality. Few insiders believe that Xi will retire in two years.

Xi, 67, has not publicly said how long he wants to stay in office. For now, though, he has made no move to nurture, or at least identify publicly, a successor. He still must build support in the elite for staying on. Xi’s recent rhetoric, suffused with warnings of risks to China’s rise, appeared to form part of that effort, said Joseph Fewsmith, a professor at Boston University who studies Chinese politics.

“The case for remaining on can be built around a sense of impending crisis when the experienced hand has to stay,” Fewsmith said by telephone.

More pointedly, faced with escalating pressure from the U.S., Xi used a speech this month marking 70 years since China’s entry into the Korean War to warn that “the Chinese people don’t go looking for trouble, but nor do they fear it.”

The Central Committee said that China would make “major strides” in modernizing its military and would strengthen the training of troops for war readiness. China’s national security apparatus — already formidable — would also be fortified, the committee said.

The United States is embroiled in a bitter presidential race and a surge in coronavirus infections. Europe is locking down again. In Beijing, by contrast, Xi Jinping is exuding confidence that he and China can emerge from the pandemic stronger and unbowed.

The United States is embroiled in a bitter presidential race and a surge in coronavirus infections. Europe is locking down again. In Beijing, by contrast, Xi Jinping is exuding confidence that he and China can emerge from the pandemic stronger and unbowed. A Communist Party conclave concluded Thursday with a rousing statement lauding Xi as the party’s helmsman, affirming his broad mandate as the leader who will steer China through perilous waters for years to come. The meeting of the Central Committee, a council of senior officials, laid out ambitions for China to mature as an economic, military and cultural power despite rising uncertainty abroad. With Xi as “the core navigator and helmsman,” an official summary from the meeting read, “we will certainly be able to conquer the range of hardships and dangers that lie on the path forward.” Xi has used the meeting to show that he remains unchallenged and resurgent nine months after the coronavirus plunged China into its worst crisis in decades. Without mentioning the missteps that marred China’s initial response to the virus outbreak, the committee’s 200 or so voting members praised the country’s “major strategic achievement” in largely stifling the outbreak. The party elite’s show of unity behind Xi shored up his political dominance and will help him as he pushes for technological, social and economic advances to make China and its ruling party more resilient in a post-pandemic world. China, the party officials said, faces “new tensions and challenges engendered by intricately complicated international conditions.” “He is trying to convince the party that only he, Xi Jinping, has the political resources, the experience and the determination to pull China through,” said Willy Wo-Lap Lam, an adjunct professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong who has long studied Chinese politics. As other leaders and nations turn inward, consumed by crises, Xi appears keen to press the message that the party’s grip on power is secure and the country can play a greater role internationally. Party propaganda has asserted that China’s success in extinguishing COVID-19 infections shows its overall “institutional superiority,” and Beijing has promised to share a potential vaccine for the coronavirus. Even so, Xi must tackle some of the most serious economic and geopolitical challenges China has faced in many years. The coronavirus crisis has slowed China’s economic growth, increased unemployment and hurt the country’s global standing. Relations with the United States have reached a new low, brought down by disputes over trade, technology and human rights. Western governments have turned against Beijing over crackdowns on protest in the semi-autonomous city of Hong Kong and on Muslim minorities in China’s west. Chinese military moves have rattled neighbors. “China has done a pretty good job by itself in putting together a loose, global anti-China coalition,” said Bilahari Kausikan, a former diplomat from Singapore who is now chair of the Middle East Institute at the National University of Singapore. “I cannot think of any serious country — with a big economy or even some with small economies — that does not have some concerns about China and Chinese behavior.” With Xi’s position secure, a dramatic shift in Chinese policy seems unlikely. He is expected to push for another five-year term as the Communist Party’s leader, beginning in 2022, meaning his highly personalized rule could last another decade or more. By then, he would have ruled longer than any other Chinese leader except Mao Zedong. Mao was also praised as the “great helmsman,” though in referring to Xi on Thursday, the committee used different characters for the term helmsman. “This is a big show for Xi Jinping to try to convince the senior cadres that he deserves support to remain supreme leader well beyond 10 years,” Lam, the analyst, said. Xi’s vision for China’s rise rests on strengthening the Communist Party’s reach into society and making technological advances to expand domestic consumption, upgrade industry, clean up the environment and protect the country from security threats. These goals formed the thrust of the party’s plans for the next five years, a draft of which the Central Committee endorsed Thursday. “The dominant tone is that China has major opportunities for growth, for managing the process of decoupling in its own favor, and for setting the terms for the next stage of globalization,” said Julian B. Gewirtz, a senior fellow for China studies at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. “This is really an extraordinary tone to hear at a moment where it is not just the United States that is continuing to struggle with the pandemic.” For Xi, the party meeting highlighted how China’s success in dealing with the coronavirus revived his political fortunes after setbacks early this year. Chinese officials initially played down the threat of the virus, and as infections multiplied, Xi faced a sharp surge of public anger. Coming less than a week before the United States votes, the Chinese party meeting offered a stark contrast to the raucous wrangling of democratic politics. The Central Committee met behind closed doors, and if there was any internal dissension, propaganda overseers ensured that it did not leak. After the meeting ended, Chinese television news showed Xi entering the meeting hall to sustained applause. The officials listening earnestly to his speech did not wear masks, a sign of China’s confidence that it has controlled the virus. “The contrast between the current state of the United States and China, especially about COVID and the economy, has got to be a huge resource for Xi in terms of domestic support,” said Susan L. Shirk, chair of the 21st Century China Center at the University of California San Diego, who was a deputy assistant secretary of state in the Clinton administration. “We’re in the campaign period for the 20th Party Congress” in 2022, she said. “There is no successor in sight, and every indication is that he’ll want to stay on for a third term.” Xi’s move to end the two-term limit on the presidency has held off contention over a potential successor that would otherwise have been in full swing by now, eight years into his tenure. That 2018 decision ignited criticism about the danger of concentrating power in one supreme leader, but now seems to be accepted as reality. Few insiders believe that Xi will retire in two years. Xi, 67, has not publicly said how long he wants to stay in office. For now, though, he has made no move to nurture, or at least identify publicly, a successor. He still must build support in the elite for staying on. Xi’s recent rhetoric, suffused with warnings of risks to China’s rise, appeared to form part of that effort, said Joseph Fewsmith, a professor at Boston University who studies Chinese politics. “The case for remaining on can be built around a sense of impending crisis when the experienced hand has to stay,” Fewsmith said by telephone. More pointedly, faced with escalating pressure from the U.S., Xi used a speech this month marking 70 years since China’s entry into the Korean War to warn that “the Chinese people don’t go looking for trouble, but nor do they fear it.” The Central Committee said that China would make “major strides” in modernizing its military and would strengthen the training of troops for war readiness. China’s national security apparatus — already formidable — would also be fortified, the committee said.

As the west stumbles, ‘helmsman’ Xi pushes an ambitious plan for China

SYDNEY — Xi Jinping celebrates China’s battle against the coronavirus as a success. But in the United States and other wealthy democracies, the pandemic has driven negative views of China to new heights, a survey published Tuesday showed.

The illness, deaths and disruption caused by the coronavirus in those countries have intensified already strong public distrust of China, where the virus emerged late last year, the results from the Pew Research Center’s survey indicated.

“Unfavorable opinion has soared over the past year,” said the survey on views of China taken this year in 14 countries including Japan, South Korea, Canada, and Germany, Italy and other European nations. “Today, a majority in each of the surveyed countries has an unfavorable opinion of China.”

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/exit-the-dragon-china-faces-heat-as-citizens-across-countries-increasingly-view-it-in-bad-light-333033">Also read|&nbsp;Exit the dragon: China faces heat as citizens across countries increasingly view it in bad light</a>

The results illustrate how much negative opinions of China have taken hold around the world in recent years. To China’s leaders, such wary attitudes could present obstacles for the Communist Party’s ambitions of expanding Beijing’s influence. The tide of public distrust could make cooperation harder even on issues where national interests align.

“Public opinion is a powerful constraint,” said Natasha Kassam, a former Australian diplomat who is a research fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, where she studies public opinion and foreign policy. “We can see in both Australia and the United States, for example, souring public opinion has served as a powerful driver for governments to be particularly vocal” about China.

The U.S. secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, was in Tokyo on Tuesday for meetings with his counterparts from Japan, Australia and India — all nations that have had icy relations with China. Pompeo is often condemned by Chinese officials as an ideological warrior bent on subduing Beijing.

In many Western countries, the coronavirus crisis appears to have deepened public unease about China and Xi, China’s proudly authoritarian leader. Across the 14 countries surveyed, an average of 61% of respondents said China had done a bad job of responding to the outbreak.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/around-40-nations-rebuke-chinas-human-rights-policies-in-xinjiang-tibet-333035">Also read|&nbsp;Around 40 nations rebuke China's human rights policies in Xinjiang, Tibet</a>

In the United States, negative views about China increased by 13 percentage points compared to a similar survey last year. Close to three-quarters of 1,003 American respondents surveyed in June and July said they now had a somewhat or very unfavorable view of China.

Distrust of Xi’s international intentions reached new highs in every country surveyed, except for Japan and Spain. In the United States, Canada, Australia, Japan and several Western European nations, roughly half of the respondents said they had “no confidence at all” in Xi.

“I think this sentiment is likely to persist because of longer-term trends in China toward growing repression,” said Jessica Chen Weiss, an associate professor of government at Cornell University who studies Chinese foreign policy. “As long as its order of priorities remains in place, it will be difficult for the Chinese Communist Party to really turn around the trends in public opinion overseas.”

The rise in disapproving opinions of China was starkest in Australia, which has been mired in diplomatic flare-ups with Beijing in recent months.

Australia has protested the detention in China of Cheng Lei, an Australian news anchor working for Chinese state-run television, and Yang Hengjun, an Australian businessman and writer born in China who is accused of espionage, charges that his supporters say are baseless.

The number of Australian respondents with negative views of China grew by 24 percentage points compared to a year ago, so that 81% said they saw China unfavorably. That was a drastic turn from 2017, when 64% of Australian respondents said they had a favorable view of China.

“Until two years ago, the Australian public very much saw China as an economic opportunity,” said Kassam, the Australian researcher. China’s response to the outbreak has only deepened skepticism in Australia, she said.

In interviews, several Sydney residents said that China could not be held entirely responsible for the global spread of the coronavirus but that the crisis had shown how exposed Australia, and the rest of the world, was to Chinese power.

“As far as I’m concerned, we should move away from China as quickly as possible. They’re too strong, and they can just outrun us,” said Edward Davis, a semiretired commercial lawyer. “We should do our best to trade with them, but we also need to diversify.”

At home, the Communist Party has tried to turn the coronavirus crisis into a political asset by assiduously censoring criticism of its early missteps in the outbreak and highlighting its later success in sharply reducing infections.

But abroad, the Chinese government’s sometimes-triumphant rhetoric and claims of selfless altruism during the crisis have grated in societies struggling to cope with outbreaks or lockdowns. European governments were irritated when China pressed European officials to praise China for medical supplies that it had sent, when Beijing had been muted about the help it provided in the first months of the pandemic. The combative language used by Chinese officials in international disputes has also irked many in Australia, Canada and other countries.

“Many Chinese people seem to have forgotten the first few scary weeks that we experienced, but other countries have not forgotten,” Shen Dingli, a professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, said by telephone. “It would be better if China had been more low-key and humble.”

The Chinese government has pushed back against the negative sentiment, asserting that it has been unfairly maligned by Western news outlets and politicians who want to escape responsibility for mishandling the crisis.

The Pew survey usually covers many more countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, where the public often offers more upbeat views about China. But the pandemic made it impossible to organize safe and reliable face-to-face polling, reducing the international scope of the survey, said Laura Silver, a senior researcher at the Pew Research Center. The survey was conducted by telephone, with calls lasting about 15 minutes.

Public opinion in countries closely aligned with Beijing was likely to remain favorable to China despite the pandemic, Kassam said. “I think China’s handling of COVID has not so much changed any minds, but entrenched existing perceptions.”

Chinese leaders may feel some consolation that many respondents in the Pew survey took an even dimmer view of how the United States has handled the pandemic. An average of 84% of the people surveyed across the 14 countries said the United States had done a bad job with the coronavirus.

“In the end, this is more damaging for America than for China,” said Shen, the scholar in Shanghai. “China cannot be used to explain away the 210,000 American people who have died from this.”

SYDNEY — Xi Jinping celebrates China’s battle against the coronavirus as a success. But in the United States and other wealthy democracies, the pandemic has driven negative views of China to new heights, a survey published Tuesday showed.

SYDNEY — Xi Jinping celebrates China’s battle against the coronavirus as a success. But in the United States and other wealthy democracies, the pandemic has driven negative views of China to new heights, a survey published Tuesday showed. The illness, deaths and disruption caused by the coronavirus in those countries have intensified already strong public distrust of China, where the virus emerged late last year, the results from the Pew Research Center’s survey indicated. “Unfavorable opinion has soared over the past year,” said the survey on views of China taken this year in 14 countries including Japan, South Korea, Canada, and Germany, Italy and other European nations. “Today, a majority in each of the surveyed countries has an unfavorable opinion of China.” Also read| Exit the dragon: China faces heat as citizens across countries increasingly view it in bad light The results illustrate how much negative opinions of China have taken hold around the world in recent years. To China’s leaders, such wary attitudes could present obstacles for the Communist Party’s ambitions of expanding Beijing’s influence. The tide of public distrust could make cooperation harder even on issues where national interests align. “Public opinion is a powerful constraint,” said Natasha Kassam, a former Australian diplomat who is a research fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, where she studies public opinion and foreign policy. “We can see in both Australia and the United States, for example, souring public opinion has served as a powerful driver for governments to be particularly vocal” about China. The U.S. secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, was in Tokyo on Tuesday for meetings with his counterparts from Japan, Australia and India — all nations that have had icy relations with China. Pompeo is often condemned by Chinese officials as an ideological warrior bent on subduing Beijing. In many Western countries, the coronavirus crisis appears to have deepened public unease about China and Xi, China’s proudly authoritarian leader. Across the 14 countries surveyed, an average of 61% of respondents said China had done a bad job of responding to the outbreak. Also read| Around 40 nations rebuke China's human rights policies in Xinjiang, Tibet In the United States, negative views about China increased by 13 percentage points compared to a similar survey last year. Close to three-quarters of 1,003 American respondents surveyed in June and July said they now had a somewhat or very unfavorable view of China. Distrust of Xi’s international intentions reached new highs in every country surveyed, except for Japan and Spain. In the United States, Canada, Australia, Japan and several Western European nations, roughly half of the respondents said they had “no confidence at all” in Xi. “I think this sentiment is likely to persist because of longer-term trends in China toward growing repression,” said Jessica Chen Weiss, an associate professor of government at Cornell University who studies Chinese foreign policy. “As long as its order of priorities remains in place, it will be difficult for the Chinese Communist Party to really turn around the trends in public opinion overseas.” The rise in disapproving opinions of China was starkest in Australia, which has been mired in diplomatic flare-ups with Beijing in recent months. Australia has protested the detention in China of Cheng Lei, an Australian news anchor working for Chinese state-run television, and Yang Hengjun, an Australian businessman and writer born in China who is accused of espionage, charges that his supporters say are baseless. The number of Australian respondents with negative views of China grew by 24 percentage points compared to a year ago, so that 81% said they saw China unfavorably. That was a drastic turn from 2017, when 64% of Australian respondents said they had a favorable view of China. “Until two years ago, the Australian public very much saw China as an economic opportunity,” said Kassam, the Australian researcher. China’s response to the outbreak has only deepened skepticism in Australia, she said. In interviews, several Sydney residents said that China could not be held entirely responsible for the global spread of the coronavirus but that the crisis had shown how exposed Australia, and the rest of the world, was to Chinese power. “As far as I’m concerned, we should move away from China as quickly as possible. They’re too strong, and they can just outrun us,” said Edward Davis, a semiretired commercial lawyer. “We should do our best to trade with them, but we also need to diversify.” At home, the Communist Party has tried to turn the coronavirus crisis into a political asset by assiduously censoring criticism of its early missteps in the outbreak and highlighting its later success in sharply reducing infections. But abroad, the Chinese government’s sometimes-triumphant rhetoric and claims of selfless altruism during the crisis have grated in societies struggling to cope with outbreaks or lockdowns. European governments were irritated when China pressed European officials to praise China for medical supplies that it had sent, when Beijing had been muted about the help it provided in the first months of the pandemic. The combative language used by Chinese officials in international disputes has also irked many in Australia, Canada and other countries. “Many Chinese people seem to have forgotten the first few scary weeks that we experienced, but other countries have not forgotten,” Shen Dingli, a professor of international relations at Fudan University in Shanghai, said by telephone. “It would be better if China had been more low-key and humble.” The Chinese government has pushed back against the negative sentiment, asserting that it has been unfairly maligned by Western news outlets and politicians who want to escape responsibility for mishandling the crisis. The Pew survey usually covers many more countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, where the public often offers more upbeat views about China. But the pandemic made it impossible to organize safe and reliable face-to-face polling, reducing the international scope of the survey, said Laura Silver, a senior researcher at the Pew Research Center. The survey was conducted by telephone, with calls lasting about 15 minutes. Public opinion in countries closely aligned with Beijing was likely to remain favorable to China despite the pandemic, Kassam said. “I think China’s handling of COVID has not so much changed any minds, but entrenched existing perceptions.” Chinese leaders may feel some consolation that many respondents in the Pew survey took an even dimmer view of how the United States has handled the pandemic. An average of 84% of the people surveyed across the 14 countries said the United States had done a bad job with the coronavirus. “In the end, this is more damaging for America than for China,” said Shen, the scholar in Shanghai. “China cannot be used to explain away the 210,000 American people who have died from this.”

