Treated with contempt by President Donald Trump, who considers them rivals and deadbeats instead of allies, many European leaders look forward to the possibility of a Biden presidency. But they are painfully aware that four years of Trump have changed the world — and the United States — in ways that will not be easily reversed.

Even if civility can be restored, a fundamental trust has been broken, and many European diplomats and experts believe that US&nbsp;foreign policy is no longer bipartisan, so is no longer reliable. “The shining city on the hill is not as shining as it used to be,” Reinhard Bütikofer, a prominent German member of the European Parliament, put it bluntly.

For the first time, said Ivan Krastev, director of the Center for Liberal Strategies, “Europeans are afraid that there is no longer a foreign-policy consensus in the United States. Every new administration can mean a totally new policy, and for them, this is a nightmare.”

The ideological divide will be on display Thursday when Trump and Joe Biden are scheduled to hold their final presidential debate.

There will be what most consider low-hanging fruit for a Biden administration that will please Europeans. The crop includes an extension to New START, the nuclear arms control treaty with Russia, and returns to the Paris climate accord, the World Health Organization, and even the Iran nuclear accord. There will be feel-good meetings and statements about multilateralism, less confrontation about trade, renewed efforts to reform the World Trade Organization, and a less combative atmosphere at summits of the Group of 7 and NATO.

But Trump’s complaints are shared by many Americans, and given the polarization in America, President Emmanuel Macron of France has pushed Europe to step up in an altered world, where China is rising and the Trump administration is only a symptom of a US&nbsp;retreat from global leadership, not the cause.

The idea of European “strategic autonomy” — of a Europe less dependent on Washington and with its own strong voice in the world — has been gaining ground, even if it is more aspiration than reality.

Some, like Nathalie Tocci, director of Italy’s Institute of International Affairs, and François Heisbourg, a French security analyst, fear that a Biden presidency could short-circuit European autonomy and let Europeans continue, as Tocci said, “sticking our heads in the sand.”

Trump's re-election, of course, might accelerate the trend toward autonomy, even if few believe that Trump would be able to pull out of NATO, as one of his former national security advisers, John Bolton, suggested he might.

US&nbsp;foreign policy was traditionally bipartisan — the old phrase that “politics stops at the water’s edge” had merit, especially during the Cold War. But the collapse of the Soviet Union meant that foreign policy, too, was subject to deepening political polarization in the United States.

“There is an incredible decay in Europe of the sense of the United States as a leader,” accelerated and symbolized by mishandling of the coronavirus, said Jeremy Shapiro of the European Council on Foreign Relations.

“Biden doesn’t solve their America problem,” he said. “He’s not going to be president forever, and Democrats won’t always be in power, and people have learned that the US&nbsp;can’t be trusted on foreign policy because the next administration will come in and wipe it away.”

The inconsistency of US&nbsp;foreign policy has undermined US&nbsp;credibility, some warned.

There is “an American decline in geopolitical weight,” said Francis Fukuyama of Stanford University.

“The single fact that shapes the US&nbsp;role in global politics is polarization, and this polarization will not disappear if Joe Biden is elected,” he said. “Americans simply don’t agree with one another on basic premises, even on how much America should be involved in global affairs and NATO.”

William J. Burns, a former senior US&nbsp;diplomat who now runs the Carnegie Endowment in Washington, thinks the damage is lasting, no matter who wins the election.

“One of the more insidious effects of polarization is to make foreign policy a tool of partisan politics,” he said. “It’s done enduring damage to America’s reputation in the world for being able to keep its word.”

While Europeans would see a Biden presidency “as a return to civilization,” as Heisbourg called it, a new partnership would come with demands for new obligations and commitments, especially in China.

After Trump, however, there would also be a new wariness and unwillingness to take big risks on the part of America’s allies, said Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “If you know that whatever you’re doing will at most last until the next election, you look at everything in a more contingent way,” he said.

Europeans see US&nbsp;confrontation with China as one of the few bipartisan issues that are driving US&nbsp;foreign policy, and Europeans are reluctant to be made a pawn or a playing card in that rivalry, given that China is Europe’s second-largest trading partner behind the United States.

Opinion polls show that most Europeans do not want to take sides in some battle between Washington and Beijing. “We don’t see the China challenge the same way and we’re not the peer competitor,” said Rem Korteweg of the Clingendael Institute.

There will also be continued pressure from Washington on Europeans to spend more on defense — one bipartisan demand that has not fractured.

Trump successfully goaded the Europeans to spend more. But Europeans were also reacting to a vacuum in trans-Atlantic leadership, doubts about Trump’s commitment to collective security, and his view of Europe as a burden and a competitor.

“I see European partners more assertive in saying that we disagree with US&nbsp;policies — that’s the healthier legacy left by Trump,” said Alexandra de Hoop Scheffer, director of the German Marshall Fund in Paris.

Before Trump, those disagreements were rarely fundamental. “We had differences, but there was never a basic mistrust about having common views of the world,” said Gro Harlem Brundtland, the former prime minister of Norway, who has dealt with numerous American presidents of both parties.

But over the past four years, she said, several European leaders “no longer take for granted that they can trust the US, even on basic things.”

Confidence in Washington will not return quickly, she said. “While most European leaders think it best for the global system to build on a close US-Europe relationship,” she said, “to have such a polarized situation between the two main parties in the US&nbsp;is scary, and you wonder where that goes.”

For Burns of the Carnegie Endowment, US&nbsp;global hegemony is over. He sees little US&nbsp;appetite “for grand foreign-policy crusades” and says: “We cannot return to 1949 or 1992 — or even 2016. The world has changed, and the trans-Atlantic relationship must change with it.”

A Biden administration would first concentrate on domestic renewal in a country clobbered by the coronavirus, he said. It would seek a more collaborative partnership with Europe, supporting “a European security identity that doesn’t come at the expense of NATO.”

The Europeans have “their own skepticism, given the drift they’ve seen in a more inward-looking America,” Burns said. But workable coalitions are possible on China, 5G, Russia, Africa, and climate change.

But Europeans must commit, too, Burns said. “Both sides must step up to invest in a new relationship, which they haven’t always done in the past.”

Treated with contempt by President Donald Trump, who considers them rivals and deadbeats instead of allies, many European leaders look forward to the possibility of a Biden presidency.

Treated with contempt by President Donald Trump, who considers them rivals and deadbeats instead of allies, many European leaders look forward to the possibility of a Biden presidency. But they are painfully aware that four years of Trump have changed the world — and the United States — in ways that will not be easily reversed. Even if civility can be restored, a fundamental trust has been broken, and many European diplomats and experts believe that US foreign policy is no longer bipartisan, so is no longer reliable. “The shining city on the hill is not as shining as it used to be,” Reinhard Bütikofer, a prominent German member of the European Parliament, put it bluntly. For the first time, said Ivan Krastev, director of the Center for Liberal Strategies, “Europeans are afraid that there is no longer a foreign-policy consensus in the United States. Every new administration can mean a totally new policy, and for them, this is a nightmare.” The ideological divide will be on display Thursday when Trump and Joe Biden are scheduled to hold their final presidential debate. There will be what most consider low-hanging fruit for a Biden administration that will please Europeans. The crop includes an extension to New START, the nuclear arms control treaty with Russia, and returns to the Paris climate accord, the World Health Organization, and even the Iran nuclear accord. There will be feel-good meetings and statements about multilateralism, less confrontation about trade, renewed efforts to reform the World Trade Organization, and a less combative atmosphere at summits of the Group of 7 and NATO. But Trump’s complaints are shared by many Americans, and given the polarization in America, President Emmanuel Macron of France has pushed Europe to step up in an altered world, where China is rising and the Trump administration is only a symptom of a US retreat from global leadership, not the cause. The idea of European “strategic autonomy” — of a Europe less dependent on Washington and with its own strong voice in the world — has been gaining ground, even if it is more aspiration than reality. Some, like Nathalie Tocci, director of Italy’s Institute of International Affairs, and François Heisbourg, a French security analyst, fear that a Biden presidency could short-circuit European autonomy and let Europeans continue, as Tocci said, “sticking our heads in the sand.” Trump's re-election, of course, might accelerate the trend toward autonomy, even if few believe that Trump would be able to pull out of NATO, as one of his former national security advisers, John Bolton, suggested he might. US foreign policy was traditionally bipartisan — the old phrase that “politics stops at the water’s edge” had merit, especially during the Cold War. But the collapse of the Soviet Union meant that foreign policy, too, was subject to deepening political polarization in the United States. “There is an incredible decay in Europe of the sense of the United States as a leader,” accelerated and symbolized by mishandling of the coronavirus, said Jeremy Shapiro of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “Biden doesn’t solve their America problem,” he said. “He’s not going to be president forever, and Democrats won’t always be in power, and people have learned that the US can’t be trusted on foreign policy because the next administration will come in and wipe it away.” The inconsistency of US foreign policy has undermined US credibility, some warned. There is “an American decline in geopolitical weight,” said Francis Fukuyama of Stanford University. “The single fact that shapes the US role in global politics is polarization, and this polarization will not disappear if Joe Biden is elected,” he said. “Americans simply don’t agree with one another on basic premises, even on how much America should be involved in global affairs and NATO.” William J. Burns, a former senior US diplomat who now runs the Carnegie Endowment in Washington, thinks the damage is lasting, no matter who wins the election. “One of the more insidious effects of polarization is to make foreign policy a tool of partisan politics,” he said. “It’s done enduring damage to America’s reputation in the world for being able to keep its word.” While Europeans would see a Biden presidency “as a return to civilization,” as Heisbourg called it, a new partnership would come with demands for new obligations and commitments, especially in China. After Trump, however, there would also be a new wariness and unwillingness to take big risks on the part of America’s allies, said Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign Relations. “If you know that whatever you’re doing will at most last until the next election, you look at everything in a more contingent way,” he said. Europeans see US confrontation with China as one of the few bipartisan issues that are driving US foreign policy, and Europeans are reluctant to be made a pawn or a playing card in that rivalry, given that China is Europe’s second-largest trading partner behind the United States. Opinion polls show that most Europeans do not want to take sides in some battle between Washington and Beijing. “We don’t see the China challenge the same way and we’re not the peer competitor,” said Rem Korteweg of the Clingendael Institute. There will also be continued pressure from Washington on Europeans to spend more on defense — one bipartisan demand that has not fractured. Trump successfully goaded the Europeans to spend more. But Europeans were also reacting to a vacuum in trans-Atlantic leadership, doubts about Trump’s commitment to collective security, and his view of Europe as a burden and a competitor. “I see European partners more assertive in saying that we disagree with US policies — that’s the healthier legacy left by Trump,” said Alexandra de Hoop Scheffer, director of the German Marshall Fund in Paris. Before Trump, those disagreements were rarely fundamental. “We had differences, but there was never a basic mistrust about having common views of the world,” said Gro Harlem Brundtland, the former prime minister of Norway, who has dealt with numerous American presidents of both parties. But over the past four years, she said, several European leaders “no longer take for granted that they can trust the US, even on basic things.” Confidence in Washington will not return quickly, she said. “While most European leaders think it best for the global system to build on a close US-Europe relationship,” she said, “to have such a polarized situation between the two main parties in the US is scary, and you wonder where that goes.” For Burns of the Carnegie Endowment, US global hegemony is over. He sees little US appetite “for grand foreign-policy crusades” and says: “We cannot return to 1949 or 1992 — or even 2016. The world has changed, and the trans-Atlantic relationship must change with it.” A Biden administration would first concentrate on domestic renewal in a country clobbered by the coronavirus, he said. It would seek a more collaborative partnership with Europe, supporting “a European security identity that doesn’t come at the expense of NATO.” The Europeans have “their own skepticism, given the drift they’ve seen in a more inward-looking America,” Burns said. But workable coalitions are possible on China, 5G, Russia, Africa, and climate change. But Europeans must commit, too, Burns said. “Both sides must step up to invest in a new relationship, which they haven’t always done in the past.”

Europe wonders if it can rely on US again, whoever wins

Both Russia and Iran on Thursday denied&nbsp;US allegations of having taken actions to influence public opinion ahead of the November 3 US presidential election.

According to the US Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe, Russia&nbsp;and Iran have obtained the US voter information and taken actions to influence public opinion ahead of the US election 2020.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iran-russia-obtained-voter-registration-information-says-us-intelligence-director-john-ratcliffe-337000">Iran, Russia obtained voter registration information, says US intelligence director John Ratcliffe</a>

"Accusations are raining down every day. All of them are absolutely groundless, they are not based on anything," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters after the allegations made by the US director of national intelligence.

US authorities "have put forward a baseless claim on the verge of the country's election so that they would advance their undemocratic and predefined scenario through shifting the blame," Iran's foreign ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said in a statement, after summoning the Swiss ambassador.

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Iran's ambassador to the United Nations, Alireza Miryousefi, called the allegations "another scenario to undermine voter confidence" in the US and said the world had seen Washington's attempts to "question the outcome of its own elections at the highest level".

The US announcement came after registered Democratic voters reported receiving personally addressed emails in the name of the Proud Boys militia, and from the internet, a domain linked to the Proud Boys.

A number of voters in Florida and other key battleground states said they had gotten the messages.

"You will vote for Trump on election day or we will come after you," the emails said.

"Change your party affiliation to Republican to let us know you received our message and will comply. We will know which candidate you voted for," they said.

"I would take this seriously if I were you," the message ends, adding the voter's address. "Good luck.

Ratcliffe, with FBI Director Christopher Wray beside him, did not explain how the Russians and Iranians had obtained the voter information, or how the Russians might be using it.

US intelligence agencies have repeatedly warned that Russia, Iran, and China to a lesser extent had taken part in social media disinformation efforts aimed at influencing US voters.

In 2016, US officials say, Russian President Vladimir Putin oversaw hacking and social media operations aimed at helping Trump to election victory over Democrat Hillary Clinton.

Iran's alleged use of the Proud Boys name in emails came after Trump refused to distance himself, and appeared to encourage, the group, which has appeared at political rallies heavily armed, and menacing others.

Both Russia and Iran on Thursday denied US allegations of having taken actions to influence public opinion ahead of the November 3 US presidential election. According to the US Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe, Russia and Iran have obtained the US voter information and taken actions to influence public opinion ahead of the US election 2020.

Both Russia and Iran on Thursday denied US allegations of having taken actions to influence public opinion ahead of the November 3 US presidential election. According to the US Director of National Intelligence John Ratcliffe, Russia and Iran have obtained the US voter information and taken actions to influence public opinion ahead of the US election 2020. Also read: Iran, Russia obtained voter registration information, says US intelligence director John Ratcliffe "Accusations are raining down every day. All of them are absolutely groundless, they are not based on anything," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters after the allegations made by the US director of national intelligence. US authorities "have put forward a baseless claim on the verge of the country's election so that they would advance their undemocratic and predefined scenario through shifting the blame," Iran's foreign ministry spokesman Saeed Khatibzadeh said in a statement, after summoning the Swiss ambassador. Iran's ambassador to the United Nations, Alireza Miryousefi, called the allegations "another scenario to undermine voter confidence" in the US and said the world had seen Washington's attempts to "question the outcome of its own elections at the highest level". The US announcement came after registered Democratic voters reported receiving personally addressed emails in the name of the Proud Boys militia, and from the internet, a domain linked to the Proud Boys. A number of voters in Florida and other key battleground states said they had gotten the messages. "You will vote for Trump on election day or we will come after you," the emails said. "Change your party affiliation to Republican to let us know you received our message and will comply. We will know which candidate you voted for," they said. "I would take this seriously if I were you," the message ends, adding the voter's address. "Good luck. Ratcliffe, with FBI Director Christopher Wray beside him, did not explain how the Russians and Iranians had obtained the voter information, or how the Russians might be using it. US intelligence agencies have repeatedly warned that Russia, Iran, and China to a lesser extent had taken part in social media disinformation efforts aimed at influencing US voters. In 2016, US officials say, Russian President Vladimir Putin oversaw hacking and social media operations aimed at helping Trump to election victory over Democrat Hillary Clinton. Iran's alleged use of the Proud Boys name in emails came after Trump refused to distance himself, and appeared to encourage, the group, which has appeared at political rallies heavily armed, and menacing others.

US election 2020: Russia and Iran call meddling claims 'groundless'

President Donald Trump’s victory in 2016 is remembered for defying polls and stunning Democrats. But in many ways, it was not a surprise.

He prevailed with a piercing outsider message on jobs, immigration, China and trade. He restrained himself on Twitter in the final weeks while portraying his opponent, Hillary Clinton, as hostile to the economically disenfranchised blue-collar voters flocking to his rallies. His campaign worked systematically to drive up margins of white voters in battleground states that Democrats had largely taken for granted.

Trump’s obstacles are considerably higher this time. He is an unpopular incumbent in the midst of a pandemic and an economic decline. He is facing a much different opponent, Joe Biden, who has carefully studied Clinton’s mistakes.

Yet with two weeks until Election Day, Trump retains a narrow path to victory, in the view of many analysts, that would require him to draw on his most effective tactics from 2016 and make fundamental changes in his campaign style to expand his appeal beyond his political base. He also needs Biden to make a mistake.

The clearest road for Trump is to hold one of the three states he snatched from Democrats in 2016 — Pennsylvania, Michigan or Wisconsin — as well as the rest of his winning electoral map, including Arizona and Florida, where Biden is now competitive. Polls indicate that is a daunting task but not an impossible one, particularly if he succeeds again in driving up support among working-class voters, including in rural areas he dominated in 2016, while holding down Biden’s support among nonwhite voters.

Still, interviews with 21 Republican and Democratic strategists, many of whom have worked for other presidential campaigns over the past 30 years, suggest that Trump will need some eleventh-hour disruptions in the race. That might include a bad stumble by Biden in the debate Thursday or on the trail, court rulings or Republican tactics that suppress the Democratic vote, and a GOP ground game that turns out voters who may not have been counted by pollsters.

And Trump will need to bring discipline to the campaign trail that has so far eluded him, the strategists say. That will mean presenting a forceful and uncluttered appeal that he is better able than Biden to rebuild the economy, while trying yet again to draw a contrast between himself and an opponent he has sought to portray as ideologically too far to the left to run the nation.

In the end, most strategists said the single best hope for Trump was for Biden to do something to worry or alienate swing voters whom Trump has already driven into the Democratic camp. And counting on your opponent to make a fatal mistake in the final days is rarely a good strategy.

Expand the Electorate

Republicans have shown success in registering new voters in states like Florida and Pennsylvania. That could be important in building on a key part of the president’s 2016 strategy: turning out working-class white Americans who have not voted before.

“There are few days left to change the trajectory of the race,” said Sara Fagen, who was the White House political director for President George W. Bush. “Trump’s best chance at this point would be to dramatically boost turnout among noncollege-educated white voters in the industrial Midwest.”

Even optimistic Democrats say this is a cause for concern.

“The Republicans have been laser-focused on growing the electorate this time,” said Donna Brazile, who managed Al Gore’s 2000 campaign for president. “The Republicans have a better operation on the ground than anything we’ve seen since 2004.”

And isn’t only white working-class voters. Polling suggests that Trump is doing as well or slightly better with Black and Latino voters in some states than he was in 2016 against Clinton.

Focus on the Map

Biden is competitive in several states that Trump won in 2016: Arizona, North Carolina, Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan. Some polls also show Biden with a significant lead in Florida, which has long been the Lucy-and-the-football state for Democratic presidential candidates.

But any road to reelection for Trump leads through Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin. He is unlikely to win without at least one of those three 2016 upset states (and ideally two), though which ones offer him the best opportunity changes by the day.

Some analysts have suggested he pour resources into Wisconsin, which began in-person early voting Tuesday. “It’s quite a challenge for him,” said Katherine Cramer, a political scientist at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “It seems like Biden is really holding his own here.”

From there, he can turn to cobbling together the electoral votes he needs to reach 270 — by holding Arizona, North Carolina, Georgia and potentially grabbing Nevada, Minnesota or New Hampshire from the Democrats. More than anything, Trump cannot lose Florida.

Biden enjoys big leads in many national polls, but the race is tighter in many of these states. That may prove significant if some state polls are off, as they were in 2016, though pollsters say that is not likely. “Go back and look at October 2016,” said Newt Gingrich, the former Republican speaker of the House. “This was the time of the panic over the ‘Access Hollywood’ tape, when everyone&nbsp;knew&nbsp;that Trump was dead. I always said he was going to win.”

COVID-19

Trump could limit the continuing political damage from his management of the pandemic, analysts said, if he stopped offering chipper assessments of the coronavirus and ceased presenting himself as evidence that a disease that has killed more than 220,000 people is not a big threat. Then he could turn to issues that would expand his appeal, particularly to women and older voters.

“He should take coronavirus seriously,” said Stephanie Cutter, a Democratic consultant and veteran of presidential campaigns. “He should start chairing COVID meetings. Do some joint appearances with Anthony Fauci. Show some empathy for people whose lives have been lost. Stop talking about himself.”

Karl Rove, the senior strategist for Bush, said that Trump could seek to blunt Biden’s attacks on the White House’s management of the pandemic by pointing to Biden’s own response during the winter.

“There’s a lot of information out there that a disciplined campaign could use to say to Biden, ‘What you and your advisers were saying and doing then shows you didn’t have it right and all this criticism is Monday morning quarterbacking,’ ” Rove said.

Showing More Discipline

One of the reasons Trump won in 2016 was that he began exhibiting more discipline in the final weeks of his campaign: less tweeting and trolling.

If he were to reprise that, perhaps he could get weary Americans to give him one last look.

“Trump must turn to the disciplined teleprompter demeanor he used during the last two weeks of 2016,” said Charlie Black, a veteran of many Republican presidential contests. “He must talk about two issues only: the economy and the Democrats’ plan to pack the Supreme Court.”

But in 2016, Trump was not dealing with a pandemic. He was out-hustling Clinton on the campaign trail every day, and she was dealing with a daily influx of bad news.

And if there is anything the political world has learned over these past four years, it is that Trump does not pivot. If he is getting take-the-high-road advice from his strategists, there is no sign that he is following it, as despondent Republicans were reminded this week when he started attacking Fauci.

A Biden Stumble

Trump has always counted on Biden having a mental lapse that would underscore the president’s contention that the former vice president has lost something on his fastball. Biden has provided plenty of missteps over the years to encourage that kind of hope. But that did not happen at the first debate, and Trump has been frustrated in his attempts to exploit Biden’s stumbles on the campaign trail.

There is one more debate and two more weeks of campaigning that will give Trump an opportunity to maintain pressure on his opponent — with attacks on the business dealings of his son Hunter Biden, for instance — in hopes of forcing a mistake that could bring back some swing voters whom Trump has lost.

Suppression and Challenges

Republicans have been trying, with legislation and court battles, to restrict absentee balloting, which could make the difference in a close election.

