US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Tuesday that Washington stood united with NATO allies in efforts to bring a 'responsible' end to the conflict in Afghanistan.&nbsp;

"Tactical decisions aside, we are united with our NATO allies in seeking to bring a responsible end to this conflict and to remove our troops from harm's way, just as we are collectively determined to ensure that Afghanistan never again becomes a safe haven for terrorists, who could threaten the United States or our allies," Blinken said at a press conference alongside NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg in Brussels.&nbsp;

The foreign ministers of NATO member states on Tuesday convened for a two-day in-person meeting in Brussels, for the first time since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic.&nbsp;

Last week, the Taliban movement urged the US to complete the pullout of its troops from Afghanistan by May 1 as agreed last year. &nbsp;

Suhail Shaheen, a member of the movement's negotiating team, said at recent talks in Moscow that the US forces would violate the February 2020 agreement with the Taliban by staying in Afghanistan beyond the May deadline.&nbsp;

US President Joe Biden, in turn, told ABC News earlier in March that it would be 'tough' for all US servicemen to leave Afghanistan by May 1. &nbsp;

The US president also said that the final decision on the pullout of troops was yet to be made and Washington was consulting with its allies on the matter. &nbsp;

The NBC News reported last week, citing sources, that the Biden administration was considering extending the US troop deployment in Afghanistan until November. &nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Tuesday that Washington stood united with NATO allies in efforts to bring a 'responsible' end to the conflict in Afghanistan.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Tuesday that Washington stood united with NATO allies in efforts to bring a 'responsible' end to the conflict in Afghanistan. "Tactical decisions aside, we are united with our NATO allies in seeking to bring a responsible end to this conflict and to remove our troops from harm's way, just as we are collectively determined to ensure that Afghanistan never again becomes a safe haven for terrorists, who could threaten the United States or our allies," Blinken said at a press conference alongside NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg in Brussels. The foreign ministers of NATO member states on Tuesday convened for a two-day in-person meeting in Brussels, for the first time since the start of the Covid-19 pandemic. Last week, the Taliban movement urged the US to complete the pullout of its troops from Afghanistan by May 1 as agreed last year. Suhail Shaheen, a member of the movement's negotiating team, said at recent talks in Moscow that the US forces would violate the February 2020 agreement with the Taliban by staying in Afghanistan beyond the May deadline. US President Joe Biden, in turn, told ABC News earlier in March that it would be 'tough' for all US servicemen to leave Afghanistan by May 1. The US president also said that the final decision on the pullout of troops was yet to be made and Washington was consulting with its allies on the matter. The NBC News reported last week, citing sources, that the Biden administration was considering extending the US troop deployment in Afghanistan until November. (With inputs from agencies)

Blinken: US united with NATO allies for a 'responsible' end to Afghan conflict 

In a fresh set back for AstraZeneca, the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) in the US said that AstraZeneca may have included out-of-date information during trials of its COVID-19 vaccine.

US Agency: AstraZeneca may have included outdated data

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani will propose a new presidential election within six months, under a peace plan, he will put forward as a counter-offer to a US proposal that he rejects, two senior government officials told Reuters.&nbsp;

Ghani will unveil his proposal at an international gathering in Turkey next month, signalling his refusal to accept Washington's plan for his elected government to be replaced by an interim administration, the officials said.&nbsp;

Washington, which agreed last year to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan by May 1 after nearly two decades, is pressing for a peace deal to end war between the government and the Taliban. Talks between the Afghan sides in Qatar have stalled.&nbsp;

US Special Envoy Zalmay Khalilzad has been circulating a proposal, which would replace the Kabul government with an interim administration. But Ghani has voiced vehement opposition to any solution that requires his government to step aside for unelected successors.&nbsp;

"The counterproposal, which we are going to present at the Istanbul meeting, would be to call for early presidential elections if the Taliban agree on a ceasefire," one senior government official said on condition of anonymity.&nbsp;

Another Afghan government official said, "The president would never agree to step aside and any future government should be formed through democratic process, not a political deal."&nbsp;

A third senior official also said Ghani's proposal would include possible early elections, although he did not specify the exact time frame for the vote. The third official said Ghani had already shared his roadmap with Khalilzad.&nbsp;

With just weeks left before a deadline it agreed with Taliban last year to end the longest war in US history, Washington is seeking regional backing for its approach to push the Kabul government and insurgents to share power.&nbsp;

But diplomats and foreign officials have said it will be difficult to move forward with the US plans without Ghani's support.&nbsp;

During a visit to the region, which included stops in Doha and Islamabad, Khalilzad pushed for a conference to be hosted by Turkey with involvement from the United Nations next month.&nbsp;

The Afghan officials said that as part of Ghani's counter-proposal, his government would ask the UN to closely observe the new election to ensure it is accepted by all sides.&nbsp;

A presidential palace spokesman declined to comment.&nbsp;

Peace negotiations between the Afghan government and insurgent Taliban in Qatar's capital Doha have made little progress, while violence has increased.&nbsp;

The Taliban, which is fighting the foreign-backed government since being ousted from power by Afghan opponents and US air strikes in late 2001, have so far rejected a ceasefire and said they would not directly join an interim government.&nbsp;

Ghani was sworn in as president for a second five-year term in March last year after a disputed presidential election.&nbsp;

The new US administration led by President Joe Biden is reviewing its plans before May 1, the deadline agreed last year under the Donald Trump administration for the last 2,500 US troops to leave Afghanistan. Biden told broadcaster ABC last week that it would be 'tough' to meet the deadline.&nbsp;

The Taliban say there will be consequences if the United States does not meet the deadline to pull out.&nbsp;

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani will propose a new presidential election within six months, under a peace plan, he will put forward as a counter-offer to a US proposal that he rejects, two senior government officials told Reuters.