Distrust of China jumps to new highs in democratic nations

After being criticised and accused by nearly the whole world for not handling the novel coronavirus in a right manner, Chinese President Xi Jinping has claimed that China&nbsp;passed "an extraordinary and historic test".

China organised an awards ceremony for medical professionals on Tuesday in which selected front-line workers were awarded with medals and applause for containing and handling the COVID-19 virus.

Calling the workers "heroes", and claiming that the country went through a&nbsp;"heroic struggle" against the novel coronavirus, Xi Jinping said,&nbsp;"We quickly achieved initial success in the people's war against the coronavirus. We are leading the world in economic recovery and in the fight against Covid-19."

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-releases-first-batch-of-covid-19-vaccine-sputnik-v-into-public-325883">Also read|&nbsp;Russia releases first batch of Covid-19 vaccine Sputnik V into public</a>

The ceremony was held at&nbsp;Great Hall of the People. The honour ceremony began with a moment of silence to pay respects to the ones who lost their battle against the virus.

Four "heroes" from the medical field were awarded with medals of honours in the ceremony which was attended by hundreds of masked&nbsp;delegates.

Zhong Nanshan, China's 83-year-old famous medical expert, was also awarded the medal by Xi Jinping. Nanshan is a famous medical expert who also became the face of China in their fight against the coronavirus.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/china-accuses-indian-soldiers-of-crossing-lac-and-firing-warning-shots-325855">Also read|&nbsp;China accuses Indian soldiers of crossing LAC and firing ‘warning shots’</a>

"We will join hands with the... world's medical workers to continue the fight in tracing the origins of the virus," said Zhong.

Other than Nanshan, three others were honoured with the title of "The People's Hero". The list included biochemical expert Chen Wei, the head of a hospital in Wuhan, and a 72-year-old expert in traditional Chinese medicine.

However, no mention of the&nbsp;whistleblower doctor Li Wenliang or the accusations by other countries was made.&nbsp;

China has been accused of spreading the novel coronavirus in the world by the US President Donald Trump. In addition to the US, the Xi administration has also faced backlash and rise in diplomatic tensions with Australia, India, and few other countries in the past few months.

After being criticised and accused by nearly the whole world for not handling the novel coronavirus in a right manner, Chinese President Xi Jinping has claimed that China passed "an extraordinary and historic test".

After being criticised and accused by nearly the whole world for not handling the novel coronavirus in a right manner, Chinese President Xi Jinping has claimed that China passed "an extraordinary and historic test". China organised an awards ceremony for medical professionals on Tuesday in which selected front-line workers were awarded with medals and applause for containing and handling the COVID-19 virus. Calling the workers "heroes", and claiming that the country went through a "heroic struggle" against the novel coronavirus, Xi Jinping said, "We quickly achieved initial success in the people's war against the coronavirus. We are leading the world in economic recovery and in the fight against Covid-19." Also read| Russia releases first batch of Covid-19 vaccine Sputnik V into public The ceremony was held at Great Hall of the People. The honour ceremony began with a moment of silence to pay respects to the ones who lost their battle against the virus. Four "heroes" from the medical field were awarded with medals of honours in the ceremony which was attended by hundreds of masked delegates. Zhong Nanshan, China's 83-year-old famous medical expert, was also awarded the medal by Xi Jinping. Nanshan is a famous medical expert who also became the face of China in their fight against the coronavirus. Also read| China accuses Indian soldiers of crossing LAC and firing ‘warning shots’ "We will join hands with the... world's medical workers to continue the fight in tracing the origins of the virus," said Zhong. Other than Nanshan, three others were honoured with the title of "The People's Hero". The list included biochemical expert Chen Wei, the head of a hospital in Wuhan, and a 72-year-old expert in traditional Chinese medicine. However, no mention of the whistleblower doctor Li Wenliang or the accusations by other countries was made. China has been accused of spreading the novel coronavirus in the world by the US President Donald Trump. In addition to the US, the Xi administration has also faced backlash and rise in diplomatic tensions with Australia, India, and few other countries in the past few months.

China handled COVID-19 openly and transparently: Xi Jinping

Winnie the Pooh scares&nbsp;Chinese President&nbsp;more than democracy and social unrest. It gives the Chinese president nightmares.

'Pooh' is a nickname for Xi Jinping and the President has used every possible tool&nbsp;to bury this reference, but it continues to pop up every now and then. The latest to toy around with Xi's fear was Mike Pompeo, the US Secretary of State.

He tweeted this photo with the caption "Mercer and all her favourite toys".

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Mercer and all of her favorite toys! 🐶 <a href="https://t.co/bGal0ui6E2">pic.twitter.com/bGal0ui6E2</a>
— Mike Pompeo (@mikepompeo) <a href="https://twitter.com/mikepompeo/status/1283197610757632001?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 15, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Mercer is Pompeo's dog, and among her toys lay Winnie the Pooh. The joke was in the face and netizens could not get enough of it. They cheered Pompeo's sense of humour, and someone even mentioned "Winnie the flu".&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/why-chinas-president-xi-jinping-fears-winnie-the-pooh-313823">Also read:&nbsp;Why China's President Xi Jinping fears 'Winnie the Pooh'</a>

Pompeo was asked about it in a recent interview "Was this a Winnie the pooh-gate?" The secretary of state appeared oblivious.

However, the tweet was far from innocent.&nbsp;It is in line with Pompeo's scathing attacks on China. The Secretary of State has been towing a rather hard line on Beijing. He has been criticising China daily and way more than the US President Donald Trump.

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Pompeo has said, "We have a Chinese Communist Party that is putting freedom and democracy at risk by their expanionist, imperialist, authoritarian behavior."

He has also said,&nbsp;"This is a regime that failed to disclose information they had about a virus." and&nbsp;"We want them to respect the rule of law.

The Secretary of State has also talked about the world uniting against China.&nbsp;"I think we are watching the world unite to come to understand the threat from the chinese communist party." and&nbsp;"We will support countries all across the world who recognize that china has violated their legal territorial claims as well - or maritime claims."

The Chinese Communist Party fears its own people more than anything else including Winnie the Pooh.

Mike Pompeo has been leading the US&nbsp;attack on China. On Thursday, he said that the world will make China pay for the pandemic.

On July 14, Pompeo urged free elections in Hong Kong and&nbsp;even congratulated Hong Kong's democrats for a successful primary.

On July 09, he hit out at China for its aggression in Ladakh.&nbsp;He has previously called China a 'rogue actor' for the Galwan provocation. On July 1, Pompeo lauded India's ban on 59 Chinese apps.

The US Secretary of state has also criticised China for its economic exploitation of Africa and&nbsp;Pompeo has spoken about reviewing the US troop deployment to counter China in the Himalayan region.

He has also claimed that the US will assist all countries that are resisting Chinese annexation in the South China sea. Pompeo has also been campaigning to ban TikTok in the US.

So, what really scares Xi Jinping is democracy, social unrest, Winnie the Pooh&nbsp;and Mike Pompeo.

Winnie the Pooh scares Chinese President more than democracy and social unrest. It gives the Chinese president nightmares. 'Pooh' is a nickname for Xi Jinping and the President has used every possible tool to bury this reference, but it continues to pop up every now and then.

Winnie the Pooh scares Chinese President more than democracy and social unrest. It gives the Chinese president nightmares. 'Pooh' is a nickname for Xi Jinping and the President has used every possible tool to bury this reference, but it continues to pop up every now and then. The latest to toy around with Xi's fear was Mike Pompeo, the US Secretary of State. He tweeted this photo with the caption "Mercer and all her favourite toys". Mercer and all of her favorite toys! 🐶 pic.twitter.com/bGal0ui6E2 — Mike Pompeo (@mikepompeo) July 15, 2020 × Mercer is Pompeo's dog, and among her toys lay Winnie the Pooh. The joke was in the face and netizens could not get enough of it. They cheered Pompeo's sense of humour, and someone even mentioned "Winnie the flu". Also read: Why China's President Xi Jinping fears 'Winnie the Pooh' Pompeo was asked about it in a recent interview "Was this a Winnie the pooh-gate?" The secretary of state appeared oblivious. However, the tweet was far from innocent. It is in line with Pompeo's scathing attacks on China. The Secretary of State has been towing a rather hard line on Beijing. He has been criticising China daily and way more than the US President Donald Trump. Pompeo has said, "We have a Chinese Communist Party that is putting freedom and democracy at risk by their expanionist, imperialist, authoritarian behavior." He has also said, "This is a regime that failed to disclose information they had about a virus." and "We want them to respect the rule of law. The Secretary of State has also talked about the world uniting against China. "I think we are watching the world unite to come to understand the threat from the chinese communist party." and "We will support countries all across the world who recognize that china has violated their legal territorial claims as well - or maritime claims." The Chinese Communist Party fears its own people more than anything else including Winnie the Pooh. Mike Pompeo has been leading the US attack on China. On Thursday, he said that the world will make China pay for the pandemic. On July 14, Pompeo urged free elections in Hong Kong and even congratulated Hong Kong's democrats for a successful primary. On July 09, he hit out at China for its aggression in Ladakh. He has previously called China a 'rogue actor' for the Galwan provocation. On July 1, Pompeo lauded India's ban on 59 Chinese apps. The US Secretary of state has also criticised China for its economic exploitation of Africa and Pompeo has spoken about reviewing the US troop deployment to counter China in the Himalayan region. He has also claimed that the US will assist all countries that are resisting Chinese annexation in the South China sea. Pompeo has also been campaigning to ban TikTok in the US. So, what really scares Xi Jinping is democracy, social unrest, Winnie the Pooh and Mike Pompeo.

What really scares Xi Jinping: Democracy, social unrest, Winnie the Pooh and Mike Pompeo

China's quest for global dominance has inspired an espionage ring bigger than the cold war era. Beijing is not just spying through Huawei, but it is also trying to extract secrets through sex.

In the 1990s, the MI5 published a manual for British businessmen, saying "Be especially alert for flattery and over-generous hospitality." Three decades on, this advice continues to hold true.

Sexpionage is one of China's many espionage weapons and Beijing prefers calling it 'Meiren Ji'- the beautiful person plan.&nbsp; 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/how-israeli-soldiers-were-caught-in-hamas-honey-trap-281201">Also Read: How Israeli soldiers were caught in Hamas 'honey trap'</a>

The targets are trapped using fake social media accounts. They would approach professionals, make business proposals, invite them to China, the trip would be free, but before they know it, the Chinese agents would photograph the target in a compromising position. And then begins the blackmail cycle, demanding important information.

And now, a&nbsp;book published in England reveals how some prominent businessmen and politicians got lured by women working for Chinese intelligence. The book will be out on July 16.

&nbsp;

China's quest for global dominance has inspired an espionage ring bigger than the cold war era. Beijing is not just spying through Huawei, but it is also trying to extract secrets through sex.

China's quest for global dominance has inspired an espionage ring bigger than the cold war era. Beijing is not just spying through Huawei, but it is also trying to extract secrets through sex. In the 1990s, the MI5 published a manual for British businessmen, saying "Be especially alert for flattery and over-generous hospitality." Three decades on, this advice continues to hold true. Sexpionage is one of China's many espionage weapons and Beijing prefers calling it 'Meiren Ji'- the beautiful person plan. Also Read: How Israeli soldiers were caught in Hamas 'honey trap' The targets are trapped using fake social media accounts. They would approach professionals, make business proposals, invite them to China, the trip would be free, but before they know it, the Chinese agents would photograph the target in a compromising position. And then begins the blackmail cycle, demanding important information. And now, a book published in England reveals how some prominent businessmen and politicians got lured by women working for Chinese intelligence. The book will be out on July 16.

Sexpionage, one of China's weapons to extract secrets

China, the originator of coronavirus, would make you believe that they've put the pandemic behind them, however, there is a deep, systemic infection that is ailing the Chinese economy and it stems from the banks.

China has imposed limits on businesses and individuals in the Hebei province for withdrawing large amounts of cash without prior approval.

According to the new restrictions, lenders will have to give one-day notice fot withdrawals of more than 100,000 yuan. Similarly, businesses will have to report transactions of over 500,000 yuan. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/chinas-debt-trap-increases-amid-budget-deficit-bri-roadblock-312031">Also Read:&nbsp;China's debt trap increases amid budget deficit, BRI roadblock</a>

Depositors will be required to share the source of funds, and for withdrawals&nbsp;account holders will be asked about the reason for taking out the money.

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This two-year programme will be expanded to the provinces of Zhejiang and Shenzhen later this year. According to another report, 586 banks and financing firms were classified as “highly risky” by the authorities.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-offers-rare-glimpse-of-wuhan-lab-centre-of-coronavirus-conspiracy-theories-311975">Also Read: China offers rare glimpse of Wuhan lab, centre of coronavirus conspiracy theories</a>

China’s banks are failing because the country has been fueling its growth with debt and years of borrowing has made the banks hollow.&nbsp;

As of March, 2020, China’s total domestic debt was 317 per cent of the country’s GDP. Some reports say that there are many loans which are off the books as well.

China's banking system is controlled by 4 big state-run banks which control the financial system and 50 per cent of all loans, so effectively, the government controls the system.

This has given rise to an enormous shadow banking industry, riddled with corruption and expensive loans. 
&nbsp; 
The scale of the debt is so large, that China has allowed some players to publicly fail. In 2019, Chinese corporate borrowers defaulted on nearly $20 billion in loans.&nbsp;&nbsp;

China’s banking system is a ticking time bomb and if it were to explode, it will take the Chinese economy along with it.&nbsp;

China, the originator of coronavirus, would make you believe that they've put the pandemic behind them, however, there is a deep, systemic infection that is ailing the Chinese economy and it stems from the banks.

China, the originator of coronavirus, would make you believe that they've put the pandemic behind them, however, there is a deep, systemic infection that is ailing the Chinese economy and it stems from the banks. China has imposed limits on businesses and individuals in the Hebei province for withdrawing large amounts of cash without prior approval. According to the new restrictions, lenders will have to give one-day notice fot withdrawals of more than 100,000 yuan. Similarly, businesses will have to report transactions of over 500,000 yuan. Also Read: China's debt trap increases amid budget deficit, BRI roadblock Depositors will be required to share the source of funds, and for withdrawals account holders will be asked about the reason for taking out the money. × This two-year programme will be expanded to the provinces of Zhejiang and Shenzhen later this year. According to another report, 586 banks and financing firms were classified as “highly risky” by the authorities. Also Read: China offers rare glimpse of Wuhan lab, centre of coronavirus conspiracy theories China’s banks are failing because the country has been fueling its growth with debt and years of borrowing has made the banks hollow. As of March, 2020, China’s total domestic debt was 317 per cent of the country’s GDP. Some reports say that there are many loans which are off the books as well. China's banking system is controlled by 4 big state-run banks which control the financial system and 50 per cent of all loans, so effectively, the government controls the system. This has given rise to an enormous shadow banking industry, riddled with corruption and expensive loans. The scale of the debt is so large, that China has allowed some players to publicly fail. In 2019, Chinese corporate borrowers defaulted on nearly $20 billion in loans. China’s banking system is a ticking time bomb and if it were to explode, it will take the Chinese economy along with it.

Will China's bad loan crisis lead to the collapse of its economy?

Dear President Xi,

Hope this finds you well and safe from the ravages of the virus you’ve gifted us. You’ll appreciate that thanks are not in order and shall not be extended. Suffice to say, we’re doing the best we can, given the soup, a&nbsp;certain kind of soup has landed us in. This has been the most unsavoury business in a century and might I add that your conduct isn’t helping at all. &nbsp;

The pandemic was bad enough, and for a while, at least in the beginning, the world seemed prepared to concede that it may not have been entirely your fault. But you did not play a straight bat, if you know what I mean, and now find yourself on a sticky wicket. Play wisely now, dear Sir, or you shall be out.

If I may be so impertinent to suggest that the first thing you must do is give your advisors the marching orders, preferably not towards any border towns, as you may have already realized the futility of such ill-advised adventures. Your courtiers have not been telling you the truth, not even a close estimation of it. Quite the contrary, in fact. They’ve led you to believe that China is at the centre of the world and your wish is the world’s command. I’m afraid that’s not the case, and fervently hope it never is.&nbsp;

In keeping with our neighbourly duties, we at WION decided to apprise you of the cracks appearing in your propaganda walls, and forewarn you about your roof leaking with falsehoods. Our forthrightness seems to have not agreed with your team for they have now blocked us. While we suffered your intrusions into our borders, our phones, our homes, even our Diwali decorations in the spirit of neighbourly forbearance, your blocking of our channel was most unbecoming and graceless. Nonetheless, all’s not lost and you’re in luck that you’re dealing with the land of Buddha where people are blessed with the faculty of immense patience.&nbsp;

So let me start by introducing you to the concept of free speech. Fret not, it may be new to you and may take a while to understand, but once you do you shall find yourself discovering its joys. Free speech operates on the principle that every human being, Communist or otherwise, Han Chinese or Uighur Chinese, has the right to say what he or she thinks. It often involves thoughts that you’d much rather not be acquainted with, or in your particular case would want to erase any traces of. Free speech has its advantages, like rendering water canons and the security law in Hong Kong redundant. Imagine the possibilities!