“Surround the counters; find friendly governors and commissioners who won’t certify the vote,” said Susan Estrich, who managed the 1988 presidential campaign of Michael Dukakis. Stuart Stevens, a Republican consultant who is now a critic of the president, said that Trump’s “only realistic hope is voter suppression through every means possible.”

Trump has surprised the world before. But even accounting for his loyal base and his tenacity as a campaigner, Republicans and Democrats say Trump’s political future may now be out of his hands.

“It’s been locked in for months and is now moving away from him even further post-debate,” said Mark Salter, a senior adviser to Sen. John McCain, the Republican presidential nominee in 2008. “I suppose some unforeseen catastrophe or huge Biden mistake might reverse the trend, but it seems pretty clear that a majority of voters want to get Trump the hell out of there before he screws up even more.”

President Donald Trump’s victory in 2016 is remembered for defying polls and stunning Democrats. But in many ways, it was not a surprise. He prevailed with a piercing outsider message on jobs, immigration, China and trade.

President Donald Trump’s victory in 2016 is remembered for defying polls and stunning Democrats. But in many ways, it was not a surprise. He prevailed with a piercing outsider message on jobs, immigration, China and trade. He restrained himself on Twitter in the final weeks while portraying his opponent, Hillary Clinton, as hostile to the economically disenfranchised blue-collar voters flocking to his rallies. His campaign worked systematically to drive up margins of white voters in battleground states that Democrats had largely taken for granted. Trump’s obstacles are considerably higher this time. He is an unpopular incumbent in the midst of a pandemic and an economic decline. He is facing a much different opponent, Joe Biden, who has carefully studied Clinton’s mistakes. Yet with two weeks until Election Day, Trump retains a narrow path to victory, in the view of many analysts, that would require him to draw on his most effective tactics from 2016 and make fundamental changes in his campaign style to expand his appeal beyond his political base. He also needs Biden to make a mistake. The clearest road for Trump is to hold one of the three states he snatched from Democrats in 2016 — Pennsylvania, Michigan or Wisconsin — as well as the rest of his winning electoral map, including Arizona and Florida, where Biden is now competitive. Polls indicate that is a daunting task but not an impossible one, particularly if he succeeds again in driving up support among working-class voters, including in rural areas he dominated in 2016, while holding down Biden’s support among nonwhite voters. Still, interviews with 21 Republican and Democratic strategists, many of whom have worked for other presidential campaigns over the past 30 years, suggest that Trump will need some eleventh-hour disruptions in the race. That might include a bad stumble by Biden in the debate Thursday or on the trail, court rulings or Republican tactics that suppress the Democratic vote, and a GOP ground game that turns out voters who may not have been counted by pollsters. And Trump will need to bring discipline to the campaign trail that has so far eluded him, the strategists say. That will mean presenting a forceful and uncluttered appeal that he is better able than Biden to rebuild the economy, while trying yet again to draw a contrast between himself and an opponent he has sought to portray as ideologically too far to the left to run the nation. In the end, most strategists said the single best hope for Trump was for Biden to do something to worry or alienate swing voters whom Trump has already driven into the Democratic camp. And counting on your opponent to make a fatal mistake in the final days is rarely a good strategy. Expand the Electorate Republicans have shown success in registering new voters in states like Florida and Pennsylvania. That could be important in building on a key part of the president’s 2016 strategy: turning out working-class white Americans who have not voted before. “There are few days left to change the trajectory of the race,” said Sara Fagen, who was the White House political director for President George W. Bush. “Trump’s best chance at this point would be to dramatically boost turnout among noncollege-educated white voters in the industrial Midwest.” Even optimistic Democrats say this is a cause for concern. “The Republicans have been laser-focused on growing the electorate this time,” said Donna Brazile, who managed Al Gore’s 2000 campaign for president. “The Republicans have a better operation on the ground than anything we’ve seen since 2004.” And isn’t only white working-class voters. Polling suggests that Trump is doing as well or slightly better with Black and Latino voters in some states than he was in 2016 against Clinton. Focus on the Map Biden is competitive in several states that Trump won in 2016: Arizona, North Carolina, Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan. Some polls also show Biden with a significant lead in Florida, which has long been the Lucy-and-the-football state for Democratic presidential candidates. But any road to reelection for Trump leads through Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin. He is unlikely to win without at least one of those three 2016 upset states (and ideally two), though which ones offer him the best opportunity changes by the day. Some analysts have suggested he pour resources into Wisconsin, which began in-person early voting Tuesday. “It’s quite a challenge for him,” said Katherine Cramer, a political scientist at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “It seems like Biden is really holding his own here.” From there, he can turn to cobbling together the electoral votes he needs to reach 270 — by holding Arizona, North Carolina, Georgia and potentially grabbing Nevada, Minnesota or New Hampshire from the Democrats. More than anything, Trump cannot lose Florida. Biden enjoys big leads in many national polls, but the race is tighter in many of these states. That may prove significant if some state polls are off, as they were in 2016, though pollsters say that is not likely. “Go back and look at October 2016,” said Newt Gingrich, the former Republican speaker of the House. “This was the time of the panic over the ‘Access Hollywood’ tape, when everyone knew that Trump was dead. I always said he was going to win.” COVID-19 Trump could limit the continuing political damage from his management of the pandemic, analysts said, if he stopped offering chipper assessments of the coronavirus and ceased presenting himself as evidence that a disease that has killed more than 220,000 people is not a big threat. Then he could turn to issues that would expand his appeal, particularly to women and older voters. “He should take coronavirus seriously,” said Stephanie Cutter, a Democratic consultant and veteran of presidential campaigns. “He should start chairing COVID meetings. Do some joint appearances with Anthony Fauci. Show some empathy for people whose lives have been lost. Stop talking about himself.” Karl Rove, the senior strategist for Bush, said that Trump could seek to blunt Biden’s attacks on the White House’s management of the pandemic by pointing to Biden’s own response during the winter. “There’s a lot of information out there that a disciplined campaign could use to say to Biden, ‘What you and your advisers were saying and doing then shows you didn’t have it right and all this criticism is Monday morning quarterbacking,’ ” Rove said. Showing More Discipline One of the reasons Trump won in 2016 was that he began exhibiting more discipline in the final weeks of his campaign: less tweeting and trolling. If he were to reprise that, perhaps he could get weary Americans to give him one last look. “Trump must turn to the disciplined teleprompter demeanor he used during the last two weeks of 2016,” said Charlie Black, a veteran of many Republican presidential contests. “He must talk about two issues only: the economy and the Democrats’ plan to pack the Supreme Court.” But in 2016, Trump was not dealing with a pandemic. He was out-hustling Clinton on the campaign trail every day, and she was dealing with a daily influx of bad news. And if there is anything the political world has learned over these past four years, it is that Trump does not pivot. If he is getting take-the-high-road advice from his strategists, there is no sign that he is following it, as despondent Republicans were reminded this week when he started attacking Fauci. A Biden Stumble Trump has always counted on Biden having a mental lapse that would underscore the president’s contention that the former vice president has lost something on his fastball. Biden has provided plenty of missteps over the years to encourage that kind of hope. But that did not happen at the first debate, and Trump has been frustrated in his attempts to exploit Biden’s stumbles on the campaign trail. There is one more debate and two more weeks of campaigning that will give Trump an opportunity to maintain pressure on his opponent — with attacks on the business dealings of his son Hunter Biden, for instance — in hopes of forcing a mistake that could bring back some swing voters whom Trump has lost. Suppression and Challenges Republicans have been trying, with legislation and court battles, to restrict absentee balloting, which could make the difference in a close election. “Surround the counters; find friendly governors and commissioners who won’t certify the vote,” said Susan Estrich, who managed the 1988 presidential campaign of Michael Dukakis. Stuart Stevens, a Republican consultant who is now a critic of the president, said that Trump’s “only realistic hope is voter suppression through every means possible.” Trump has surprised the world before. But even accounting for his loyal base and his tenacity as a campaigner, Republicans and Democrats say Trump’s political future may now be out of his hands. “It’s been locked in for months and is now moving away from him even further post-debate,” said Mark Salter, a senior adviser to Sen. John McCain, the Republican presidential nominee in 2008. “I suppose some unforeseen catastrophe or huge Biden mistake might reverse the trend, but it seems pretty clear that a majority of voters want to get Trump the hell out of there before he screws up even more.”

Can Trump win? Yes. But the path is narrow and difficult.

How social media companies will handle post-US election scenarios

United States President Donald Trump has called on the US attorney general to investigate his "criminal" Democratic opponent Joe Biden.

Polls show Trump down or in a tight contest in most of the swing states that decide presidential races, but he believes his frenetic campaigning will give him new momentum for the November 3 presidential election as he heads Tuesday to a rally in the key state of Pennsylvania.

"Things are changing fast," Trump told the Fox &amp; Friends programme Tuesday, claiming that his own polling showed Biden is "imploding."

Notably, just over two weeks ago Trump was in hospital with Covid-19 and Biden had the field to himself, hammering home his central message that the Republican president has failed the country on managing the coronavirus pandemic.

Biden has, however, disappeared from the campaign trail, apparently to prepare for the debate.

Trump's current attack centres on a conspiracy theory about the Biden family's business activities. Crowds at Trump's rallies have even repurposed the old anti-Clinton chant of 2016 for Biden, shouting "lock him up."

According to Trump, Biden's personally troubled son Hunter sold access to his father in Ukraine and China when he was vice president to Barack Obama.

Trump Tuesday called Joe Biden "a criminal" and demanded on Fox News that the attorney general, Bill Barr, "act and act fast."

"This has to be known about before the election," Trump said.

While Biden continues to try and focus on Trump's handling of the pandemic -- depicting him as an irresponsible leader who panicked -- the president is milking frustration in places like Pennsylvania with the economic impact of shutdowns and social distancing.

"We will never shut down" again, Trump promised Tuesday -- a message he will likely repeat loudly at the rally.

According to a new poll from The New York Times/Siena College, Biden has a nine-point lead nationally.

Pennsylvania is one of the half dozen states that Trump more or less has to win to hold on to the presidency. Polls show Biden ahead, though a Reuters/Ipsos poll this week showed the gap narrowing slightly.

Trump is the first president to run for reelection after being impeached.

(with inputs)

United States President Donald Trump has called on the US attorney general to investigate his "criminal" Democratic opponent Joe Biden. Polls show Trump down or in a tight contest in most of the swing states that decide presidential races, but he believes his frenetic campaigning will give him new momentum for the November 3 presidential election as he heads Tuesday to a rally in the key state of Pennsylvania.

United States President Donald Trump has called on the US attorney general to investigate his "criminal" Democratic opponent Joe Biden. Polls show Trump down or in a tight contest in most of the swing states that decide presidential races, but he believes his frenetic campaigning will give him new momentum for the November 3 presidential election as he heads Tuesday to a rally in the key state of Pennsylvania. "Things are changing fast," Trump told the Fox & Friends programme Tuesday, claiming that his own polling showed Biden is "imploding." Notably, just over two weeks ago Trump was in hospital with Covid-19 and Biden had the field to himself, hammering home his central message that the Republican president has failed the country on managing the coronavirus pandemic. Biden has, however, disappeared from the campaign trail, apparently to prepare for the debate. Trump's current attack centres on a conspiracy theory about the Biden family's business activities. Crowds at Trump's rallies have even repurposed the old anti-Clinton chant of 2016 for Biden, shouting "lock him up." According to Trump, Biden's personally troubled son Hunter sold access to his father in Ukraine and China when he was vice president to Barack Obama. Trump Tuesday called Joe Biden "a criminal" and demanded on Fox News that the attorney general, Bill Barr, "act and act fast." "This has to be known about before the election," Trump said. While Biden continues to try and focus on Trump's handling of the pandemic -- depicting him as an irresponsible leader who panicked -- the president is milking frustration in places like Pennsylvania with the economic impact of shutdowns and social distancing. "We will never shut down" again, Trump promised Tuesday -- a message he will likely repeat loudly at the rally. According to a new poll from The New York Times/Siena College, Biden has a nine-point lead nationally. Pennsylvania is one of the half dozen states that Trump more or less has to win to hold on to the presidency. Polls show Biden ahead, though a Reuters/Ipsos poll this week showed the gap narrowing slightly. Trump is the first president to run for reelection after being impeached. (with inputs)

Trump calls for investigation of Biden, heads to Pennsylvania

Caught with their pants down and wearing face masks, U.S. President Donald Trump and his challenger Joe Biden are the stars of a new range of defecating figurines that are a longstanding Christmas tradition in the Spanish region of Catalonia.

Known as "caganers" or "poopers" in English, the small statues offer a satirical take on the year`s biggest news stories and are traditionally hidden in nativity scenes for friends and family to find.

Masked health workers who have become emblematic of the global fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, also feature prominently in the 2020 Christmas lineup alongside the presidential hopefuls.

<img alt="Trump and Biden figurines" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="f14d5155-80ba-4885-8f34-849027689c24" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Trump%20and%20Biden%20figurines%203.jpg" />

"In these four years Trump has been an excellent caganer, I mean excellent in terms of sales," said caganer artisan Marc Alos, 49, from his workshop in the small Mediterranean town of Toroella de Montgri.

Such was the popularity of the Trump figure in the run-up to the 2016 elections that Alos felt certain he would take the White House, despite polls pointing to a Hillary Clinton victory.

"We said that the day before the U.S. elections, and he won."

With another fraught vote looming, Biden appears to have the edge in pooper sales but Alos said it is still early to make any election night predictions: "We are at the very beginning and Joe Biden is working a little better for us, but I don`t know how this will evolve."

Caught with their pants down and wearing face masks, U.S. President Donald Trump and his challenger Joe Biden are the stars of a new range of defecating figurines that are a longstanding Christmas tradition in the Spanish region of Catalonia.

Caught with their pants down and wearing face masks, U.S. President Donald Trump and his challenger Joe Biden are the stars of a new range of defecating figurines that are a longstanding Christmas tradition in the Spanish region of Catalonia. Known as "caganers" or "poopers" in English, the small statues offer a satirical take on the year`s biggest news stories and are traditionally hidden in nativity scenes for friends and family to find. Masked health workers who have become emblematic of the global fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, also feature prominently in the 2020 Christmas lineup alongside the presidential hopefuls. "In these four years Trump has been an excellent caganer, I mean excellent in terms of sales," said caganer artisan Marc Alos, 49, from his workshop in the small Mediterranean town of Toroella de Montgri. Such was the popularity of the Trump figure in the run-up to the 2016 elections that Alos felt certain he would take the White House, despite polls pointing to a Hillary Clinton victory. "We said that the day before the U.S. elections, and he won." With another fraught vote looming, Biden appears to have the edge in pooper sales but Alos said it is still early to make any election night predictions: "We are at the very beginning and Joe Biden is working a little better for us, but I don`t know how this will evolve."

Trump and Biden 'pooper' figurines steal the show in Catalan nativity

Donald Trump can still win the 2020 presidential election; something that has a 10% or 15% chance of happening can certainly transpire. But even more than in 2016, if the president wins this time, we will have to attribute his victory to the workings of divine providence (don’t worry, I have that column pre-written), because what we’re watching is an incumbent doing everything in his power to run up his own margin of defeat.

Start with his reelection messaging, to the extent that you can discern such a thing. In 2016, Trump’s campaign was shambolic and punctuated by self-inflicted disasters, but his message against Hillary Clinton, like his message against the Republican establishment in the primaries, had a simplicity and consistency: She supported bad trade deals; she supported stupid wars; she sold the country out to special interests and foreign governments; vote for her and you get more closed factories, more soldiers dead or crippled, more illegal immigration, more power to Wall Street and Washington, D.C.

In 2020, on the other hand, the Trump campaign has been stuck toggling back and forth between two very different narratives. One seeks to replay the last campaign, portraying Joe Biden as the embodiment of a failed establishment (hence all the references to his 47 years in Washington) who will sell out American interests to China as soon as he’s back in power (hence the attempts to elevate Hunter Biden’s influence-peddling).

But the other narrative goes after Biden as though the Democrats had actually nominated Bernie Sanders, insisting that his advancing age makes him a decrepit vessel for the radical left, a stalking horse not just for Kamala Harris but also for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and antifa.

A truly brilliant campaigner might be able to weave these two narratives together, but on the lips of Donald Trump their contradictions are evident. The resulting incoherence just feeds his tendency to return to old grudges and very online grievances, as though he’s running for the presidency of talk radio or his own Twitter feed. Without Steve Bannon to keep him grounded or Clinton to keep him focused, he’s making a closing “argument” that’s indistinguishable from a sales pitch for a TV show or a newsletter — suggesting that even more than four years ago, the president assumes he’ll be in the media business as soon as the election returns come in.

But the messaging failure is just the surface; it’s on policy where Trump has really acted like a Black Sox ballplayer trying to throw the World Series. There are two major issues for voters in this election: the pandemic and the economy. Trump’s numbers on handling the virus are lousy, but his numbers on handling the economy are still pretty good, presumably thanks to both the memory of where the unemployment rate stood before the coronavirus hit and the fact that the flood of COVID-19 relief spending kept people’s disposable income up.

This context suggested an obvious fall campaign strategy: Push more relief money into the economy, try to ostentatiously take the pandemic seriously and promise the country that mask-wearing and relief dollars are a bridge to a vaccine and normalcy in 2021.

Instead Trump has ended up with the opposite approach. He mostly ignored the negotiations over relief money for months, engaging only at a point where he had become so politically weak that both Republican deficit hawks (or the born-again variety, at least) and Democratic free-spenders assume he’ll soon be gone. And meanwhile he’s let himself be drawn ever deeper — especially since his own encounter with the disease — into the libertarian style of COVID-19 contrarianism, which argues that we’re overtesting, overreacting and probably close to herd immunity anyway.

There is a mild contrarianism that makes important points: The lockdown approach wasn’t sustainable and can’t be reimposed, most elementary schools should be open because the risks of spread seem pretty low, the virus is less deadly than the initial worst-case projections suggested, and deaths as a share of cases are going down with better treatment.

But the strong version keeps being wrong. First, the past two months have made it clear that herd immunity is a moving target: You can achieve it provisionally under social-distancing conditions, but once people relax and start socializing again, the threshold changes, and suddenly you get a renewed spike. This is what happened across Europe, which crushed its case rates in the late spring, returned to more normal life in the summer — and then reaped an early-fall wave that’s now fully out of control, including in countries like Belgium that were hit intensely in the first go-round.

Meanwhile, just because tests reveal more mild cases doesn’t mean the virus has stopped killing people. Over and over again, case numbers spike and deaths lag and contrarians talk about how the virus is just a “casedemic” — and then a few weeks go by, and deaths follow cases up. It happened in the United States over the summer, it’s happened in Europe in the past month, and now it’s probably about to happen here again: Our cases have been rising since early September, our hospitalizations have been rising for several weeks, and while deaths are flat for now (at “only” 711 Americans a day), it’s likely they’ll be rising again by the time we hit November.

Which means that Trump has chosen to go to war with the idea of testing, with Dr. Anthony Fauci and with “experts” in general at precisely the moment when the fall wave they’ve been warning about seems to be showing up — which is also the moment when the two-thirds of Americans who describe themselves as “very” or “somewhat” concerned about the virus will be going to the polls.

Strictly as a policymaking matter, this is Trump’s worst behavior since his springtime push for the fastest-possible reopening. Europe’s renewed crisis shows that the Western failure to contain the virus is much more than just a Trump problem — but on the margins, in the thousands if not the hundreds of thousands, Trumpian denial can still get Americans unnecessarily killed.

As politics, meanwhile, even more than the mixed messaging on Biden and the missed opportunities on relief spending, the retreat to corona-minimizing is a case study in how the Trump of 2020 has ceded his biggest general-election advantage from 2016 — his relative distance from the ideological rigidities of the anti-government right — and locked himself into a small box with flatterers and cranks.

From these follies the God of surprises might yet deliver him. But every decision of his own lately has been a choice for political defeat.

Donald Trump can still win the 2020 presidential election; something that has a 10% or 15% chance of happening can certainly transpire. But even more than in 2016, if the president wins this time, we will have to attribute his victory to the workings of divine providence (don’t worry, I have that column pre-written), because what we’re watching is an incumbent doing everything in his power to run up his own margin of defeat.