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani will propose a new presidential election within six months, under a peace plan, he will put forward as a counter-offer to a US proposal that he rejects, two senior government officials told Reuters. Ghani will unveil his proposal at an international gathering in Turkey next month, signalling his refusal to accept Washington's plan for his elected government to be replaced by an interim administration, the officials said. Washington, which agreed last year to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan by May 1 after nearly two decades, is pressing for a peace deal to end war between the government and the Taliban. Talks between the Afghan sides in Qatar have stalled. US Special Envoy Zalmay Khalilzad has been circulating a proposal, which would replace the Kabul government with an interim administration. But Ghani has voiced vehement opposition to any solution that requires his government to step aside for unelected successors. "The counterproposal, which we are going to present at the Istanbul meeting, would be to call for early presidential elections if the Taliban agree on a ceasefire," one senior government official said on condition of anonymity. Another Afghan government official said, "The president would never agree to step aside and any future government should be formed through democratic process, not a political deal." A third senior official also said Ghani's proposal would include possible early elections, although he did not specify the exact time frame for the vote. The third official said Ghani had already shared his roadmap with Khalilzad. With just weeks left before a deadline it agreed with Taliban last year to end the longest war in US history, Washington is seeking regional backing for its approach to push the Kabul government and insurgents to share power. But diplomats and foreign officials have said it will be difficult to move forward with the US plans without Ghani's support. During a visit to the region, which included stops in Doha and Islamabad, Khalilzad pushed for a conference to be hosted by Turkey with involvement from the United Nations next month. The Afghan officials said that as part of Ghani's counter-proposal, his government would ask the UN to closely observe the new election to ensure it is accepted by all sides. A presidential palace spokesman declined to comment. Peace negotiations between the Afghan government and insurgent Taliban in Qatar's capital Doha have made little progress, while violence has increased. The Taliban, which is fighting the foreign-backed government since being ousted from power by Afghan opponents and US air strikes in late 2001, have so far rejected a ceasefire and said they would not directly join an interim government. Ghani was sworn in as president for a second five-year term in March last year after a disputed presidential election. The new US administration led by President Joe Biden is reviewing its plans before May 1, the deadline agreed last year under the Donald Trump administration for the last 2,500 US troops to leave Afghanistan. Biden told broadcaster ABC last week that it would be 'tough' to meet the deadline. The Taliban say there will be consequences if the United States does not meet the deadline to pull out.

Rejecting US peace plan, Afghan president to offer election in six months 

The U.S. Treasury Department said on Monday it was imposing sanctions on two members of Myanmar's ruling junta, including the chief of police, and two military units linked to the deadly repression of protests again the army's coup, as Washington warned of more action.

President Joe Biden's administration has already blacklisted top junta members and some military-owned companies, but the military has refused to change course and increasingly used violence against anti-coup demonstrators, killing more than 250 people so far.

"Today's actions send a strong signal that we will follow through on our pledges to continue to take action against coup leaders and those who perpetrate violence," Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in a statement.

The U.S. action came on the heels of the European Union imposing its own sanctions on Monday on 11 individuals linked to the Feb. 1 coup in Myanmar.

The U.S. Treasury's action targeted Than Hlaing, a military officer who was appointed to lead the police force after the coup, and Lieutenant General Aung Soe, a special operations commander overseeing the crackdown.

The move essentially freezes any U.S. assets of those blacklisted and generally bars Americans from dealing with them.

The Treasury also blacklisted the army's 77th Light Infantry Division and 33rd Light Infantry Division, which have been deployed to suppress anti-coup demonstrations in the largest city, Yangon, and second city of Mandalay.

"Video footage shows security forces riding pickup trucks while apparently indiscriminately firing live ammunition in multiple directions, including into people's homes," the Treasury said of the crackdowns.

The 33rd was one of two of the army's elite light infantry units already under U.S. human rights sanctions for their roles in the military's 2017 assault on Rohingya Muslims, which were first detailed in a Reuters special report. 
&nbsp;

The U.S. Treasury Department said on Monday it was imposing sanctions on two members of Myanmar's ruling junta, including the chief of police, and two military units linked to the deadly repression of protests again the army's coup, as Washington warned of more action.

The U.S. Treasury Department said on Monday it was imposing sanctions on two members of Myanmar's ruling junta, including the chief of police, and two military units linked to the deadly repression of protests again the army's coup, as Washington warned of more action. President Joe Biden's administration has already blacklisted top junta members and some military-owned companies, but the military has refused to change course and increasingly used violence against anti-coup demonstrators, killing more than 250 people so far. "Today's actions send a strong signal that we will follow through on our pledges to continue to take action against coup leaders and those who perpetrate violence," Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in a statement. The U.S. action came on the heels of the European Union imposing its own sanctions on Monday on 11 individuals linked to the Feb. 1 coup in Myanmar. The U.S. Treasury's action targeted Than Hlaing, a military officer who was appointed to lead the police force after the coup, and Lieutenant General Aung Soe, a special operations commander overseeing the crackdown. The move essentially freezes any U.S. assets of those blacklisted and generally bars Americans from dealing with them. The Treasury also blacklisted the army's 77th Light Infantry Division and 33rd Light Infantry Division, which have been deployed to suppress anti-coup demonstrations in the largest city, Yangon, and second city of Mandalay. "Video footage shows security forces riding pickup trucks while apparently indiscriminately firing live ammunition in multiple directions, including into people's homes," the Treasury said of the crackdowns. The 33rd was one of two of the army's elite light infantry units already under U.S. human rights sanctions for their roles in the military's 2017 assault on Rohingya Muslims, which were first detailed in a Reuters special report.

US blacklists Myanmar police chief, army units over deadly crackdown

Unaccompanied migrants at the US-Mexico border are an unprecedented challenge for the Biden administration. US President Joe Biden has planned to visit the US-Mexico border to review the situation of migrants seeking refugee status in the country.

Joe Biden plans to visit Mexican border to review migrants situation

William Pietri, a software engineer in San Francisco, put careful thought into his Christmas box for his family in Michigan, jamming it with tastes from around the world and other gifts: Indonesian ginger candy, Mexican saladitos con chile, Korean honey butter almonds, a puzzle that was almost impossible to find.

But about three months later, the package has never arrived. According to the U.S. Postal Service, it is still “in transit, arriving late.”

Pietri, 51, is left to guess at the cause. The coronavirus pandemic? The politicization of the Postal Service under former President Donald Trump? “Well-informed delays, I would be happy with, but this great mystery is deeply frustrating,” he said.

Months after an election that thrust problems at the Postal Service into the national glare, the beleaguered agency has failed to restore its target delivery times. In mid-December — awash in Christmas and New Year’s greetings — the agency delivered as little as 62% of first-class mail on time, the lowest level in years, according to Postal Service data. The rate had rebounded to 84% by the week of March 6, but remained far below the agency’s target of about 96%.