It is on the concept of free speech that a free press works. It tells you stories, ideally based on facts, that your deputies won’t. Blocking it is a disservice to yourself and your people. You’ve boxed yourself in an echo chamber of yes-men; I imagine it can be frustrating, an existence devoid of varied opinion, emotion and vigour. Your belligerence betrays this frustration. So as the first sign of making amends, which our persistent hope is that you want to, you must unblock WION.&nbsp;

Mr President, you like to show the world that you’re an avid reader of the classics. Why, you share reading lists comprising Greek, French, German and Russian writers, which people in China dutifully like! As a teenager working in the poor yellow earth of Northern Shaanxi, you were reportedly obsessed by the Shakespearean question “to be, or not to be.” I urge you to ask yourself that question again and decide not to be the leader who goes down in history as the one who led his country to ruin to fulfill his ambition, and satiate his hunger for power and land. May I recommend a reading of the Bhagwad Gita to douse your lust for what doesn’t belong to you. You had a once in a lifetime opportunity to lead the largest country in the world, but your greed is whittling it away, one dispute at a time.&nbsp;

I’m not holding my breath for you to see the point I’m making, but I’ll be none the worse for trying to make you see it.&nbsp;

Sincerely, 
Palki Sharma&nbsp; 
Executive Editor,&nbsp; 
WION - WORLD IS ONE

Dear President Xi, Hope this finds you well and safe from the ravages of the virus you’ve gifted us. You’ll appreciate that thanks are not in order and shall not be extended.

Dear President Xi, Hope this finds you well and safe from the ravages of the virus you’ve gifted us. You’ll appreciate that thanks are not in order and shall not be extended. Suffice to say, we’re doing the best we can, given the soup, a certain kind of soup has landed us in. This has been the most unsavoury business in a century and might I add that your conduct isn’t helping at all. The pandemic was bad enough, and for a while, at least in the beginning, the world seemed prepared to concede that it may not have been entirely your fault. But you did not play a straight bat, if you know what I mean, and now find yourself on a sticky wicket. Play wisely now, dear Sir, or you shall be out. If I may be so impertinent to suggest that the first thing you must do is give your advisors the marching orders, preferably not towards any border towns, as you may have already realized the futility of such ill-advised adventures. Your courtiers have not been telling you the truth, not even a close estimation of it. Quite the contrary, in fact. They’ve led you to believe that China is at the centre of the world and your wish is the world’s command. I’m afraid that’s not the case, and fervently hope it never is. In keeping with our neighbourly duties, we at WION decided to apprise you of the cracks appearing in your propaganda walls, and forewarn you about your roof leaking with falsehoods. Our forthrightness seems to have not agreed with your team for they have now blocked us. While we suffered your intrusions into our borders, our phones, our homes, even our Diwali decorations in the spirit of neighbourly forbearance, your blocking of our channel was most unbecoming and graceless. Nonetheless, all’s not lost and you’re in luck that you’re dealing with the land of Buddha where people are blessed with the faculty of immense patience. So let me start by introducing you to the concept of free speech. Fret not, it may be new to you and may take a while to understand, but once you do you shall find yourself discovering its joys. Free speech operates on the principle that every human being, Communist or otherwise, Han Chinese or Uighur Chinese, has the right to say what he or she thinks. It often involves thoughts that you’d much rather not be acquainted with, or in your particular case would want to erase any traces of. Free speech has its advantages, like rendering water canons and the security law in Hong Kong redundant. Imagine the possibilities! It is on the concept of free speech that a free press works. It tells you stories, ideally based on facts, that your deputies won’t. Blocking it is a disservice to yourself and your people. You’ve boxed yourself in an echo chamber of yes-men; I imagine it can be frustrating, an existence devoid of varied opinion, emotion and vigour. Your belligerence betrays this frustration. So as the first sign of making amends, which our persistent hope is that you want to, you must unblock WION. Mr President, you like to show the world that you’re an avid reader of the classics. Why, you share reading lists comprising Greek, French, German and Russian writers, which people in China dutifully like! As a teenager working in the poor yellow earth of Northern Shaanxi, you were reportedly obsessed by the Shakespearean question “to be, or not to be.” I urge you to ask yourself that question again and decide not to be the leader who goes down in history as the one who led his country to ruin to fulfill his ambition, and satiate his hunger for power and land. May I recommend a reading of the Bhagwad Gita to douse your lust for what doesn’t belong to you. You had a once in a lifetime opportunity to lead the largest country in the world, but your greed is whittling it away, one dispute at a time. I’m not holding my breath for you to see the point I’m making, but I’ll be none the worse for trying to make you see it. Sincerely, Palki Sharma Executive Editor, WION - WORLD IS ONE

An open letter to Chinese President Xi Jinping

China has been cracking down on a growing number of officials in President Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign. This time, the anti-graft watchdog has stretched its arms to the far western region of Xinjiang.

A high-level official in northwest Xinjiang region, where Muslim minorities have been held in internment camps, has come under investigation by the country's anti-corruption agency.

Ren Hua, the 56-year-old vice chairwoman of the region, is suspected of "serious violations of discipline and law", a euphemism for corruption, according to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/beijing-slams-taiwans-call-on-china-to-apologise-for-tiananmen-crackdown-as-nonsense-302911">Also Read: Beijing slams Taiwan’s call on China to apologise for Tiananmen crackdown</a>

Ren is the fifth senior official to be investigated this year. Ren Hua started off as a clerk in the communist party's regional office in Xinjiang in 1986.

Since the start of the year, Xinjiang's regional corruption watchdog has detained - a former deputy mayor, a former deputy director of the transport and a former deputy commissioner.

This is a crackdown on former senior officials who served in the Xinjiang province which is the most-intensely monitored region in China. Beijing&nbsp;has peddled unfounded claims of terrorist threats, and thus, these investigations don't look like an anti-corruption drive, but political vendetta - an attempt to consolidate power. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-to-introduce-bill-criminalising-criticism-of-traditional-medicine-302968">&nbsp;Also Read: China to introduce bill criminalising criticism of traditional medicine</a>

The power struggle seems to have reached the top and now it's a fight between President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Kequiang.&nbsp;

At a recent gathering, Li said that China must leave room for fiscal, financial and social security policies. "China now faces a daunting task in slashing absolute poverty due to the COVID-19 impact," he said.

In response, Xi is said to have criticised Li's welfare approach as such a wide-ranging poverty alleviation scheme would put more curbs on government spending on infrastructure. 
 
It would hamper China's big lending operations across the world, most importantly, it would weaken Xi's position as a leader who could not take China back to its economic heights. 
 
China''s economy contracted to 6.8 per cent in the first quarter for the first time since 1976 due to coronavirus lockdowns. Beijing has suffered a blow to its international image, with the world pointing fingers at China for the pandemic that has infected nearly six&nbsp;million people around the world while claiming over 3 lakh lives.

Beijing-backed crackdowns on pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong has also sparked an international backlash.

(With inputs from AFP)

China has been cracking down on a growing number of officials in President Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign. This time, the anti-graft watchdog has stretched its arms to the far western region of Xinjiang.

China has been cracking down on a growing number of officials in President Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign. This time, the anti-graft watchdog has stretched its arms to the far western region of Xinjiang. A high-level official in northwest Xinjiang region, where Muslim minorities have been held in internment camps, has come under investigation by the country's anti-corruption agency. Ren Hua, the 56-year-old vice chairwoman of the region, is suspected of "serious violations of discipline and law", a euphemism for corruption, according to the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Also Read: Beijing slams Taiwan’s call on China to apologise for Tiananmen crackdown Ren is the fifth senior official to be investigated this year. Ren Hua started off as a clerk in the communist party's regional office in Xinjiang in 1986. Since the start of the year, Xinjiang's regional corruption watchdog has detained - a former deputy mayor, a former deputy director of the transport and a former deputy commissioner. This is a crackdown on former senior officials who served in the Xinjiang province which is the most-intensely monitored region in China. Beijing has peddled unfounded claims of terrorist threats, and thus, these investigations don't look like an anti-corruption drive, but political vendetta - an attempt to consolidate power. Also Read: China to introduce bill criminalising criticism of traditional medicine The power struggle seems to have reached the top and now it's a fight between President Xi Jinping and Premier Li Kequiang. At a recent gathering, Li said that China must leave room for fiscal, financial and social security policies. "China now faces a daunting task in slashing absolute poverty due to the COVID-19 impact," he said. In response, Xi is said to have criticised Li's welfare approach as such a wide-ranging poverty alleviation scheme would put more curbs on government spending on infrastructure. It would hamper China's big lending operations across the world, most importantly, it would weaken Xi's position as a leader who could not take China back to its economic heights. China''s economy contracted to 6.8 per cent in the first quarter for the first time since 1976 due to coronavirus lockdowns. Beijing has suffered a blow to its international image, with the world pointing fingers at China for the pandemic that has infected nearly six million people around the world while claiming over 3 lakh lives. Beijing-backed crackdowns on pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong has also sparked an international backlash. (With inputs from AFP)

Is Xi Jinping consolidating power in the name of fighting corruption?

The annual gathering of the ruling elite of China took place today which is the country's&nbsp;biggest political event of the year.

The Communist Party uses the event to declare its agenda for the year. It was supposed to take place in March but&nbsp;got delayed due to the Wuhan virus. Two months later, China hastily put together the event, just to show the world&nbsp;they have the COVID-19 outbreak under control.

Today was day one and China has been facing pressure on many fronts, so the Communist Party decided to put up a show of strength as Chinese premier Li Keqiang opened the session.

One country, one party and one system - that's the new mantra for the Communist Party which is the absolute power centre&nbsp;of China.

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A party whose lapses gave the world a pandemic now wants to strengthen its grip beyond mainland China. &nbsp;It is the premier, not the president who speaks even as President Xi Jinping was seated during the entire affair. Premier Li delivered what is called the government's work report. It was basically the agenda of the Chinese government for the year.

There are five big takeaways from today. Firstly, China declared victory against the coronavirus. Two, a controversial new law to control Hong Kong, three, no GDP targets for this year, four, a hike in China's defence budget and finally, the promise of big spending.

However, all the announcements carry one underlying message - the Communist Party is in charge and, its agenda has not been derailed by the coronavirus. The first big takeaway: China has declared victory against the Wuhan virus outbreak.

Premier Li said China has achieved a decisive victory against the disease. Clearly, it is propaganda. China is still fighting the coronavirus since there are fresh wave of cases. Another province was put under lockdown this week. China is just trying to look strong by saying it defeated the virus.

Takeaway number two: China will tighten its grip on Hong Kong. The plan is to impose a new law. It comes with sweeping security measures which allow Beijing greater control over Hong Kong and power to crackdown on anti-government protests.

There was also a message for Taiwan. The Chinese premier dropped the word "peaceful"&nbsp;while referring to the reunification of Taiwan. The message is clear - China wants to curb the autonomy of Hong Kong and Taiwan and it won't hesitate to use force.&nbsp;

Takeaway number three: For the first time since the 1990s, China won't set a GDP target. Beijing can't make a prediction yet after the Wuhan virus destroyed businesses and disrupted supply chains and brought the world to a grinding halt.

China says it is difficult to put a number to the growth right now. Mainly because of the uncertainly in the foreign markets. A situation that was created by the virus from China.

Now, China wants to capitalise. So, it will issue bonds worth one trillion yuan to raise money China is setting aside $179 billion to spend on defence that budget is nearly three times India's defence budget.

Despite the coronavirus hit on the Chinese economy, China has given its defence budget a hike. It is higher by 6.6 per cent compared to last year. Chinese defence forces have remained active despite the pandemic. They have stepped up their activities in the South China Sea and are also active in Taiwan, including along the border with India.

It seems the virus has only added to China's military aggression and this budget only shows that Chinese defence forces will remain proactive.&nbsp;

Finally, takeaway number five: the plans for the economy. However, there is an air of mystery around it. China isn't saying much about its plans for the economy. Growth has contracted by 6.8 per cent in the first quarter of this year but&nbsp;some targets have been set.

China wants to create more than nine million jobs. Last year's target was around 11 million. So, job creation target has dropped by two million. For the first time, there has been no news about treasury bonds. China plans to raise money and spend it to revive the economy.

China's economic data is world famous for its unreliability but its banks are under pressure because of debts.

To sum up,&nbsp;the National People's Congress was high on slogans and low on substance. The military budget gets a boost, but growth may not take off. China is still struggling to control its virus, but it wants to focus more energy on controlling Hong Kong and Taiwan.

As a leader who is facing the biggest political test of his career, both at home and abroad, Xi Jinping's positioning is clear - he wants to say that his plans are on course and that he is completely in control of the situation. The world must brace for a more aggressive and an abrasive China.

The annual gathering of the ruling elite of China took place today which is the country's biggest political event of the year. The Communist Party uses the event to declare its agenda for the year.

The annual gathering of the ruling elite of China took place today which is the country's biggest political event of the year. The Communist Party uses the event to declare its agenda for the year. It was supposed to take place in March but got delayed due to the Wuhan virus. Two months later, China hastily put together the event, just to show the world they have the COVID-19 outbreak under control. Today was day one and China has been facing pressure on many fronts, so the Communist Party decided to put up a show of strength as Chinese premier Li Keqiang opened the session. One country, one party and one system - that's the new mantra for the Communist Party which is the absolute power centre of China. A party whose lapses gave the world a pandemic now wants to strengthen its grip beyond mainland China. It is the premier, not the president who speaks even as President Xi Jinping was seated during the entire affair. Premier Li delivered what is called the government's work report. It was basically the agenda of the Chinese government for the year. There are five big takeaways from today. Firstly, China declared victory against the coronavirus. Two, a controversial new law to control Hong Kong, three, no GDP targets for this year, four, a hike in China's defence budget and finally, the promise of big spending. However, all the announcements carry one underlying message - the Communist Party is in charge and, its agenda has not been derailed by the coronavirus. The first big takeaway: China has declared victory against the Wuhan virus outbreak. Premier Li said China has achieved a decisive victory against the disease. Clearly, it is propaganda. China is still fighting the coronavirus since there are fresh wave of cases. Another province was put under lockdown this week. China is just trying to look strong by saying it defeated the virus. Takeaway number two: China will tighten its grip on Hong Kong. The plan is to impose a new law. It comes with sweeping security measures which allow Beijing greater control over Hong Kong and power to crackdown on anti-government protests. There was also a message for Taiwan. The Chinese premier dropped the word "peaceful" while referring to the reunification of Taiwan. The message is clear - China wants to curb the autonomy of Hong Kong and Taiwan and it won't hesitate to use force. Takeaway number three: For the first time since the 1990s, China won't set a GDP target. Beijing can't make a prediction yet after the Wuhan virus destroyed businesses and disrupted supply chains and brought the world to a grinding halt. China says it is difficult to put a number to the growth right now. Mainly because of the uncertainly in the foreign markets. A situation that was created by the virus from China. Now, China wants to capitalise. So, it will issue bonds worth one trillion yuan to raise money China is setting aside $179 billion to spend on defence that budget is nearly three times India's defence budget. Despite the coronavirus hit on the Chinese economy, China has given its defence budget a hike. It is higher by 6.6 per cent compared to last year. Chinese defence forces have remained active despite the pandemic. They have stepped up their activities in the South China Sea and are also active in Taiwan, including along the border with India. It seems the virus has only added to China's military aggression and this budget only shows that Chinese defence forces will remain proactive. Finally, takeaway number five: the plans for the economy. However, there is an air of mystery around it. China isn't saying much about its plans for the economy. Growth has contracted by 6.8 per cent in the first quarter of this year but some targets have been set. China wants to create more than nine million jobs. Last year's target was around 11 million. So, job creation target has dropped by two million. For the first time, there has been no news about treasury bonds. China plans to raise money and spend it to revive the economy. China's economic data is world famous for its unreliability but its banks are under pressure because of debts. To sum up, the National People's Congress was high on slogans and low on substance. The military budget gets a boost, but growth may not take off. China is still struggling to control its virus, but it wants to focus more energy on controlling Hong Kong and Taiwan. As a leader who is facing the biggest political test of his career, both at home and abroad, Xi Jinping's positioning is clear - he wants to say that his plans are on course and that he is completely in control of the situation. The world must brace for a more aggressive and an abrasive China.

Five big takeaways from China's National People's Congress meet today

Chinese President Xi Jinping called Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina over the phone on Wednesday and proposed to send an expert team to help Bangladesh combat the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic.

According to the Hasina's press secretary Ihsanul Karim “The Chinese president phoned Bangladesh Prime Minister around 5 pm on Wednesday and wanted to know from her about the coronavirus situation in Bangladesh."

“We are ready to send an expert team to Bangladesh to prevent coronavirus if you want,” Jinping told his Bangladeshi counterpart.

Xi said China will continue to work for further strengthening "strategic partnership" with Bangladesh.

The press secretary said the prime minister thanked the Chinese president for expressing sympathy to Bangladesh for the coronavirus situation.

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

Chinese President Xi Jinping called Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina over the phone on Wednesday and proposed to send an expert team to help Bangladesh combat the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic.

Chinese President Xi Jinping called Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina over the phone on Wednesday and proposed to send an expert team to help Bangladesh combat the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. According to the Hasina's press secretary Ihsanul Karim “The Chinese president phoned Bangladesh Prime Minister around 5 pm on Wednesday and wanted to know from her about the coronavirus situation in Bangladesh." “We are ready to send an expert team to Bangladesh to prevent coronavirus if you want,” Jinping told his Bangladeshi counterpart. Xi said China will continue to work for further strengthening "strategic partnership" with Bangladesh. The press secretary said the prime minister thanked the Chinese president for expressing sympathy to Bangladesh for the coronavirus situation. (With inputs from agencies)

Chinese President Xi Jinping offers to send experts team to Bangladesh to fight Covid-19

Not just India, countries around the world are turning up the heat on China using different approaches.&nbsp;

On Sunday, US President Donald Trump flip-flopped his way through the crisis. First, he slammed China and then called coronavirus, China virus. And then forgot about it. Again yesterday, Trump blamed Beijing again and warned of consequences.&nbsp;

Both US and China want to shape the narrative of the outbreak

On Saturday, addressing a press conference, Trump declared that he was not happy with China and went after WHO again.&nbsp;

Trump questioned China's virus death numbers and blamed China for the outbreak.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, the US wanted to send an investigation team to Wuhan but China denied Trump's demand by playing the victim card.&nbsp;But, this was the first time perhaps that Beijing addressed the demand for repatriations and the demand to make China pay is growing.&nbsp;Lawsuits have been filed.