Donald Trump can still win the 2020 presidential election; something that has a 10% or 15% chance of happening can certainly transpire. But even more than in 2016, if the president wins this time, we will have to attribute his victory to the workings of divine providence (don’t worry, I have that column pre-written), because what we’re watching is an incumbent doing everything in his power to run up his own margin of defeat. Start with his reelection messaging, to the extent that you can discern such a thing. In 2016, Trump’s campaign was shambolic and punctuated by self-inflicted disasters, but his message against Hillary Clinton, like his message against the Republican establishment in the primaries, had a simplicity and consistency: She supported bad trade deals; she supported stupid wars; she sold the country out to special interests and foreign governments; vote for her and you get more closed factories, more soldiers dead or crippled, more illegal immigration, more power to Wall Street and Washington, D.C. In 2020, on the other hand, the Trump campaign has been stuck toggling back and forth between two very different narratives. One seeks to replay the last campaign, portraying Joe Biden as the embodiment of a failed establishment (hence all the references to his 47 years in Washington) who will sell out American interests to China as soon as he’s back in power (hence the attempts to elevate Hunter Biden’s influence-peddling). But the other narrative goes after Biden as though the Democrats had actually nominated Bernie Sanders, insisting that his advancing age makes him a decrepit vessel for the radical left, a stalking horse not just for Kamala Harris but also for Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and antifa. A truly brilliant campaigner might be able to weave these two narratives together, but on the lips of Donald Trump their contradictions are evident. The resulting incoherence just feeds his tendency to return to old grudges and very online grievances, as though he’s running for the presidency of talk radio or his own Twitter feed. Without Steve Bannon to keep him grounded or Clinton to keep him focused, he’s making a closing “argument” that’s indistinguishable from a sales pitch for a TV show or a newsletter — suggesting that even more than four years ago, the president assumes he’ll be in the media business as soon as the election returns come in. But the messaging failure is just the surface; it’s on policy where Trump has really acted like a Black Sox ballplayer trying to throw the World Series. There are two major issues for voters in this election: the pandemic and the economy. Trump’s numbers on handling the virus are lousy, but his numbers on handling the economy are still pretty good, presumably thanks to both the memory of where the unemployment rate stood before the coronavirus hit and the fact that the flood of COVID-19 relief spending kept people’s disposable income up. This context suggested an obvious fall campaign strategy: Push more relief money into the economy, try to ostentatiously take the pandemic seriously and promise the country that mask-wearing and relief dollars are a bridge to a vaccine and normalcy in 2021. Instead Trump has ended up with the opposite approach. He mostly ignored the negotiations over relief money for months, engaging only at a point where he had become so politically weak that both Republican deficit hawks (or the born-again variety, at least) and Democratic free-spenders assume he’ll soon be gone. And meanwhile he’s let himself be drawn ever deeper — especially since his own encounter with the disease — into the libertarian style of COVID-19 contrarianism, which argues that we’re overtesting, overreacting and probably close to herd immunity anyway. There is a mild contrarianism that makes important points: The lockdown approach wasn’t sustainable and can’t be reimposed, most elementary schools should be open because the risks of spread seem pretty low, the virus is less deadly than the initial worst-case projections suggested, and deaths as a share of cases are going down with better treatment. But the strong version keeps being wrong. First, the past two months have made it clear that herd immunity is a moving target: You can achieve it provisionally under social-distancing conditions, but once people relax and start socializing again, the threshold changes, and suddenly you get a renewed spike. This is what happened across Europe, which crushed its case rates in the late spring, returned to more normal life in the summer — and then reaped an early-fall wave that’s now fully out of control, including in countries like Belgium that were hit intensely in the first go-round. Meanwhile, just because tests reveal more mild cases doesn’t mean the virus has stopped killing people. Over and over again, case numbers spike and deaths lag and contrarians talk about how the virus is just a “casedemic” — and then a few weeks go by, and deaths follow cases up. It happened in the United States over the summer, it’s happened in Europe in the past month, and now it’s probably about to happen here again: Our cases have been rising since early September, our hospitalizations have been rising for several weeks, and while deaths are flat for now (at “only” 711 Americans a day), it’s likely they’ll be rising again by the time we hit November. Which means that Trump has chosen to go to war with the idea of testing, with Dr. Anthony Fauci and with “experts” in general at precisely the moment when the fall wave they’ve been warning about seems to be showing up — which is also the moment when the two-thirds of Americans who describe themselves as “very” or “somewhat” concerned about the virus will be going to the polls. Strictly as a policymaking matter, this is Trump’s worst behavior since his springtime push for the fastest-possible reopening. Europe’s renewed crisis shows that the Western failure to contain the virus is much more than just a Trump problem — but on the margins, in the thousands if not the hundreds of thousands, Trumpian denial can still get Americans unnecessarily killed. As politics, meanwhile, even more than the mixed messaging on Biden and the missed opportunities on relief spending, the retreat to corona-minimizing is a case study in how the Trump of 2020 has ceded his biggest general-election advantage from 2016 — his relative distance from the ideological rigidities of the anti-government right — and locked himself into a small box with flatterers and cranks. From these follies the God of surprises might yet deliver him. But every decision of his own lately has been a choice for political defeat.

Trump is giving up

The Treasury Department last month imposed sanctions on four people linked to Russia for attempting to influence the presidential election, including a Ukrainian parliamentarian named Andriy Derkach, who has worked with Donald Trump’s consigliere Rudy Giuliani to smear Joe Biden. According to the Treasury, Derkach has been “an active Russian agent for over a decade, maintaining close connections with the Russian intelligence services.”

The Treasury said Derkach had worked covertly to cultivate “false and unsubstantiated narratives concerning U.S. officials in the upcoming 2020 presidential election” — an obvious reference to Biden. Derkach had released “edited audiotapes and other unsupported information” and managed to push his “unsubstantiated narratives” into Western media.

According to The Washington Post, U.S. intelligence agencies warned the White House last year that Giuliani, then searching in Ukraine for dirt about Biden and his son Hunter, was the target of a Russian influence operation. “The Russians have been cultivating Rudy Giuliani as an asset for over a year,” Chris Murphy, a Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, told me. “Any information proffered by Rudy Giuliani is likely compromised.”

That, of course, did not stop The New York Post from publishing a series of breathless articles about Hunter Biden purportedly based on a hard drive that fell into Giuliani’s hands. Some of the stories — like one about Hunter’s anguished texts to his father from rehab — seem intended to wound Joe Biden by humiliating his child. Others were meant to resurrect the discredited accusation that Joe Biden pressed for the firing of a Ukrainian prosecutor to help Burisma, an energy company that had Hunter Biden on its board.

So far, the Hunter Biden laptop affair is a farcical retread of the Russian hack-and-leak operation that helped torpedo Hillary Clinton’s presidential aspirations in 2016. Now, as then, the Trump campaign appears to be hoping that the media will dribble out stolen private messages over the final weeks of the campaign, creating an illusion of scandal where none exists. And now, as then, someone in Trump’s inner circle is working directly with someone who is, at least according to the U.S. government, a Russian agent.

Since The New York Post began publishing its Hunter Biden articles, there’s been an escalating chorus of conservative whining about the mainstream media’s refusal to pick up its reporting. “Media avoiding The Post’s Hunter Biden stories as much as Joe,” says the headline on a self-pitying Post column.

Most reputable reporters aren’t taking the bait; Giuliani’s trove is just too sketchy. As The New York Times reported, the journalist who wrote one of The Post’s big Hunter Biden stories refused to put his byline on it out of concerns about the credibility of the underlying information. Mediaite reported that Giuliani initially offered the data to Fox News, but “the news division chose not to run the story unless or until the sourcing and veracity of the emails could be properly vetted.”

The provenance of the alleged hard drive is murky, and the FBI is reportedly investigating whether it’s linked to a foreign disinformation campaign. Giuliani claims his lawyer got it from a Delaware computer repair shop owner, John Paul Mac Isaac, who says someone he thinks was Hunter Biden dropped off three laptops and never picked them up. Mac Isaac gave a halting interview to several journalists last week; The Daily Beast published the audio, so you can hear for yourself as his story shifts over the course of an hour.

If there’s an important story here, it’s almost certainly about Giuliani’s dirty tricks, not any wrongdoing by Joe Biden. Reporting on disinformation is complicated, because it’s hard to write about it without amplifying it. Still, this episode distills just how far Trump has dragged the country down in four years.

In 2016, the public didn’t know that Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, was passing polling data to someone tied to the Russian intelligence directorate — such a revelation would have been devastating. Giuliani’s relationship with Derkach, by contrast, is out in the open.

Last week, Giuliani told The Daily Beast he thinks there’s only a 50% chance that his Ukrainian collaborator is really a Russian spy, and that it wouldn’t matter to him if his Hunter Biden material was linked to Russian hacking. This barely made a ripple. “It’s collusion in broad daylight,” said Murphy.

Giuliani probably can’t sabotage Biden the way WikiLeaks sabotaged Clinton. The Clinton leak was damaging because many voters already believed there was something sinister about her hidden emails. Burisma never stuck to Biden in the same way, so there’s less payoff in forcing it back into the news.

But Giuliani’s tactics aren’t any less foul for being ineffective. It’s hardly surprising that the president’s bottom-feeding lawyer has shown himself open to working with Russian intelligence. It’s striking, though, that no one expects better.

The Treasury Department last month imposed sanctions on four people linked to Russia for attempting to influence the presidential election, including a Ukrainian parliamentarian named Andriy Derkach, who has worked with Donald Trump’s consigliere Rudy Giuliani to smear Joe Biden.

The Treasury Department last month imposed sanctions on four people linked to Russia for attempting to influence the presidential election, including a Ukrainian parliamentarian named Andriy Derkach, who has worked with Donald Trump’s consigliere Rudy Giuliani to smear Joe Biden. According to the Treasury, Derkach has been “an active Russian agent for over a decade, maintaining close connections with the Russian intelligence services.” The Treasury said Derkach had worked covertly to cultivate “false and unsubstantiated narratives concerning U.S. officials in the upcoming 2020 presidential election” — an obvious reference to Biden. Derkach had released “edited audiotapes and other unsupported information” and managed to push his “unsubstantiated narratives” into Western media. According to The Washington Post, U.S. intelligence agencies warned the White House last year that Giuliani, then searching in Ukraine for dirt about Biden and his son Hunter, was the target of a Russian influence operation. “The Russians have been cultivating Rudy Giuliani as an asset for over a year,” Chris Murphy, a Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, told me. “Any information proffered by Rudy Giuliani is likely compromised.” That, of course, did not stop The New York Post from publishing a series of breathless articles about Hunter Biden purportedly based on a hard drive that fell into Giuliani’s hands. Some of the stories — like one about Hunter’s anguished texts to his father from rehab — seem intended to wound Joe Biden by humiliating his child. Others were meant to resurrect the discredited accusation that Joe Biden pressed for the firing of a Ukrainian prosecutor to help Burisma, an energy company that had Hunter Biden on its board. So far, the Hunter Biden laptop affair is a farcical retread of the Russian hack-and-leak operation that helped torpedo Hillary Clinton’s presidential aspirations in 2016. Now, as then, the Trump campaign appears to be hoping that the media will dribble out stolen private messages over the final weeks of the campaign, creating an illusion of scandal where none exists. And now, as then, someone in Trump’s inner circle is working directly with someone who is, at least according to the U.S. government, a Russian agent. Since The New York Post began publishing its Hunter Biden articles, there’s been an escalating chorus of conservative whining about the mainstream media’s refusal to pick up its reporting. “Media avoiding The Post’s Hunter Biden stories as much as Joe,” says the headline on a self-pitying Post column. Most reputable reporters aren’t taking the bait; Giuliani’s trove is just too sketchy. As The New York Times reported, the journalist who wrote one of The Post’s big Hunter Biden stories refused to put his byline on it out of concerns about the credibility of the underlying information. Mediaite reported that Giuliani initially offered the data to Fox News, but “the news division chose not to run the story unless or until the sourcing and veracity of the emails could be properly vetted.” The provenance of the alleged hard drive is murky, and the FBI is reportedly investigating whether it’s linked to a foreign disinformation campaign. Giuliani claims his lawyer got it from a Delaware computer repair shop owner, John Paul Mac Isaac, who says someone he thinks was Hunter Biden dropped off three laptops and never picked them up. Mac Isaac gave a halting interview to several journalists last week; The Daily Beast published the audio, so you can hear for yourself as his story shifts over the course of an hour. If there’s an important story here, it’s almost certainly about Giuliani’s dirty tricks, not any wrongdoing by Joe Biden. Reporting on disinformation is complicated, because it’s hard to write about it without amplifying it. Still, this episode distills just how far Trump has dragged the country down in four years. In 2016, the public didn’t know that Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chairman, was passing polling data to someone tied to the Russian intelligence directorate — such a revelation would have been devastating. Giuliani’s relationship with Derkach, by contrast, is out in the open. Last week, Giuliani told The Daily Beast he thinks there’s only a 50% chance that his Ukrainian collaborator is really a Russian spy, and that it wouldn’t matter to him if his Hunter Biden material was linked to Russian hacking. This barely made a ripple. “It’s collusion in broad daylight,” said Murphy. Giuliani probably can’t sabotage Biden the way WikiLeaks sabotaged Clinton. The Clinton leak was damaging because many voters already believed there was something sinister about her hidden emails. Burisma never stuck to Biden in the same way, so there’s less payoff in forcing it back into the news. But Giuliani’s tactics aren’t any less foul for being ineffective. It’s hardly surprising that the president’s bottom-feeding lawyer has shown himself open to working with Russian intelligence. It’s striking, though, that no one expects better.

Is the Trump campaign colluding with Russia again?

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/thai-pm-prayut-recalls-parliament-amid-nationwide-anti-government-protests-336539">Thai PM Prayut recalls Parliament amid nationwide anti-government protests</a>

<img alt="Thai protests" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="fb3e9350-3a5a-403c-8770-162da4f7a261" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/ThaiP.jpg" />

Protesters defied the government decree which prohibited gatherings of more than four people as they raised three-finger salute borrowed from the "Hunger Games" movies.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/we-are-really-close-to-a-tsunami-says-belgiums-health-minister-amid-surge-in-coronavirus-cases-336541">We are really close to a tsunami, says Belgium's health minister amid surge in coronavirus cases</a>

<img alt="Coronavirus" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="79bc4484-5e18-4cb8-8283-9fa130a1fbe7" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Euro2.jpg" />

According to reports, Belgium has one of the highest per capita rate of COVID-19 infection in the world registering 222,253 cases which has doubled in a week.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-elections-mikes-to-be-muted-in-next-us-presidential-debate-between-trump-and-biden-to-stop-interruptions-336543">US elections: Mikes to be muted in next US presidential debate to stop interruptions</a>

<img alt="Trump" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="f1612479-a45c-46bf-bdb8-959ddb02bc9b" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/DonaldTT.jpg" />

Each candidate will be allotted two minutes to answer the moderator's questions and the other contender's mic will be shut off at that time.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-to-delist-sudan-from-state-terrorism-sponsors-list-after-payment-to-victims-336542">US to delist Sudan from state terrorism sponsors list after payment to victims</a>

<img alt="Sudan" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="86d75f90-0362-45d9-8e9f-330b5ae0d5ff" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Sudan1.jpg" />

The move is being considered a landmark boost for the civilian-backed government as it turns the page on the nation's decades as an international pariah.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-france-beheading-a-clash-between-secularism-and-islam-336536">Watch:&nbsp;Gravitas: France Beheading - A clash between secularism and Islam</a>

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-france-beheading-a-clash-between-secularism-and-islam-336536/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Thai PM Prayut recalls Parliament amid nationwide anti-government protests Protesters defied the government decree which prohibited gatherings of more than four people as they raised three-finger salute borrowed from the "Hunger Games" movies.

Thai PM Prayut recalls Parliament amid nationwide anti-government protests Protesters defied the government decree which prohibited gatherings of more than four people as they raised three-finger salute borrowed from the "Hunger Games" movies. We are really close to a tsunami, says Belgium's health minister amid surge in coronavirus cases According to reports, Belgium has one of the highest per capita rate of COVID-19 infection in the world registering 222,253 cases which has doubled in a week. US elections: Mikes to be muted in next US presidential debate to stop interruptions Each candidate will be allotted two minutes to answer the moderator's questions and the other contender's mic will be shut off at that time. US to delist Sudan from state terrorism sponsors list after payment to victims The move is being considered a landmark boost for the civilian-backed government as it turns the page on the nation's decades as an international pariah. Watch: Gravitas: France Beheading - A clash between secularism and Islam

Morning news brief: Thai PM recalls Parliament amid protests, mics to be muted in US presidential debate & more

Hindu groups in the United States have sought an apology from Senator Kamala Harris' niece for tweeting an image, which depicted the Democratic vice presidential nominee as Goddess Durga.

In the now deleted tweet, a screenshot of which is now being posted by users, Meena Harris says: "I am actually speechless, other than to say that the first day of Navaratri was LIT."

In the image, Kamala Harris, depicted as Goddess Durga, was seen killing US President Donald Trump -- depicted as buffalo demon ''Mahishasura''.&nbsp;

The image also showed Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden as a lion, the ''vahana'' (vehicle) of the goddess.

<img alt="Kamala Harris as Maa Durga" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="878f948b-efc4-4f39-b30b-54af1be03709" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Kamala%20Harris%20as%20Maa%20Durga.jpg" />

"Your tweeting a caricature of the feminine divine, Maa Durga, with faces superimposed, deeply aggrieved many Hindus globally," Suhag A Shukla of the Hindu American-Foundation said in a tweet on Monday.

HAF, which represents the Hindu American community, has issued a guideline for commercial use of images relating to the religion.

Rishi Bhutada of the Hindu American Political Action Committee said the "offensive" picture was not created by Meena Harris herself. It had been circulating on WhatsApp prior to her tweet and the Biden campaign confirmed to him that the image was not created by it.

Ajay Shah, convener of American Hindus Against Defamation, said in a statement the image has offended and outraged the religious community.

"If you think you are going to win Hindu votes by mocking us, think again. This image is highly offensive and insulting to Hindus. Our Divinities are NOT cultural curios for you to mock and trivialise. And you delete without an apology?" noted author Shefali Vaidya said in a tweet.

Over the weekend, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris had greeted Hindu-American community on Navratri and wished for victory of good over evil once again.

Twitter users also did not concur with the image.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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Deeply offended with this image...Kamala Harris as MAA DURGA! May bhavani forgive her for this uddandata.
— Bitto (@reclusiveIndian) <a href="https://twitter.com/reclusiveIndian/status/1317697938924032005?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 18, 2020</a></blockquote>
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NRI <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Baamans?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Baamans</a> see Durga in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Kamala?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Kamala</a> Harris 🤦🏾‍♀️...... <a href="https://t.co/vcnHhmpMW1">pic.twitter.com/vcnHhmpMW1</a>
— Kishore Haridas Meleth (@HaridasKishore) <a href="https://twitter.com/HaridasKishore/status/1318385572776300545?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 20, 2020</a></blockquote>
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So much for liberal freedom of expression. <a href="https://twitter.com/meenaharris?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@MeenaHarris</a> 
 
The great sister of <a href="https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@KamalaHarris</a> uploads an offensive image showing Hindu Goddess Durga as her sister and when we take action he deletes and blocks me. Not unexpected of such odd day Indian &amp; Even Day Black for vote bank. <a href="https://t.co/yIQiSLc4vy">pic.twitter.com/yIQiSLc4vy</a>
— arun (@arunpudur) <a href="https://twitter.com/arunpudur/status/1317719166091145218?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 18, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Whole life who never acknowledged her roots from India, all of a sudden, she not just became Indian but dared to offend Hindus by morphing herself as Mother Durga...?? Deeply offended. Just deleting the tweet was not enough <a href="https://twitter.com/meenaharris?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@meenaharris</a> .. you owe us an apology as well. <a href="https://t.co/YVlNA1oEtc">pic.twitter.com/YVlNA1oEtc</a>
— Mini Razdan (@mini_razdan10) <a href="https://twitter.com/mini_razdan10/status/1317897533205729280?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 18, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Mocking our goddess and crying for our people 🙃will give you nothing for sure. hypocriate !!Completely disgusting 
You want to take milk from mocking our goddess, karma will work on the election for sure.
— Saumya mishra (@Saumyamiishra) <a href="https://twitter.com/Saumyamiishra/status/1317703920177864704?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 18, 2020</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;

Hindu groups in the United States have sought an apology from Senator Kamala Harris' niece for tweeting an image, which depicted the Democratic vice presidential nominee as Goddess Durga.

Hindu groups in the United States have sought an apology from Senator Kamala Harris' niece for tweeting an image, which depicted the Democratic vice presidential nominee as Goddess Durga. In the now deleted tweet, a screenshot of which is now being posted by users, Meena Harris says: "I am actually speechless, other than to say that the first day of Navaratri was LIT." In the image, Kamala Harris, depicted as Goddess Durga, was seen killing US President Donald Trump -- depicted as buffalo demon ''Mahishasura''. The image also showed Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden as a lion, the ''vahana'' (vehicle) of the goddess. "Your tweeting a caricature of the feminine divine, Maa Durga, with faces superimposed, deeply aggrieved many Hindus globally," Suhag A Shukla of the Hindu American-Foundation said in a tweet on Monday. HAF, which represents the Hindu American community, has issued a guideline for commercial use of images relating to the religion. Rishi Bhutada of the Hindu American Political Action Committee said the "offensive" picture was not created by Meena Harris herself. It had been circulating on WhatsApp prior to her tweet and the Biden campaign confirmed to him that the image was not created by it. Ajay Shah, convener of American Hindus Against Defamation, said in a statement the image has offended and outraged the religious community. "If you think you are going to win Hindu votes by mocking us, think again. This image is highly offensive and insulting to Hindus. Our Divinities are NOT cultural curios for you to mock and trivialise. And you delete without an apology?" noted author Shefali Vaidya said in a tweet. Over the weekend, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris had greeted Hindu-American community on Navratri and wished for victory of good over evil once again. Twitter users also did not concur with the image. Deeply offended with this image...Kamala Harris as MAA DURGA! May bhavani forgive her for this uddandata. — Bitto (@reclusiveIndian) October 18, 2020 × NRI #Baamans see Durga in #Kamala Harris 🤦🏾‍♀️...... pic.twitter.com/vcnHhmpMW1 — Kishore Haridas Meleth (@HaridasKishore) October 20, 2020 × So much for liberal freedom of expression. @MeenaHarris The great sister of @KamalaHarris uploads an offensive image showing Hindu Goddess Durga as her sister and when we take action he deletes and blocks me. Not unexpected of such odd day Indian & Even Day Black for vote bank. pic.twitter.com/yIQiSLc4vy — arun (@arunpudur) October 18, 2020 × Whole life who never acknowledged her roots from India, all of a sudden, she not just became Indian but dared to offend Hindus by morphing herself as Mother Durga...?? Deeply offended. Just deleting the tweet was not enough @meenaharris .. you owe us an apology as well. pic.twitter.com/YVlNA1oEtc — Mini Razdan (@mini_razdan10) October 18, 2020 × Mocking our goddess and crying for our people 🙃will give you nothing for sure. hypocriate !!Completely disgusting You want to take milk from mocking our goddess, karma will work on the election for sure. — Saumya mishra (@Saumyamiishra) October 18, 2020 ×

Kamala Harris' niece slammed for tweeting image depicting aunt as Durga

US President Donald Trump Monday called coronavirus expert Anthony Fauci a "disaster", trying to reassure campaign workers he still has a path to victory on November 3 election.

Fauci, a key member of the White House coronavirus task force, has increasingly become a focus for the president's rancour as he bids to shape the messaging on the much-criticised federal response to the pandemic. &nbsp;

Trump took his frustration out on Fauci midway through a call intended to buck up his national team of campaign workers amid a spate of stories suggesting a campaign in turmoil.

"People are saying, 'Whatever -- just leave us alone.' They're tired of it. People are tired of hearing Fauci and all these idiots," the president said, according to several US media outlets.&nbsp;

"Fauci is a disaster. If I listened to him, we’d have 500,000 deaths," Trump said -- on a call with campaign workers which the campaign allowed reporters to join, adding Americans were fed up with pandemic restrictions.

"Fauci is a nice guy. He’s been here for 500 years," Trump sarcastically added.

Trump and Fauci, a member of his coronavirus task force, have been at odds over how best to handle a pandemic that has killed more than 219,000 people in the United States and weakened the former's re-election bid.

Fauci has openly complained about being cited in a Trump re-election campaign advertisement. He also said he wasn't surprised Trump himself contracted the virus.

Trump's rallies include many supporters not wearing masks and standing shoulder to shoulder at odds with the guidance of Fauci and other public health experts.

In stark contrast, Fauci is one of the most respected scientists in the United States and has served under Republican and Democratic presidents. He has been director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases since 1984.

Trump suggested he had avoided firing Fauci because of the negative blowback he would receive.

At various points during the pandemic response, Fauci has clarified or corrected Trump's public comments on the development of Covid-19 treatments and vaccines.&nbsp;

The tone between them has sometimes turned tense, as in April when Trump retweeted a post that contained the hashtag #FireFauci -- before reassuring the American people that "Tony" was doing a great job.&nbsp;

With nearly two weeks to go until Election Day, Democrat Joe Biden holds a lead in national opinion polls and in many battleground states where the election is likely to be decided.