“It hasn’t really gotten better as much as we would have hoped at this point,” said Dave Lewis, the president of SnailWorks, a company that tracks commercial mail and has found that delivery now takes four to five days, after years of averaging 3.5. “It just seems that the Postal Service just hasn’t come to grips with this and hasn’t been able to dig themselves out of it yet from the problems they had in December.”

The delays are compounding problems at a venerable American institution already teetering under widening financial losses, polarizing leadership and questions about what the Biden administration will — or even can — do to right the ship. And they may be a precursor of even worse delays to come as the Postal Service reaches a potential inflection point: The agency cannot fix its finances without addressing its service problems, and it cannot address its service problems without fixing its finances.

Already the postmaster general, Louis DeJoy, is completing a soon-to-be-released plan to stabilize the agency’s finances over 10 years that is expected to prioritize reliability and cost effectiveness over speed. In part, that could mean people like Pietri no longer find their Christmas gifts lost in transit, but it almost certainly would slow the delivery of some mail even further.

DeJoy’s report is expected to propose eliminating the use of planes for the first-class mail service to transport letters and other flat mail in the contiguous United States, according to someone familiar with the planning. It is also expected to propose lengthening the agency’s standard delivery time for first-class mail, which includes many envelopes and lightweight packages, from within three days to within five days.

Among other ideas under consideration: shuttering processing facilities and reducing some post office hours. DeJoy told lawmakers last month that price increases would also be part of the strategy. The plan is part of a concerted effort by the agency to shift its resources to shipping packages, which have become a growing share of its business as traditional mail volumes have declined.

The plan, some details of which were reported earlier by The Washington Post, aims to address longer-term problems at the agency. Although recent months have been particularly dire, the Postal Service has not met its mail delivery service standards for more than eight years.

The proposal is almost certain to prompt resistance from the Democrats who control Congress and the White House, but it is also unclear what they will do about it.

DeJoy, a former logistics executive and Trump megadonor, had already drawn Democrats’ wrath when slowdowns began last year as he instituted operational changes during an election year with a historic influx of mail-in ballots. But President Joe Biden cannot directly fire him. Instead, his fate rests with the Postal Service Board of Governors, minus DeJoy himself, composed entirely of Trump appointees.

Some Democrats have called for Biden to fire all of the governors, and though he may have the legal authority to do so, the president has shown little appetite for such a drastic move after repeatedly criticizing his predecessor for norm-breaking firings across the government. He has nominated three new governors for open spots, but the board does not intend to wait for the confirmation of Biden’s picks to complete its 10-year plan.

The Postal Service has blamed the pandemic and a record holiday peak season for much of the poor service performance. David Partenheimer, a spokesperson for the agency, emphasized that the pandemic had contributed to an industrywide shortage of air cargo capacity, and that for the Postal Service, which does not operate or own planes, air transportation is less reliable and more expensive than ground transportation. He would not comment on the contents of the plan beyond that it would include a review of current delivery service standards.

“Our forthcoming plan to achieve service excellence and financial sustainability for the U.S. Postal Service is designed to strengthen our public service mission,” Partenheimer said in an email early this month. “We will share the final plan’s details in the coming weeks.”

DeJoy has repeatedly stressed the need to improve the Postal Service’s financial status, which has grown increasingly dire as the use of its most profitable product — first-class mail — continues to decline.

In the past 14 fiscal years, the Postal Service has lost $87 billion, including $9.2 billion in the 2020 fiscal year alone, and expects to lose $9.7 billion in 2021. The agency, which is expected to be self-sustaining, “cannot fund its current level of services and financial obligations from its revenues,” the Government Accountability Office said in a report naming the Postal Service to its “high risk” financial list. In July, the service reached an agreement with the Treasury Department on a $10 billion loan as part of a coronavirus relief bill.

But critics question why the postmaster general would slow mail delivery when the agency is already struggling to deliver mail on time and no current members of the Board of Governors have extensive experience at the agency. Michael Plunkett, the president of the Association for Postal Commerce, which represents businesses and organizations that are postal customers, called the proposals as well as efforts to increase prices “a shortsighted and imprudent step by postal management” with service already lagging and a poor economy.

Mark Diamondstein, the president of the American Postal Workers Union, said his group, among the largest Postal Service unions, had not been asked to consult on the 10-year plan as of early this month. The Board of Governors appears to have “no interest” in his union’s input, he said.

With the election over, the Postal Service is no longer encumbered by court orders that limited its ability to institute major operational changes or forced it to disclose on-time delivery rates while ballots passed through its network.

But plenty of customers report delays. Laura Nelson Selinsky, a teacher from King of Prussia, Pennsylvania, said a Christmas card sent on Dec. 11 did not arrive until the middle of January. And even though her husband received a prescription by mail a month late, she said she worried more about how the delays could affect her students at a small private school that specializes in learning disabilities.

In December, she sent packages of goodies to the 12th graders in her British literature class who were reading “Macbeth.” Among those included: Renaissance-era snacks, plastic swords, scripts, headdresses and a chain mail coif, all so the students could act out the play, she said.

But one student did not receive any materials until the unit was largely complete.

“This is such a small thing, to be able to go to the post office and you spend $70 on materials, on priority mailing materials, to students because you really want them to have it for this special event, and you really can’t count on them being there,” Nelson Selinsky said. The Postal Service is “a thing that we should be able to count on, and we just can’t.”

Occasionally, the delays can be a matter of life and death. Naya, a cat with big sage eyes found dumped in a Corona beer box, had a disease caused by a kind of fatal, feline coronavirus treatable only by a drug sold through “the underground cat railroad,” said Daniela Stolfi-Tow, who volunteers for a cat rescue group in Hawaii. They call her the “corona kitten,” she added.

When Stolfi-Tow ordered medication, it was held up in New York and never arrived. The symptoms became apparent: Naya started to lose the ability to walk straight, jerking and falling over.

Stolfi-Tow ordered another shipment held up in California that never arrived, and was preparing to get on a plane herself to pick up the medication. But finally, a third order arrived. It was sent through FedEx.