But shy Beijing chose to respond today?&nbsp;

Weeks ago, in a lawsuit in Florida, it demanded billions of dollars from China in damages. Now, the law firm behind it says that thousands have signed onto the lawsuit.

Meanwhile, a Germany newspaper Bild went one step further by sending an&nbsp;itemized invoice worth 149 billion euros. The newspaper has been caught in a rather bitter war of words with China.

The Chinese embassy in Beijing wrote a letter to the newspaper and said that they were unhappy with the critical coverage.

Last week, Bild editor in chief published an open letter addressed to Xi Jinping. The letter said that the Chinese President&nbsp;&nbsp;"Rules by surveillance".

Meanwhile, criticism against China is growing and the reparations threat may seem like a long shot. But, it is certainly on&nbsp;Beijing's mind.

Not just India, countries around the world are turning up the heat on China using different approaches. On Sunday, US President Donald Trump flip-flopped his way through the crisis.

Not just India, countries around the world are turning up the heat on China using different approaches. On Sunday, US President Donald Trump flip-flopped his way through the crisis. First, he slammed China and then called coronavirus, China virus. And then forgot about it. Again yesterday, Trump blamed Beijing again and warned of consequences. Both US and China want to shape the narrative of the outbreak On Saturday, addressing a press conference, Trump declared that he was not happy with China and went after WHO again. Trump questioned China's virus death numbers and blamed China for the outbreak. Meanwhile, the US wanted to send an investigation team to Wuhan but China denied Trump's demand by playing the victim card. But, this was the first time perhaps that Beijing addressed the demand for repatriations and the demand to make China pay is growing. Lawsuits have been filed. But shy Beijing chose to respond today? Weeks ago, in a lawsuit in Florida, it demanded billions of dollars from China in damages. Now, the law firm behind it says that thousands have signed onto the lawsuit. Meanwhile, a Germany newspaper Bild went one step further by sending an itemized invoice worth 149 billion euros. The newspaper has been caught in a rather bitter war of words with China. The Chinese embassy in Beijing wrote a letter to the newspaper and said that they were unhappy with the critical coverage. Last week, Bild editor in chief published an open letter addressed to Xi Jinping. The letter said that the Chinese President "Rules by surveillance". Meanwhile, criticism against China is growing and the reparations threat may seem like a long shot. But, it is certainly on Beijing's mind.

Pressure mounts on China as coronavirus deepens world's misery

Today the world is witnessing an outbreak of a global pandemic ‘COVID-19’, unseen in the recent past, illustrating the fragile nature of a globalised world. The case of ‘COVID-19’ is more relevant to the Communist Party of China (CPC) than to anyone else. It shows how the sudden and unanticipated outbursts could create global reverberations in a globalised world. That could put the regime in a precarious position, threatening the unwritten social contract—the legitimacy of CPC is driven by its ability to deliver economic prosperity to its Citizens.&nbsp;

Nevertheless, increasing global economic integration has driven China's domestic growth in the past. With global growth set to slow down significantly and COVID-19 set to push the growth to new low, as the early predictions show signs of recession. The rise in ‘uncertainty’ cast a shadow of doubts on the goals set forth by CPC. China has entered into a “New Era”, an era where Xi Jinping, CPC General Secretary, targets to wipe out the extreme rural poverty —through an increase in per capita income and achieve a “moderately well-off society”(  Xiaokang society), by 2021— the hundredth anniversary of CPC formation.&nbsp;

Today, China is more connected to the world than in the past. According to the World Economic Situation and Prospects Report 2020, released by the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), China alone contributed 0.75 per cent out of an average 3 per cent of the global growth. These indicators not only reflect the major trends in globalisation, but the extent to which China is connected in a globalised world.&nbsp;

Nevertheless, globalisation is not a linear progression, but a tumultuous ride. Increasingly complex challenges due to globalisation—where the domestic events could have large-scale global repercussions —with ‘phenomena of coronisation’, describing the limits of globalisation. CPC is set for more challenging times in a globalised world.&nbsp;

The world is stepping into a new era of political, social and financial instability driven by COVID-19, with global growth set to decline and alarm bells ringing by IMF on a possible recession soon.

The inability to maintain economic growth and rise in inequality fuelled by low growth, in future, are more immediate threats that could undermine the social contract, leading towards domestic instability. It is not only the domestic challenges that Xi Jinping will face, but political criticism of his policies, handling of the COVID-19 crisis and social instability caused by a slump in the production are the biggest challenges in the decades that CPC is set to face for the time.&nbsp;

While CPC has shown the ability to manage the ‘domestic uncertainties’, by delivering economic results, mastering propaganda and control over information flow. However, these strategies no longer serve the effectiveness for ensuring CPC legitimacy and Xi’s rule to govern. For instance, take the case of mounting discontent among the Chinese citizens in the early stage of the outburst of COVID-19, where the local officials tried desperately to cover-up the ‘truth about the outburst’, fearing the response from the central government. To alleviate growing citizen distrust of the central leadership and Xi’s rule, CPC reacted by sacking the Hubei Party chief Jiang Changling and Wuhan mayor Ma Guoqiang to calm down the public anger thus effectively channelising the growing resentment toward the local officials. &nbsp;

What is more worrying for the CPC at the moment is the echoing of the anger from Chinese people themselves against the Xi’s rule. The death of Li Wenliang, a doctor who alerted the Chinese Local officials during the early stages of outbreak, was forced to silence by the local officials by hiding the truth about the outburst. This event raged widespread discontent amongst the people and netizens alike, for instance, the popular social-network sites Sina Weibo and Wechat platforms surfaced with the lyrics of a song- “Do you hear the people sing” —an popular song which was widely used during the Hong Kong protests in 2019. Denoting public anger and failure of the early response to COVID-19. CPC blocked the ‘anthem of protest’ in mainland China and subsequently, launched a massive propaganda operation to regain the lost legitimacy: The "gratitude education campaign", which eventually backfired against the party for placing its role over the hardship endured by Wuhan residents.&nbsp;

These are the early shoots of symptoms of Xi Jinping losing control over the CPC narrative and threat to his legitimacy to rule. Jude Blanchette, director of China studies program at the Center for Strategic International and Security Studies argues that “CPC has reoriented itself from time to time to meet the changing demands in the society and CPC is more focused on long-term threats than the short term disruptions like the COVID-19 crisis”. Indeed, it is true to some extent that COVID-19 may be a short term disruption rather than a long term threat to the stability of the regime and to Xi Jinping’s rule. First, the mounting discontent is a sporadic outburst of anger, then the sustained and coordinated movement challenging the ‘Party’s mandate to rule’. Second, during the outbreak of SARS in 2002, where CPC faced a similar situation, responded by stifling dissent and placing stringent measures in place.&nbsp;

Nevertheless, it is for certain that COVID-19 will redefine the limits of globalisation and continue to shape Chinese politics in the times to come. It could bring more democratic order, not necessarily democracy in China —that demands more responsibility and accountability of the CPC towards society in general and citizens in particular.&nbsp;

&nbsp;(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Today the world is witnessing an outbreak of a global pandemic ‘COVID-19’, unseen in the recent past, illustrating the fragile nature of a globalised world. The case of ‘COVID-19’ is more relevant to the Communist Party of China (CPC) than to anyone else.

Today the world is witnessing an outbreak of a global pandemic ‘COVID-19’, unseen in the recent past, illustrating the fragile nature of a globalised world. The case of ‘COVID-19’ is more relevant to the Communist Party of China (CPC) than to anyone else. It shows how the sudden and unanticipated outbursts could create global reverberations in a globalised world. That could put the regime in a precarious position, threatening the unwritten social contract—the legitimacy of CPC is driven by its ability to deliver economic prosperity to its Citizens. Nevertheless, increasing global economic integration has driven China's domestic growth in the past. With global growth set to slow down significantly and COVID-19 set to push the growth to new low, as the early predictions show signs of recession. The rise in ‘uncertainty’ cast a shadow of doubts on the goals set forth by CPC. China has entered into a “New Era”, an era where Xi Jinping, CPC General Secretary, targets to wipe out the extreme rural poverty —through an increase in per capita income and achieve a “moderately well-off society”(  Xiaokang society), by 2021— the hundredth anniversary of CPC formation. Today, China is more connected to the world than in the past. According to the World Economic Situation and Prospects Report 2020, released by the United Nations Commission on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), China alone contributed 0.75 per cent out of an average 3 per cent of the global growth. These indicators not only reflect the major trends in globalisation, but the extent to which China is connected in a globalised world. Nevertheless, globalisation is not a linear progression, but a tumultuous ride. Increasingly complex challenges due to globalisation—where the domestic events could have large-scale global repercussions —with ‘phenomena of coronisation’, describing the limits of globalisation. CPC is set for more challenging times in a globalised world. The world is stepping into a new era of political, social and financial instability driven by COVID-19, with global growth set to decline and alarm bells ringing by IMF on a possible recession soon. The inability to maintain economic growth and rise in inequality fuelled by low growth, in future, are more immediate threats that could undermine the social contract, leading towards domestic instability. It is not only the domestic challenges that Xi Jinping will face, but political criticism of his policies, handling of the COVID-19 crisis and social instability caused by a slump in the production are the biggest challenges in the decades that CPC is set to face for the time. While CPC has shown the ability to manage the ‘domestic uncertainties’, by delivering economic results, mastering propaganda and control over information flow. However, these strategies no longer serve the effectiveness for ensuring CPC legitimacy and Xi’s rule to govern. For instance, take the case of mounting discontent among the Chinese citizens in the early stage of the outburst of COVID-19, where the local officials tried desperately to cover-up the ‘truth about the outburst’, fearing the response from the central government. To alleviate growing citizen distrust of the central leadership and Xi’s rule, CPC reacted by sacking the Hubei Party chief Jiang Changling and Wuhan mayor Ma Guoqiang to calm down the public anger thus effectively channelising the growing resentment toward the local officials. What is more worrying for the CPC at the moment is the echoing of the anger from Chinese people themselves against the Xi’s rule. The death of Li Wenliang, a doctor who alerted the Chinese Local officials during the early stages of outbreak, was forced to silence by the local officials by hiding the truth about the outburst. This event raged widespread discontent amongst the people and netizens alike, for instance, the popular social-network sites Sina Weibo and Wechat platforms surfaced with the lyrics of a song- “Do you hear the people sing” —an popular song which was widely used during the Hong Kong protests in 2019. Denoting public anger and failure of the early response to COVID-19. CPC blocked the ‘anthem of protest’ in mainland China and subsequently, launched a massive propaganda operation to regain the lost legitimacy: The "gratitude education campaign", which eventually backfired against the party for placing its role over the hardship endured by Wuhan residents. These are the early shoots of symptoms of Xi Jinping losing control over the CPC narrative and threat to his legitimacy to rule. Jude Blanchette, director of China studies program at the Center for Strategic International and Security Studies argues that “CPC has reoriented itself from time to time to meet the changing demands in the society and CPC is more focused on long-term threats than the short term disruptions like the COVID-19 crisis”. Indeed, it is true to some extent that COVID-19 may be a short term disruption rather than a long term threat to the stability of the regime and to Xi Jinping’s rule. First, the mounting discontent is a sporadic outburst of anger, then the sustained and coordinated movement challenging the ‘Party’s mandate to rule’. Second, during the outbreak of SARS in 2002, where CPC faced a similar situation, responded by stifling dissent and placing stringent measures in place. Nevertheless, it is for certain that COVID-19 will redefine the limits of globalisation and continue to shape Chinese politics in the times to come. It could bring more democratic order, not necessarily democracy in China —that demands more responsibility and accountability of the CPC towards society in general and citizens in particular. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Communist Party of China and the crisis of social contract in a globalised world

Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in Wuhan on Tuesday for his first visit to the epicentre of the coronavirus epidemic since the crisis erupted in January -- a major sign that officials believe the outbreak is under control.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/first-coronavirus-death-reported-from-canada-officials-285386" hreflang="en">First coronavirus death reported from Canada: Officials</a>

Xi's unannounced visit comes as unprecedented quarantine measures that have sealed off Wuhan and the rest of central Hubei province since late January appear to have paid off, with new infections dropping dramatically in recent weeks.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/israel-pm-benjamin-netanyahu-announces-two-week-quarantine-for-all-arrivals-285375" hreflang="en">Israel PM Benjamin Netanyahu announces two-week quarantine for all arrivals</a>

The Communist Party leader arrived by plane in Hubei's capital for an "inspection of the epidemic prevention and control work" in the region, according to the official Xinhua news agency.

State media showed Xi, wearing a mask, speaking via video-link to frontline medical workers and patients at one of the field hospitals set up in the city.

Xi will also visit military officials, community workers, police, patients and residents, Xinhua said.

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China's most powerful leader since Mao Zedong is usually a daily fixture in state media but has stayed out of the spotlight for much of the crisis and assigned Premier Li Keqiang to oversee the response to the epidemic.

Li and a vice-premier have already visited the virus-stricken city of Wuhan.

But as the number of new cases has fallen in recent weeks, state media has played up Xi's role in the fight against the outbreak, releasing a speech last month in which he said he had been giving instructions since early January.

"During the worst of the outbreak, Xi avoided the epicentre because he did not want to be blamed, but when the situation gets better, he shows up in order to receive praise," said Bruce Lui, a senior lecturer in journalism at Hong Kong Baptist University.&nbsp;

Authorities have faced rare and fierce criticism online over their handling of the virus, with local officials coming under particular scrutiny for punishing whistleblowers in an apparent attempt to cover up the outbreak in early January.

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Jean-Pierre Cabestan, a political science professor at Hong Kong Baptist University, said that the carefully orchestrated visit was "long overdue for most Chinese".

"Xi is trying to regain the initiative, to show that he is a considerate and caring leader, but also that he is in charge," he said.

The death of doctor Li Wenliang, who died from the COVID-19 illness in February, sparked a wave of grief and anger online. He was among a group of people who had raised the alarm as early as December.

A visit by vice-premier Sun Chunlan to a Wuhan residential community last week was met with angry public heckling, showing how easily state propaganda efforts could backfire.&nbsp;

"Sun had to bear these risk factors first for Xi, like clearing a minefield before he arrived," said Lui.&nbsp;

The virus is believed to have emerged in December at a market that sold wild animals in Wuhan before ballooning into a national and then a global epidemic.

More than 4,000 people have died and over 110,000 have been infected worldwide, with the majority in China, though daily infections are now growing at a much faster pace abroad.

China reported only 19 new cases on Tuesday, the lowest figure since it started publishing data on January 21.

Seventeen cases were in Wuhan while the other two were imported from abroad.

The country had been tallying thousands of cases every week in January and most of February.

Alfred Wu, associate professor at the National University of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, said that Xi's visit was to signal that the "outbreak has basically ended in China", given the steady decline in new cases

Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in Wuhan on Tuesday for his first visit to the epicentre of the coronavirus epidemic since the crisis erupted in January -- a major sign that officials believe the outbreak is under control.

Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in Wuhan on Tuesday for his first visit to the epicentre of the coronavirus epidemic since the crisis erupted in January -- a major sign that officials believe the outbreak is under control. Also read: First coronavirus death reported from Canada: Officials Xi's unannounced visit comes as unprecedented quarantine measures that have sealed off Wuhan and the rest of central Hubei province since late January appear to have paid off, with new infections dropping dramatically in recent weeks. Also read: Israel PM Benjamin Netanyahu announces two-week quarantine for all arrivals The Communist Party leader arrived by plane in Hubei's capital for an "inspection of the epidemic prevention and control work" in the region, according to the official Xinhua news agency. State media showed Xi, wearing a mask, speaking via video-link to frontline medical workers and patients at one of the field hospitals set up in the city. Xi will also visit military officials, community workers, police, patients and residents, Xinhua said. × China's most powerful leader since Mao Zedong is usually a daily fixture in state media but has stayed out of the spotlight for much of the crisis and assigned Premier Li Keqiang to oversee the response to the epidemic. Li and a vice-premier have already visited the virus-stricken city of Wuhan. But as the number of new cases has fallen in recent weeks, state media has played up Xi's role in the fight against the outbreak, releasing a speech last month in which he said he had been giving instructions since early January. "During the worst of the outbreak, Xi avoided the epicentre because he did not want to be blamed, but when the situation gets better, he shows up in order to receive praise," said Bruce Lui, a senior lecturer in journalism at Hong Kong Baptist University. Authorities have faced rare and fierce criticism online over their handling of the virus, with local officials coming under particular scrutiny for punishing whistleblowers in an apparent attempt to cover up the outbreak in early January. × Jean-Pierre Cabestan, a political science professor at Hong Kong Baptist University, said that the carefully orchestrated visit was "long overdue for most Chinese". "Xi is trying to regain the initiative, to show that he is a considerate and caring leader, but also that he is in charge," he said. The death of doctor Li Wenliang, who died from the COVID-19 illness in February, sparked a wave of grief and anger online. He was among a group of people who had raised the alarm as early as December. A visit by vice-premier Sun Chunlan to a Wuhan residential community last week was met with angry public heckling, showing how easily state propaganda efforts could backfire. "Sun had to bear these risk factors first for Xi, like clearing a minefield before he arrived," said Lui. The virus is believed to have emerged in December at a market that sold wild animals in Wuhan before ballooning into a national and then a global epidemic. More than 4,000 people have died and over 110,000 have been infected worldwide, with the majority in China, though daily infections are now growing at a much faster pace abroad. China reported only 19 new cases on Tuesday, the lowest figure since it started publishing data on January 21. Seventeen cases were in Wuhan while the other two were imported from abroad. The country had been tallying thousands of cases every week in January and most of February. Alfred Wu, associate professor at the National University of Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, said that Xi's visit was to signal that the "outbreak has basically ended in China", given the steady decline in new cases

China coronavirus: Xi Jinping pays first visit to virus epicentre Wuhan

China describes Xi Jinping as the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao, but that description is increasingly being contested by the outside world.