(with inputs)

US President Donald Trump Monday called coronavirus expert Anthony Fauci a "disaster", trying to reassure campaign workers he still has a path to victory on November 3 election.

US President Donald Trump Monday called coronavirus expert Anthony Fauci a "disaster", trying to reassure campaign workers he still has a path to victory on November 3 election. Fauci, a key member of the White House coronavirus task force, has increasingly become a focus for the president's rancour as he bids to shape the messaging on the much-criticised federal response to the pandemic. Trump took his frustration out on Fauci midway through a call intended to buck up his national team of campaign workers amid a spate of stories suggesting a campaign in turmoil. "People are saying, 'Whatever -- just leave us alone.' They're tired of it. People are tired of hearing Fauci and all these idiots," the president said, according to several US media outlets. "Fauci is a disaster. If I listened to him, we’d have 500,000 deaths," Trump said -- on a call with campaign workers which the campaign allowed reporters to join, adding Americans were fed up with pandemic restrictions. "Fauci is a nice guy. He’s been here for 500 years," Trump sarcastically added. Trump and Fauci, a member of his coronavirus task force, have been at odds over how best to handle a pandemic that has killed more than 219,000 people in the United States and weakened the former's re-election bid. Fauci has openly complained about being cited in a Trump re-election campaign advertisement. He also said he wasn't surprised Trump himself contracted the virus. Trump's rallies include many supporters not wearing masks and standing shoulder to shoulder at odds with the guidance of Fauci and other public health experts. In stark contrast, Fauci is one of the most respected scientists in the United States and has served under Republican and Democratic presidents. He has been director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases since 1984. Trump suggested he had avoided firing Fauci because of the negative blowback he would receive. At various points during the pandemic response, Fauci has clarified or corrected Trump's public comments on the development of Covid-19 treatments and vaccines. The tone between them has sometimes turned tense, as in April when Trump retweeted a post that contained the hashtag #FireFauci -- before reassuring the American people that "Tony" was doing a great job. With nearly two weeks to go until Election Day, Democrat Joe Biden holds a lead in national opinion polls and in many battleground states where the election is likely to be decided. (with inputs)

Trump calls coronavirus expert Anthony Fauci a 'disaster'

Democrats across the country are beginning to believe.

They are daring to believe that the national nightmare could be coming to an end, that Donald Trump will not only not be reelected, but that Democrats could also flip the Senate.

But, this is a hope, a possibility, that they are refusing to give voice to.

They are still stung by the shock of 2016. They believed the polls that said Hillary Clinton would win. Their faith in all polling remains shaken.

They tell themselves, “Take nothing for granted.” Allowing themselves to even entertain the notion that they are ahead is a threat to enthusiasm. Some may feel like they are behind, even though they aren’t.

But, the fact remains: If Election Day were today and access to the ballot was unencumbered and undisturbed, it is most likely that Joe Biden would become our next president.

Donald Trump and his campaign see the same data that the rest of us do, and campaigns also have internal data that they don’t make public. Trump sees himself behind and sees that calendar winding down. And, no matter what he’s done in the last few months, the race has barely changed.

This is why Donald Trump is attempting to undermine the legitimacy of the election, doing everything he can to suppress the vote, and refusing to commit to a peaceful transfer of power. Because he doesn’t believe that he can win.

It is clear that he is consumed by the prospect of losing.

As he told the crowd at a rally in Macon, Georgia, on Friday: “Running against the worst candidate in the history of presidential politics puts pressure on me. Could you imagine if I lose? My whole life, what am I going to do? I’m going to say I lost to the worst candidate in the history of politics. I’m not going to feel so good. Maybe I’ll have to leave the country. I don’t know.”

Not only can we imagine him losing, it is clear that he can as well. In fact, Trump has repeated some version of the passage at rallies for the last few days.

And Trump isn’t even trying to make a case for a second term. He isn’t laying out a vision and a plan. He is simply demonizing Biden and painting the darkest possible vision of an America where he loses as Biden wins.

The following lines come from speeches Trump has delivered in just the last few days:

“If he wins, the radical left will be running the country, and they’re addicted to power, and God help us if they ever got it, because we would never have the same country again.”

“If he wins, there will be nothing but bedlam all over the place.”

“If Biden wins, China wins, all these other countries win.”

“If he wins, the radical left will be running the country. He won’t be running the country. The radical left will take over.”

“If Biden wins, your borders are gone, which means your health care is gone, the middle class is gone, and your safety is gone.”

“If Sleepy Joe Biden and the Democrat Socialists are elected, every citizen in America will be subjected to their extreme ideology, possessed by this Marxist madness.”

It is a sign to me that he fully expects his reelection bid to fail. It means that Democrats’ optimism about the election outcome is well placed. This man is panicking. He made it clear when he said at a campaign rally in Michigan on Saturday:

“And you know then they say, they’re taking away … Me, I’m taking away their freedom. Then they say, ‘If you lose, will you have a friendly transition?’ I say, ‘I want a fair election.’ Then they say, ‘Will you have a fair … We want a fair and friendly transition.’ I said, ‘Really? Well, when I won, you spied on my campaign, we caught you trying to overthrow the president of the United States. You’re crooked as hell. And we caught you, and let’s see what happens to them. But you’re crooked as hell.’ And to me, that didn’t exactly look like a friendly transition.”

The postelection drama threatens to be a disaster that could truly test America’s institutions and indeed our democracy itself. But, we’ll just have to deal with that when we get to it.

Now, we are witnessing something else that we must not overlook: a rejection of hate, division and dishonesty. We are witnessing America acknowledging that character matters.

I dare not make election predictions because to do so is folly. There are still two weeks remaining in this campaign. Anything could happen. But, the situation for Trump continues to be dire and time is running out.

I’m allowing myself to believe.

Democrats across the country are beginning to believe. They are daring to believe that the national nightmare could be coming to an end, that Donald Trump will not only not be reelected, but that Democrats could also flip the Senate.

Democrats across the country are beginning to believe. They are daring to believe that the national nightmare could be coming to an end, that Donald Trump will not only not be reelected, but that Democrats could also flip the Senate. But, this is a hope, a possibility, that they are refusing to give voice to. They are still stung by the shock of 2016. They believed the polls that said Hillary Clinton would win. Their faith in all polling remains shaken. They tell themselves, “Take nothing for granted.” Allowing themselves to even entertain the notion that they are ahead is a threat to enthusiasm. Some may feel like they are behind, even though they aren’t. But, the fact remains: If Election Day were today and access to the ballot was unencumbered and undisturbed, it is most likely that Joe Biden would become our next president. Donald Trump and his campaign see the same data that the rest of us do, and campaigns also have internal data that they don’t make public. Trump sees himself behind and sees that calendar winding down. And, no matter what he’s done in the last few months, the race has barely changed. This is why Donald Trump is attempting to undermine the legitimacy of the election, doing everything he can to suppress the vote, and refusing to commit to a peaceful transfer of power. Because he doesn’t believe that he can win. It is clear that he is consumed by the prospect of losing. As he told the crowd at a rally in Macon, Georgia, on Friday: “Running against the worst candidate in the history of presidential politics puts pressure on me. Could you imagine if I lose? My whole life, what am I going to do? I’m going to say I lost to the worst candidate in the history of politics. I’m not going to feel so good. Maybe I’ll have to leave the country. I don’t know.” Not only can we imagine him losing, it is clear that he can as well. In fact, Trump has repeated some version of the passage at rallies for the last few days. And Trump isn’t even trying to make a case for a second term. He isn’t laying out a vision and a plan. He is simply demonizing Biden and painting the darkest possible vision of an America where he loses as Biden wins. The following lines come from speeches Trump has delivered in just the last few days: “If he wins, the radical left will be running the country, and they’re addicted to power, and God help us if they ever got it, because we would never have the same country again.” “If he wins, there will be nothing but bedlam all over the place.” “If Biden wins, China wins, all these other countries win.” “If he wins, the radical left will be running the country. He won’t be running the country. The radical left will take over.” “If Biden wins, your borders are gone, which means your health care is gone, the middle class is gone, and your safety is gone.” “If Sleepy Joe Biden and the Democrat Socialists are elected, every citizen in America will be subjected to their extreme ideology, possessed by this Marxist madness.” It is a sign to me that he fully expects his reelection bid to fail. It means that Democrats’ optimism about the election outcome is well placed. This man is panicking. He made it clear when he said at a campaign rally in Michigan on Saturday: “And you know then they say, they’re taking away … Me, I’m taking away their freedom. Then they say, ‘If you lose, will you have a friendly transition?’ I say, ‘I want a fair election.’ Then they say, ‘Will you have a fair … We want a fair and friendly transition.’ I said, ‘Really? Well, when I won, you spied on my campaign, we caught you trying to overthrow the president of the United States. You’re crooked as hell. And we caught you, and let’s see what happens to them. But you’re crooked as hell.’ And to me, that didn’t exactly look like a friendly transition.” The postelection drama threatens to be a disaster that could truly test America’s institutions and indeed our democracy itself. But, we’ll just have to deal with that when we get to it. Now, we are witnessing something else that we must not overlook: a rejection of hate, division and dishonesty. We are witnessing America acknowledging that character matters. I dare not make election predictions because to do so is folly. There are still two weeks remaining in this campaign. Anything could happen. But, the situation for Trump continues to be dire and time is running out. I’m allowing myself to believe.

Democrats dare to believe

As soon as President Donald Trump was released from the hospital after being treated for the coronavirus, he and his allies began counting down the days until he could return to the campaign trail. By reviving his beloved rallies, they thought, he could both prove to voters that he was healthy enough to be reelected and zero in on Joe Biden’s vulnerabilities.

That is not what has happened.

In the week since he restarted in-person campaigning, Trump has continued to prove he is his own biggest impediment by drawing more attention to himself each day than to Biden.

The president is blurting out snippets of his inner monologue by musing about how embarrassing it would be to lose to Biden — and how he would never return to whatever state he happens to be in if its voters do not help reelect him.

He is highlighting his difficulties with key constituencies, like women and older voters, by wondering out loud why they have forsaken him, rather than offering a message to bring more of them back into his camp.

And perhaps most damaging, to him and other Republicans on the ballot, he is further alienating these voters and others by continuing to minimize the pandemic and attacking women in positions of power.

A new low point came Saturday, when Trump held a rally in Muskegon, Michigan, where he demanded that Gov. Gretchen Whitmer reopen the state and then said “lock them all up” after his supporters chanted “lock her up!”

It was a stunningly reckless comment from a president whose own FBI this month arrested 14 men who it said had been plotting to kidnap Whitmer, a Democrat, and were captured on video with an array of weapons allegedly planning the crime. Trump has assailed Whitmer for months, disregarding her solid approval ratings with independent voters and women, two groups he is purportedly trying to court.

Michigan Republicans, already struggling to avoid an electoral debacle in a state that has been returning to its Democratic roots in elections since Trump’s narrow victory in 2016, were again forced to answer for the president’s penchant for targeting high-profile women there.

“She was literally just targeted,” Lee Chatfield, speaker of the Michigan House and a leading state Republican, said of Whitmer. “Let’s debate differences. Let’s win elections. But not that.”

In a sign of how reluctant Republicans are to criticize Trump, though, Chatfield lamented the audience’s chant but noted that the president himself had not repeated “lock her up” (ignoring that he did say “lock them all up” in response to the audience).

Later, Chatfield and other Republicans seized on an “8645” pin that was visible during an appearance by Whitmer on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on Sunday, apparently a reference to “86-ing,” or ejecting, the 45th president, Trump. Some Republicans claimed that the term “86” had a more violent intent, and Chatfield tweeted that by displaying the pin, Whitmer had “encouraged more hate.”

The condemnation of the pin, though, only illustrated how eager Republicans are to find anything, no matter how far a stretch, to obscure attention from Trump’s language.

A few hours after his appearance in Michigan, Trump went to Janesville, Wisconsin, and similarly showed no hint of sensitivity to local circumstances. As he did with Whitmer, he demanded that the state’s Democratic governor, Tony Evers, reopen Wisconsin and proclaimed that the country is “rounding the corner” on the virus — never mind that Wisconsin is experiencing a coronavirus spike and hit a record high in new cases last week.

Not surprisingly, the subsequent coverage of the president’s swing to the two crucial Midwestern states focused on the virus and his attack on Whitmer, who on “Meet the Press” accused Trump of “inspiring and incentivizing and inciting” the sort of “domestic terrorism” that threatened her.

Trump’s inflammatory style also encourages his own supporters, as was on vivid display in Muskegon when crowd members reprised the 2016 mantra about Hillary Clinton for their own governor, ignoring the alleged kidnapping plot against her.

But it is not just the crowds who seem to be taking their cues from the president.

On Friday, Sen. David Perdue of Georgia, a wealthy former business executive who has a home in affluent Sea Island, Georgia, took the microphone at a Trump rally in Macon, Georgia, and sought to rile up the red-hatted audience. He suggested he did not know how to pronounce the name of Sen. Kamala Harris, the Democratic vice-presidential nominee, with whom he has served in the Senate for more than three years.

“Kamala? Kamala? Kamala-mala-mala?” he said. “I don’t know. Whatever.”

Democrats pounced, Republicans were put on the defensive and Perdue’s opponent, Jon Ossoff, raised more than $1.8 million as of Sunday evening.

Trump’s staff has sought to mitigate his self-destructive tendencies. It is clear when he is speaking from a teleprompter at rallies, and as discursive as his speeches are, he will deliver many of his attack lines on Biden as written.

But at nearly every event, the president overwhelms his critique of the former vice president.

With Republicans desperate to reframe the election as a choice on policy differences, Trump, with his rhetorical outbursts, is effectively ensuring that the campaign remains a referendum on his conduct. That is what alarms GOP candidates and strategists, who fear that even the Supreme Court nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett is no match for Trump’s daily exercise in self-sabotage.

Returning to South Carolina triumphantly Friday after he shepherded Barrett through her Judiciary Committee hearings, Sen. Lindsey Graham held a rally-cum-news-conference that amounted to a victory lap. Locked in an unexpectedly close race for reelection against a Democrat, Jaime Harrison, who is raising record-breaking sums of money, Graham said he thought Trump would help him in the conservative-leaning state.

But as he stepped into an SUV to leave, he acknowledged the undeniable.

“He can be a handful,” Graham said of Trump. “He can get in the way of his own success.”

A number of senior Republican strategists believe the president’s behavior will all but assure his own defeat and is likely to hand Democrats control of the Senate. And every time he criticizes a Republican lawmaker — as he did last week with Sens. Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Susan Collins of Maine — they worry it will compound their losses.

But with just over two weeks until the election, a number of party leaders have given up trying to nudge Trump toward better behavior. Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, who is facing an unusually competitive reelection race in part because of Trump’s divisiveness, said it was not worth trying — and reached for an evocative comparison.

“Like a lot of women who get married and think they’re going to change their spouse, and that doesn’t usually work out very well,” Cornyn said of Trump in an interview with The Fort Worth Star-Telegram.

As soon as President Donald Trump was released from the hospital after being treated for the coronavirus, he and his allies began counting down the days until he could return to the campaign trail.

As soon as President Donald Trump was released from the hospital after being treated for the coronavirus, he and his allies began counting down the days until he could return to the campaign trail. By reviving his beloved rallies, they thought, he could both prove to voters that he was healthy enough to be reelected and zero in on Joe Biden’s vulnerabilities. That is not what has happened. In the week since he restarted in-person campaigning, Trump has continued to prove he is his own biggest impediment by drawing more attention to himself each day than to Biden. The president is blurting out snippets of his inner monologue by musing about how embarrassing it would be to lose to Biden — and how he would never return to whatever state he happens to be in if its voters do not help reelect him. He is highlighting his difficulties with key constituencies, like women and older voters, by wondering out loud why they have forsaken him, rather than offering a message to bring more of them back into his camp. And perhaps most damaging, to him and other Republicans on the ballot, he is further alienating these voters and others by continuing to minimize the pandemic and attacking women in positions of power. A new low point came Saturday, when Trump held a rally in Muskegon, Michigan, where he demanded that Gov. Gretchen Whitmer reopen the state and then said “lock them all up” after his supporters chanted “lock her up!” It was a stunningly reckless comment from a president whose own FBI this month arrested 14 men who it said had been plotting to kidnap Whitmer, a Democrat, and were captured on video with an array of weapons allegedly planning the crime. Trump has assailed Whitmer for months, disregarding her solid approval ratings with independent voters and women, two groups he is purportedly trying to court. Michigan Republicans, already struggling to avoid an electoral debacle in a state that has been returning to its Democratic roots in elections since Trump’s narrow victory in 2016, were again forced to answer for the president’s penchant for targeting high-profile women there. “She was literally just targeted,” Lee Chatfield, speaker of the Michigan House and a leading state Republican, said of Whitmer. “Let’s debate differences. Let’s win elections. But not that.” In a sign of how reluctant Republicans are to criticize Trump, though, Chatfield lamented the audience’s chant but noted that the president himself had not repeated “lock her up” (ignoring that he did say “lock them all up” in response to the audience). Later, Chatfield and other Republicans seized on an “8645” pin that was visible during an appearance by Whitmer on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on Sunday, apparently a reference to “86-ing,” or ejecting, the 45th president, Trump. Some Republicans claimed that the term “86” had a more violent intent, and Chatfield tweeted that by displaying the pin, Whitmer had “encouraged more hate.” The condemnation of the pin, though, only illustrated how eager Republicans are to find anything, no matter how far a stretch, to obscure attention from Trump’s language. A few hours after his appearance in Michigan, Trump went to Janesville, Wisconsin, and similarly showed no hint of sensitivity to local circumstances. As he did with Whitmer, he demanded that the state’s Democratic governor, Tony Evers, reopen Wisconsin and proclaimed that the country is “rounding the corner” on the virus — never mind that Wisconsin is experiencing a coronavirus spike and hit a record high in new cases last week. Not surprisingly, the subsequent coverage of the president’s swing to the two crucial Midwestern states focused on the virus and his attack on Whitmer, who on “Meet the Press” accused Trump of “inspiring and incentivizing and inciting” the sort of “domestic terrorism” that threatened her. Trump’s inflammatory style also encourages his own supporters, as was on vivid display in Muskegon when crowd members reprised the 2016 mantra about Hillary Clinton for their own governor, ignoring the alleged kidnapping plot against her. But it is not just the crowds who seem to be taking their cues from the president. On Friday, Sen. David Perdue of Georgia, a wealthy former business executive who has a home in affluent Sea Island, Georgia, took the microphone at a Trump rally in Macon, Georgia, and sought to rile up the red-hatted audience. He suggested he did not know how to pronounce the name of Sen. Kamala Harris, the Democratic vice-presidential nominee, with whom he has served in the Senate for more than three years. “Kamala? Kamala? Kamala-mala-mala?” he said. “I don’t know. Whatever.” Democrats pounced, Republicans were put on the defensive and Perdue’s opponent, Jon Ossoff, raised more than $1.8 million as of Sunday evening. Trump’s staff has sought to mitigate his self-destructive tendencies. It is clear when he is speaking from a teleprompter at rallies, and as discursive as his speeches are, he will deliver many of his attack lines on Biden as written. But at nearly every event, the president overwhelms his critique of the former vice president. With Republicans desperate to reframe the election as a choice on policy differences, Trump, with his rhetorical outbursts, is effectively ensuring that the campaign remains a referendum on his conduct. That is what alarms GOP candidates and strategists, who fear that even the Supreme Court nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett is no match for Trump’s daily exercise in self-sabotage. Returning to South Carolina triumphantly Friday after he shepherded Barrett through her Judiciary Committee hearings, Sen. Lindsey Graham held a rally-cum-news-conference that amounted to a victory lap. Locked in an unexpectedly close race for reelection against a Democrat, Jaime Harrison, who is raising record-breaking sums of money, Graham said he thought Trump would help him in the conservative-leaning state. But as he stepped into an SUV to leave, he acknowledged the undeniable. “He can be a handful,” Graham said of Trump. “He can get in the way of his own success.” A number of senior Republican strategists believe the president’s behavior will all but assure his own defeat and is likely to hand Democrats control of the Senate. And every time he criticizes a Republican lawmaker — as he did last week with Sens. Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Susan Collins of Maine — they worry it will compound their losses. But with just over two weeks until the election, a number of party leaders have given up trying to nudge Trump toward better behavior. Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, who is facing an unusually competitive reelection race in part because of Trump’s divisiveness, said it was not worth trying — and reached for an evocative comparison. “Like a lot of women who get married and think they’re going to change their spouse, and that doesn’t usually work out very well,” Cornyn said of Trump in an interview with The Fort Worth Star-Telegram.

‘Lock them all up’: Trump’s Whitmer attack fits a damaging pattern

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/churches-burnt-as-chile-protest-anniversary-turns-violent-336293">Churches burnt as Chile protest anniversary turns violent</a>

<img alt="Churches burnt in Chile" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="2b58c587-5bdc-4f95-abab-e47f231308a0" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Church1.jpg" />

The demonstration comes just a week before the country votes in a referendum to replace the constitution.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/italy-announces-new-restrictions-amid-coronavirus-surge-in-europe-336284">Italy announces new restrictions amid coronavirus surge in Europe</a>

<img alt="Coronavirus" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="19a933f9-e1a8-494b-bf07-93f446bb4a6e" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Euro1.jpg" />

The Italian government has limited the number of people at restaurants to six per table with bars ordered to close at 6pm.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/israel-bahrain-formalise-diplomatic-ties-336286">Israel, Bahrain formalise diplomatic ties</a>

<img alt="Israel-Bahrain" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="361aa4d2-e88c-44da-a770-763b99b558ff" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Israel2.jpg" />

 
Israel's foreign ministry said that the two nations had agreed to establish peaceful diplomatic relations and cooperate in the fields of the civil aviation, economy, communications, finance and agriculture.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-donald-trump-claims-his-campaign-is-doing-very-very-well-336290">US election: Donald Trump claims his campaign is doing 'very, very well'</a>

<img alt="Donald Trump" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="f10a11b5-97fc-4d3f-96dc-ac34344ed2b9" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Donne1.jpg" />

Trump, scrambling to make up lost ground, is on a furious multi-state barnstorming tour, hopping on Sunday from Nevada to California and then back to Nevada for a day of rallies.

Watch:

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/thousands-gather-in-paris-to-pay-tribute-to-the-teacher-beheaded-in-france-336295">Thousands gather in Paris to pay tribute to the teacher beheaded in France</a>

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/thousands-gather-in-paris-to-pay-tribute-to-the-teacher-beheaded-in-france-336295/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Churches burnt as Chile protest anniversary turns violent The demonstration comes just a week before the country votes in a referendum to replace the constitution.