“I just cried. I was just like, ‘Oh, my God, you saved her life,’ ” she said. “It’s appalling to me that the government has not stepped in and said, ‘Hey, get it together or stop taking packages until you can deal with whatever the problem is.’ ”

William Pietri, a software engineer in San Francisco, put careful thought into his Christmas box for his family in Michigan, jamming it with tastes from around the world and other gifts: Indonesian ginger candy, Mexican saladitos con chile, Korean honey butter almonds, a puzzle that was almost impossible to find.

William Pietri, a software engineer in San Francisco, put careful thought into his Christmas box for his family in Michigan, jamming it with tastes from around the world and other gifts: Indonesian ginger candy, Mexican saladitos con chile, Korean honey butter almonds, a puzzle that was almost impossible to find. But about three months later, the package has never arrived. According to the U.S. Postal Service, it is still “in transit, arriving late.” Pietri, 51, is left to guess at the cause. The coronavirus pandemic? The politicization of the Postal Service under former President Donald Trump? “Well-informed delays, I would be happy with, but this great mystery is deeply frustrating,” he said. Months after an election that thrust problems at the Postal Service into the national glare, the beleaguered agency has failed to restore its target delivery times. In mid-December — awash in Christmas and New Year’s greetings — the agency delivered as little as 62% of first-class mail on time, the lowest level in years, according to Postal Service data. The rate had rebounded to 84% by the week of March 6, but remained far below the agency’s target of about 96%. “It hasn’t really gotten better as much as we would have hoped at this point,” said Dave Lewis, the president of SnailWorks, a company that tracks commercial mail and has found that delivery now takes four to five days, after years of averaging 3.5. “It just seems that the Postal Service just hasn’t come to grips with this and hasn’t been able to dig themselves out of it yet from the problems they had in December.” The delays are compounding problems at a venerable American institution already teetering under widening financial losses, polarizing leadership and questions about what the Biden administration will — or even can — do to right the ship. And they may be a precursor of even worse delays to come as the Postal Service reaches a potential inflection point: The agency cannot fix its finances without addressing its service problems, and it cannot address its service problems without fixing its finances. Already the postmaster general, Louis DeJoy, is completing a soon-to-be-released plan to stabilize the agency’s finances over 10 years that is expected to prioritize reliability and cost effectiveness over speed. In part, that could mean people like Pietri no longer find their Christmas gifts lost in transit, but it almost certainly would slow the delivery of some mail even further. DeJoy’s report is expected to propose eliminating the use of planes for the first-class mail service to transport letters and other flat mail in the contiguous United States, according to someone familiar with the planning. It is also expected to propose lengthening the agency’s standard delivery time for first-class mail, which includes many envelopes and lightweight packages, from within three days to within five days. Among other ideas under consideration: shuttering processing facilities and reducing some post office hours. DeJoy told lawmakers last month that price increases would also be part of the strategy. The plan is part of a concerted effort by the agency to shift its resources to shipping packages, which have become a growing share of its business as traditional mail volumes have declined. The plan, some details of which were reported earlier by The Washington Post, aims to address longer-term problems at the agency. Although recent months have been particularly dire, the Postal Service has not met its mail delivery service standards for more than eight years. The proposal is almost certain to prompt resistance from the Democrats who control Congress and the White House, but it is also unclear what they will do about it. DeJoy, a former logistics executive and Trump megadonor, had already drawn Democrats’ wrath when slowdowns began last year as he instituted operational changes during an election year with a historic influx of mail-in ballots. But President Joe Biden cannot directly fire him. Instead, his fate rests with the Postal Service Board of Governors, minus DeJoy himself, composed entirely of Trump appointees. Some Democrats have called for Biden to fire all of the governors, and though he may have the legal authority to do so, the president has shown little appetite for such a drastic move after repeatedly criticizing his predecessor for norm-breaking firings across the government. He has nominated three new governors for open spots, but the board does not intend to wait for the confirmation of Biden’s picks to complete its 10-year plan. The Postal Service has blamed the pandemic and a record holiday peak season for much of the poor service performance. David Partenheimer, a spokesperson for the agency, emphasized that the pandemic had contributed to an industrywide shortage of air cargo capacity, and that for the Postal Service, which does not operate or own planes, air transportation is less reliable and more expensive than ground transportation. He would not comment on the contents of the plan beyond that it would include a review of current delivery service standards. “Our forthcoming plan to achieve service excellence and financial sustainability for the U.S. Postal Service is designed to strengthen our public service mission,” Partenheimer said in an email early this month. “We will share the final plan’s details in the coming weeks.” DeJoy has repeatedly stressed the need to improve the Postal Service’s financial status, which has grown increasingly dire as the use of its most profitable product — first-class mail — continues to decline. In the past 14 fiscal years, the Postal Service has lost $87 billion, including $9.2 billion in the 2020 fiscal year alone, and expects to lose $9.7 billion in 2021. The agency, which is expected to be self-sustaining, “cannot fund its current level of services and financial obligations from its revenues,” the Government Accountability Office said in a report naming the Postal Service to its “high risk” financial list. In July, the service reached an agreement with the Treasury Department on a $10 billion loan as part of a coronavirus relief bill. But critics question why the postmaster general would slow mail delivery when the agency is already struggling to deliver mail on time and no current members of the Board of Governors have extensive experience at the agency. Michael Plunkett, the president of the Association for Postal Commerce, which represents businesses and organizations that are postal customers, called the proposals as well as efforts to increase prices “a shortsighted and imprudent step by postal management” with service already lagging and a poor economy. Mark Diamondstein, the president of the American Postal Workers Union, said his group, among the largest Postal Service unions, had not been asked to consult on the 10-year plan as of early this month. The Board of Governors appears to have “no interest” in his union’s input, he said. With the election over, the Postal Service is no longer encumbered by court orders that limited its ability to institute major operational changes or forced it to disclose on-time delivery rates while ballots passed through its network. But plenty of customers report delays. Laura Nelson Selinsky, a teacher from King of Prussia, Pennsylvania, said a Christmas card sent on Dec. 11 did not arrive until the middle of January. And even though her husband received a prescription by mail a month late, she said she worried more about how the delays could affect her students at a small private school that specializes in learning disabilities. In December, she sent packages of goodies to the 12th graders in her British literature class who were reading “Macbeth.” Among those included: Renaissance-era snacks, plastic swords, scripts, headdresses and a chain mail coif, all so the students could act out the play, she said. But one student did not receive any materials until the unit was largely complete. “This is such a small thing, to be able to go to the post office and you spend $70 on materials, on priority mailing materials, to students because you really want them to have it for this special event, and you really can’t count on them being there,” Nelson Selinsky said. The Postal Service is “a thing that we should be able to count on, and we just can’t.” Occasionally, the delays can be a matter of life and death. Naya, a cat with big sage eyes found dumped in a Corona beer box, had a disease caused by a kind of fatal, feline coronavirus treatable only by a drug sold through “the underground cat railroad,” said Daniela Stolfi-Tow, who volunteers for a cat rescue group in Hawaii. They call her the “corona kitten,” she added. When Stolfi-Tow ordered medication, it was held up in New York and never arrived. The symptoms became apparent: Naya started to lose the ability to walk straight, jerking and falling over. Stolfi-Tow ordered another shipment held up in California that never arrived, and was preparing to get on a plane herself to pick up the medication. But finally, a third order arrived. It was sent through FedEx. “I just cried. I was just like, ‘Oh, my God, you saved her life,’ ” she said. “It’s appalling to me that the government has not stepped in and said, ‘Hey, get it together or stop taking packages until you can deal with whatever the problem is.’ ”