He faced a crisis in Hong Kong, millions took to the streets to protest against Beijing's meddling. On the trade front, the Chinese economy took a hit - because of tarrifs imposed by US President Donald Trump.&nbsp;

In Taiwan, the people rejected pro-Beijing candidates, a pro-democracy candidate won big. Now, Xi Jinping is staring at another problem, this time - it's a global health emergency that originated in mainland China.

The Chinese President has now ruled China for over eight years, he is tipped to be President for life, he has removed term limits,&nbsp;but it won't be easy.

The anger of the people is growing, they are venting on social media. After the death of Dr Li Wenliang, there was an outpouring of criticism. He was the coronavirus whistleblower who faced police action for speaking about the virus. The people blamed the government for withholding information and downplaying the severity of the outbreak.

Had the government listened to this doctor and acted in time, the outbreak could have been contained.

This crisis led to an admission of guilt. It's unprecedented in the Chinese government to admit they did anything wrong.

But China's most powerful governing body said that there were 'shortcomings and difficulties' in its response to the outbreak.&nbsp;

Xi Jinping knows its a mess which is why he's missing in action. He doesn't want to be the face of this failing response.

Xi Jinping might hide until it's all over, but he will certainly feel the political fallout it matters get out of hand. In fact, he could already be looking at the first casualty.

A report by news agency Reuters says that China might delay the annual meeting of Parliament.&nbsp;

Club this situation with the slowdown in the Chinese economy, and the growing dissent - Xi Jinping's troubles could start to look a lot bigger.

He has spent 8 years trying to develop a highly centralised political system, so much so that he's called the chairman of all things. &nbsp;

The Wuhan virus threatens to bug his carefully designed empire. 
 
 
(Disclaimer: WION Edit is the channel's take on the big events of the world)

China describes Xi Jinping as the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao, but that description is increasingly being contested by the outside world. He faced a crisis in Hong Kong, millions took to the streets to protest against Beijing's meddling.

China describes Xi Jinping as the most powerful Chinese leader since Mao, but that description is increasingly being contested by the outside world. He faced a crisis in Hong Kong, millions took to the streets to protest against Beijing's meddling. On the trade front, the Chinese economy took a hit - because of tarrifs imposed by US President Donald Trump. In Taiwan, the people rejected pro-Beijing candidates, a pro-democracy candidate won big. Now, Xi Jinping is staring at another problem, this time - it's a global health emergency that originated in mainland China. The Chinese President has now ruled China for over eight years, he is tipped to be President for life, he has removed term limits, but it won't be easy. The anger of the people is growing, they are venting on social media. After the death of Dr Li Wenliang, there was an outpouring of criticism. He was the coronavirus whistleblower who faced police action for speaking about the virus. The people blamed the government for withholding information and downplaying the severity of the outbreak. Had the government listened to this doctor and acted in time, the outbreak could have been contained. This crisis led to an admission of guilt. It's unprecedented in the Chinese government to admit they did anything wrong. But China's most powerful governing body said that there were 'shortcomings and difficulties' in its response to the outbreak. Xi Jinping knows its a mess which is why he's missing in action. He doesn't want to be the face of this failing response. Xi Jinping might hide until it's all over, but he will certainly feel the political fallout it matters get out of hand. In fact, he could already be looking at the first casualty. A report by news agency Reuters says that China might delay the annual meeting of Parliament. Club this situation with the slowdown in the Chinese economy, and the growing dissent - Xi Jinping's troubles could start to look a lot bigger. He has spent 8 years trying to develop a highly centralised political system, so much so that he's called the chairman of all things. The Wuhan virus threatens to bug his carefully designed empire. (Disclaimer: WION Edit is the channel's take on the big events of the world)

WION Edit: Wuhan crisis - Xi Jinping missing in action

Under Mao Zedong, China once wanted to eradicate religion.

Under Xi Jinping's rule, it wants to rule over all religions. China has now issued a new set of rules, declaring that the communist party is above all religions.

In the summer of 2019, the true Jesus Church in the same province was razed to the ground. And in December, it came to light that China wants to rewrite the Quran and the Bible in order to reflect socialist values.

Christian rights activists have called this the worst crackdown on religion since the cultural revolution when under the leadership of Mao Zedong, China had vowed to eradicate religion.

Practising your religion in China is a tricky affair, President Xi Jinping maintains a tight grip on the country. And his ruling communist party of China is the supreme power.

But now, the party also has supremacy over all religions in China. And there are rules which govern this, running into six chapters and 41 articles. The rules were released in December 2019 by the National Religious Affairs Administration of China, and came into effect this month.

"The regulations include content on the organisation, functions, supervision and management of religious groups. They stipulate that religious affairs departments of people’s governments are the administrative bodies of religious groups, and should perform their functions such as guiding and supervising the groups’ operation," said the Chinese state media.

As anticipated, the unholy diktat has met with criticism. The regulations mean that all religions and related organisations should support what is called the 'sinicisation'&nbsp;of religions.

What is sinicisation?

The process by which the non-Chinese societies come under the influence of Chinese culture. This means all five religions that are practised in China are secondary to the Communist Party.

And those practising Islam, Buddhism, Taoism, Catholicism and Protestantism must now look up to the party for leadership. Not just that, they should also promote the party's policies.

But these rules are in a way only a rubber stamp, a confirmation of what was known on the ground all along. 
 
&nbsp;

Under Mao Zedong, China once wanted to eradicate religion. Under Xi Jinping's rule, it wants to rule over all religions. China has now issued a new set of rules, declaring that the communist party is above all religions.

Under Mao Zedong, China once wanted to eradicate religion. Under Xi Jinping's rule, it wants to rule over all religions. China has now issued a new set of rules, declaring that the communist party is above all religions. In the summer of 2019, the true Jesus Church in the same province was razed to the ground. And in December, it came to light that China wants to rewrite the Quran and the Bible in order to reflect socialist values. Christian rights activists have called this the worst crackdown on religion since the cultural revolution when under the leadership of Mao Zedong, China had vowed to eradicate religion. Practising your religion in China is a tricky affair, President Xi Jinping maintains a tight grip on the country. And his ruling communist party of China is the supreme power. But now, the party also has supremacy over all religions in China. And there are rules which govern this, running into six chapters and 41 articles. The rules were released in December 2019 by the National Religious Affairs Administration of China, and came into effect this month. "The regulations include content on the organisation, functions, supervision and management of religious groups. They stipulate that religious affairs departments of people’s governments are the administrative bodies of religious groups, and should perform their functions such as guiding and supervising the groups’ operation," said the Chinese state media. As anticipated, the unholy diktat has met with criticism. The regulations mean that all religions and related organisations should support what is called the 'sinicisation' of religions. What is sinicisation? The process by which the non-Chinese societies come under the influence of Chinese culture. This means all five religions that are practised in China are secondary to the Communist Party. And those practising Islam, Buddhism, Taoism, Catholicism and Protestantism must now look up to the party for leadership. Not just that, they should also promote the party's policies. But these rules are in a way only a rubber stamp, a confirmation of what was known on the ground all along.

Explained: China's war on religion

The Communist Party of China is preparing to rewrite the holy books of Islam and Christianity amid crackdown on the country's <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/leaked-documents-on-uighur-detention-camps-in-china-the-key-revelations-262964">Uighur Muslim minority</a>.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/a-day-in-the-life-of-uighurs-251734#protestor-stomps-on-xi-jinpings-poster-251713">In pictures: A day in the life of China’s persecuted Uighur community</a> 
 
According to the reports, the edited and modified versions of the Quran and the Bible are to exclude content that goes against the beliefs of Communist Party as part of a project calling for a comprehensive evaluation of the existing religious classics aiming at contents which do not conform to the progress of the times.

International human rights organisations have repeatedly pushed China to grant access to investigate reports of disappearances and arbitrary detentions, particularly of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/dont-know-much-about-imran-khan-on-situation-of-uighurs-muslims-in-china-249715">Muslims in Xinjiang</a>.

The United Nations and human rights groups estimate that between 1 million and 2 million people, mostly ethnic Uighur Muslims, have been detained in harsh conditions in Xinjiang as part of what Beijing calls an antiterrorism campaign.

The United Nations says at least 1 million ethnic Uighurs and other Muslims have been detained in what China describes as “vocational training centres” to stamp out extremism and give people new skills.

China has repeatedly denied any mistreatment of Uighurs.

(With inputs from agencies)

The Communist Party of China is preparing to rewrite the holy books of Islam and Christianity amid crackdown on the country's Uighur Muslim minority. In pictures: A day in the life of China’s persecuted Uighur community According to the reports, the edited and modified versions of the Quran and the Bible are to exclude content that goes against the beliefs of Communist Party as part of a project calling for a comprehensive evaluation of the existing religious classics aiming at contents which do not conform to the progress of the times.

The Communist Party of China is preparing to rewrite the holy books of Islam and Christianity amid crackdown on the country's Uighur Muslim minority. In pictures: A day in the life of China’s persecuted Uighur community According to the reports, the edited and modified versions of the Quran and the Bible are to exclude content that goes against the beliefs of Communist Party as part of a project calling for a comprehensive evaluation of the existing religious classics aiming at contents which do not conform to the progress of the times. International human rights organisations have repeatedly pushed China to grant access to investigate reports of disappearances and arbitrary detentions, particularly of Muslims in Xinjiang. The United Nations and human rights groups estimate that between 1 million and 2 million people, mostly ethnic Uighur Muslims, have been detained in harsh conditions in Xinjiang as part of what Beijing calls an antiterrorism campaign. The United Nations says at least 1 million ethnic Uighurs and other Muslims have been detained in what China describes as “vocational training centres” to stamp out extremism and give people new skills. China has repeatedly denied any mistreatment of Uighurs. (With inputs from agencies)

Amid repression of Uighur Muslims, China to 'edit' Quran and Bible to reflect ‘socialist values’

The sixth prototype of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/chinas-xi-jinping-turns-to-financial-experts-to-tame-economic-risks-270512">China</a>'s home-built C919 narrowbody passenger plane completed its first test flight on Friday, marking a milestone in the programme's testing schedule as China races to compete with Airbus SE and Boeing Co.

The sixth prototype is the last test plane its manufacturer, the Commercial Aircraft Corp of China Ltd (COMAC), has planned for the programme and was scheduled to fly before the year-end. Currently, there are five test planes that are conducting test flights elsewhere in the country.

The maiden flight on Friday from Shanghai lasted two hours and five minutes, COMAC said in a press release, adding that the jet will be conducting more test flights with a focus on cabin, lighting and external noises.

COMAC has already started production of aircraft parts which will be used for the first batch of aircraft deliveries, it said.

The state manufacturer is aiming to obtain Chinese certification for the C919 in 2021, but the date was subject to regulatory approval and the aircraft's safety remains a top priority, according to COMAC officials.

He Dongfeng, the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-can-censor-ozil-but-cannot-hide-human-rights-violations-against-uighurs-pompeo-268791">Communist Party</a> boss of COMAC, wrote in a state-owned newspaper in December that aircraft safety is key to the survival of COMAC.

Designed to compete directly with the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/50-airbus-aircraft-ordered-to-replace-the-existing-fleet-of-aging-boeing-united-airlines-266089">Airbus 320</a> and the Boeing 737 families in the market for jets with around 150 seats, the C919 is the speartip of China's efforts to break a powerful decades-old Western duopoly.

The <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/new-boeing-boss-david-calhoun-is-a-tough-minded-veteran-of-crisis-269920">Boeing 737 MAX</a> remains globally grounded following two fatal crashes that killed a total of 346 people.

The sixth prototype of China's home-built C919 narrowbody passenger plane completed its first test flight on Friday, marking a milestone in the programme's testing schedule as China races to compete with Airbus SE and Boeing Co.

The sixth prototype of China's home-built C919 narrowbody passenger plane completed its first test flight on Friday, marking a milestone in the programme's testing schedule as China races to compete with Airbus SE and Boeing Co. The sixth prototype is the last test plane its manufacturer, the Commercial Aircraft Corp of China Ltd (COMAC), has planned for the programme and was scheduled to fly before the year-end. Currently, there are five test planes that are conducting test flights elsewhere in the country. The maiden flight on Friday from Shanghai lasted two hours and five minutes, COMAC said in a press release, adding that the jet will be conducting more test flights with a focus on cabin, lighting and external noises. COMAC has already started production of aircraft parts which will be used for the first batch of aircraft deliveries, it said. The state manufacturer is aiming to obtain Chinese certification for the C919 in 2021, but the date was subject to regulatory approval and the aircraft's safety remains a top priority, according to COMAC officials. He Dongfeng, the Communist Party boss of COMAC, wrote in a state-owned newspaper in December that aircraft safety is key to the survival of COMAC. Designed to compete directly with the Airbus 320 and the Boeing 737 families in the market for jets with around 150 seats, the C919 is the speartip of China's efforts to break a powerful decades-old Western duopoly. The Boeing 737 MAX remains globally grounded following two fatal crashes that killed a total of 346 people.

Sixth prototype of China's C919 jet completes first test flight

Athletes, executives and fans are turning sports in an era of defiance and dissent into a battleground for freedom of expression and political change, wherein national and international sports associations adhere to human rights on the spot.

Denunciations of repression in China’s troubled north-western province of Xinjiang and support for pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong by soccer celebrity Mesut Ozil, Houston Rockets basketball general manager Darryl Morey, and rugby superstar Sonny Bill Williams alongside soccer fans in regions like Morocco and Hong Kong, highlight the willingness of sports associations to sacrifice the values attributed to sports for commercial gain in their dealings with autocratic nations.

They also by implication puncture the fiction of a separation of sports and politics that sports associations have long employed to justify their often-close ties to government and dealings with countries irrespective of their records in upholding basic rights.

By distancing themselves from statements of Morey and Ozil, despite the latter’s ties to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, English Premier League club Arsenal and the US National Basketball Association (NBA) have served to highlight the discrepancy between sports associations’ declared principles and their policies.

So has China with its penalising of the NBA and Ozil for their critical statements.

The gap between professed principles and practice is, even more, yawning with the awarding of the 2021 FIFA Club World Cup to China despite Chinese president Xi Jinping’s crackdown in Xinjiang and his moves to turn the People’s Republic into a 21st-century Orwellian surveillance state.

FIFA awarded the hosting rights in a consultative rather than a transparent bidding process.

In a letter to Human Rights Watch, FIFA justified its decision by insisting that the Chinese football association, as well as China, had committed “To respect human rights in their activities associated with the tournament in accordance with internationally recognised human rights standards and FIFA’s own Human Rights Policy.”

It was not clear how human rights associated with the Club World Cup could be separated from the overall crackdown in China. Nor was it clear why FIFA would help Xi take a step towards fulfilling his dream of China first qualifying for the World Cup, then winning the World Cup and ultimately hosting the tournament.

The awarding casts doubt on FIFA’s campaign against racism in stadiums given that the crackdown in Xinjiang aims to force Turkic Muslims to violate principles of their faith and adopt Xi Jinping though as superseding Islam.

The re-emergence of sports as a battleground is not limited to the plight of Xinjiang. Hong Kong fans recently took their struggle for greater democracy to a match in South Korea.

Chinese and Hong Kong broadcasters refrained from showing the playing of the national anthems when China and Hong Kong played each other earlier this month in an East Asia Football Federation (EAFF) Championship match.

Hong Kong fans booed China’s anthem, chanted “Liberate Hong Kong, the revolution of our times,” and displayed Hong Kong’s British-era flag.

Support for national teams in autocracies like Egypt and Syria has dropped with fans demanding reforms of regime-controlled football federations that are widely viewed as corrupt,

"Egypt's national team is also its national embarrassment ... Plenty of Egyptians are basking in the team's loss today," tweeted journalist Karim Zidan in July after host Egypt crashed out of the African Cup of Nations.

Privately, many fans assert that the team represents the repressive regime of general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi rather than its historically huge fan base.

Sentiments in war-torn Syria are no different.

“Anyone who knows Syria well knows that in Syria there are no independent institutions, and that includes sporting institutions… Considering this (national) team as one that is above politics and a national team that unites people is a big lie and part of certain propaganda,” said Syrian journalist Hala Droubi.

In Morocco, fans, dressed in black, last year booed the national anthem during a match in the northern city of Tetouan that was being broadcast live on television in protest against the killing by the Moroccan navy of a 20-year old student as she tried to illegally cross into Spain.

It is a sentiment shared by anti-government protesters across the globe from Latin America to Asia.

(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Athletes, executives and fans are turning sports in an era of defiance and dissent into a battleground for freedom of expression and political change, wherein national and international sports associations adhere to human rights on the spot.