Churches burnt as Chile protest anniversary turns violent The demonstration comes just a week before the country votes in a referendum to replace the constitution. Italy announces new restrictions amid coronavirus surge in Europe The Italian government has limited the number of people at restaurants to six per table with bars ordered to close at 6pm. Israel, Bahrain formalise diplomatic ties Israel's foreign ministry said that the two nations had agreed to establish peaceful diplomatic relations and cooperate in the fields of the civil aviation, economy, communications, finance and agriculture. US election: Donald Trump claims his campaign is doing 'very, very well' Trump, scrambling to make up lost ground, is on a furious multi-state barnstorming tour, hopping on Sunday from Nevada to California and then back to Nevada for a day of rallies. Watch: Thousands gather in Paris to pay tribute to the teacher beheaded in France

Morning news brief: Churches burnt in Chile, Italy announces new COVID-19 restrictions & more

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/black-americans-are-dying-from-covid-19-at-double-the-rate-of-white-americans-kamala-harris-336120">Black Americans are dying from Covid-19 at double the rate of white Americans: Kamala Harris</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2019/01/22/81407-untitled-design-16.jpg?itok=KhLPalBC" />Democratic vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris on Monday said the black Americans are dying from COVID-19 at 2x the rate of white Americans. 
 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/nagorno-karabakh-within-hours-of-new-ceasefire-armenia-accuses-azerbaijan-of-violation-336116">Nagorno-Karabakh: Within hours of new ceasefire, Armenia accuses Azerbaijan of violation</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/10/18/165430-armenia-azerbaijan-truce.jpg?itok=eB_QsRGx" />

Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to a new ceasefire on Saturday. However, within hours of it coming into effect, Armenia accused Azerbaijan of violating it.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-at-least-5-injured-in-blast-fire-at-virginia-shopping-mall-336121">US: At least 5 injured in blast, fire at Virginia shopping mall</a> 
 
<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/10/18/165431-virginia-final.jpg?itok=M-f4BGgY" />

A blast and a large fire injured at least five in Virginia (USA) on Saturday morning (local time). The blast took place in a shopping center in Harrisonburg in Virginia. 
 
&nbsp;

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/indian-government-notice-to-amazon-and-flipkart-e-commerce-majors-given-15-days-to-reply-336123/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/bangladesh-rape-protest-protesters-take-part-in-second-day-rally-336122/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Black Americans are dying from Covid-19 at double the rate of white Americans: Kamala Harris Democratic vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris on Monday said the black Americans are dying from COVID-19 at 2x the rate of white Americans.

Black Americans are dying from Covid-19 at double the rate of white Americans: Kamala Harris Democratic vice-presidential nominee Kamala Harris on Monday said the black Americans are dying from COVID-19 at 2x the rate of white Americans. Nagorno-Karabakh: Within hours of new ceasefire, Armenia accuses Azerbaijan of violation Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to a new ceasefire on Saturday. However, within hours of it coming into effect, Armenia accused Azerbaijan of violating it. US: At least 5 injured in blast, fire at Virginia shopping mall A blast and a large fire injured at least five in Virginia (USA) on Saturday morning (local time). The blast took place in a shopping center in Harrisonburg in Virginia.

Morning news brief: US covid-19 cases, Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict & more

The Trump presidency has been such a five-alarm fire that many people are understandably consumed with trying to put out the flames or simply survive it. But there will come a day, hopefully in the not too distant future, when people have the breathing room to investigate how the fire got started.

It’s tempting to heap scorn and blame on President Donald Trump’s millions of enthusiastic supporters. Without their adoration, he wouldn’t have been able to do the damage he has done. But there are good reasons to refrain. Calling large swaths of the American electorate deplorable turns out to be an ineffective way to gain their backing.

Another reason: The mess the nation faces is bigger than Donald Trump. If he is voted out in November, the people who cast ballots for him will remain, pining for the policies he promoted. About 40% of American voters want tariffs and a border wall. More than half say it’s important to deport more undocumented immigrants.

Much ink has been spilled about whether Trump supporters voted for him out of economic anxiety or racial anxiety, with plenty of studies concluding the latter. But spend time at a dying factory and you might see how difficult it can be to disentangle the two.

For the past four years, I’ve followed a group of steelworkers in Indiana — men and women, Black and white — who had worked at a factory that moved to Mexico. I watched them agonize about whether to train their Mexican replacements or stand with their union and refuse. I watched them grieve the plant like a parent. I followed them as they applied for new jobs, some of which paid half as much as they made before.

A machinist named Tim carried his steelworker union card in his wallet for years after the factory closed, just to remind himself who he was. Tim grew up in a union household. His dad had been an autoworker; his grandfather, a coal miner.

“We always voted Democrat because they looked after the little man,” Tim told me. “My father went to his grave and I can guarantee you he never voted for a Republican.”

Tim had such faith in Democrats that he didn’t worry when President Bill Clinton pushed the North American Free Trade Agreement over the finish line in 1993. Nor did he worry when Clinton normalized trade with China in 2000. But then the factory where Tim worked moved to Shanghai. And the next one moved to Mexico.

By the time I met Tim, he loathed the Clintons and the Democratic Party. Democrats had gotten in bed with the corporations, while no one was looking. Tim felt betrayed, and politically abandoned — until Trump came along.

College-educated people scoffed at Trump’s promises to bring back the factories. &lt;em&gt;The factories are never coming back&lt;/em&gt;, they insisted. But even false hope is a form of hope, perhaps the most ubiquitous kind.

There is little doubt that Trump is president today because of blue-collar people like Tim who were once a reliable pillar of the Democratic Party. About 55% of voters who expected to support Trump during the 2016 primaries identified as working class, according to a 2015 study by the Public Religion Research Institute. Fewer than a third who backed other Republican candidates identified as such.

In Mahoning County, Ohio, more than a quarter of people who voted in the Republican primary were ex-Democrats, according to The Washington Post. Eighteen members of the county’s Democratic central committee crossed over to cast ballots for Trump, the county’s Democratic chairman told The Post.

Those defections stemmed in part from anger over millions of factory jobs that went to China in the 2000s. Workers who made instrument panels for GM trucks in Michigan, stitched shirts in Pennsylvania and sanded wooden dressers in North Carolina saw alarming increases in child poverty, single motherhood, deaths from alcohol and drugs and reliance on public assistance.

Exposure to trade with China led to “sizable increases in the likelihood of GOP victory in majority-white non-Hispanic congressional districts from 2002-2010,” said a study co-written by David Autor, an economics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Hillary Clinton would have won Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin — and thus the presidency — in 2016 had the economic blow of imports from China been half as big, the report concluded.

It is worth noting that many of those same counties that hemorrhaged factory jobs also saw large increases in undocumented immigrants competing for the unskilled jobs that remained — cleaning hotel rooms, slaughtering chickens and mowing lawns. Their arrival fueled still more resentment of the world beyond America’s borders.

Anger about globalization is not confined to the right. It fueled the rise of Bernie Sanders, who won the endorsement of the steelworkers I followed. The same week I met Tim, I interviewed an anarchist facing criminal charges for his role in the disruption of Trump’s inauguration when windows were smashed and a limousine was set on fire. Why had he became an anarchist? NAFTA and the tyranny of global capitalism, he said.

To many, that anger can seem silly or misplaced. Free trade and globalization have undoubtedly made the country richer. But those riches have flowed disproportionately to the few with capital and education, while globalization’s downsides have piled on the shoulders of the most vulnerable Americans.

NAFTA has come to symbolize a world order crafted by elites, for elites. The deal traded away blue-collar factory jobs in exchange for white-collar opportunities to invest in Mexico’s banking and insurance sectors. Today, even its biggest supporters admit that it resulted in a net loss of American jobs.

In hindsight, it seems inevitable that globalization would cause a backlash. During the height of euphoria about free trade in the 1990s, philosopher Richard Rorty predicted that workers “will sooner or later realize that their government is not even trying to prevent wages from sinking or to prevent jobs from being exported.” At that point, he wrote, parts of the electorate “will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for — someone willing to assure them that, once he is elected, the smug bureaucrats, tricky lawyers, overpaid bond salesmen and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots.”

In countries from Britain to Brazil, voters have elected leaders who promised to reverse decades of international economic integration. Most of those populist movements are right wing. The rebellion against free trade and globalization has largely taken the left by surprise. Dani Rodrik, an economics professor at Harvard who is perhaps the country’s most prominent skeptic of unfettered globalization, lamented in an article a few months before Trump’s election that left-wing parties around the world had failed to present viable alternatives to protectionism and walls.

Since then, the landscape has changed. Joe Biden, who once wholeheartedly embraced free trade, acknowledges the harm it’s inflicted on the working class. Biden’s economic plan includes a 10% tax on businesses that send manufacturing offshore, and a 10% tax credit for companies that bolster job growth inside the United States. He has also put forth a plan to spend $2 trillion over four years on green energy infrastructure.

“Biden, the nominally centrist candidate, has a platform that is far more progressive than Hillary Clinton’s on economics,” Rodrik told me in an email. “But the proof of the pudding is in the eating, and we will see whether Biden will deliver real change if elected.”

Many Americans who longed for a strongman will vote for Trump again. They revere him for tearing up NAFTA (even if the new version looks an awful lot like the old one) and slapping tariffs on Chinese imports and Korean washing machines (even if his unpredictable trade war forced the deepest contraction in the manufacturing sector in a decade).

Yet, working-class voters who look a little deeper will notice something strange about their perceived champion: He is against unions. His first Supreme Court pick, Neil Gorsuch, helped erode the ability of unions to collect dues and fees in a landmark case. Another strange thing: The Trump administration’s interim trade deal with China focuses far more on opening up the Chinese banking and insurance sectors than on creating blue-collar jobs.

Also, Trump’s 2017 tax cut favored corporations and shareholders — including those who aren’t American citizens. Money that would have flowed into the U.S. Treasury went instead into their pockets and deep bank accounts. The companies used much of it to buy back their own stock, making their owners richer, instead of hiring and training new workers or increasing pay. The buybacks were so shameless that even Trump couldn’t defend them.

“We thought they would have known better,” he told reporters.

Trump is the one who should have known better. He’s either incompetent or he’s a Trojan horse who used blue-collar workers to get into the White House, only to hand over the keys to the 1%. Now that the Trump administration is trying to kill the Affordable Care Act, which millions of people depend on in the middle of a pandemic, it could not be more clear whose side he is on.

Health care is one of the things that sent Shannon, a steelworker I followed in Indiana, back to the Democrats, even though most people in her family still support Trump.

“He’s bragging that he’s saving all these jobs,” she told me. “But he’s not.”

The Trump presidency has been such a five-alarm fire that many people are understandably consumed with trying to put out the flames or simply survive it. But there will come a day, hopefully in the not too distant future, when people have the breathing room to investigate how the fire got started.

The Trump presidency has been such a five-alarm fire that many people are understandably consumed with trying to put out the flames or simply survive it. But there will come a day, hopefully in the not too distant future, when people have the breathing room to investigate how the fire got started. It’s tempting to heap scorn and blame on President Donald Trump’s millions of enthusiastic supporters. Without their adoration, he wouldn’t have been able to do the damage he has done. But there are good reasons to refrain. Calling large swaths of the American electorate deplorable turns out to be an ineffective way to gain their backing. Another reason: The mess the nation faces is bigger than Donald Trump. If he is voted out in November, the people who cast ballots for him will remain, pining for the policies he promoted. About 40% of American voters want tariffs and a border wall. More than half say it’s important to deport more undocumented immigrants. Much ink has been spilled about whether Trump supporters voted for him out of economic anxiety or racial anxiety, with plenty of studies concluding the latter. But spend time at a dying factory and you might see how difficult it can be to disentangle the two. For the past four years, I’ve followed a group of steelworkers in Indiana — men and women, Black and white — who had worked at a factory that moved to Mexico. I watched them agonize about whether to train their Mexican replacements or stand with their union and refuse. I watched them grieve the plant like a parent. I followed them as they applied for new jobs, some of which paid half as much as they made before. A machinist named Tim carried his steelworker union card in his wallet for years after the factory closed, just to remind himself who he was. Tim grew up in a union household. His dad had been an autoworker; his grandfather, a coal miner. “We always voted Democrat because they looked after the little man,” Tim told me. “My father went to his grave and I can guarantee you he never voted for a Republican.” Tim had such faith in Democrats that he didn’t worry when President Bill Clinton pushed the North American Free Trade Agreement over the finish line in 1993. Nor did he worry when Clinton normalized trade with China in 2000. But then the factory where Tim worked moved to Shanghai. And the next one moved to Mexico. By the time I met Tim, he loathed the Clintons and the Democratic Party. Democrats had gotten in bed with the corporations, while no one was looking. Tim felt betrayed, and politically abandoned — until Trump came along. College-educated people scoffed at Trump’s promises to bring back the factories. The factories are never coming back, they insisted. But even false hope is a form of hope, perhaps the most ubiquitous kind. There is little doubt that Trump is president today because of blue-collar people like Tim who were once a reliable pillar of the Democratic Party. About 55% of voters who expected to support Trump during the 2016 primaries identified as working class, according to a 2015 study by the Public Religion Research Institute. Fewer than a third who backed other Republican candidates identified as such. In Mahoning County, Ohio, more than a quarter of people who voted in the Republican primary were ex-Democrats, according to The Washington Post. Eighteen members of the county’s Democratic central committee crossed over to cast ballots for Trump, the county’s Democratic chairman told The Post. Those defections stemmed in part from anger over millions of factory jobs that went to China in the 2000s. Workers who made instrument panels for GM trucks in Michigan, stitched shirts in Pennsylvania and sanded wooden dressers in North Carolina saw alarming increases in child poverty, single motherhood, deaths from alcohol and drugs and reliance on public assistance. Exposure to trade with China led to “sizable increases in the likelihood of GOP victory in majority-white non-Hispanic congressional districts from 2002-2010,” said a study co-written by David Autor, an economics professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Hillary Clinton would have won Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin — and thus the presidency — in 2016 had the economic blow of imports from China been half as big, the report concluded. It is worth noting that many of those same counties that hemorrhaged factory jobs also saw large increases in undocumented immigrants competing for the unskilled jobs that remained — cleaning hotel rooms, slaughtering chickens and mowing lawns. Their arrival fueled still more resentment of the world beyond America’s borders. Anger about globalization is not confined to the right. It fueled the rise of Bernie Sanders, who won the endorsement of the steelworkers I followed. The same week I met Tim, I interviewed an anarchist facing criminal charges for his role in the disruption of Trump’s inauguration when windows were smashed and a limousine was set on fire. Why had he became an anarchist? NAFTA and the tyranny of global capitalism, he said. To many, that anger can seem silly or misplaced. Free trade and globalization have undoubtedly made the country richer. But those riches have flowed disproportionately to the few with capital and education, while globalization’s downsides have piled on the shoulders of the most vulnerable Americans. NAFTA has come to symbolize a world order crafted by elites, for elites. The deal traded away blue-collar factory jobs in exchange for white-collar opportunities to invest in Mexico’s banking and insurance sectors. Today, even its biggest supporters admit that it resulted in a net loss of American jobs. In hindsight, it seems inevitable that globalization would cause a backlash. During the height of euphoria about free trade in the 1990s, philosopher Richard Rorty predicted that workers “will sooner or later realize that their government is not even trying to prevent wages from sinking or to prevent jobs from being exported.” At that point, he wrote, parts of the electorate “will decide that the system has failed and start looking around for a strongman to vote for — someone willing to assure them that, once he is elected, the smug bureaucrats, tricky lawyers, overpaid bond salesmen and postmodernist professors will no longer be calling the shots.” In countries from Britain to Brazil, voters have elected leaders who promised to reverse decades of international economic integration. Most of those populist movements are right wing. The rebellion against free trade and globalization has largely taken the left by surprise. Dani Rodrik, an economics professor at Harvard who is perhaps the country’s most prominent skeptic of unfettered globalization, lamented in an article a few months before Trump’s election that left-wing parties around the world had failed to present viable alternatives to protectionism and walls. Since then, the landscape has changed. Joe Biden, who once wholeheartedly embraced free trade, acknowledges the harm it’s inflicted on the working class. Biden’s economic plan includes a 10% tax on businesses that send manufacturing offshore, and a 10% tax credit for companies that bolster job growth inside the United States. He has also put forth a plan to spend $2 trillion over four years on green energy infrastructure. “Biden, the nominally centrist candidate, has a platform that is far more progressive than Hillary Clinton’s on economics,” Rodrik told me in an email. “But the proof of the pudding is in the eating, and we will see whether Biden will deliver real change if elected.” Many Americans who longed for a strongman will vote for Trump again. They revere him for tearing up NAFTA (even if the new version looks an awful lot like the old one) and slapping tariffs on Chinese imports and Korean washing machines (even if his unpredictable trade war forced the deepest contraction in the manufacturing sector in a decade). Yet, working-class voters who look a little deeper will notice something strange about their perceived champion: He is against unions. His first Supreme Court pick, Neil Gorsuch, helped erode the ability of unions to collect dues and fees in a landmark case. Another strange thing: The Trump administration’s interim trade deal with China focuses far more on opening up the Chinese banking and insurance sectors than on creating blue-collar jobs. Also, Trump’s 2017 tax cut favored corporations and shareholders — including those who aren’t American citizens. Money that would have flowed into the U.S. Treasury went instead into their pockets and deep bank accounts. The companies used much of it to buy back their own stock, making their owners richer, instead of hiring and training new workers or increasing pay. The buybacks were so shameless that even Trump couldn’t defend them. “We thought they would have known better,” he told reporters. Trump is the one who should have known better. He’s either incompetent or he’s a Trojan horse who used blue-collar workers to get into the White House, only to hand over the keys to the 1%. Now that the Trump administration is trying to kill the Affordable Care Act, which millions of people depend on in the middle of a pandemic, it could not be more clear whose side he is on. Health care is one of the things that sent Shannon, a steelworker I followed in Indiana, back to the Democrats, even though most people in her family still support Trump. “He’s bragging that he’s saving all these jobs,” she told me. “But he’s not.”

Why Trump’s supporters loved him

U.S. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden will court early voters as their campaigns step up events ahead of their final debate this week.

Concern about crowds at polling stations during the coronavirus pandemic has driven far larger numbers than usual to vote early, ahead of the Nov. 3 Election Day.

Trump will head on Sunday to Nevada, a battleground state where more than 100,000 voters have already cast ballots, according to state data.

The Republican president will campaign every day leading up to Thursday`s debate in Florida, including stops in Arizona and North Carolina, campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh said.

Biden heads on Sunday to North Carolina, where 1.2 million voters have cast their ballots, according to state data. His pick for vice president, Kamala Harris, will return to the campaign trail on Monday with a visit to Florida to mark that state`s first day of early, in-person voting.

So far nearly 26 million people have cast a ballot in the election, shattering records, according to the U.S. Elections Project, run by the University of Florida.

While Trump lags in opinion polls at a national level and in many battleground states, Biden campaign manager Jen O`Malley Dillon said over the weekend that the national figures are misleading because must-win states are close.

"We cannot become complacent because the very searing truth is that Donald Trump can still win this race, and every indication we have shows that this thing is going to come down to the wire," she wrote in a memo to donors.

U.S. presidential elections are determined by electoral votes, allotted to U.S. states and territories based largely on their populations, rather than by a tally of the popular vote nationwide. This makes for a close focus by campaigns on states that could go either way.

Trump campaigned on Saturday in Michigan and Wisconsin, two battleground states he narrowly won in the 2016 election.

In Muskegeon, Mich., he attacked Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, blasting state rules to stop the spread of coronavirus, calling her “dishonest,” and making light of a right-wing plot uncovered by the FBI to kidnap her.

“Hopefully you’ll be sending her packing pretty soon,” Trump said, prompting the crowd to yell back "Lock her up!" several times.

Whitmer responded on Twitter to the chants. "This is exactly the rhetoric that has put me, my family, and other government officials’ lives in danger while we try to save the lives of our fellow Americans," she wrote.

Opinion polls have shown a high level of concern among voters about the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed more than 218,000 people in the United States and hammered the economy.

That includes young people. Among likely voters aged 34 and under surveyed on their top concern in choosing a president, COVID-19 was the top concern for 25%, while jobs and the economy were named by 20%, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted between Sept. 29 and Oct. 13.

U.S. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden will court early voters as their campaigns step up events ahead of their final debate this week.

U.S. President Donald Trump and his Democratic challenger Joe Biden will court early voters as their campaigns step up events ahead of their final debate this week. Concern about crowds at polling stations during the coronavirus pandemic has driven far larger numbers than usual to vote early, ahead of the Nov. 3 Election Day. Trump will head on Sunday to Nevada, a battleground state where more than 100,000 voters have already cast ballots, according to state data. The Republican president will campaign every day leading up to Thursday`s debate in Florida, including stops in Arizona and North Carolina, campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh said. Biden heads on Sunday to North Carolina, where 1.2 million voters have cast their ballots, according to state data. His pick for vice president, Kamala Harris, will return to the campaign trail on Monday with a visit to Florida to mark that state`s first day of early, in-person voting. So far nearly 26 million people have cast a ballot in the election, shattering records, according to the U.S. Elections Project, run by the University of Florida. While Trump lags in opinion polls at a national level and in many battleground states, Biden campaign manager Jen O`Malley Dillon said over the weekend that the national figures are misleading because must-win states are close. "We cannot become complacent because the very searing truth is that Donald Trump can still win this race, and every indication we have shows that this thing is going to come down to the wire," she wrote in a memo to donors. U.S. presidential elections are determined by electoral votes, allotted to U.S. states and territories based largely on their populations, rather than by a tally of the popular vote nationwide. This makes for a close focus by campaigns on states that could go either way. Trump campaigned on Saturday in Michigan and Wisconsin, two battleground states he narrowly won in the 2016 election. In Muskegeon, Mich., he attacked Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, a Democrat, blasting state rules to stop the spread of coronavirus, calling her “dishonest,” and making light of a right-wing plot uncovered by the FBI to kidnap her. “Hopefully you’ll be sending her packing pretty soon,” Trump said, prompting the crowd to yell back "Lock her up!" several times. Whitmer responded on Twitter to the chants. "This is exactly the rhetoric that has put me, my family, and other government officials’ lives in danger while we try to save the lives of our fellow Americans," she wrote. Opinion polls have shown a high level of concern among voters about the coronavirus pandemic, which has killed more than 218,000 people in the United States and hammered the economy. That includes young people. Among likely voters aged 34 and under surveyed on their top concern in choosing a president, COVID-19 was the top concern for 25%, while jobs and the economy were named by 20%, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted between Sept. 29 and Oct. 13.