Postal service struggles to speed up delivery, compounding its troubles

Asian-Americans continue to protest across the US against racism after a shooting in Atlanta which claimed the lives of eight people including six women of Asian descent.

WION Fineprint: Asian-Americans hit the streets against racism across US

Tokyo prosecutors on Monday charged two Americans with helping Carlos Ghosn, the former Nissan chief, jump bail in Tokyo, where he was awaiting trial on four counts of financial wrongdoing.

Japanese prosecutors said in an indictment that the two men, Michael Taylor, 60, a former Green Beret, and his son Peter Maxwell Taylor, 27, assisted Ghosn’s efforts to escape the country, helping him flee to Turkey and then on to Lebanon, where he has been beyond the reach of Japanese law.

U.S. officials arrested the men in May in Massachusetts. Earlier this month, they were extradited to Japan, where they have been held in a Tokyo detention center while undergoing questioning by prosecutors. A third man believed to have aided Ghosn’s escape remains at large.

Japanese authorities have accused Michael Taylor of helping Ghosn travel by train to the western city of Osaka, through security checks at a private jet terminal and then onto a plane bound for Turkey. Once there, Ghosn transferred to a flight bound for Beirut. Peter Taylor assisted in planning for the escapade, visiting Ghosn several times before the escape, officials say.

Ghosn and his son, Anthony Ghosn, paid more than $1.3 million to the Taylors and a company they controlled, U.S. prosecutors have said in court filings.

Ghosn’s case raised international concerns about what some critics call Japan’s system of “hostage justice,” which includes lengthy detentions of criminal suspects without charge. While in the United States, the Taylors fought a long legal battle to prevent their extradition, with their lawyers arguing that they could be subjected to harsh conditions in a Japanese jail.

Tokyo prosecutors on Monday charged two Americans with helping Carlos Ghosn, the former Nissan chief, jump bail in Tokyo, where he was awaiting trial on four counts of financial wrongdoing.

Tokyo prosecutors on Monday charged two Americans with helping Carlos Ghosn, the former Nissan chief, jump bail in Tokyo, where he was awaiting trial on four counts of financial wrongdoing. Japanese prosecutors said in an indictment that the two men, Michael Taylor, 60, a former Green Beret, and his son Peter Maxwell Taylor, 27, assisted Ghosn’s efforts to escape the country, helping him flee to Turkey and then on to Lebanon, where he has been beyond the reach of Japanese law. U.S. officials arrested the men in May in Massachusetts. Earlier this month, they were extradited to Japan, where they have been held in a Tokyo detention center while undergoing questioning by prosecutors. A third man believed to have aided Ghosn’s escape remains at large. Japanese authorities have accused Michael Taylor of helping Ghosn travel by train to the western city of Osaka, through security checks at a private jet terminal and then onto a plane bound for Turkey. Once there, Ghosn transferred to a flight bound for Beirut. Peter Taylor assisted in planning for the escapade, visiting Ghosn several times before the escape, officials say. Ghosn and his son, Anthony Ghosn, paid more than $1.3 million to the Taylors and a company they controlled, U.S. prosecutors have said in court filings. Ghosn’s case raised international concerns about what some critics call Japan’s system of “hostage justice,” which includes lengthy detentions of criminal suspects without charge. While in the United States, the Taylors fought a long legal battle to prevent their extradition, with their lawyers arguing that they could be subjected to harsh conditions in a Japanese jail.

Japan indicts two Americans tied to Ghosn’s escape

Pentagon Chief Lloyd Austin wrapped up his Asia tour with a surprise visit to Afghanistan. It comes merely weeks ahead of the deadline for the American troops to withdraw from the country.

Pentagon Chief Lloyd Austin meets Afghan President

Russia's ambassador to the United States Anatoly Antonov arrived in Moscow on Sunday after being recalled for emergency consultations over the worst crisis in relations with the United States in years.

Moscow recalls its envoy to US for emergency consultation after 'killer' row

Iran does not trust US promises on lifting sanctions and will only return to its commitments under a 2015 nuclear deal once Washington fully removes the measures, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said on Sunday.&nbsp;

The administration of US President Joe Biden is exploring ways to restore the 2015 nuclear deal that Iran signed with major world powers, but which was abandoned in 2018 by President Donald Trump, who reimposed sanctions. Iran retaliated by breaching the terms of the accord in a step-by-step response.&nbsp;

The United States and the other Western powers that signed up to the 2015 deal appear to be at odds with Tehran over which side should return to the accord first, making it unlikely that US sanctions, which have crippled Iran's economy can be quickly removed.&nbsp;

"We trusted America at the time of (former US President Barack) Obama and fulfilled our commitments. But they didn’t. The Americans said on paper that sanctions will be lifted, but they didn’t lift sanctions in practice," Khamenei said in a speech on state TV. "Their promises have no credibility for us."&nbsp;

"On paper, they said the sanctions were lifted but they told any company that wanted to sign a contract with us that this was dangerous and risky. They scared away investors," Khamenei said.&nbsp;

"The Americans must lift all sanctions. We will verify it and if sanctions are ... really cancelled, we will return to our obligations without any problems," Khamenei said. "We have a lot of patience and we are not in a hurry."&nbsp;

Khamenei, who has the final say in matters of state, said Iranian planners should act on a worst-case scenario that sanctions would not be lifted soon.&nbsp;

"You should assume that sanctions will remain in place and plan the country's economy based on sanctions," Khamenei said, addressing current officials and those who might take over after the country's presidential election in June.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

Iran does not trust US promises on lifting sanctions and will only return to its commitments under a 2015 nuclear deal once Washington fully removes the measures, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said on Sunday.