Athletes, executives and fans are turning sports in an era of defiance and dissent into a battleground for freedom of expression and political change, wherein national and international sports associations adhere to human rights on the spot. Denunciations of repression in China’s troubled north-western province of Xinjiang and support for pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong by soccer celebrity Mesut Ozil, Houston Rockets basketball general manager Darryl Morey, and rugby superstar Sonny Bill Williams alongside soccer fans in regions like Morocco and Hong Kong, highlight the willingness of sports associations to sacrifice the values attributed to sports for commercial gain in their dealings with autocratic nations. They also by implication puncture the fiction of a separation of sports and politics that sports associations have long employed to justify their often-close ties to government and dealings with countries irrespective of their records in upholding basic rights. By distancing themselves from statements of Morey and Ozil, despite the latter’s ties to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, English Premier League club Arsenal and the US National Basketball Association (NBA) have served to highlight the discrepancy between sports associations’ declared principles and their policies. So has China with its penalising of the NBA and Ozil for their critical statements. The gap between professed principles and practice is, even more, yawning with the awarding of the 2021 FIFA Club World Cup to China despite Chinese president Xi Jinping’s crackdown in Xinjiang and his moves to turn the People’s Republic into a 21st-century Orwellian surveillance state. FIFA awarded the hosting rights in a consultative rather than a transparent bidding process. In a letter to Human Rights Watch, FIFA justified its decision by insisting that the Chinese football association, as well as China, had committed “To respect human rights in their activities associated with the tournament in accordance with internationally recognised human rights standards and FIFA’s own Human Rights Policy.” It was not clear how human rights associated with the Club World Cup could be separated from the overall crackdown in China. Nor was it clear why FIFA would help Xi take a step towards fulfilling his dream of China first qualifying for the World Cup, then winning the World Cup and ultimately hosting the tournament. The awarding casts doubt on FIFA’s campaign against racism in stadiums given that the crackdown in Xinjiang aims to force Turkic Muslims to violate principles of their faith and adopt Xi Jinping though as superseding Islam. The re-emergence of sports as a battleground is not limited to the plight of Xinjiang. Hong Kong fans recently took their struggle for greater democracy to a match in South Korea. Chinese and Hong Kong broadcasters refrained from showing the playing of the national anthems when China and Hong Kong played each other earlier this month in an East Asia Football Federation (EAFF) Championship match. Hong Kong fans booed China’s anthem, chanted “Liberate Hong Kong, the revolution of our times,” and displayed Hong Kong’s British-era flag. Support for national teams in autocracies like Egypt and Syria has dropped with fans demanding reforms of regime-controlled football federations that are widely viewed as corrupt, "Egypt's national team is also its national embarrassment ... Plenty of Egyptians are basking in the team's loss today," tweeted journalist Karim Zidan in July after host Egypt crashed out of the African Cup of Nations. Privately, many fans assert that the team represents the repressive regime of general-turned-president Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi rather than its historically huge fan base. Sentiments in war-torn Syria are no different. “Anyone who knows Syria well knows that in Syria there are no independent institutions, and that includes sporting institutions… Considering this (national) team as one that is above politics and a national team that unites people is a big lie and part of certain propaganda,” said Syrian journalist Hala Droubi. In Morocco, fans, dressed in black, last year booed the national anthem during a match in the northern city of Tetouan that was being broadcast live on television in protest against the killing by the Moroccan navy of a 20-year old student as she tried to illegally cross into Spain. It is a sentiment shared by anti-government protesters across the globe from Latin America to Asia. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Sports has emerged as battlefield for freedom of expression

A first-ever joint Chinese-Russian-Iranian naval exercise signals that closer Chinese military ties with a host of Middle Eastern nations does not translate into Chinese aspirations for a greater role in regional security any time soon.

If anything, the exercise, coupled with notional Chinese support for proposals for a multilateral security approach in the Gulf, suggests that China envisions a continued US lead in Gulf security despite the mounting rivalry between the world’s two largest economies.

That is the message China is sending by playing down the significance of the exercise and hinting that it would only contribute non-combat forces.

China’s participation is expected to involve its anti-piracy fleet that is already in Somali waters to protect commercial vessels as well as peacekeeping and humanitarian relief personnel rather than specially dispatched units of the People’s Liberation Army.

China’s preference for a continued US lead in maintaining Gulf security, even if it favours a more multilateral approach, was evident earlier this year in its willingness to consider participating in the US-led maritime alliance that escorts commercial vessels in the Gulf and seeks to secure shipping lanes and was created in response to several attacks on tankers in the Gulf of Oman.

So far, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Britain and Australia have joined the alliance that started operations last month.

Despite favouring a continued US lead, China sees a broadening of security arrangements that would embed rather than replace the US defence umbrella in the Gulf as a way to reduce regional tensions.

China also believes that a multilateral arrangement would allow it to continue steering clear of being sucked into conflicts and disputes in the Middle East, particularly the Saudi-Iranian rivalry.

A multilateral arrangement in which the US would remain the key military player would fit the pattern of China’s gradual projection beyond the borders of its growing military power.

With the exception of a military facility in Djibouti, China’s projection becomes less hardcore the further away one gets from the People’s Republic borders.

Proposals for a multilateral security architecture could also cater to US President Donald J Trump’s transactionalism as well as his insistence on burden-sharing.

Getting from A to B is, however, easier said than done.

If the US security umbrella was geared towards defence again Iran, a multi-lateral approach would have to involve Iran.

Such involvement could be based on some kind of agreement on non-aggression, a proposal put forward by Iran and implicit in Russia’s call for a regional security conference along the lines of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the OSCE.

To get there, however, the United States and Saudi Arabia would have to reduce tensions with Iran, credibly signal that they have no intention of toppling or destabilising the Iranian regime, and resolve the crisis stemming from the US withdrawal from the 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program.

That would seem a tall order even if Saudi Arabia and Iran have not closed the door on stalled contacts aimed at dialling down tensions.

Chinese support has, moreover, so far lacked enthusiasm for a Russian proposal that calls the United States, Russia, China and India to be involved in a multilateral approach.

While backing Russia’s proposal in general terms, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang stopped short of specifically endorsing it. Geng welcomed, “All proposals and diplomatic efforts conducive to de-escalating the situation in the Gulf region.”

China’s refraining to more wholeheartedly endorse the Russian proposal is rooted in differing approaches towards multilateralism in general and alliances in particular. China shies away from alliances emphasising geo-economics rather than geopolitics while Russia still operates in terms of alliances.

Looming in the background is the fact that in the ultimate analysis China is likely to view security in South and Central Asia as interlinked with security in the Gulf, which in turn raises questions about the sustainability of the Chinese security approach.

The geographic layering of China’s approach is evident not only in China’s robust posture in the South China Sea, but also in countries like Tajikistan and Afghanistan.

China has recently made progress on the construction of a road through Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor. The road serves multiple geo-political goals.

It will facilitate the movement of troops, together with a military base in Tajikistan and Chinese cross border operations in the corridor.

The question is whether the Chinese moves will jeopardise the presumed division of labour between Russia and China under which Russia shoulders responsibility for security in Central Asia while China concentrates on economic development and if it does what impact that would have on Chinese reliance on a potential Russian role in the Gulf.

There is little doubt that the Gulf is gradually moving from a unilateral security arrangement to a multilateral one driven by Gulf concerns following the September attacks on Saudi oil facilities and a US response that has reinforced nagging doubts about the reliability of US security guarantees.

The doubts are further fed by the direction of US policy starting with the Obama administration and now with the Trump administration that suggests a re-evaluation of US national security interests in the Middle East.

China’s belief that economics rather than geopolitics is the key to solving disputes has so far allowed it to remain above the breach but has yet to prove its sustainability.

China’s approach is unlikely to shield it from the Middle East’s penchant of ensuring that it is at the heart of concerns of major external parties.

Said Jiang Xudong, a Middle East scholar at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences: “Economic investment will not solve all other problems when there are religious and ethnic conflicts.” 
 
 
(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

A first-ever joint Chinese-Russian-Iranian naval exercise signals that closer Chinese military ties with a host of Middle Eastern nations does not translate into Chinese aspirations for a greater role in regional security any time soon.

A first-ever joint Chinese-Russian-Iranian naval exercise signals that closer Chinese military ties with a host of Middle Eastern nations does not translate into Chinese aspirations for a greater role in regional security any time soon. If anything, the exercise, coupled with notional Chinese support for proposals for a multilateral security approach in the Gulf, suggests that China envisions a continued US lead in Gulf security despite the mounting rivalry between the world’s two largest economies. That is the message China is sending by playing down the significance of the exercise and hinting that it would only contribute non-combat forces. China’s participation is expected to involve its anti-piracy fleet that is already in Somali waters to protect commercial vessels as well as peacekeeping and humanitarian relief personnel rather than specially dispatched units of the People’s Liberation Army. China’s preference for a continued US lead in maintaining Gulf security, even if it favours a more multilateral approach, was evident earlier this year in its willingness to consider participating in the US-led maritime alliance that escorts commercial vessels in the Gulf and seeks to secure shipping lanes and was created in response to several attacks on tankers in the Gulf of Oman. So far, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Britain and Australia have joined the alliance that started operations last month. Despite favouring a continued US lead, China sees a broadening of security arrangements that would embed rather than replace the US defence umbrella in the Gulf as a way to reduce regional tensions. China also believes that a multilateral arrangement would allow it to continue steering clear of being sucked into conflicts and disputes in the Middle East, particularly the Saudi-Iranian rivalry. A multilateral arrangement in which the US would remain the key military player would fit the pattern of China’s gradual projection beyond the borders of its growing military power. With the exception of a military facility in Djibouti, China’s projection becomes less hardcore the further away one gets from the People’s Republic borders. Proposals for a multilateral security architecture could also cater to US President Donald J Trump’s transactionalism as well as his insistence on burden-sharing. Getting from A to B is, however, easier said than done. If the US security umbrella was geared towards defence again Iran, a multi-lateral approach would have to involve Iran. Such involvement could be based on some kind of agreement on non-aggression, a proposal put forward by Iran and implicit in Russia’s call for a regional security conference along the lines of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the OSCE. To get there, however, the United States and Saudi Arabia would have to reduce tensions with Iran, credibly signal that they have no intention of toppling or destabilising the Iranian regime, and resolve the crisis stemming from the US withdrawal from the 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program. That would seem a tall order even if Saudi Arabia and Iran have not closed the door on stalled contacts aimed at dialling down tensions. Chinese support has, moreover, so far lacked enthusiasm for a Russian proposal that calls the United States, Russia, China and India to be involved in a multilateral approach. While backing Russia’s proposal in general terms, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang stopped short of specifically endorsing it. Geng welcomed, “All proposals and diplomatic efforts conducive to de-escalating the situation in the Gulf region.” China’s refraining to more wholeheartedly endorse the Russian proposal is rooted in differing approaches towards multilateralism in general and alliances in particular. China shies away from alliances emphasising geo-economics rather than geopolitics while Russia still operates in terms of alliances. Looming in the background is the fact that in the ultimate analysis China is likely to view security in South and Central Asia as interlinked with security in the Gulf, which in turn raises questions about the sustainability of the Chinese security approach. The geographic layering of China’s approach is evident not only in China’s robust posture in the South China Sea, but also in countries like Tajikistan and Afghanistan. China has recently made progress on the construction of a road through Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor. The road serves multiple geo-political goals. It will facilitate the movement of troops, together with a military base in Tajikistan and Chinese cross border operations in the corridor. The question is whether the Chinese moves will jeopardise the presumed division of labour between Russia and China under which Russia shoulders responsibility for security in Central Asia while China concentrates on economic development and if it does what impact that would have on Chinese reliance on a potential Russian role in the Gulf. There is little doubt that the Gulf is gradually moving from a unilateral security arrangement to a multilateral one driven by Gulf concerns following the September attacks on Saudi oil facilities and a US response that has reinforced nagging doubts about the reliability of US security guarantees. The doubts are further fed by the direction of US policy starting with the Obama administration and now with the Trump administration that suggests a re-evaluation of US national security interests in the Middle East. China’s belief that economics rather than geopolitics is the key to solving disputes has so far allowed it to remain above the breach but has yet to prove its sustainability. China’s approach is unlikely to shield it from the Middle East’s penchant of ensuring that it is at the heart of concerns of major external parties. Said Jiang Xudong, a Middle East scholar at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences: “Economic investment will not solve all other problems when there are religious and ethnic conflicts.” (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Gulf security: Here's why China wants the US to remain the key military player

Beijing and Washington are "maintaining close communication" over a much-anticipated <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/after-trump-china-says-no-time-limit-on-trade-deal-with-us-266194">phase one trade deal</a>, China's commerce ministry said Thursday, reiterating that tariffs must be reduced&nbsp;as part of any&nbsp;agreement.

Hopes had risen that the two sides were close to reaching a mini deal, but comments from President Trump and recent US legislation backing Hong Kong pro-democracy protests and China's <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-house-approves-uighur-bill-demanding-sanctions-on-senior-chinese-officials-266033">Uighur minority</a> had appeared to throw the talks off track.&nbsp;

China's commerce ministry spokesman Gao Feng said at a press briefing Thursday that the two sides were "maintaining close communication."

He added, however, that "if the two sides are to reach a phase one deal, tariffs should be reduced accordingly."

On Tuesday, US President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-calls-macrons-criticism-of-nato-very-very-nasty-before-summit-266035">Donald Trump</a> appeared to dash hopes for a deal this month by suggesting he would be happy waiting until after the 2020 presidential election before signing off on one.

China echoed those comments Wednesday by saying they "will not set any time limit" on signing an agreement.

But markets rebounded Thursday on a Bloomberg News report saying US negotiators expected a deal to be completed before a new round of US tariffs on China is due to hit on December 15.

Bloomberg quoted unnamed sources as saying Trump's comments on waiting until after the 2020 election should not have been taken as a sign the talks had stalled.

The world's two biggest economies have been locked in a bruising trade conflict for more than a year, hitting each other with tariffs on hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of goods.

Beijing and Washington are "maintaining close communication" over a much-anticipated phase one trade deal, China's commerce ministry said Thursday, reiterating that tariffs must be reduced as part of any agreement.

Beijing and Washington are "maintaining close communication" over a much-anticipated phase one trade deal, China's commerce ministry said Thursday, reiterating that tariffs must be reduced as part of any agreement. Hopes had risen that the two sides were close to reaching a mini deal, but comments from President Trump and recent US legislation backing Hong Kong pro-democracy protests and China's Uighur minority had appeared to throw the talks off track. China's commerce ministry spokesman Gao Feng said at a press briefing Thursday that the two sides were "maintaining close communication." He added, however, that "if the two sides are to reach a phase one deal, tariffs should be reduced accordingly." On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump appeared to dash hopes for a deal this month by suggesting he would be happy waiting until after the 2020 presidential election before signing off on one. China echoed those comments Wednesday by saying they "will not set any time limit" on signing an agreement. But markets rebounded Thursday on a Bloomberg News report saying US negotiators expected a deal to be completed before a new round of US tariffs on China is due to hit on December 15. Bloomberg quoted unnamed sources as saying Trump's comments on waiting until after the 2020 election should not have been taken as a sign the talks had stalled. The world's two biggest economies have been locked in a bruising trade conflict for more than a year, hitting each other with tariffs on hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of goods.

In 'close communication' with US over trade deal: China

A Czech mayor’s refusal to endorse Beijing’s One China policy potentially sets a high bar as Western powers grapple with how to respond to allegations of excessive use of violence by police against Hong Kong protesters and the implications of leaked documents detailing a brutal crackdown in China’s north-western province of Xinjiang.

Prague mayor Zdenek Hrib rejected a sister city agreement between the Czech capital and Beijing in late October because it included a clause endorsing the One China policy, which implicitly recognizes China's sovereignty over Taiwan, as well as Hong Kong and Tibet.

Hrib argued that the agreement was a cultural arrangement and not designed to address foreign policy issues that were the prerogative of the national government.

The mayor’s stance has since taken on added significance against the backdrop of US President Donald J Trump’s signing of legislation that allows for the sanctioning of Hong Kong officials, embarrassing Communist party leaks that document repression in Xinjiang, the election of a new Sri Lankan government that intends to adopt a tougher policy towards China, and simmering anti-Chinese sentiment in Central Asia and beyond.

Hrib’s rejection was, in fact, a reflection of anti-Chinese sentiment in the Czech Republic as well as opposition to the pro-China policy adopted by Czech president Milos Zeman.

To be sure, Hrib, a 38-year old medical doctor who interned in Taiwan, was shouldering little political or economic risk given Czech public anger at China’s failure to fulfil promises of significant investment in the country.

On the contrary, Hrib, since becoming mayor in mid-2018, appears to have made it his pastime to put Zeman on the spot by poking a finger at China.

Hrib visited Taiwan in the first six months of his mayorship, flew the Tibetan flag over Prague’s city hall, and rejected a request by the Chinese ambassador at a meeting with foreign diplomats to send Taiwanese representatives out of the room.

Beijing’s cancellation of a tour of China by the Prague Philharmonic Orchestra in response to Hrib’s provocations forced Zeman to describe the Chinese retaliation as “excessive” and his foreign minister, Tomas Petricek, to declare that "diplomacy is not conducted with threats."

Perhaps more importantly, Hrib was taking a stand based on principles and values rather than interests. In doing so, he was challenging the new normal of world leaders flagrantly ignoring international law to operate on the principle of might is right.

"Our conscience is not for sale," said Michaela Krausova, a leading member of the governing Pirate Party of the Prague city council. Krausova and Hrib’s party was founded to shake up Czech politics with its insistence on the safeguarding of civil liberties and political accountability and transparency.

While couched in terms of principle, Hrib’s stand strokes with newly installed Sri Lankan president Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s intention to wrest back control from China of the island’s strategic Hambantota port that serves key shipping lanes between Europe and Asia.

Hambantota became a symbol of what some critics have charged is Chinese debt-trap diplomacy after Sri Lanka was forced to hand over the port to China in 2017 on a 99-year lease because the government was unable to repay loans taken to build it.

"I believe that the Sri Lankan government must have control of all strategically important projects like Hambantota. The next generation will curse our generation for giving away precious assets otherwise," Rajapaksa said.

Fears of a debt trap coupled with the crackdown on Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang, which targets not only Uighurs but also groups that trace their roots to Central Asian countries, have fuelled anti-Chinese sentiment in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan.

“Given that China is likely to continue to expand its presence, further irritating local publics, the temptation of opposition groups to exploit such anger will only grow. If that happens…the anti-Chinese demonstrations that have taken place to date will be only the prelude to a situation that could easily spiral out of control, ethnicizing politics in these countries still further,” said Central Asia scholar Paul Goble.