Trump and Biden to court early voters as US campaign gathers steam

Recently I had the chance to watch an online focus group of seven women from swing states who had voted for Donald Trump in 2016 but who had become disaffected with him. Convened by Sarah Longwell, a founder of Republican Voters Against Trump, the session was in some ways a deeply depressing experience.

Several of the women said that, because they don’t believe what they hear from mainstream media, they have a hard time distinguishing truth from falsehood. One woman, in North Carolina, cited something she’d heard in a Trump ad as a reason she’s unlikely to vote for Joe Biden, and said she wished Ben Carson would step into the race.

Another from the same state said she was “scared” about the election because she doesn’t trust Kamala Harris. A woman from Florida had already voted for Joe Biden, but a few of the others were considering voting third party.

Yet their disgust with the president was palpable. A well-spoken woman with grown children from central Pennsylvania appeared to have mentally rewritten the history of the last election to justify her vote. She’d opted for Trump, she said, thinking that it would be “refreshing” to have a president with a business background. In her recollection, it was only after he won that he revealed his true character.

“His Twitter, his comments, things that he was recorded saying, his misogyny — I was just, like, horrified and embarrassed,” she said. Looking back, she didn’t think she knew about the “Access Hollywood” tape before she voted: “I certainly hope that I didn’t, because it was a disgusting comment. I would think that had I known that might have given me pause.” She’s now considering voting for the Libertarian candidate, Jo Jorgensen.

I strongly suspect she’s remembering wrong — the “Access Hollywood” story would have been very hard to miss in October 2016. But it’s telling that she can no longer quite imagine how she could have supported Trump after hearing him boast about his penchant for sexual assault. It’s another tiny piece of evidence that 2020 could be the year Trump’s misogyny finally catches up with him.

Four years ago, many of us were counting on right-leaning women to deliver a decisive rebuke to Trump. Lots of journalists, myself included, wrote about the group Republican Women for Hillary. After the appearance of the “Access Hollywood” tape, female Republican governors and members of Congress were far more likely than their male peers to withdraw their endorsements. Katie Packer, deputy campaign manager of Mitt Romney’s 2012 bid, imagined a reckoning in her party after Trump’s loss. “There’s going to have to be a denunciation of this guy,” she told me then.

Needless to say, there wasn’t. Most women did indeed vote for Hillary Clinton, but Trump won either a plurality or an outright majority of white women, enough to give him the presidency. There turned out to be far less of a political penalty for vulgar misogyny than some of us realized.

Four years later, it’s hard not to feel an unnerving sense of déjà vu. Once again, the polls show a potentially historic gender gap in the presidential election. Journalists are reporting on all the women Trump has turned off. Last I checked, FiveThirtyEight gave Trump a 13% chance of victory, almost exactly the same odds he had three weeks before the election in 2016. For America to survive as a liberal democracy, this time has to be different. Is it?

Longwell, who has conducted around 50 focus groups over the last three years, most of them with women, believes it is. “I have seen these people moving away in real time,” she says of the participants’ relationship to Trump. And “it dropped off a cliff right around COVID, plus economic downturn, plus George Floyd.”

As Longwell tells it, there were some Trump voters who turned on him almost immediately after the election, but many others who continued to support him despite disliking him personally. “They said he was a narcissist, said he was a bully, but they also don’t like Democrats, don’t like the media, don’t trust anything, and they were hanging in,” she said.

Then Trump’s incompetence came home. “Once the pandemic hit, once there were personal consequences for their lives, there was an absolute shift in how people talked about Donald Trump,” said Longwell.

She started hearing “a ton of pain” in the focus groups. Cancer survivors with suppressed immune systems feared leaving the house because people in their community wouldn’t wear masks. “Or they’ve got young kids that aren’t in school, or somebody in their family is furloughed, or they couldn’t go see their parent who died,” she said.

Women’s job losses due to COVID have been enormously disproportionate; in September alone, around 617,000 women 16 and over left the workforce, nearly eight times the number of men. They’ve borne the brunt of closed schools. As Jessica Grose recently reported in The New York Times, the Pandemic Parenting Study, which is tracking over 100 Indiana mothers, has found growing marital strife over child care.

“Mothers blame themselves for these conflicts and feel responsible for reducing them, including by leaving the workforce, beginning use of antidepressants, or ignoring their own concerns about COVID-19,” said a recent paper drawing on the study’s data. None of this can be separated from the collapse in women’s support for Trump.

If Trump loses, it won’t be just because enough women recognize him as a deranged bigot. It will because he blighted too many of their lives. In the focus group, a Wisconsin woman introduced herself as a full-time mother who, “on top of being at home,” now has to be a full-time teacher. One of her kids is gravely ill, and people who refuse to wear masks infuriate her. “It drives me nuts, people who don’t do it just because they don’t want to,” she said.

She tries to avoid almost all political news, and doesn’t trust what she does come across. Where she lives, she said, she hasn’t seen a single Biden sign, and she knows very little about the former vice president. But she’s planning to vote for him. If women defeat Trump next month, it will be because of everything he’s done to defeat them first.

Recently I had the chance to watch an online focus group of seven women from swing states who had voted for Donald Trump in 2016 but who had become disaffected with him.

Recently I had the chance to watch an online focus group of seven women from swing states who had voted for Donald Trump in 2016 but who had become disaffected with him. Convened by Sarah Longwell, a founder of Republican Voters Against Trump, the session was in some ways a deeply depressing experience. Several of the women said that, because they don’t believe what they hear from mainstream media, they have a hard time distinguishing truth from falsehood. One woman, in North Carolina, cited something she’d heard in a Trump ad as a reason she’s unlikely to vote for Joe Biden, and said she wished Ben Carson would step into the race. Another from the same state said she was “scared” about the election because she doesn’t trust Kamala Harris. A woman from Florida had already voted for Joe Biden, but a few of the others were considering voting third party. Yet their disgust with the president was palpable. A well-spoken woman with grown children from central Pennsylvania appeared to have mentally rewritten the history of the last election to justify her vote. She’d opted for Trump, she said, thinking that it would be “refreshing” to have a president with a business background. In her recollection, it was only after he won that he revealed his true character. “His Twitter, his comments, things that he was recorded saying, his misogyny — I was just, like, horrified and embarrassed,” she said. Looking back, she didn’t think she knew about the “Access Hollywood” tape before she voted: “I certainly hope that I didn’t, because it was a disgusting comment. I would think that had I known that might have given me pause.” She’s now considering voting for the Libertarian candidate, Jo Jorgensen. I strongly suspect she’s remembering wrong — the “Access Hollywood” story would have been very hard to miss in October 2016. But it’s telling that she can no longer quite imagine how she could have supported Trump after hearing him boast about his penchant for sexual assault. It’s another tiny piece of evidence that 2020 could be the year Trump’s misogyny finally catches up with him. Four years ago, many of us were counting on right-leaning women to deliver a decisive rebuke to Trump. Lots of journalists, myself included, wrote about the group Republican Women for Hillary. After the appearance of the “Access Hollywood” tape, female Republican governors and members of Congress were far more likely than their male peers to withdraw their endorsements. Katie Packer, deputy campaign manager of Mitt Romney’s 2012 bid, imagined a reckoning in her party after Trump’s loss. “There’s going to have to be a denunciation of this guy,” she told me then. Needless to say, there wasn’t. Most women did indeed vote for Hillary Clinton, but Trump won either a plurality or an outright majority of white women, enough to give him the presidency. There turned out to be far less of a political penalty for vulgar misogyny than some of us realized. Four years later, it’s hard not to feel an unnerving sense of déjà vu. Once again, the polls show a potentially historic gender gap in the presidential election. Journalists are reporting on all the women Trump has turned off. Last I checked, FiveThirtyEight gave Trump a 13% chance of victory, almost exactly the same odds he had three weeks before the election in 2016. For America to survive as a liberal democracy, this time has to be different. Is it? Longwell, who has conducted around 50 focus groups over the last three years, most of them with women, believes it is. “I have seen these people moving away in real time,” she says of the participants’ relationship to Trump. And “it dropped off a cliff right around COVID, plus economic downturn, plus George Floyd.” As Longwell tells it, there were some Trump voters who turned on him almost immediately after the election, but many others who continued to support him despite disliking him personally. “They said he was a narcissist, said he was a bully, but they also don’t like Democrats, don’t like the media, don’t trust anything, and they were hanging in,” she said. Then Trump’s incompetence came home. “Once the pandemic hit, once there were personal consequences for their lives, there was an absolute shift in how people talked about Donald Trump,” said Longwell. She started hearing “a ton of pain” in the focus groups. Cancer survivors with suppressed immune systems feared leaving the house because people in their community wouldn’t wear masks. “Or they’ve got young kids that aren’t in school, or somebody in their family is furloughed, or they couldn’t go see their parent who died,” she said. Women’s job losses due to COVID have been enormously disproportionate; in September alone, around 617,000 women 16 and over left the workforce, nearly eight times the number of men. They’ve borne the brunt of closed schools. As Jessica Grose recently reported in The New York Times, the Pandemic Parenting Study, which is tracking over 100 Indiana mothers, has found growing marital strife over child care. “Mothers blame themselves for these conflicts and feel responsible for reducing them, including by leaving the workforce, beginning use of antidepressants, or ignoring their own concerns about COVID-19,” said a recent paper drawing on the study’s data. None of this can be separated from the collapse in women’s support for Trump. If Trump loses, it won’t be just because enough women recognize him as a deranged bigot. It will because he blighted too many of their lives. In the focus group, a Wisconsin woman introduced herself as a full-time mother who, “on top of being at home,” now has to be a full-time teacher. One of her kids is gravely ill, and people who refuse to wear masks infuriate her. “It drives me nuts, people who don’t do it just because they don’t want to,” she said. She tries to avoid almost all political news, and doesn’t trust what she does come across. Where she lives, she said, she hasn’t seen a single Biden sign, and she knows very little about the former vice president. But she’s planning to vote for him. If women defeat Trump next month, it will be because of everything he’s done to defeat them first.

Trump’s misogyny might finally catch up with him

US President Donald Trump's Democratic rival Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris have wished Hindu Americans on the occasion of the nine-day Navratri festival that began on Saturday.

Hindu festival season begins with Navratri and climaxes in October and November with the popular celebrations of Dussehra and Diwali.

Indian-Americans as a population have always leaned towards the Democratic party in US presidential elections. And the choice of Kamala Harris -- the first-ever person of Indian origin to be featured on major party ticket -- as the vice presidential candidate for the Democrats has made Hindu-Americans a major vote bank for Biden.

Joe Biden tweeted, "As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all."

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all.
— Joe Biden (@JoeBiden) <a href="https://twitter.com/JoeBiden/status/1317472937159610373?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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And Kamala Harris tweeted, ".@DouglasEmhoff and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America."

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
.<a href="https://twitter.com/DouglasEmhoff?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@DouglasEmhoff</a> and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America.
— Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) <a href="https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/1317469831176851456?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 17, 2020</a></blockquote>
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Meanwhile, results from a new survey of Indian Americans provide strong evidence that contradicts an emerging narrative that these voters are shifting their support from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party.

A significant 72% of registered Indian American voters plan to vote for Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the presidential elections while 22% plan to vote for the incumbent president.&nbsp;

The study surveyed (online) a nationally representative sample of 936 Indian Americans in September.

(with inputs)

US President Donald Trump's Democratic rival Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris have wished Hindu Americans on the occasion of the nine-day Navratri festival that began on Saturday.

US President Donald Trump's Democratic rival Joe Biden and his running mate Kamala Harris have wished Hindu Americans on the occasion of the nine-day Navratri festival that began on Saturday. Hindu festival season begins with Navratri and climaxes in October and November with the popular celebrations of Dussehra and Diwali. Indian-Americans as a population have always leaned towards the Democratic party in US presidential elections. And the choice of Kamala Harris -- the first-ever person of Indian origin to be featured on major party ticket -- as the vice presidential candidate for the Democrats has made Hindu-Americans a major vote bank for Biden. Joe Biden tweeted, "As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all." As the Hindu festival of Navratri begins, Jill and I send our best wishes to all those celebrating in the U.S. and around the world. May good once again triumph over evil — and usher in new beginnings and opportunity for all. — Joe Biden (@JoeBiden) October 17, 2020 × And Kamala Harris tweeted, ".@DouglasEmhoff and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America." .@DouglasEmhoff and I wish our Hindu American friends and family, and all those celebrating, a very Happy Navratri! May this holiday serve as an inspiration to all of us to lift up our communities and build a more inclusive and just America. — Kamala Harris (@KamalaHarris) October 17, 2020 × Meanwhile, results from a new survey of Indian Americans provide strong evidence that contradicts an emerging narrative that these voters are shifting their support from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party. A significant 72% of registered Indian American voters plan to vote for Democratic candidate Joe Biden in the presidential elections while 22% plan to vote for the incumbent president. The study surveyed (online) a nationally representative sample of 936 Indian Americans in September. (with inputs)

Biden, Harris wish Hindu-Americans on the occasion of Navratri

US President Donald Trump took his re-election push to Michigan and Wisconsin on Saturday before launching a tour of western states.

Trump is in a bit of a precarious situation as national polls show him trailing his Democratic rival Joe Biden.

Days after recovering from COVID-19 and just two and a half weeks before the November 3 election, Trump is holding rallies around the country to try to secure key battleground states that he won four years ago.

He prevailed in Michigan and Wisconsin in 2016 but surveys show him running behind Biden, the former vice president, in those states this year.

Trump's advisors have long seen Michigan and Wisconsin, as well as Pennsylvania, as key to his chances of re-election.

Trump lags in opinion polls and the latest figures from his campaign show he is also trailing in fundraising as the race intensifies. Early voting is shattering records, with more than 23 million Americans having already cast ballots.

Biden, who has stepped up travel in recent weeks after keeping a reduced schedule because of the pandemic, plans to remain in his home state of Delaware on Saturday. 
His running mate, Senator Kamala Harris of California, is also eschewing travel for a few days after an aide came down with COVID-19.

Wisconsin has 10 electoral votes, Michigan has 16 and Arizona has 11. Nevada, where Trump will campaign on Sunday, has six electoral votes.

Trump, who usually avoids wearing a mask and whose rallies include thousands of people without social distancing, said again on Friday that the country is turning the corner on the disease, a day after the number of US cases crossed 8 million, rising by 1 million in less than a month.

But Biden has often criticised Trump sharply for his response to the pandemic, which has killed more than 217,000 people in the United States alone.

Biden said on Friday that Trump had been untruthful and negligent in his response to the virus. He has also criticized the Trump administration for seeking to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare.

Trump's string of campaign stops comes ahead of a critical week next week. The two candidates will face each other in their second and final debate on Thursday.

US President Donald Trump took his re-election push to Michigan and Wisconsin on Saturday before launching a tour of western states. Trump is in a bit of a precarious situation as national polls show him trailing his Democratic rival Joe Biden.

US President Donald Trump took his re-election push to Michigan and Wisconsin on Saturday before launching a tour of western states. Trump is in a bit of a precarious situation as national polls show him trailing his Democratic rival Joe Biden. Days after recovering from COVID-19 and just two and a half weeks before the November 3 election, Trump is holding rallies around the country to try to secure key battleground states that he won four years ago. He prevailed in Michigan and Wisconsin in 2016 but surveys show him running behind Biden, the former vice president, in those states this year. Trump's advisors have long seen Michigan and Wisconsin, as well as Pennsylvania, as key to his chances of re-election. Trump lags in opinion polls and the latest figures from his campaign show he is also trailing in fundraising as the race intensifies. Early voting is shattering records, with more than 23 million Americans having already cast ballots. Biden, who has stepped up travel in recent weeks after keeping a reduced schedule because of the pandemic, plans to remain in his home state of Delaware on Saturday. His running mate, Senator Kamala Harris of California, is also eschewing travel for a few days after an aide came down with COVID-19. Wisconsin has 10 electoral votes, Michigan has 16 and Arizona has 11. Nevada, where Trump will campaign on Sunday, has six electoral votes. Trump, who usually avoids wearing a mask and whose rallies include thousands of people without social distancing, said again on Friday that the country is turning the corner on the disease, a day after the number of US cases crossed 8 million, rising by 1 million in less than a month. But Biden has often criticised Trump sharply for his response to the pandemic, which has killed more than 217,000 people in the United States alone. Biden said on Friday that Trump had been untruthful and negligent in his response to the virus. He has also criticized the Trump administration for seeking to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, also known as Obamacare. Trump's string of campaign stops comes ahead of a critical week next week. The two candidates will face each other in their second and final debate on Thursday.

Trump heads to Michigan, Wisconsin in US election campaign push

Joe Biden has broken his own monthly fundraising record by taking in $383 million in September for his presidential campaign. The flood of donations arrived after his first debate with US President Donald Trump.

Trump lagged far behind last month with $248 million.

The first presidential debate was a chaotic clash in which Trump constantly spoke over and interrupted Biden.

Democratic candidate Biden leads Trump nationally by double digits in the frenzied homestretch to the November 3 election.

Biden campaign manager Jen O'Malley Dillon said Wednesday the $383 million figure was a record and included $203 million raised from online donors. The campaign now has $432 million to spend on getting Biden elected.

The Trump campaign released its $248 million figure Thursday night.

After progressive Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died on September 18, small donors enraged by the idea that she could be replaced by a conservative nominated by Trump donated more than $100 million in one weekend to ActBlue, a platform that raises money for Democratic candidates at the presidential, congressional and local level.

Biden had already set a fundraising record with $364.5 million in August.

His figures are far higher than the record set by Barack Obama with nearly $200 million in September 2008.

(with inputs)

Joe Biden has broken his own monthly fundraising record by taking in $383 million in September for his presidential campaign. The flood of donations arrived after his first debate with US President Donald Trump.

Joe Biden has broken his own monthly fundraising record by taking in $383 million in September for his presidential campaign. The flood of donations arrived after his first debate with US President Donald Trump. Trump lagged far behind last month with $248 million. The first presidential debate was a chaotic clash in which Trump constantly spoke over and interrupted Biden. Democratic candidate Biden leads Trump nationally by double digits in the frenzied homestretch to the November 3 election. Biden campaign manager Jen O'Malley Dillon said Wednesday the $383 million figure was a record and included $203 million raised from online donors. The campaign now has $432 million to spend on getting Biden elected. The Trump campaign released its $248 million figure Thursday night. After progressive Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg died on September 18, small donors enraged by the idea that she could be replaced by a conservative nominated by Trump donated more than $100 million in one weekend to ActBlue, a platform that raises money for Democratic candidates at the presidential, congressional and local level. Biden had already set a fundraising record with $364.5 million in August. His figures are far higher than the record set by Barack Obama with nearly $200 million in September 2008. (with inputs)

Biden sets fundraising record with $383 mn in September

US President Donald Trump shared&nbsp;a satirical article Friday&nbsp;about Twitter shutting down to slow the spread of negative news on his election rival Joe Biden, apparently unaware that it was a joke.

Trump, who often rails against "fake news" while retweeting misinformation to his 87 million followers, tweeted a link to the tall tale headlined: "Twitter Shuts Down Entire Network To Slow Spread Of Negative Biden News."&nbsp;

"Wow, this has never been done in history," Trump tweeted -- correctly, as it turns out, because Twitter had done no such thing.

"This includes his really bad interview last night. Why is Twitter doing this."

The story Trump shared was from the Babylon Bee, a satirical news site with the motto "Fake news you can trust" clearly visible on its Twitter page.

Trump's tweet came after he rebuked Facebook and Twitter on Wednesday for blocking links to a New York Post article purporting to expose corrupt dealings by Biden and his son in Ukraine.

The social media giants said they had stopped linking to the article because the provenance of the information was questionable.&nbsp;

Trump has tweeted articles from the Babylon Bee in the past and the site told The New York Times&nbsp;earlier in October that it was "assured" Trump knew it was satire.

The website's chief executive officer Seth Dillon&nbsp;offered his own lighthearted take soon after attracting Trump's attention, proudly declaring: "The Babylon Bee is the president's most trusted news source."

Trump's propensity for sharing wild, unfounded accusations has not been diminished by his political career, which was forged in the cauldron of the racist "birtherism" conspiracy theory alleging that his predecessor Barack Obama was not born in the US.

Only this week, he shared a bizarre claim originating from the emergent QAnon movement that Biden was involved in a conspiracy to fake the death of Osama bin Laden in 2011.

At a televised town hall event in Miami on Thursday, Trump defended his retweets, saying "people can decide for themselves" if the outlandish theories he shares have any merit.

"I don't get that," NBC interviewer Savannah Guthrie retorted. "You're the president, you're not like someone's crazy uncle who can just retweet whatever."

US President Donald Trump shared a satirical article Friday about Twitter shutting down to slow the spread of negative news on his election rival Joe Biden, apparently unaware that it was a joke.

US President Donald Trump shared a satirical article Friday about Twitter shutting down to slow the spread of negative news on his election rival Joe Biden, apparently unaware that it was a joke. Trump, who often rails against "fake news" while retweeting misinformation to his 87 million followers, tweeted a link to the tall tale headlined: "Twitter Shuts Down Entire Network To Slow Spread Of Negative Biden News." "Wow, this has never been done in history," Trump tweeted -- correctly, as it turns out, because Twitter had done no such thing. "This includes his really bad interview last night. Why is Twitter doing this." The story Trump shared was from the Babylon Bee, a satirical news site with the motto "Fake news you can trust" clearly visible on its Twitter page. Trump's tweet came after he rebuked Facebook and Twitter on Wednesday for blocking links to a New York Post article purporting to expose corrupt dealings by Biden and his son in Ukraine. The social media giants said they had stopped linking to the article because the provenance of the information was questionable. Trump has tweeted articles from the Babylon Bee in the past and the site told The New York Times earlier in October that it was "assured" Trump knew it was satire. The website's chief executive officer Seth Dillon offered his own lighthearted take soon after attracting Trump's attention, proudly declaring: "The Babylon Bee is the president's most trusted news source." Trump's propensity for sharing wild, unfounded accusations has not been diminished by his political career, which was forged in the cauldron of the racist "birtherism" conspiracy theory alleging that his predecessor Barack Obama was not born in the US. Only this week, he shared a bizarre claim originating from the emergent QAnon movement that Biden was involved in a conspiracy to fake the death of Osama bin Laden in 2011. At a televised town hall event in Miami on Thursday, Trump defended his retweets, saying "people can decide for themselves" if the outlandish theories he shares have any merit. "I don't get that," NBC interviewer Savannah Guthrie retorted. "You're the president, you're not like someone's crazy uncle who can just retweet whatever."