Iran does not trust US promises on lifting sanctions and will only return to its commitments under a 2015 nuclear deal once Washington fully removes the measures, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said on Sunday. The administration of US President Joe Biden is exploring ways to restore the 2015 nuclear deal that Iran signed with major world powers, but which was abandoned in 2018 by President Donald Trump, who reimposed sanctions. Iran retaliated by breaching the terms of the accord in a step-by-step response. The United States and the other Western powers that signed up to the 2015 deal appear to be at odds with Tehran over which side should return to the accord first, making it unlikely that US sanctions, which have crippled Iran's economy can be quickly removed. "We trusted America at the time of (former US President Barack) Obama and fulfilled our commitments. But they didn’t. The Americans said on paper that sanctions will be lifted, but they didn’t lift sanctions in practice," Khamenei said in a speech on state TV. "Their promises have no credibility for us." "On paper, they said the sanctions were lifted but they told any company that wanted to sign a contract with us that this was dangerous and risky. They scared away investors," Khamenei said. "The Americans must lift all sanctions. We will verify it and if sanctions are ... really cancelled, we will return to our obligations without any problems," Khamenei said. "We have a lot of patience and we are not in a hurry." Khamenei, who has the final say in matters of state, said Iranian planners should act on a worst-case scenario that sanctions would not be lifted soon. "You should assume that sanctions will remain in place and plan the country's economy based on sanctions," Khamenei said, addressing current officials and those who might take over after the country's presidential election in June. (With inputs from agencies)

US promises have no credibility for Iran: Khamenei  

Even as Americans across the country hunt for a lifesaving shot in a bid to get back to a semblance of pre-pandemic normalcy, more than a quarter of members of Congress, just a phone call away from receiving a coronavirus vaccine, have turned it down.

Lawmakers who have continued to meet in person during the pandemic, often in violation of public health advice, have had access to the Pfizer vaccine since late December. But in the House, about 25% of lawmakers have not received a vaccination, the top Republican wrote this week to Speaker Nancy Pelosi, citing data from the Office of the Attending Physician. It is unclear how many senators have been vaccinated, although a handful of Republicans have said they do not intend to get one.

The hesitance around receiving the vaccine mirrors a broader trend across the United States, where there are differing degrees of opposition to being inoculated against the coronavirus, but polling suggests that Republicans are far more skeptical. Because vaccinations are confidential health information, there is no breakdown of which lawmakers have received one or what their party affiliations are. But in recent weeks, several Republicans have publicly rejected the idea of being vaccinated.

Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., a former ophthalmologist, said he was “going with the science on this one” in refusing a vaccine.

“I have not chosen to be vaccinated because I got it naturally,” Paul, who tested positive for the virus last March, recently told reporters. (The science says the opposite; the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that people get vaccinated even if they have already had the coronavirus.)

“I had COVID,” said Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis. “I think that probably provides me the best immunity possible actually having the disease.”

The reluctance is just the latest barrier that Congress is confronting as leaders consider how to begin reinstating a sense of normalcy on Capitol Hill, where partisanship has become inextricably tied to health decisions and offices amount to their own fiefs, each with their own rules and perceptions of risk. It is emerging at a time when many aides on Capitol Hill — some of whom work for lawmakers who expect them to show up in person to the office — are themselves struggling to find a vaccine dose amid uneven policies about who should get one.

Pelosi, D-Calif., told reporters Friday that the House should be aiming for “100%” of members to be vaccinated but lamented that she could not force anyone to accept a shot. If Republicans refused, she said, it would simply take longer to get the House back to normal, as members of that party have been pushing to do.

“You can’t tell anybody to do anything, least of all around here,” Pelosi said. “The more people who get vaccinated, the shorter time we have to stay separated on the floor.”

Lawmakers appear to have varying rationales for declining the vaccine, with some in both parties feeling uneasy about obtaining one at a time when many of their constituents are unable to do so. But Republicans have been particularly vocal in expressing misgivings about the vaccine and other virus precautions.

Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado, a first-term Republican who has styled herself in former President Donald Trump’s image and proudly carries her pistol through the halls of Congress, has said it is “not the proper role of government to force injections of any kind in anyone.”

On Thursday, Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., a former obstetrician-gynecologist, stood maskless in the Senate basement and read Dr. Seuss’ “One Fish, Two Fish, Red Fish, Blue Fish” aloud in an apparent attempt to call attention to his argument that people who have been vaccinated should not have to wear masks.

His choice of children’s book also reflected how many Republicans have taken to deriding coronavirus precautions as part of what they call liberal hysteria run amok. Marshall appeared to be tying them to a recent decision by author Theodor Geisel’s estate to stop selling works he wrote that include racist material, which conservatives complained was a symptom of “cancel culture.”

Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, who tested positive for the coronavirus in October, has taken to wearing a mesh mask to demonstrate his disdain for the safety measure.

Some Democrats and Republicans have publicly and privately said they were uncomfortable about the optics of getting vaccinated before their constituents could and would refrain from it until access was more widespread.

Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., argued on Twitter that lawmakers “are not more important” than teachers and other front-line workers and should not be able to skip the line.

Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., became an unwitting example of the political downside of accepting the shot after he posted a photograph on Twitter of himself getting one in December, a move intended to bolster public confidence in the vaccine. Instead, critics on Twitter piled on, accusing him of playing down the threat of the virus only to rush to protect himself before others had the chance.

“There were some genuine internal struggles by some members of Congress who had the vaccination,” said Rep. Raul Ruiz, D-Calif., an emergency medicine physician. “Guilt of being vaccinated when others in their district weren’t able to get vaccinated.”

Even ensuring that lawmakers’ aides have access to the vaccine has been a charged proposition. Members of Congress were initially told that only two staff members from each office could receive the jab, setting off an uncomfortable round of actuarial calculations and decisions.