Beyond Xinjiang, anti-Chinese sentiment in Central Asia is fuelled by some of the same drivers that inform Czech attitudes towards China.

The shared drivers include unfulfilled promises, idle incomplete Chinese-funded infrastructure projects, widespread corruption associated with Chinese funding, and the influx of Chinese labour and materials at the expense of the local workforce and manufacturers.

Beyond Xinjiang, Central Asians worry about potential debt traps. The Washington-based Center for Global Development listed last year two Central Asian nations, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as risking China-related “debt distress.”

Warned China and Central Asia scholar Ayjaz Wani: “Chinese principles in Central Asia are hegemonic. China has always interacted with Central Asian states without regarding their cultural identities, but according to its own vested interests… However, the ongoing anti-China sentiments may be coming to a tipping point.” 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

A Czech mayor’s refusal to endorse Beijing’s One China policy potentially sets a high bar as Western powers grapple with how to respond to allegations of excessive use of violence by police against Hong Kong protesters and the implications of leaked documents detailing a brutal crackdown in China’s north-western province of Xinjiang.

A Czech mayor’s refusal to endorse Beijing’s One China policy potentially sets a high bar as Western powers grapple with how to respond to allegations of excessive use of violence by police against Hong Kong protesters and the implications of leaked documents detailing a brutal crackdown in China’s north-western province of Xinjiang. Prague mayor Zdenek Hrib rejected a sister city agreement between the Czech capital and Beijing in late October because it included a clause endorsing the One China policy, which implicitly recognizes China's sovereignty over Taiwan, as well as Hong Kong and Tibet. Hrib argued that the agreement was a cultural arrangement and not designed to address foreign policy issues that were the prerogative of the national government. The mayor’s stance has since taken on added significance against the backdrop of US President Donald J Trump’s signing of legislation that allows for the sanctioning of Hong Kong officials, embarrassing Communist party leaks that document repression in Xinjiang, the election of a new Sri Lankan government that intends to adopt a tougher policy towards China, and simmering anti-Chinese sentiment in Central Asia and beyond. Hrib’s rejection was, in fact, a reflection of anti-Chinese sentiment in the Czech Republic as well as opposition to the pro-China policy adopted by Czech president Milos Zeman. To be sure, Hrib, a 38-year old medical doctor who interned in Taiwan, was shouldering little political or economic risk given Czech public anger at China’s failure to fulfil promises of significant investment in the country. On the contrary, Hrib, since becoming mayor in mid-2018, appears to have made it his pastime to put Zeman on the spot by poking a finger at China. Hrib visited Taiwan in the first six months of his mayorship, flew the Tibetan flag over Prague’s city hall, and rejected a request by the Chinese ambassador at a meeting with foreign diplomats to send Taiwanese representatives out of the room. Beijing’s cancellation of a tour of China by the Prague Philharmonic Orchestra in response to Hrib’s provocations forced Zeman to describe the Chinese retaliation as “excessive” and his foreign minister, Tomas Petricek, to declare that "diplomacy is not conducted with threats." Perhaps more importantly, Hrib was taking a stand based on principles and values rather than interests. In doing so, he was challenging the new normal of world leaders flagrantly ignoring international law to operate on the principle of might is right. "Our conscience is not for sale," said Michaela Krausova, a leading member of the governing Pirate Party of the Prague city council. Krausova and Hrib’s party was founded to shake up Czech politics with its insistence on the safeguarding of civil liberties and political accountability and transparency. While couched in terms of principle, Hrib’s stand strokes with newly installed Sri Lankan president Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s intention to wrest back control from China of the island’s strategic Hambantota port that serves key shipping lanes between Europe and Asia. Hambantota became a symbol of what some critics have charged is Chinese debt-trap diplomacy after Sri Lanka was forced to hand over the port to China in 2017 on a 99-year lease because the government was unable to repay loans taken to build it. "I believe that the Sri Lankan government must have control of all strategically important projects like Hambantota. The next generation will curse our generation for giving away precious assets otherwise," Rajapaksa said. Fears of a debt trap coupled with the crackdown on Turkic Muslims in Xinjiang, which targets not only Uighurs but also groups that trace their roots to Central Asian countries, have fuelled anti-Chinese sentiment in Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan. “Given that China is likely to continue to expand its presence, further irritating local publics, the temptation of opposition groups to exploit such anger will only grow. If that happens…the anti-Chinese demonstrations that have taken place to date will be only the prelude to a situation that could easily spiral out of control, ethnicizing politics in these countries still further,” said Central Asia scholar Paul Goble. Beyond Xinjiang, anti-Chinese sentiment in Central Asia is fuelled by some of the same drivers that inform Czech attitudes towards China. The shared drivers include unfulfilled promises, idle incomplete Chinese-funded infrastructure projects, widespread corruption associated with Chinese funding, and the influx of Chinese labour and materials at the expense of the local workforce and manufacturers. Beyond Xinjiang, Central Asians worry about potential debt traps. The Washington-based Center for Global Development listed last year two Central Asian nations, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, as risking China-related “debt distress.” Warned China and Central Asia scholar Ayjaz Wani: “Chinese principles in Central Asia are hegemonic. China has always interacted with Central Asian states without regarding their cultural identities, but according to its own vested interests… However, the ongoing anti-China sentiments may be coming to a tipping point.” (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Standing up to China's alleged human rights abuses

What role do Chinese troops play in Hong Kong unrest?

By Michael Clarke

This past weekend, The New York Times’ China correspondents, Chris Buckley and Austin Ramzy, published an expose of over 400 internal Chinese government documents relating to Beijing’s mass detentions of Uighurs, Kazakhs and other Muslim minorities in the far-western region of Xinjiang.

This trove of documents includes 96 internal speeches by Chinese President and Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping, as well as hundreds of speeches and directives by other CCP officials on the strategies of surveillance and control implemented in the region.

The documents confirm previous analyses by researchers on key aspects of the Chinese government’s so-called “reeducation” system for Uighurs. They also reveal new details on both the timing and rationale for the mass detentions and the extent of opposition within the CCP to this approach.

Most importantly, however, the documents confirm Xi’s high level of personal involvement in driving the campaign of repression in Xinjiang.

What the documents confirm

A number of Xi’s internal speeches confirm previous assessments of the reasons behind the implementation of the government’s mass detention and “reeducation” policies.

It’s clear from the documents that fears of potential connections between violence in Xinjiang and Islamic extremism in neighbouring Afghanistan and the battlefields of Iraq and Syria played a key role in Xi’s call for a “people’s war on terrorism”.

In one speech, for instance, Xi remarks that with the American troop withdrawal from Afghanistan, “terrorist organisations” would be “positioned on the frontiers of Afghanistan and Pakistan” while East Turkestan terrorists who have received real-war training in Syria and Afghanistan could at any time launch terrorist attacks in Xinjiang.

In this context, a number of high-profile terrorist attacks that have occurred in China in recent years, including a train station attack in Kunming and a bombing at a marketplace in Xinjiang’s capital, Urumqi, appear to have confirmed such fears.

As Xi asserted during a visit to a counterterrorism police unit in Urumqi the same month as the marketplace attack, the party must “unleash” the “tools of dictatorship” and “show absolutely no mercy” in its eradication of “extremists”.

The documents also demonstrate that the CCP’s recent tendency to frame both “extremists” and religious believers more broadly through the language of biological contagion or drug addiction comes from the top.

Xi himself states that those “infected” by “extremism” would require “a period of painful, interventionary treatment”, lest they have their consciences destroyed, lose their humanity and murder without blinking an eye.

This language of paternalistic state intervention is not mere rhetoric, but concretely guides policy on the ground.

This is evident in one document prepared to assist local officials in the city of Turpan respond to queries by Uighur children of relatives sent to “reeducation” camps.

If officials are asked why those sent to the detention centres cannot return home, for example, they should answer by noting the party would be “irresponsible” to let a member of your family go home before their illness was cured.

Rather, children should be grateful to the state for the detention of their family members and should treasure this chance for free education that the party and government has provided to thoroughly eradicate erroneous thinking, and also learn Chinese and job skills.

The Turpan document also confirms the link between “reeducation” and forced labour. It notes family members undergoing “reeducation” can find a satisfying job in one of the businesses that we’ve brought in or established.

As American researcher Darren Byler has detailed, detainees are often compelled to work as low-skilled labour in factories either directly connected to re-education centres or, upon their “release”, in nearby industrial parks where Chinese companies have been incentivised to relocate.

Key revelations in the reporting

There are several major revelations associated with the documents, as well. Most significant of all, according to the Times, is the fact the documents were leaked by a member of the Chinese political establishment who requested anonymity and expressed hope that their disclosure would prevent party leaders, including Xi, from escaping culpability for the mass detentions.

Beyond such a (presumably) high-placed official, the leaked documents and reporting also reveal a greater level of dissent and uncertainty within lower levels of the party than previously understood.

Internal party documents note 12,000 investigations in 2017 alone into party members in Xinjiang for “violations” in the “fight against separatism and extremism”.

The case of CCP official Wang Yongzhi, detailed by Buckley and Ramzy, is indicative here.

According to a “confession”, the local party chief in Yarkand in the far south of Xinjiang initially followed central policy directives by zealously building “two sprawling new detention facilities, including one as big as 50 basketball courts” and “doubling spending on outlays such as checkpoints and surveillance”.

However, fearing mass detentions would negatively impact on economic development goals and social cohesion - key benchmarks for achieving promotion within the party - Wang “broke the rules” and released thousands of detainees.

For this, he was removed from his post in 2017 and in an internal party report six months later was openly castigated for his “brazen defiance” of the “central leadership’s strategy for Xinjiang”.

Wang’s case demonstrates the existence of competing incentives at the local level in the implementation of centrally dictated policy.

His “brazen defiance” was not a principled stand against mass detentions but rather a pragmatic consideration of the potentially negative effects on his career should detentions undermine broader policy goals.

In this regard, it feels like a fairly typical experience of a low-level official in any authoritarian or totalitarian regime around the world.

It is this mundane quality that gives at least a kernel of hope the naked self-interest of party officials may play a part in pressuring the leadership to eventually reverse course on its Uighur detention policies.

However, given the stark and cold-blooded language revealed in the documents, this may prove to be a forlorn one. 
 
(Michael Clarke is Associate Professor, National Security College, Australian National University)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the<a href="https://theconversation.com/leaked-documents-on-uighur-detention-camps-in-china-an-expert-explains-the-key-revelations-127221"> original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp; 
&nbsp;

By Michael Clarke This past weekend, The New York Times’ China correspondents, Chris Buckley and Austin Ramzy, published an expose of over 400 internal Chinese government documents relating to Beijing’s mass detentions of Uighurs, Kazakhs and other Muslim minorities in the far-western region of Xinjiang.

By Michael Clarke This past weekend, The New York Times’ China correspondents, Chris Buckley and Austin Ramzy, published an expose of over 400 internal Chinese government documents relating to Beijing’s mass detentions of Uighurs, Kazakhs and other Muslim minorities in the far-western region of Xinjiang. This trove of documents includes 96 internal speeches by Chinese President and Communist Party (CCP) Chairman Xi Jinping, as well as hundreds of speeches and directives by other CCP officials on the strategies of surveillance and control implemented in the region. The documents confirm previous analyses by researchers on key aspects of the Chinese government’s so-called “reeducation” system for Uighurs. They also reveal new details on both the timing and rationale for the mass detentions and the extent of opposition within the CCP to this approach. Most importantly, however, the documents confirm Xi’s high level of personal involvement in driving the campaign of repression in Xinjiang. What the documents confirm A number of Xi’s internal speeches confirm previous assessments of the reasons behind the implementation of the government’s mass detention and “reeducation” policies. It’s clear from the documents that fears of potential connections between violence in Xinjiang and Islamic extremism in neighbouring Afghanistan and the battlefields of Iraq and Syria played a key role in Xi’s call for a “people’s war on terrorism”. In one speech, for instance, Xi remarks that with the American troop withdrawal from Afghanistan, “terrorist organisations” would be “positioned on the frontiers of Afghanistan and Pakistan” while East Turkestan terrorists who have received real-war training in Syria and Afghanistan could at any time launch terrorist attacks in Xinjiang. In this context, a number of high-profile terrorist attacks that have occurred in China in recent years, including a train station attack in Kunming and a bombing at a marketplace in Xinjiang’s capital, Urumqi, appear to have confirmed such fears. As Xi asserted during a visit to a counterterrorism police unit in Urumqi the same month as the marketplace attack, the party must “unleash” the “tools of dictatorship” and “show absolutely no mercy” in its eradication of “extremists”. The documents also demonstrate that the CCP’s recent tendency to frame both “extremists” and religious believers more broadly through the language of biological contagion or drug addiction comes from the top. Xi himself states that those “infected” by “extremism” would require “a period of painful, interventionary treatment”, lest they have their consciences destroyed, lose their humanity and murder without blinking an eye. This language of paternalistic state intervention is not mere rhetoric, but concretely guides policy on the ground. This is evident in one document prepared to assist local officials in the city of Turpan respond to queries by Uighur children of relatives sent to “reeducation” camps. If officials are asked why those sent to the detention centres cannot return home, for example, they should answer by noting the party would be “irresponsible” to let a member of your family go home before their illness was cured. Rather, children should be grateful to the state for the detention of their family members and should treasure this chance for free education that the party and government has provided to thoroughly eradicate erroneous thinking, and also learn Chinese and job skills. The Turpan document also confirms the link between “reeducation” and forced labour. It notes family members undergoing “reeducation” can find a satisfying job in one of the businesses that we’ve brought in or established. As American researcher Darren Byler has detailed, detainees are often compelled to work as low-skilled labour in factories either directly connected to re-education centres or, upon their “release”, in nearby industrial parks where Chinese companies have been incentivised to relocate. Key revelations in the reporting There are several major revelations associated with the documents, as well. Most significant of all, according to the Times, is the fact the documents were leaked by a member of the Chinese political establishment who requested anonymity and expressed hope that their disclosure would prevent party leaders, including Xi, from escaping culpability for the mass detentions. Beyond such a (presumably) high-placed official, the leaked documents and reporting also reveal a greater level of dissent and uncertainty within lower levels of the party than previously understood. Internal party documents note 12,000 investigations in 2017 alone into party members in Xinjiang for “violations” in the “fight against separatism and extremism”. The case of CCP official Wang Yongzhi, detailed by Buckley and Ramzy, is indicative here. According to a “confession”, the local party chief in Yarkand in the far south of Xinjiang initially followed central policy directives by zealously building “two sprawling new detention facilities, including one as big as 50 basketball courts” and “doubling spending on outlays such as checkpoints and surveillance”. However, fearing mass detentions would negatively impact on economic development goals and social cohesion - key benchmarks for achieving promotion within the party - Wang “broke the rules” and released thousands of detainees. For this, he was removed from his post in 2017 and in an internal party report six months later was openly castigated for his “brazen defiance” of the “central leadership’s strategy for Xinjiang”. Wang’s case demonstrates the existence of competing incentives at the local level in the implementation of centrally dictated policy. His “brazen defiance” was not a principled stand against mass detentions but rather a pragmatic consideration of the potentially negative effects on his career should detentions undermine broader policy goals. In this regard, it feels like a fairly typical experience of a low-level official in any authoritarian or totalitarian regime around the world. It is this mundane quality that gives at least a kernel of hope the naked self-interest of party officials may play a part in pressuring the leadership to eventually reverse course on its Uighur detention policies. However, given the stark and cold-blooded language revealed in the documents, this may prove to be a forlorn one. (Michael Clarke is Associate Professor, National Security College, Australian National University) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Leaked documents on Uighur detention camps in China – the key revelations

The US&nbsp;President Donald Trump's threat to jack up US&nbsp;tariffs on Chinese goods if the world's two largest economies fail to reach a trade deal could raise the price of cellphones, laptops, and toys less than two weeks before Christmas.

Trump on Tuesday said a trade deal with <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-says-china-trade-deal-close-but-dashes-hopes-for-signing-details-261767">China was "close," </a>but offered no details and warned that he would raise tariffs "substantially" on Chinese goods without a deal.

Stocks fell on Wednesday in Asia and Europe and initially in the United States as investors digested his comments.

Trump's threat was a reference to previously announced 15 per cent&nbsp;tariffs on about $156 billion worth of Chinese-made consumer goods scheduled to take effect on December&nbsp;15, according multiple trade experts and a source close to the White House. Known as the "4B" list of goods, those tariffs would hit video game consoles, computer monitors, Christmas decorations and other items often given as gifts.

White House advisers said last week the December&nbsp;15 tariffs would likely be averted if a<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-us-agree-tariff-rollback-if-phase-one-trade-deal-is-completed-260641"> "phase one" trade deal </a>was reached. Trump's threat, and the markets' reaction, illustrate how volatile the trade talks between the United States and China remains, and how important they are to the global economy.

The Trump administration hoped to avert the December&nbsp;15 tariffs, if possible, said William Reinsch, a former senior US&nbsp;Commerce official and trade expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

More so than previous tariffs, these would hit consumers particularly hard at a sensitive time, he said. "Trump does not want to do that right before Christmas. The optics would be terrible," he said.

While most goods that Americans will buy before Christmas had been shipped long before, the imposition of the tariffs could trigger some "opportunistic price increases" on the part of retailers, he added.

Reinsch and other experts said they still expected Washington and Beijing to reach a "phase one" agreement before that point, but the timing was looking less certain.

"We're in sort of a dangerous moment because both sides feel they have the upper hand, but I don't think the talks have collapsed," Reinsch said.

Trump could theoretically increase tariffs already imposed on $250 billion of Chinese goods, according to congressional aides, former US&nbsp;officials, and trade experts. There is no indication the White House is considering that at this time.