Trump shares joke story on Biden, Twitter in earnest

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<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/10/14/164793-donaldtt.jpg?itok=kLz94b6J" />

Donald Trump said Biden was "choking like a dog" during the televised debate.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-behind-cyberattack-on-norwegian-parliament-ministry-335097">Russia behind cyberattack on Norwegian parliament: Ministry</a>

<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2018/09/12/22584-cyberattacks-20170513083637-20170518065505.JPG?itok=erVdy7Ky" />

Norway had revealed on September 01 that they had sustained an attack on their parliamentary system in the last week of August during which email accounts of several members of the parliament and employees were hacked.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/armenia-azerbaijan-continue-fighting-amid-rising-death-toll-335094">Armenia, Azerbaijan continue fighting amid rising death toll</a>

<img src="https://www.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/09/30/162462-armenia-azerbaijan-clashes2.jpg?itok=gD83ZDTG" />

Azerbaijan and Armenian troops had accused each other of breaking the ceasefire as heavy shelling was reported in several areas in Nagorno-Karabakh despite the ceasefire.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/unacceptable-proposition-says-russia-over-new-nuclear-agreement-with-us-335093">Unacceptable proposition, says Russia over new nuclear agreement with US</a>

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The US has tried to rope in China into the agreement as the Trump administration has demanded that Russia should stop its nuclear activities during the extension period.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-malaysias-political-turmoil-anwar-ibrahim-meets-king-in-a-push-to-become-prime-minister-335090">Gravitas: Malaysia's political turmoil: Anwar Ibrahim meets King in a push to become Prime Minister</a>

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We're going to crush the virus very quickly, it's happening already, says Trump in Pennsylvania rally Donald Trump said Biden was "choking like a dog" during the televised debate.

We're going to crush the virus very quickly, it's happening already, says Trump in Pennsylvania rally Donald Trump said Biden was "choking like a dog" during the televised debate. Russia behind cyberattack on Norwegian parliament: Ministry Norway had revealed on September 01 that they had sustained an attack on their parliamentary system in the last week of August during which email accounts of several members of the parliament and employees were hacked. Armenia, Azerbaijan continue fighting amid rising death toll Azerbaijan and Armenian troops had accused each other of breaking the ceasefire as heavy shelling was reported in several areas in Nagorno-Karabakh despite the ceasefire. Unacceptable proposition, says Russia over new nuclear agreement with US The US has tried to rope in China into the agreement as the Trump administration has demanded that Russia should stop its nuclear activities during the extension period. Gravitas: Malaysia's political turmoil: Anwar Ibrahim meets King in a push to become Prime Minister ×

Morning news brief: Trump in Pennsylvania rally, Russia accused of cyber attack and more

Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden pulled further ahead of President Donald Trump in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, building momentum in two states that could decide the winner of November`s election, Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls showed on Monday.

The polls showed the former vice president leading Trump by 7 percentage points in both states. A week earlier, Biden was up by 6 points in Wisconsin and by 5 in Pennsylvania.

Reuters/Ipsos is polling likely voters in six states - Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Florida and Arizona - that will play critical roles in deciding whether Trump wins a second term in office or if Biden ousts him.

Below is a state-by-state look at Reuters/Ipsos findings, based on the online responses of likely voters, which include responses from some who cast ballots ahead of the formal Nov. 3 Election Day, which is increasingly common due to the coronavirus pandemic:

WISCONSIN (Oct. 6 - Oct. 11): 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Biden: 51% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Trump: 44% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 20% said they already had voted. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 52% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 38% said Trump would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 47% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 46% said Biden would be better.

PENNSYLVANIA (Oct. 6 - Oct. 11): 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Biden: 51% 
&nbsp; &nbsp; * Voting for Trump: 44% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 6% said they already had voted. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 51% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 42% said Trump would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 50% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 45% said Biden would be better.

FLORIDA (Sept. 29 - Oct. 6): 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Biden: 49% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Trump: 45% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 50% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 41% said Trump would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 49% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 45% said Biden would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 7% said they already had voted. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; 
ARIZONA (Sept. 29 - Oct. 7): 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Biden: 48% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Trump: 46% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 49% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 43% said Trump would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 52% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 42% said Biden would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 3% said they already had voted.

MICHIGAN (Sept. 29-Oct. 6): 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Biden: 51% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Trump: 43% 
&nbsp; &nbsp; * 50% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 41% said Trump would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 49% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 44% said Biden would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 10% said they already had voted.

NORTH CAROLINA (Sept. 29-Oct. 6): 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Biden: 47% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * Voting for Trump: 47% 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 47% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 45% said Trump would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 52% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 40% said Biden would be better. 
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; * 8% said they already had voted. 
 
The Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls are conducted online in all six states in English, as well as in Spanish in Arizona and Florida.

-- In Wisconsin, from to Oct. 6 to Oct. 11, it gathered responses from 1,002 adults, including 577 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 5 percentage points. 
-- In Pennsylvania, from to Oct. 6 to Oct. 11, it gathered responses from 1,002 adults, including 622 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 5 percentage points. 
-- In Florida, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, it gathered responses from 1,100 adults, including 678 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points. 
-- In Arizona, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 7, it gathered responses from 1,099 adults, including 663 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points. 
-- In Michigan, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, it gathered responses from 1,098 adults, including 709 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points. 
-- In North Carolina, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, it gathered responses from 1,100 adults, including 693 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points.

Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden pulled further ahead of President Donald Trump in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, building momentum in two states that could decide the winner of November`s election, Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls showed on Monday.

Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden pulled further ahead of President Donald Trump in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, building momentum in two states that could decide the winner of November`s election, Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls showed on Monday. The polls showed the former vice president leading Trump by 7 percentage points in both states. A week earlier, Biden was up by 6 points in Wisconsin and by 5 in Pennsylvania. Reuters/Ipsos is polling likely voters in six states - Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Michigan, North Carolina, Florida and Arizona - that will play critical roles in deciding whether Trump wins a second term in office or if Biden ousts him. Below is a state-by-state look at Reuters/Ipsos findings, based on the online responses of likely voters, which include responses from some who cast ballots ahead of the formal Nov. 3 Election Day, which is increasingly common due to the coronavirus pandemic: WISCONSIN (Oct. 6 - Oct. 11): * Voting for Biden: 51% * Voting for Trump: 44% * 20% said they already had voted. * 52% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 38% said Trump would be better. * 47% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 46% said Biden would be better. PENNSYLVANIA (Oct. 6 - Oct. 11): * Voting for Biden: 51% * Voting for Trump: 44% * 6% said they already had voted. * 51% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 42% said Trump would be better. * 50% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 45% said Biden would be better. FLORIDA (Sept. 29 - Oct. 6): * Voting for Biden: 49% * Voting for Trump: 45% * 50% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 41% said Trump would be better. * 49% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 45% said Biden would be better. * 7% said they already had voted. ARIZONA (Sept. 29 - Oct. 7): * Voting for Biden: 48% * Voting for Trump: 46% * 49% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 43% said Trump would be better. * 52% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 42% said Biden would be better. * 3% said they already had voted. MICHIGAN (Sept. 29-Oct. 6): * Voting for Biden: 51% * Voting for Trump: 43% * 50% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 41% said Trump would be better. * 49% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 44% said Biden would be better. * 10% said they already had voted. NORTH CAROLINA (Sept. 29-Oct. 6): * Voting for Biden: 47% * Voting for Trump: 47% * 47% said Biden would be better at handling the coronavirus pandemic. 45% said Trump would be better. * 52% said Trump would be better at managing the economy. 40% said Biden would be better. * 8% said they already had voted. The Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls are conducted online in all six states in English, as well as in Spanish in Arizona and Florida. -- In Wisconsin, from to Oct. 6 to Oct. 11, it gathered responses from 1,002 adults, including 577 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 5 percentage points. -- In Pennsylvania, from to Oct. 6 to Oct. 11, it gathered responses from 1,002 adults, including 622 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 5 percentage points. -- In Florida, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, it gathered responses from 1,100 adults, including 678 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points. -- In Arizona, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 7, it gathered responses from 1,099 adults, including 663 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points. -- In Michigan, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, it gathered responses from 1,098 adults, including 709 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points. -- In North Carolina, from Sept. 29 to Oct. 6, it gathered responses from 1,100 adults, including 693 likely voters, and had a credibility interval of 4 percentage points.

Reuters poll shows Biden lead over Trump growing in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania

Microsoft on Monday said it disrupted a major cybercrime digital network that uses more than 1 million zombie computers to loot bank accounts and spread ransomware.

This could have indirectly affected US presidential election infrastructure if allowed to continue. The action coincides with an offensive by US Cyber Command to disrupt the cybercriminals, at least temporarily, according to The Washington Post.

The operation to knock offline command-and-control servers for a global botnet that uses an infrastructure known as Trickbot to infect computers with malware was initiated with an order that Microsoft obtained in Virginia federal court on October 6.

Trickbot's operators have a decentralised fall-back system and employ encrypted routing. The company took down the servers behind Trickbot, which criminals were using to launch other cyberattacks, including a strain of highly potent ransomware.

Ransomware seizes control of target computers and freezes them until victims pay up — though experts urge those affected by ransomware not to encourage hackers by complying with their demands.

The announcement follows a Washington Post report Friday of a major effort by the US Military's Cyber Command to dismantle Trickbot beginning last month with direct attacks rather than asking providers to deny hosting to domains used by command-and-control servers.

Recently, researchers have noted a rise in Trickbot's use in ransomware attacks targetting everything from municipal and state governments to school districts and hospitals.

A separate technical report by Microsoft on Monday said Trickbot has been used to spread the Ryuk ransomware -- which has been attacking 20 organisations per week, and was reportedly the ransomware that struck Universal Health Services.

Ransomware could pose a risk to the election process if systems designed to support voting are brought down.

 
&nbsp;

Microsoft on Monday said it disrupted a major cybercrime digital network that uses more than 1 million zombie computers to loot bank accounts and spread ransomware.

Microsoft on Monday said it disrupted a major cybercrime digital network that uses more than 1 million zombie computers to loot bank accounts and spread ransomware. This could have indirectly affected US presidential election infrastructure if allowed to continue. The action coincides with an offensive by US Cyber Command to disrupt the cybercriminals, at least temporarily, according to The Washington Post. The operation to knock offline command-and-control servers for a global botnet that uses an infrastructure known as Trickbot to infect computers with malware was initiated with an order that Microsoft obtained in Virginia federal court on October 6. Trickbot's operators have a decentralised fall-back system and employ encrypted routing. The company took down the servers behind Trickbot, which criminals were using to launch other cyberattacks, including a strain of highly potent ransomware. Ransomware seizes control of target computers and freezes them until victims pay up — though experts urge those affected by ransomware not to encourage hackers by complying with their demands. The announcement follows a Washington Post report Friday of a major effort by the US Military's Cyber Command to dismantle Trickbot beginning last month with direct attacks rather than asking providers to deny hosting to domains used by command-and-control servers. Recently, researchers have noted a rise in Trickbot's use in ransomware attacks targetting everything from municipal and state governments to school districts and hospitals. A separate technical report by Microsoft on Monday said Trickbot has been used to spread the Ryuk ransomware -- which has been attacking 20 organisations per week, and was reportedly the ransomware that struck Universal Health Services. Ransomware could pose a risk to the election process if systems designed to support voting are brought down.

Microsoft takes down global criminal botnet that could have affected US election

US President Donald Trump, with the presidential election just three weeks away, returned&nbsp;to the campaign trail on Monday after being hospitalised for coronavirus, and set off on a blitz of key swing states. He tested negative for COVID-19 on consecutive days, the White House physician said.

Trump's evening rally at an airport in Sanford, Florida,&nbsp;kicked off a three-week sprint to Election Day as new polls show him losing more ground to Democratic rival Joe Biden in two battleground states that could decide the November 3 contest.

"It's great to be back in my home state, Florida, to make my official return to the campaign trail," Trump declared&nbsp;in&nbsp;front of a crowd of thousands of supporters, standing shoulder-to-shoulder, mostly without masks, despite the ongoing pandemic.

"I am so energised by your prayers and humbled by your support," he said.

Trump -- yet again -- played down the coronavirus and said, "22 days from now we're going to win this state. We're going to win four more years at the White House."

"I feel so powerful. I'll walk into that audience. I'll walk in there, and I'll kiss everyone in that audience. I'll kiss the guys and the beautiful women... everybody," he added.

In rare form just a week after his release from hospital, Trump's hour-long speech called on all of his campaign classics: vicious attacks against "Crooked Hillary" Clinton and the "corrupt" press, alarmist warnings against the "radical left" and the "socialist nightmare."

Trump also mocked his opponent, whom he has nicknamed "Sleepy Joe," saying that "practically nobody showed up" to Biden's campaign event.

Unlike Trump, Biden has been following public health guidelines during the pandemic, hosting socially-distanced campaign events that sharply contrast with Trump's packed, largely maskless extravaganzas -- including a recent celebration at the White House described by experts as a "superspreader."

The president was earlier declared non-contagious. or "not a transmission risk",&nbsp;following which he headed to Florida for his&nbsp;campaign rally -- since he disclosed he contracted the novel coronavirus.

"I can share with you that he tested negative, on consecutive days, using the Abbot BinaxNOW antigen card," Sean Conley said in a memo released to the public on Monday. The doctor said the negative determination had taken into account a number of measurements, and not just the rapid test alone.

The&nbsp;brief statement was issued while the president was on board Air Force One en route to Florida for the&nbsp;campaign rally.

The US president said on October 2 that he contracted the virus, following which he spent three days in a military hospital. In a memo, Dr Sean Conley said the tests and other clinical and laboratory data "indicate a lack of detectable viral replication."

Trump's rally in Florida, and planned rallies in Pennsylvania on Tuesday, Iowa on Wednesday and North Carolina on Thursday, will be watched closely to see whether the president has reshaped his campaign approach since contracting the virus.

Trump is now seeking to change the dynamics of a race that national opinion polls and some state polls show he is losing to Biden.

Trump told Fox News on Sunday he felt good and, without producing evidence, that he was now "immune", an assertion that drew a flag from Twitter for violating the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19.

Biden also tested negative for COVID-19 on Monday, his campaign said in a statement. The former vice president has tested negative a number of times since Trump announced his positive test.

Biden pulled further ahead in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, building momentum in two states that Trump carried in the 2016 presidential election, Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls showed on Monday.

The polls, conducted Tuesday through Sunday, showed Biden now leading Trump by 7 percentage points in both states.

Taking advantage of his momentum and growing advantage in the polls, Biden on Monday campaigned in Ohio, where he was once considered a long shot, as he tries to expand his reach into Republican-leaning states.

Biden also appeared at a get-out-the-vote event in Cincinnati. It was Biden`s second campaign trip in as many weeks to Ohio, which was once thought out of reach but where polls now show a competitive race. He blasted his handling of the pandemic.

"215,000 dead because of Covid," the 77-year-old former vice president told a small group of auto workers who gathered in their American-made cars in a parking lot outside a union hall in Toledo, Ohio.

"Trump knew how dangerous the disease was but did nothing," Biden said. "Why didn't he tell us? Why didn't he warn us?"

"His reckless personal conduct since his diagnosis has been unconscionable," Biden added. "The longer Donald Trump is president, the more reckless he seems to get."

Trump won the state by 8 percentage points four years ago and almost certainly must carry it again to win re-election. No Republican has won the White House without carrying Ohio.

For months, Trump had worked furiously to shift public attention away from the virus and his handling of the pandemic, which has infected more than 7.8 million people in the United States, killed more than 214,000 and put millions out of work.

His own illness has put the spotlight squarely on his coronavirus response during the closing stretch of the race, with the Biden campaign scaling up its attacks and stretching its campaign into states that normally lean Republican.

Critics fault Trump for failing to encourage supporters at campaign events, and even White House staff, to wear protective masks and abide by social-distancing guidelines. At least 11 close Trump aides have tested positive for the coronavirus.

(with inputs from agencies)

US President Donald Trump, with the presidential election just three weeks away, returned to the campaign trail on Monday after being hospitalised for coronavirus, and set off on a blitz of key swing states.

US President Donald Trump, with the presidential election just three weeks away, returned to the campaign trail on Monday after being hospitalised for coronavirus, and set off on a blitz of key swing states. He tested negative for COVID-19 on consecutive days, the White House physician said. Trump's evening rally at an airport in Sanford, Florida, kicked off a three-week sprint to Election Day as new polls show him losing more ground to Democratic rival Joe Biden in two battleground states that could decide the November 3 contest. "It's great to be back in my home state, Florida, to make my official return to the campaign trail," Trump declared in front of a crowd of thousands of supporters, standing shoulder-to-shoulder, mostly without masks, despite the ongoing pandemic. "I am so energised by your prayers and humbled by your support," he said. Trump -- yet again -- played down the coronavirus and said, "22 days from now we're going to win this state. We're going to win four more years at the White House." "I feel so powerful. I'll walk into that audience. I'll walk in there, and I'll kiss everyone in that audience. I'll kiss the guys and the beautiful women... everybody," he added. In rare form just a week after his release from hospital, Trump's hour-long speech called on all of his campaign classics: vicious attacks against "Crooked Hillary" Clinton and the "corrupt" press, alarmist warnings against the "radical left" and the "socialist nightmare." Trump also mocked his opponent, whom he has nicknamed "Sleepy Joe," saying that "practically nobody showed up" to Biden's campaign event. Unlike Trump, Biden has been following public health guidelines during the pandemic, hosting socially-distanced campaign events that sharply contrast with Trump's packed, largely maskless extravaganzas -- including a recent celebration at the White House described by experts as a "superspreader." The president was earlier declared non-contagious. or "not a transmission risk", following which he headed to Florida for his campaign rally -- since he disclosed he contracted the novel coronavirus. "I can share with you that he tested negative, on consecutive days, using the Abbot BinaxNOW antigen card," Sean Conley said in a memo released to the public on Monday. The doctor said the negative determination had taken into account a number of measurements, and not just the rapid test alone. The brief statement was issued while the president was on board Air Force One en route to Florida for the campaign rally. The US president said on October 2 that he contracted the virus, following which he spent three days in a military hospital. In a memo, Dr Sean Conley said the tests and other clinical and laboratory data "indicate a lack of detectable viral replication." Trump's rally in Florida, and planned rallies in Pennsylvania on Tuesday, Iowa on Wednesday and North Carolina on Thursday, will be watched closely to see whether the president has reshaped his campaign approach since contracting the virus. Trump is now seeking to change the dynamics of a race that national opinion polls and some state polls show he is losing to Biden. Trump told Fox News on Sunday he felt good and, without producing evidence, that he was now "immune", an assertion that drew a flag from Twitter for violating the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19. Biden also tested negative for COVID-19 on Monday, his campaign said in a statement. The former vice president has tested negative a number of times since Trump announced his positive test. Biden pulled further ahead in Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, building momentum in two states that Trump carried in the 2016 presidential election, Reuters/Ipsos opinion polls showed on Monday. The polls, conducted Tuesday through Sunday, showed Biden now leading Trump by 7 percentage points in both states. Taking advantage of his momentum and growing advantage in the polls, Biden on Monday campaigned in Ohio, where he was once considered a long shot, as he tries to expand his reach into Republican-leaning states. Biden also appeared at a get-out-the-vote event in Cincinnati. It was Biden`s second campaign trip in as many weeks to Ohio, which was once thought out of reach but where polls now show a competitive race. He blasted his handling of the pandemic. "215,000 dead because of Covid," the 77-year-old former vice president told a small group of auto workers who gathered in their American-made cars in a parking lot outside a union hall in Toledo, Ohio. "Trump knew how dangerous the disease was but did nothing," Biden said. "Why didn't he tell us? Why didn't he warn us?" "His reckless personal conduct since his diagnosis has been unconscionable," Biden added. "The longer Donald Trump is president, the more reckless he seems to get." Trump won the state by 8 percentage points four years ago and almost certainly must carry it again to win re-election. No Republican has won the White House without carrying Ohio. For months, Trump had worked furiously to shift public attention away from the virus and his handling of the pandemic, which has infected more than 7.8 million people in the United States, killed more than 214,000 and put millions out of work. His own illness has put the spotlight squarely on his coronavirus response during the closing stretch of the race, with the Biden campaign scaling up its attacks and stretching its campaign into states that normally lean Republican. Critics fault Trump for failing to encourage supporters at campaign events, and even White House staff, to wear protective masks and abide by social-distancing guidelines. At least 11 close Trump aides have tested positive for the coronavirus. (with inputs from agencies)

'I feel so powerful': Trump returns to campaign trail after testing negative for coronavirus

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US President Donald Trump, with the presidential election just three weeks away, returned to the campaign trail on Monday after being hospitalised for coronavirus, and set off on a blitz of key swing states | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/i-feel-so-powerful-trump-is-back-on-campaign-trail-after-testing-negative-for-coronavirus-334848">READ MORE</a>

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Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris told Republicans it was "reckless" to hold Monday's Supreme Court confirmation hearing amid a pandemic, especially given the recent outbreak of Covid-19 affecting three US senators | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/kamala-harris-democrats-slam-trump-sc-nominee-timing-of-confirmation-hearing-334849">READ MORE</a>

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The White House has decided to move forward with three sales of advanced weaponry to Taiwan, sending in recent days a notification of the deals to Congress for approval | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/white-house-moves-forward-on-three-arms-sales-to-taiwan-334859">READ MORE</a>

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Russia is unlikely to participate in the Moon-orbiting station planned by the United States, marking the probable end of the type of close cooperation seen for two decades on the International Space Station (ISS) | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-shuns-us-lunar-programme-as-space-cooperation-under-threat-334851">READ MORE</a>

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'I feel so powerful': Trump is back on campaign trail after testing negative for coronavirus US President Donald Trump, with the presidential election just thre

'I feel so powerful': Trump is back on campaign trail after testing negative for coronavirus US President Donald Trump, with the presidential election just three weeks away, returned to the campaign trail on Monday after being hospitalised for coronavirus, and set off on a blitz of key swing states | READ MORE Kamala Harris, Democrats slam Trump SC nominee, timing of confirmation hearing Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris told Republicans it was "reckless" to hold Monday's Supreme Court confirmation hearing amid a pandemic, especially given the recent outbreak of Covid-19 affecting three US senators | READ MORE White House moves forward on three arms sales to Taiwan The White House has decided to move forward with three sales of advanced weaponry to Taiwan, sending in recent days a notification of the deals to Congress for approval | READ MORE Russia shuns US lunar programme, as space cooperation under threat Russia is unlikely to participate in the Moon-orbiting station planned by the United States, marking the probable end of the type of close cooperation seen for two decades on the International Space Station (ISS) | READ MORE Johnson & Johnson pauses Covid vaccine trial as participant becomes ill Johnson & Johnson has temporarily halted its Covid-19 vaccine trial because one of its participants became sick | READ MORE China, Russia and Pakistan set to join UN human rights council China, Russia, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Cuba, Nepal and Uzbekistan are among the candidates vying for four seats on the UN human rights council on Tuesday | READ MORE World Health Organization chief calls herd immunity approach 'unethical' The World Health Organization chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus on Monday called the herd immunity approach ''unethical'' | READ MORE

Morning news brief: Updates on Trump's health and election campaign, and more

Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris told Republicans it was "reckless" to hold Monday's Supreme Court confirmation hearing amid a pandemic, especially given the recent outbreak of Covid-19 affecting three US senators.