One office sent around a Google document to gauge interest; others wrestled with whether to prioritize vaccinating lower-level aides who had been working from home but had health conditions that made them more vulnerable to the virus, or more senior aides who wanted to come in to the office.

This week, the Capitol physician announced a significant expansion of vaccine availability, saying that each member’s office would be able to obtain shots for six aides. That prompted a flood of calls from hopeful congressional staff members, with multiple aides reporting listening to hold music — a medley of “The Star-Spangled Banner” and “Hail to the Chief” on repeat — for one to two hours as they waited to schedule their appointments.

The scattershot approach reflects the lack of consistent procedures for protecting Congress from the coronavirus, a challenge that has persisted throughout the pandemic. While Democratic leaders in the House have imposed a series of strict guidelines governing the use of masks on the floor and have pivoted to proxy voting and remote hearings, there are no requirements for how each office should function.

Dr. Brian Monahan, the attending physician, urged lawmakers in a memo late last month to continue teleworking, saying remote work would “continue indefinitely for significant numbers of staff” and pleading with lawmakers to avoid in-person meetings whenever possible.

But congressional offices have largely patched together a case-by-case set of rules guiding their transitions back to work. While many Republican offices have brought staff back, Democratic offices have largely maintained skeleton crews, and some aides returning to the Capitol complex said they were appalled to see staff from neighboring offices walking through the halls without masks.

House Republicans, who have been impatient to return to work as normal, argue that because lawmakers have been granted the special dispensations afforded to essential workers, they should be required to show up to perform their jobs in person.

They have been particularly alarmed by what they see as bipartisan abuse of telework that they fear could become the new status quo. Lawmakers in recent weeks have appeared remotely during hearings from trains, boats and, in one case, an automobile they were operating on what appeared to be a freeway; a group of Republicans used proxy voting to cast their votes from the Conservative Political Action Conference in Florida.

Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana, the No. 2 House Republican, said that the report that 75% of all House members had been vaccinated was an argument for a return to normalcy and that “there is a strong desire to get back to a regular schedule here on the floor.”

Democratic leaders are not so convinced. Rep. Steny Hoyer of Maryland, the No. 2 House Democrat, told reporters this week that leaders wanted to be careful not to “put the cart before the horse” and return to normal operations before it was fully safe. He pointed to variants of the virus spreading around the world and suggested that even if most lawmakers were vaccinated, they could still pose a risk to the thousands of staff who work in the Capitol complex who may not be.

“At some point in time, it will come to an end, but I don’t know the timeline and I don’t think anyone knows the timeline,” Hoyer said. “What we don’t want to risk is that happening, a third sort of surge of the virus and its mutations, its variants.”

Marissa Baker, a professor at the University of Washington’s public health school who specializes in occupational health, said that Congress was a particularly difficult workplace to protect because of the large number of in-person interactions across the nation that constitute lawmakers’ routines.

“It’s not really a light switch where we can pretend it's 2019 again,” Baker said. “It needs to be considered more as a gradual return to baseline.”

Ruiz said a “hybrid model” would most likely persist for some time.

“We’re not going to be back to normal, where we’re taking public meetings in our office, where people are touring the Capitol — like the hustle and bustle of Capitol Hill was prior to the pandemic — for a very long time,” he said.

Even as Americans across the country hunt for a lifesaving shot in a bid to get back to a semblance of pre-pandemic normalcy, more than a quarter of members of Congress, just a phone call away from receiving a coronavirus vaccine, have turned it down.