Trump had agreed in October to skip raising those tariffs to 30 per cent&nbsp;from the 25 per cent&nbsp;rate in place now. That would affect goods ranging from industrial components and semiconductors to furniture and building supplies.

A 15 per cent&nbsp;tariff on about $125 billion of goods that went into effect on September&nbsp;1, including flat-panel television sets, flash memory devices, smart speakers, Bluetooth headphones, bed linens, multifunction printers and many types of footwear, could also be increased, trade experts said.

People familiar with the discussions say that China has asked for these September&nbsp;1 tariffs to be removed completely.

Scott McCandless, principal at PwC, said he was still fairly optimistic about the two sides reaching a "phase one" deal, given the positive impact it would have on key constituencies such as farmers ahead of the 2020 presidential election.

More tariffs on consumer goods aren't likely, he said. "Consumers have been a bright spot in the economy, so they will want to avoid any impact on that," he said.

The US President Donald Trump's threat to jack up US tariffs on Chinese goods if the world's two largest economies fail to reach a trade deal could raise the price of cellphones, laptops, and toys less than two weeks before Christmas.

The US President Donald Trump's threat to jack up US tariffs on Chinese goods if the world's two largest economies fail to reach a trade deal could raise the price of cellphones, laptops, and toys less than two weeks before Christmas. Trump on Tuesday said a trade deal with China was "close," but offered no details and warned that he would raise tariffs "substantially" on Chinese goods without a deal. Stocks fell on Wednesday in Asia and Europe and initially in the United States as investors digested his comments. Trump's threat was a reference to previously announced 15 per cent tariffs on about $156 billion worth of Chinese-made consumer goods scheduled to take effect on December 15, according multiple trade experts and a source close to the White House. Known as the "4B" list of goods, those tariffs would hit video game consoles, computer monitors, Christmas decorations and other items often given as gifts. White House advisers said last week the December 15 tariffs would likely be averted if a "phase one" trade deal was reached. Trump's threat, and the markets' reaction, illustrate how volatile the trade talks between the United States and China remains, and how important they are to the global economy. The Trump administration hoped to avert the December 15 tariffs, if possible, said William Reinsch, a former senior US Commerce official and trade expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. More so than previous tariffs, these would hit consumers particularly hard at a sensitive time, he said. "Trump does not want to do that right before Christmas. The optics would be terrible," he said. While most goods that Americans will buy before Christmas had been shipped long before, the imposition of the tariffs could trigger some "opportunistic price increases" on the part of retailers, he added. Reinsch and other experts said they still expected Washington and Beijing to reach a "phase one" agreement before that point, but the timing was looking less certain. "We're in sort of a dangerous moment because both sides feel they have the upper hand, but I don't think the talks have collapsed," Reinsch said. Trump could theoretically increase tariffs already imposed on $250 billion of Chinese goods, according to congressional aides, former US officials, and trade experts. There is no indication the White House is considering that at this time. Trump had agreed in October to skip raising those tariffs to 30 per cent from the 25 per cent rate in place now. That would affect goods ranging from industrial components and semiconductors to furniture and building supplies. A 15 per cent tariff on about $125 billion of goods that went into effect on September 1, including flat-panel television sets, flash memory devices, smart speakers, Bluetooth headphones, bed linens, multifunction printers and many types of footwear, could also be increased, trade experts said. People familiar with the discussions say that China has asked for these September 1 tariffs to be removed completely. Scott McCandless, principal at PwC, said he was still fairly optimistic about the two sides reaching a "phase one" deal, given the positive impact it would have on key constituencies such as farmers ahead of the 2020 presidential election. More tariffs on consumer goods aren't likely, he said. "Consumers have been a bright spot in the economy, so they will want to avoid any impact on that," he said.

Trump threat of more China tariffs could hit consumer goods before Christmas

China and the United States are holding in-depth discussions on a <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-us-agree-tariff-rollback-if-phase-one-trade-deal-is-completed-260641">"phase one" trade agreement</a>, and cancelling tariffs is an important condition to reach such a deal, the Chinese commerce ministry said on Thursday.

The degree of tariff cancellation should fully reflect the importance of a phase one agreement, ministry spokesman Gao Feng told a regular briefing.

On Tuesday, US&nbsp;President Donald Trump said a trade <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-says-china-trade-deal-close-but-dashes-hopes-for-signing-details-261767">deal with China was "close,"</a> but offered no details and warned that he would raise tariffs "substantially" on Chinese goods without such a deal.

Trump's threat was a reference to previously announced tariffs of 15 per cent&nbsp;on about $156 billion of Chinese consumer goods set to take effect on December&nbsp;15, according to trade experts and a source close to the White House.

Those tariffs would hit video game consoles, computer monitors, Christmas decorations and items given as gifts during the approaching festive season.

Last week, White House advisers said the December&nbsp;15 tariffs would probably be averted if a phase one trade deal was reached.

Highlighting the volatile state of play in the 16-month long trade war, officials of both sides had said last week they had a deal to roll back tariffs, only to have Trump deny any deal had been agreed.

Trump has used tariffs on billions of dollars of Chinese goods as his primary weapon in the trade war, which is aimed at forcing major changes in China's trade and industrial policies.

The United States is demanding that China end the theft and forced transfer of American intellectual property and curb subsidies to state-owned enterprises, while granting US&nbsp;companies more access to China's markets.

Trump also wants China to vastly increase its purchases of US&nbsp;farm products.

China and the United States were on the brink of a deal in May when Beijing backed away, prompting Trump to raise tariff rates and embark on new rounds of punitive duties.

If an interim deal is finished and signed, it is widely expected to include a US&nbsp;pledge to scrap tariffs scheduled for December&nbsp;15.

But China was also seeking cancellation of other US&nbsp;tariffs put in place since July 2018.

Gao said last week that both countries must simultaneously cancel some tariffs on each other's goods to strike a phase one pact.

China and the United States are holding in-depth discussions on a "phase one" trade agreement, and cancelling tariffs is an important condition to reach such a deal, the Chinese commerce ministry said on Thursday.

China and the United States are holding in-depth discussions on a "phase one" trade agreement, and cancelling tariffs is an important condition to reach such a deal, the Chinese commerce ministry said on Thursday. The degree of tariff cancellation should fully reflect the importance of a phase one agreement, ministry spokesman Gao Feng told a regular briefing. On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump said a trade deal with China was "close," but offered no details and warned that he would raise tariffs "substantially" on Chinese goods without such a deal. Trump's threat was a reference to previously announced tariffs of 15 per cent on about $156 billion of Chinese consumer goods set to take effect on December 15, according to trade experts and a source close to the White House. Those tariffs would hit video game consoles, computer monitors, Christmas decorations and items given as gifts during the approaching festive season. Last week, White House advisers said the December 15 tariffs would probably be averted if a phase one trade deal was reached. Highlighting the volatile state of play in the 16-month long trade war, officials of both sides had said last week they had a deal to roll back tariffs, only to have Trump deny any deal had been agreed. Trump has used tariffs on billions of dollars of Chinese goods as his primary weapon in the trade war, which is aimed at forcing major changes in China's trade and industrial policies. The United States is demanding that China end the theft and forced transfer of American intellectual property and curb subsidies to state-owned enterprises, while granting US companies more access to China's markets. Trump also wants China to vastly increase its purchases of US farm products. China and the United States were on the brink of a deal in May when Beijing backed away, prompting Trump to raise tariff rates and embark on new rounds of punitive duties. If an interim deal is finished and signed, it is widely expected to include a US pledge to scrap tariffs scheduled for December 15. But China was also seeking cancellation of other US tariffs put in place since July 2018. Gao said last week that both countries must simultaneously cancel some tariffs on each other's goods to strike a phase one pact.

China holds in-depth talks with US on phase one of trade deal

President Donald Trump on Tuesday dangled the prospect of completing an <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-us-agree-tariff-rollback-if-phase-one-trade-deal-is-completed-260641">initial trade deal with China</a> "soon," but offered no new details on negotiations in a campaign-style speech touting his administration's economic record.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/global-markets-asian-shares-a-sea-of-red-as-hk-chaos-hits-sentiment-261277">Markets had been on edge</a> about Trump's highly anticipated remarks to The Economic Club of New York, but barely moved after the speech, which contained no major policy announcements. Rumours early on Tuesday that Trump might announce a venue and date for signing a trade deal with Chinese President Xi Jinping proved unfounded.

Trump said US&nbsp;and Chinese negotiators were "close" to a "phase one" trade deal, but largely repeated well-worn rhetoric about China's "cheating" on trade.

"They are dying to make a deal. We're the ones that are deciding whether or not we want to make a deal," Trump said, echoing remarks he made on Saturday.

"We're close," he said. "A significant phase one trade deal with China could happen. Could happen soon. But we will only accept a deal if it's good for the United States and our workers and our great companies."

Trump said he would raise tariffs on Chinese goods "very substantially" if China does not make a deal with the United States. "And that's going to be true for other countries that mistreat us too," he added.

White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow later told CNBC that the phase one agreement could include some adjustments to tariffs already in place, but neither side would agree to such steps "until the entire deal is put together."

US&nbsp;stocks largely drifted sideways as Trump spoke, holding onto modest gains. The S&amp;P 500 was up about 0.3 per cent&nbsp;in afternoon trade, close to a record high. The response in bond and foreign exchange markets was equally subdued.

"The only thing that's maybe new is that he did not announce a date and a time for a signing ceremony," Greg Anderson, global head of foreign exchange strategy at BMO Capital Markets in New York, said of the speech. "Where markets had been hoping for that, those hopes were dashed," he added, saying that buying of riskier assets faded when it became apparent that no major announcement would be made.

Trump once again took aim at the Federal Reserve's monetary policy decisions that have left US interest rates higher than many other economies and said he would prefer negative rates.

The Fed has cut interest rates three times since July, following a string of nine increases since late 2015. Trump has repeatedly railed against the Fed for not lowering rates even more.

"Remember we are actively competing with nations that openly cut interest rates so that many are now actually getting paid when they pay off their loan, known as negative interest. Who ever heard of such a thing?" Trump said in his remarks.

"Give me some of that. Give me some of that money. I want some of that money. Our Federal Reserve doesn't let us do it," he said.

But Kudlow told CNBC that he did not believe negative rates were needed given the strong US&nbsp;economic performance. "I don’t think the United states needs negatives rates ... because our economy is in very good shape," Kudlow said.

Trump touted tax cuts passed by Republicans in 2017, saying they have created an unprecedented economic boom, and said there was room for further reductions in rates too. He alluded to a Republican "tax cut 2.0" plan that has been stalled by Democrats in the House of Representatives.

As he often has, Trump pointed to the stock market's run-up as a validation of his economic and trade policies.

The S&amp;P is up more than 36 per cent&nbsp;since Trump took office, though two-thirds of that gain occurred in his first year in office before he began imposing tariffs on imports from China. Stocks have found the going far more choppy since the first wave of tariffs were imposed in 2018, though all three major indexes hit record highs last week.

The latest back-and-forth between Washington and Beijing illustrates the bumpy state of play. Last week, officials from both sides said they had a deal to roll back tariffs, only to have Trump deny any deal had been agreed on.

Tuesday was Trump's second appearance at the storied Economic Club of New York, which has hosted US&nbsp;presidents including Woodrow Wilson and John F. Kennedy, as well as foreign leaders like former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev&nbsp;and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang.Trump previously addressed the organization in 2016 when running for president.

President Donald Trump on Tuesday dangled the prospect of completing an initial trade deal with China "soon," but offered no new details on negotiations in a campaign-style speech touting his administration's economic record.

President Donald Trump on Tuesday dangled the prospect of completing an initial trade deal with China "soon," but offered no new details on negotiations in a campaign-style speech touting his administration's economic record. Markets had been on edge about Trump's highly anticipated remarks to The Economic Club of New York, but barely moved after the speech, which contained no major policy announcements. Rumours early on Tuesday that Trump might announce a venue and date for signing a trade deal with Chinese President Xi Jinping proved unfounded. Trump said US and Chinese negotiators were "close" to a "phase one" trade deal, but largely repeated well-worn rhetoric about China's "cheating" on trade. "They are dying to make a deal. We're the ones that are deciding whether or not we want to make a deal," Trump said, echoing remarks he made on Saturday. "We're close," he said. "A significant phase one trade deal with China could happen. Could happen soon. But we will only accept a deal if it's good for the United States and our workers and our great companies." Trump said he would raise tariffs on Chinese goods "very substantially" if China does not make a deal with the United States. "And that's going to be true for other countries that mistreat us too," he added. White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow later told CNBC that the phase one agreement could include some adjustments to tariffs already in place, but neither side would agree to such steps "until the entire deal is put together." US stocks largely drifted sideways as Trump spoke, holding onto modest gains. The S&P 500 was up about 0.3 per cent in afternoon trade, close to a record high. The response in bond and foreign exchange markets was equally subdued. "The only thing that's maybe new is that he did not announce a date and a time for a signing ceremony," Greg Anderson, global head of foreign exchange strategy at BMO Capital Markets in New York, said of the speech. "Where markets had been hoping for that, those hopes were dashed," he added, saying that buying of riskier assets faded when it became apparent that no major announcement would be made. Trump once again took aim at the Federal Reserve's monetary policy decisions that have left US interest rates higher than many other economies and said he would prefer negative rates. The Fed has cut interest rates three times since July, following a string of nine increases since late 2015. Trump has repeatedly railed against the Fed for not lowering rates even more. "Remember we are actively competing with nations that openly cut interest rates so that many are now actually getting paid when they pay off their loan, known as negative interest. Who ever heard of such a thing?" Trump said in his remarks. "Give me some of that. Give me some of that money. I want some of that money. Our Federal Reserve doesn't let us do it," he said. But Kudlow told CNBC that he did not believe negative rates were needed given the strong US economic performance. "I don’t think the United states needs negatives rates ... because our economy is in very good shape," Kudlow said. Trump touted tax cuts passed by Republicans in 2017, saying they have created an unprecedented economic boom, and said there was room for further reductions in rates too. He alluded to a Republican "tax cut 2.0" plan that has been stalled by Democrats in the House of Representatives. As he often has, Trump pointed to the stock market's run-up as a validation of his economic and trade policies. The S&P is up more than 36 per cent since Trump took office, though two-thirds of that gain occurred in his first year in office before he began imposing tariffs on imports from China. Stocks have found the going far more choppy since the first wave of tariffs were imposed in 2018, though all three major indexes hit record highs last week. The latest back-and-forth between Washington and Beijing illustrates the bumpy state of play. Last week, officials from both sides said they had a deal to roll back tariffs, only to have Trump deny any deal had been agreed on. Tuesday was Trump's second appearance at the storied Economic Club of New York, which has hosted US presidents including Woodrow Wilson and John F. Kennedy, as well as foreign leaders like former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang.Trump previously addressed the organization in 2016 when running for president.

Trump says China trade deal 'close' but dashes hopes for signing details

China said Tuesday that a <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/world-bank-ends-funding-to-controversial-uighur-schools-in-china-261467">World Bank decision</a> to&nbsp;scale back a vocational education project was unrelated to allegations of mistreatment of minority Muslim Uighurs in the northwestern Xinjiang region.

The World Bank launched a review in August of the programme after Foreign Policy magazine reported that a school which benefited from a tranche of the $50 million loans to China bought "barbed wire, gas launchers, and body armour".

Rights groups and experts say more than one million mostly Muslim ethnic minorities have been interned in re-education camps in Xinjiang, where they are being tortured and forced to renounce their religion.

The World Bank said on Monday that its review "did not substantiate the allegations" but that it would cut funding to the scheme's "partner schools" as a precautionary measure because the schools were dispersed and difficult to monitor.

But Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said Tuesday that the World Bank's review of the programme "clarifies the truth while strongly rejecting the relevant accusations."

The "adjustments" announced by the World Bank are instead based on "based on the programmes' actual needs," said Geng at a regular press briefing.

Geng said that the inspection showed that the project did not suffer from the problems "hyped up by foreign media."

The World Bank statement said Monday that the "scope and footprint of the project (with the partner schools) is being reduced."

"Specifically, the project component that involves the partner schools in Xinjiang is being closed," it said.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/a-day-in-the-life-of-uighurs-251734">In pictures:&nbsp;A day in the life of China’s persecuted Uighur community</a>

China said Tuesday that a World Bank decision to scale back a vocational education project was unrelated to allegations of mistreatment of minority Muslim Uighurs in the northwestern Xinjiang region.

China said Tuesday that a World Bank decision to scale back a vocational education project was unrelated to allegations of mistreatment of minority Muslim Uighurs in the northwestern Xinjiang region. The World Bank launched a review in August of the programme after Foreign Policy magazine reported that a school which benefited from a tranche of the $50 million loans to China bought "barbed wire, gas launchers, and body armour". Rights groups and experts say more than one million mostly Muslim ethnic minorities have been interned in re-education camps in Xinjiang, where they are being tortured and forced to renounce their religion. The World Bank said on Monday that its review "did not substantiate the allegations" but that it would cut funding to the scheme's "partner schools" as a precautionary measure because the schools were dispersed and difficult to monitor. But Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said Tuesday that the World Bank's review of the programme "clarifies the truth while strongly rejecting the relevant accusations." The "adjustments" announced by the World Bank are instead based on "based on the programmes' actual needs," said Geng at a regular press briefing. Geng said that the inspection showed that the project did not suffer from the problems "hyped up by foreign media." The World Bank statement said Monday that the "scope and footprint of the project (with the partner schools) is being reduced." "Specifically, the project component that involves the partner schools in Xinjiang is being closed," it said. In pictures: A day in the life of China’s persecuted Uighur community

China denies World Bank cuts related to Uighur rights concerns

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