"This hearing has brought together more than 50 people to sit inside of a closed-door room for hours while our nation is facing a deadly airborne virus," Harris, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, told the hearing via videolink.

"The decision to hold this hearing now is reckless and places facility's workers, janitorial staff and congressional aides and Capitol Police at risk," the 55-year-old senator added.

As the Senate Judiciary Committee began its four-day confirmation hearing for Barrett, Democrats voiced their opposition even though they have little hope of derailing her nomination in the Republican-led Senate.

The Democratic senators also painted US President Donald Trump's Supreme Court nominee -- Amy Comey Barrett -- as a threat to the Obamacare healthcare law during a deadly pandemic and denounced the Republican drive to approve her before the November 3 US election.

Republican senators praised Barrett, an appellate court judge and a favorite of religious conservatives, as well qualified for a lifetime job on the high court and a worthy successor to the late liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

Barrett, who had a bout with the coronavirus earlier in the year, removed her mask when she was sworn in to deliver her own opening statement.

"I believe Americans of all backgrounds deserve an independent Supreme Court that interprets our Constitution and laws as they are written," Barrett said, with her husband and six of her seven children sitting behind her as she read from prepared remarks that had been made public on Sunday.

Barrett's confirmation would give the court a 6-3 conservative majority that could roll back abortion rights, expand religious and gun rights, and uphold Republican-backed voting restrictions, among other issues.

But it was the fate of the 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA), Democratic former President Barack Obama's signature domestic policy achievement that has enabled millions of Americans to obtain medical coverage, that was the focus of the Democrats. Barrett has criticized a 2012 Supreme Court ruling authored by conservative Chief Justice John Roberts that upheld Obamacare.

Harris, the running mate of Trump's Democratic election opponent Joe Biden, said the hearing should have been postponed because of COVID-19 worries and called the confirmation process so near an election rushed and illegitimate.

"I do believe this hearing is a clear attempt to jam through a Supreme Court nominee who will take away healthcare from millions of people during a deadly pandemic that has already killed more than 214,000 Americans," Harris said, speaking via a video link.

"A clear majority of Americans want whomever wins the election to fill this seat, and my Republican colleagues know that. Yet they are deliberately defying the will of the people in their attempt to roll back the rights and protections provided under the Affordable Care Act," Harris said.

Barrett could be confirmed in time to participate in a case to be argued on November 10 in which Trump and Republican-led states are seeking to invalidate Obamacare. Some legal experts doubt the justices, even with Barrett confirmed, would strike down Obamacare.

Barrett will face questioning from senators on Tuesday and Wednesday in a hearing that sets the stage for a full Senate vote by the end of October on confirming her. Republicans have a 53-47 majority so Barrett`s confirmation seems almost certain.

(with inputs)

Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris told Republicans it was "reckless" to hold Monday's Supreme Court confirmation hearing amid a pandemic, especially given the recent outbreak of Covid-19 affecting three US senators.

Democratic vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris told Republicans it was "reckless" to hold Monday's Supreme Court confirmation hearing amid a pandemic, especially given the recent outbreak of Covid-19 affecting three US senators. "This hearing has brought together more than 50 people to sit inside of a closed-door room for hours while our nation is facing a deadly airborne virus," Harris, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, told the hearing via videolink. "The decision to hold this hearing now is reckless and places facility's workers, janitorial staff and congressional aides and Capitol Police at risk," the 55-year-old senator added. As the Senate Judiciary Committee began its four-day confirmation hearing for Barrett, Democrats voiced their opposition even though they have little hope of derailing her nomination in the Republican-led Senate. The Democratic senators also painted US President Donald Trump's Supreme Court nominee -- Amy Comey Barrett -- as a threat to the Obamacare healthcare law during a deadly pandemic and denounced the Republican drive to approve her before the November 3 US election. Republican senators praised Barrett, an appellate court judge and a favorite of religious conservatives, as well qualified for a lifetime job on the high court and a worthy successor to the late liberal Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Barrett, who had a bout with the coronavirus earlier in the year, removed her mask when she was sworn in to deliver her own opening statement. "I believe Americans of all backgrounds deserve an independent Supreme Court that interprets our Constitution and laws as they are written," Barrett said, with her husband and six of her seven children sitting behind her as she read from prepared remarks that had been made public on Sunday. Barrett's confirmation would give the court a 6-3 conservative majority that could roll back abortion rights, expand religious and gun rights, and uphold Republican-backed voting restrictions, among other issues. But it was the fate of the 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA), Democratic former President Barack Obama's signature domestic policy achievement that has enabled millions of Americans to obtain medical coverage, that was the focus of the Democrats. Barrett has criticized a 2012 Supreme Court ruling authored by conservative Chief Justice John Roberts that upheld Obamacare. Harris, the running mate of Trump's Democratic election opponent Joe Biden, said the hearing should have been postponed because of COVID-19 worries and called the confirmation process so near an election rushed and illegitimate. "I do believe this hearing is a clear attempt to jam through a Supreme Court nominee who will take away healthcare from millions of people during a deadly pandemic that has already killed more than 214,000 Americans," Harris said, speaking via a video link. "A clear majority of Americans want whomever wins the election to fill this seat, and my Republican colleagues know that. Yet they are deliberately defying the will of the people in their attempt to roll back the rights and protections provided under the Affordable Care Act," Harris said. Barrett could be confirmed in time to participate in a case to be argued on November 10 in which Trump and Republican-led states are seeking to invalidate Obamacare. Some legal experts doubt the justices, even with Barrett confirmed, would strike down Obamacare. Barrett will face questioning from senators on Tuesday and Wednesday in a hearing that sets the stage for a full Senate vote by the end of October on confirming her. Republicans have a 53-47 majority so Barrett`s confirmation seems almost certain. (with inputs)

Kamala Harris, Democrats slam Trump SC nominee, timing of confirmation hearing

Top US government scientist Anthony Fauci has said an ad aired by Donald Trump's reelection campaign was edited to make him seem to endorse the&nbsp;president's handling of the coronavirus pandemic.&nbsp;

But Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergies and Infectious Diseases, has so far never endorsed any political candidate.

"In my nearly five decades of public service, I have never publicly endorsed any political candidate," Fauci said in a statement.

The 30-second campaign ad cites Trump's personal experience with the virus -- "President Trump is recovering from the coronavirus, and so is America," it says -- before including a brief clip in which Fauci appears to praise the president's response to the pandemic.&nbsp;

"I can't imagine that anybody could be doing more," Fauci is shown as saying, creating the clear impression he is referring to Trump.

The complete clip, however, shows no hint of any appreciation. The clip is from Fauci's interview in March with Fox News, and shows the doctor saying: "I have been devoting almost full time on this. I'm down at the White House virtually every day with the task force. It's every single day. So, I can't imagine that under any circumstances that anybody could be doing more."

In his statement Sunday, Fauci said, "The comments attributed to me without my permission in the GOP campaign ad were taken out of context from a broad statement I made months ago about the efforts of federal public health officials."

Trump, as expected, did not budge and defended the clip, and his handling of pandemic, and rebutted the doctor's criticism.

"They are indeed Dr. Fauci's own words. We have done a 'phenomenal' job, according to certain governors," the president wrote in a tweet.

As a leading member of the White House task force on the coronavirus, the 79-year-old doctor has frequently had to walk a fine line in attempting to clarify -- or correct -- the Trump's often incautious assertions about the disease or the treatments and vaccines being developed against Covid-19.&nbsp;

Fauci has at times aroused Trump's ire, as when the president in April retweeted a message containing the hashtag #FireFauci -- before publicly insisting the doctor was doing a great job.

Top US government scientist Anthony Fauci has said an ad aired by Donald Trump's reelection campaign was edited to make him seem to endorse the president's handling of the coronavirus pandemic.

Top US government scientist Anthony Fauci has said an ad aired by Donald Trump's reelection campaign was edited to make him seem to endorse the president's handling of the coronavirus pandemic. But Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergies and Infectious Diseases, has so far never endorsed any political candidate. "In my nearly five decades of public service, I have never publicly endorsed any political candidate," Fauci said in a statement. The 30-second campaign ad cites Trump's personal experience with the virus -- "President Trump is recovering from the coronavirus, and so is America," it says -- before including a brief clip in which Fauci appears to praise the president's response to the pandemic. "I can't imagine that anybody could be doing more," Fauci is shown as saying, creating the clear impression he is referring to Trump. The complete clip, however, shows no hint of any appreciation. The clip is from Fauci's interview in March with Fox News, and shows the doctor saying: "I have been devoting almost full time on this. I'm down at the White House virtually every day with the task force. It's every single day. So, I can't imagine that under any circumstances that anybody could be doing more." In his statement Sunday, Fauci said, "The comments attributed to me without my permission in the GOP campaign ad were taken out of context from a broad statement I made months ago about the efforts of federal public health officials." Trump, as expected, did not budge and defended the clip, and his handling of pandemic, and rebutted the doctor's criticism. "They are indeed Dr. Fauci's own words. We have done a 'phenomenal' job, according to certain governors," the president wrote in a tweet. As a leading member of the White House task force on the coronavirus, the 79-year-old doctor has frequently had to walk a fine line in attempting to clarify -- or correct -- the Trump's often incautious assertions about the disease or the treatments and vaccines being developed against Covid-19. Fauci has at times aroused Trump's ire, as when the president in April retweeted a message containing the hashtag #FireFauci -- before publicly insisting the doctor was doing a great job.

Fauci says Trump campaign ad twisted his words on coronavirus

Twitter on Sunday flagged a tweet by US President Donald Trump in which he claimed he was immune to the coronavirus. The micro-blogging site said it violated the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19.

"A total and complete sign off from White House Doctors yesterday. That means I can't get it (immune), and can't give it. Very nice to know," Trump said in the tweet.

The post was flagged by Twitter with a disclaimer.

"This Tweet violated the Twitter Rules about spreading misleading and potentially harmful information related to COVID-19," Twitter's disclaimer read, adding that it had determined that it may be in the public's interest for the tweet to remain accessible.

Additionally, Trump earlier on Sunday said he had fully recovered from COVID-19 and was not an infection risk for others, freeing him to return to holding big campaign rallies during the final weeks of the race for the White House.

Trump also said, without producing evidence, that he was now immune, a claim that drew a flag from Twitter for violating the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19.

"I passed the highest test, the highest standards, and I'm in great shape," Trump told Fox News show "Sunday Morning Futures."

"It looks like I'm immune for, I don't know, maybe a long time, or maybe a short time. It could be a lifetime. Nobody really knows," Trump told Fox.

Trump, who is trailing Democratic rival Joe Biden in opinion polls, is eager to get back on the campaign trail after an absence of more than a week. He plans to travel to the key battleground state of Florida on Monday, followed by rallies in Pennsylvania and Iowa on Tuesday and Wednesday, respectively.

The president, who spent three days in the hospital after revealing he had tested positive on October 2, said he was no longer on medications for the coronavirus and was now immune from re-infection.

Trump said on Sunday he had fully recovered from COVID-19 and would not be a transmission risk to others, freeing him to return to holding big campaign rallies during the final weeks of the race for the White House.

The scientific evidence is unclear on how long people who have recovered from COVID-19 have antibodies and are protected from a second infection.

The president first announced that he had had a positive coronavirus test on October 2. Trump's physician said on Saturday the president had taken a test showing he was no longer infectious.

Trump, who is trailing Democrat Joe Biden in opinion polls ahead of the November 3 election, is eager to get back on the campaign trail after an absence of more than a week. He plans to travel to the key battleground state of Florida on Monday, followed by rallies in Pennsylvania and Iowa on Tuesday and Wednesday, respectively. 
&nbsp;

Twitter on Sunday flagged a tweet by US President Donald Trump in which he claimed he was immune to the coronavirus. The micro-blogging site said it violated the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19.

Twitter on Sunday flagged a tweet by US President Donald Trump in which he claimed he was immune to the coronavirus. The micro-blogging site said it violated the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19. "A total and complete sign off from White House Doctors yesterday. That means I can't get it (immune), and can't give it. Very nice to know," Trump said in the tweet. The post was flagged by Twitter with a disclaimer. "This Tweet violated the Twitter Rules about spreading misleading and potentially harmful information related to COVID-19," Twitter's disclaimer read, adding that it had determined that it may be in the public's interest for the tweet to remain accessible. Additionally, Trump earlier on Sunday said he had fully recovered from COVID-19 and was not an infection risk for others, freeing him to return to holding big campaign rallies during the final weeks of the race for the White House. Trump also said, without producing evidence, that he was now immune, a claim that drew a flag from Twitter for violating the social media platform's rules about misleading information related to COVID-19. "I passed the highest test, the highest standards, and I'm in great shape," Trump told Fox News show "Sunday Morning Futures." "It looks like I'm immune for, I don't know, maybe a long time, or maybe a short time. It could be a lifetime. Nobody really knows," Trump told Fox. Trump, who is trailing Democratic rival Joe Biden in opinion polls, is eager to get back on the campaign trail after an absence of more than a week. He plans to travel to the key battleground state of Florida on Monday, followed by rallies in Pennsylvania and Iowa on Tuesday and Wednesday, respectively. The president, who spent three days in the hospital after revealing he had tested positive on October 2, said he was no longer on medications for the coronavirus and was now immune from re-infection. Trump said on Sunday he had fully recovered from COVID-19 and would not be a transmission risk to others, freeing him to return to holding big campaign rallies during the final weeks of the race for the White House. The scientific evidence is unclear on how long people who have recovered from COVID-19 have antibodies and are protected from a second infection. The president first announced that he had had a positive coronavirus test on October 2. Trump's physician said on Saturday the president had taken a test showing he was no longer infectious. Trump, who is trailing Democrat Joe Biden in opinion polls ahead of the November 3 election, is eager to get back on the campaign trail after an absence of more than a week. He plans to travel to the key battleground state of Florida on Monday, followed by rallies in Pennsylvania and Iowa on Tuesday and Wednesday, respectively.

Twitter flags Trump tweet for violating its rules on COVID-19 information

Three weeks from now, we will reach an end to speculation about what Donald Trump will do if he faces political defeat, whether he will leave power like a normal president or attempt some wild resistance. Reality will intrude, substantially if not definitively, into the argument over whether the president is a corrupt incompetent who postures as a strongman on Twitter or a threat to the Republic to whom words like “authoritarian” and even “autocrat” can be reasonably applied.

I’ve been on the first side of that argument since early in his presidency, and since we’re nearing either an ending or some poll-defying reset, let me make the case just one more time.

Across the past four years, the Trump administration has indeed displayed hallmarks of authoritarianism. It features egregious internal sycophancy and hacks in high positions, abusive presidential rhetoric and mendacity on an unusual scale. The president’s attempts to delegitimize the 2020 vote aren’t novel; they’re an extension of the way he’s talked since his birther days, paranoid and demagogic.

These are all very bad things, and good reasons to favor his defeat. But it’s also important to recognize all the elements of authoritarianism he lacks. He lacks popularity and political skill, unlike most of the global strongmen who are supposed to be his peers. He lacks power over the media: Outside of Fox’s prime time, he faces an unremittingly hostile press whose major outlets have thrived throughout his presidency. He is plainly despised by his own military leadership, and notwithstanding his courtship of Mark Zuckerberg, Silicon Valley is more likely to censor him than to support him in a constitutional crisis.

His own Supreme Court appointees have already ruled against him; his attempts to turn his voter-fraud hype into litigation have been repeatedly defeated in the courts; he has been constantly at war with his own CIA and FBI. And there is no mass movement behind him: The threat of far-right violence is certainly real, but America’s streets belong to the anti-Trump left.

So if you judge an authoritarian by institutional influence, Trump falls absurdly short. And the same goes for judging his power grabs. Yes, he has successfully violated post-Watergate norms in the service of self-protection and his pocketbook. But pre-Watergate presidents were not autocrats, and in terms of seizing power over &lt;em&gt;policy&lt;/em&gt; he has been less imperial than either George W. Bush or Barack Obama.

There is still no Trumpian equivalent of Bush’s anti-terror and enhanced-interrogation innovations or Obama’s immigration gambit and unconstitutional Libyan war. Trump’s worst human-rights violation, the separation of migrants from their children, was withdrawn under public outcry. His biggest defiance of Congress involved some money for a still-unfinished border wall. And when the coronavirus handed him a once-in-a-century excuse to seize new powers, he retreating to a cranky libertarianism instead.

All this context means that one can oppose Trump, even hate him, and still feel very confident that he will leave office if he is defeated, and that any attempt to cling to power illegitimately will be a theater of the absurd.

Yes, Trump could theoretically retain power if the final outcome is genuinely too close to call.

But the same would be true of any president if their reelection came down to a few hundred votes, and Trump is less equipped than a normal Republican to steer through a Florida-in-2000 controversy — and less likely, given his excesses, to have jurists like John Roberts on his side at the end.

Meanwhile, the scenarios that have been spun out in reputable publications — where Trump induces Republican state legislatures to overrule the clear outcome in their states or militia violence intimidates the Supreme Court into vacating a Biden victory — bear no relationship to the Trump presidency we’ve actually experienced. Our weak, ranting, infected-by-COVID chief executive is not plotting a coup, because a term like “plotting” implies capabilities that he conspicuously lacks.

OK, the reader might say, but since you concede that the Orange Man is, in fact, bad, what’s the harm of a little paranoia, a little extra vigilance?

There are many answers, but I’ll just offer one: With American liberalism poised to retake presidential power, it needs clarity about its own position. Liberalism lost in 2016 out of a mix of accident and hubris, and many liberals have spent the last four years persuading themselves that their position might soon be as beleaguered as the opposition under Putin, or German liberals late in Weimar.

But in reality, liberalism under Trump has become a more dominant force in our society, with a zealous progressive vanguard and a monopoly in the commanding heights of culture. Its return to power in Washington won’t be the salvation of American pluralism; it will be the unification of cultural and political power under a single banner.

Wielding that power in a way that doesn’t just seed another backlash requires both vision and restraint. And seeing its current enemy clearly, as a feckless tribune for the discontented rather than an autocratic menace, is essential to the wisdom that a Biden presidency needs.

Three weeks from now, we will reach an end to speculation about what Donald Trump will do if he faces political defeat, whether he will leave power like a normal president or attempt some wild resistance.

Three weeks from now, we will reach an end to speculation about what Donald Trump will do if he faces political defeat, whether he will leave power like a normal president or attempt some wild resistance. Reality will intrude, substantially if not definitively, into the argument over whether the president is a corrupt incompetent who postures as a strongman on Twitter or a threat to the Republic to whom words like “authoritarian” and even “autocrat” can be reasonably applied. I’ve been on the first side of that argument since early in his presidency, and since we’re nearing either an ending or some poll-defying reset, let me make the case just one more time. Across the past four years, the Trump administration has indeed displayed hallmarks of authoritarianism. It features egregious internal sycophancy and hacks in high positions, abusive presidential rhetoric and mendacity on an unusual scale. The president’s attempts to delegitimize the 2020 vote aren’t novel; they’re an extension of the way he’s talked since his birther days, paranoid and demagogic. These are all very bad things, and good reasons to favor his defeat. But it’s also important to recognize all the elements of authoritarianism he lacks. He lacks popularity and political skill, unlike most of the global strongmen who are supposed to be his peers. He lacks power over the media: Outside of Fox’s prime time, he faces an unremittingly hostile press whose major outlets have thrived throughout his presidency. He is plainly despised by his own military leadership, and notwithstanding his courtship of Mark Zuckerberg, Silicon Valley is more likely to censor him than to support him in a constitutional crisis. His own Supreme Court appointees have already ruled against him; his attempts to turn his voter-fraud hype into litigation have been repeatedly defeated in the courts; he has been constantly at war with his own CIA and FBI. And there is no mass movement behind him: The threat of far-right violence is certainly real, but America’s streets belong to the anti-Trump left. So if you judge an authoritarian by institutional influence, Trump falls absurdly short. And the same goes for judging his power grabs. Yes, he has successfully violated post-Watergate norms in the service of self-protection and his pocketbook. But pre-Watergate presidents were not autocrats, and in terms of seizing power over policy he has been less imperial than either George W. Bush or Barack Obama. There is still no Trumpian equivalent of Bush’s anti-terror and enhanced-interrogation innovations or Obama’s immigration gambit and unconstitutional Libyan war. Trump’s worst human-rights violation, the separation of migrants from their children, was withdrawn under public outcry. His biggest defiance of Congress involved some money for a still-unfinished border wall. And when the coronavirus handed him a once-in-a-century excuse to seize new powers, he retreating to a cranky libertarianism instead. All this context means that one can oppose Trump, even hate him, and still feel very confident that he will leave office if he is defeated, and that any attempt to cling to power illegitimately will be a theater of the absurd. Yes, Trump could theoretically retain power if the final outcome is genuinely too close to call. But the same would be true of any president if their reelection came down to a few hundred votes, and Trump is less equipped than a normal Republican to steer through a Florida-in-2000 controversy — and less likely, given his excesses, to have jurists like John Roberts on his side at the end. Meanwhile, the scenarios that have been spun out in reputable publications — where Trump induces Republican state legislatures to overrule the clear outcome in their states or militia violence intimidates the Supreme Court into vacating a Biden victory — bear no relationship to the Trump presidency we’ve actually experienced. Our weak, ranting, infected-by-COVID chief executive is not plotting a coup, because a term like “plotting” implies capabilities that he conspicuously lacks. OK, the reader might say, but since you concede that the Orange Man is, in fact, bad, what’s the harm of a little paranoia, a little extra vigilance? There are many answers, but I’ll just offer one: With American liberalism poised to retake presidential power, it needs clarity about its own position. Liberalism lost in 2016 out of a mix of accident and hubris, and many liberals have spent the last four years persuading themselves that their position might soon be as beleaguered as the opposition under Putin, or German liberals late in Weimar. But in reality, liberalism under Trump has become a more dominant force in our society, with a zealous progressive vanguard and a monopoly in the commanding heights of culture. Its return to power in Washington won’t be the salvation of American pluralism; it will be the unification of cultural and political power under a single banner. Wielding that power in a way that doesn’t just seed another backlash requires both vision and restraint. And seeing its current enemy clearly, as a feckless tribune for the discontented rather than an autocratic menace, is essential to the wisdom that a Biden presidency needs.

There will be no Trump coup