Even as Americans across the country hunt for a lifesaving shot in a bid to get back to a semblance of pre-pandemic normalcy, more than a quarter of members of Congress, just a phone call away from receiving a coronavirus vaccine, have turned it down. Lawmakers who have continued to meet in person during the pandemic, often in violation of public health advice, have had access to the Pfizer vaccine since late December. But in the House, about 25% of lawmakers have not received a vaccination, the top Republican wrote this week to Speaker Nancy Pelosi, citing data from the Office of the Attending Physician. It is unclear how many senators have been vaccinated, although a handful of Republicans have said they do not intend to get one. The hesitance around receiving the vaccine mirrors a broader trend across the United States, where there are differing degrees of opposition to being inoculated against the coronavirus, but polling suggests that Republicans are far more skeptical. Because vaccinations are confidential health information, there is no breakdown of which lawmakers have received one or what their party affiliations are. But in recent weeks, several Republicans have publicly rejected the idea of being vaccinated. Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., a former ophthalmologist, said he was “going with the science on this one” in refusing a vaccine. “I have not chosen to be vaccinated because I got it naturally,” Paul, who tested positive for the virus last March, recently told reporters. (The science says the opposite; the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that people get vaccinated even if they have already had the coronavirus.) “I had COVID,” said Sen. Ron Johnson, R-Wis. “I think that probably provides me the best immunity possible actually having the disease.” The reluctance is just the latest barrier that Congress is confronting as leaders consider how to begin reinstating a sense of normalcy on Capitol Hill, where partisanship has become inextricably tied to health decisions and offices amount to their own fiefs, each with their own rules and perceptions of risk. It is emerging at a time when many aides on Capitol Hill — some of whom work for lawmakers who expect them to show up in person to the office — are themselves struggling to find a vaccine dose amid uneven policies about who should get one. Pelosi, D-Calif., told reporters Friday that the House should be aiming for “100%” of members to be vaccinated but lamented that she could not force anyone to accept a shot. If Republicans refused, she said, it would simply take longer to get the House back to normal, as members of that party have been pushing to do. “You can’t tell anybody to do anything, least of all around here,” Pelosi said. “The more people who get vaccinated, the shorter time we have to stay separated on the floor.” Lawmakers appear to have varying rationales for declining the vaccine, with some in both parties feeling uneasy about obtaining one at a time when many of their constituents are unable to do so. But Republicans have been particularly vocal in expressing misgivings about the vaccine and other virus precautions. Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado, a first-term Republican who has styled herself in former President Donald Trump’s image and proudly carries her pistol through the halls of Congress, has said it is “not the proper role of government to force injections of any kind in anyone.” On Thursday, Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., a former obstetrician-gynecologist, stood maskless in the Senate basement and read Dr. Seuss’ “One Fish, Two Fish, Red Fish, Blue Fish” aloud in an apparent attempt to call attention to his argument that people who have been vaccinated should not have to wear masks. His choice of children’s book also reflected how many Republicans have taken to deriding coronavirus precautions as part of what they call liberal hysteria run amok. Marshall appeared to be tying them to a recent decision by author Theodor Geisel’s estate to stop selling works he wrote that include racist material, which conservatives complained was a symptom of “cancel culture.” Sen. Mike Lee, R-Utah, who tested positive for the coronavirus in October, has taken to wearing a mesh mask to demonstrate his disdain for the safety measure. Some Democrats and Republicans have publicly and privately said they were uncomfortable about the optics of getting vaccinated before their constituents could and would refrain from it until access was more widespread. Rep. Ilhan Omar, D-Minn., argued on Twitter that lawmakers “are not more important” than teachers and other front-line workers and should not be able to skip the line. Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., became an unwitting example of the political downside of accepting the shot after he posted a photograph on Twitter of himself getting one in December, a move intended to bolster public confidence in the vaccine. Instead, critics on Twitter piled on, accusing him of playing down the threat of the virus only to rush to protect himself before others had the chance. “There were some genuine internal struggles by some members of Congress who had the vaccination,” said Rep. Raul Ruiz, D-Calif., an emergency medicine physician. “Guilt of being vaccinated when others in their district weren’t able to get vaccinated.” Even ensuring that lawmakers’ aides have access to the vaccine has been a charged proposition. Members of Congress were initially told that only two staff members from each office could receive the jab, setting off an uncomfortable round of actuarial calculations and decisions. One office sent around a Google document to gauge interest; others wrestled with whether to prioritize vaccinating lower-level aides who had been working from home but had health conditions that made them more vulnerable to the virus, or more senior aides who wanted to come in to the office. This week, the Capitol physician announced a significant expansion of vaccine availability, saying that each member’s office would be able to obtain shots for six aides. That prompted a flood of calls from hopeful congressional staff members, with multiple aides reporting listening to hold music — a medley of “The Star-Spangled Banner” and “Hail to the Chief” on repeat — for one to two hours as they waited to schedule their appointments. The scattershot approach reflects the lack of consistent procedures for protecting Congress from the coronavirus, a challenge that has persisted throughout the pandemic. While Democratic leaders in the House have imposed a series of strict guidelines governing the use of masks on the floor and have pivoted to proxy voting and remote hearings, there are no requirements for how each office should function. Dr. Brian Monahan, the attending physician, urged lawmakers in a memo late last month to continue teleworking, saying remote work would “continue indefinitely for significant numbers of staff” and pleading with lawmakers to avoid in-person meetings whenever possible. But congressional offices have largely patched together a case-by-case set of rules guiding their transitions back to work. While many Republican offices have brought staff back, Democratic offices have largely maintained skeleton crews, and some aides returning to the Capitol complex said they were appalled to see staff from neighboring offices walking through the halls without masks. House Republicans, who have been impatient to return to work as normal, argue that because lawmakers have been granted the special dispensations afforded to essential workers, they should be required to show up to perform their jobs in person. They have been particularly alarmed by what they see as bipartisan abuse of telework that they fear could become the new status quo. Lawmakers in recent weeks have appeared remotely during hearings from trains, boats and, in one case, an automobile they were operating on what appeared to be a freeway; a group of Republicans used proxy voting to cast their votes from the Conservative Political Action Conference in Florida. Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana, the No. 2 House Republican, said that the report that 75% of all House members had been vaccinated was an argument for a return to normalcy and that “there is a strong desire to get back to a regular schedule here on the floor.” Democratic leaders are not so convinced. Rep. Steny Hoyer of Maryland, the No. 2 House Democrat, told reporters this week that leaders wanted to be careful not to “put the cart before the horse” and return to normal operations before it was fully safe. He pointed to variants of the virus spreading around the world and suggested that even if most lawmakers were vaccinated, they could still pose a risk to the thousands of staff who work in the Capitol complex who may not be. “At some point in time, it will come to an end, but I don’t know the timeline and I don’t think anyone knows the timeline,” Hoyer said. “What we don’t want to risk is that happening, a third sort of surge of the virus and its mutations, its variants.” Marissa Baker, a professor at the University of Washington’s public health school who specializes in occupational health, said that Congress was a particularly difficult workplace to protect because of the large number of in-person interactions across the nation that constitute lawmakers’ routines. “It’s not really a light switch where we can pretend it's 2019 again,” Baker said. “It needs to be considered more as a gradual return to baseline.” Ruiz said a “hybrid model” would most likely persist for some time. “We’re not going to be back to normal, where we’re taking public meetings in our office, where people are touring the Capitol — like the hustle and bustle of Capitol Hill was prior to the pandemic — for a very long time,” he said.

As Republicans shun vaccines, Congress toils to return to normal

President Joe Biden has begun reviewing a list of finalists to serve as key ambassadors as he seeks to cut down on the number of political appointees his predecessor Donald Trump installed at embassies abroad, and to send a signal to career Foreign Service officials that they are valued once again.

That has left hundreds of donors and former lawmakers, who have not been Foreign Service officers but do have close relationships to the president, clamoring for about 35 ambassadorship slots available, according to people familiar with the process. It has also led to a push and pull between the desires of the diplomatic and political worlds.

The tension between those spheres has been most prominently on display in internal deliberations about who to appoint as ambassador to China, one of the most important embassy postings, especially after an extraordinarily rancorous meeting in Anchorage between top Chinese and American diplomats signaled a newly confrontational Beijing.

Biden, people familiar with the process said, has expressed interest in choosing someone he views as a “principal” who could be a political fighter, in other words, a former elected official who would send a different kind of message than a career diplomat would.

Rahm Emanuel, a former Chicago mayor and White House chief of staff in the Obama administration, has been in the running for the position after being passed over for transportation secretary, people familiar with the process said. He remains close to Biden and other senior officials in the White House.

But the diplomatic world is pushing for R. Nicholas Burns, a veteran Foreign Service officer and a former ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, to get the post, arguing for a career professional over someone whose work has been steeped in domestic politics. Emanuel, who is also said to be under consideration as ambassador to Japan, declined to comment on the state of internal deliberations. Burns did not respond to a request for comment.

Biden has yet to be presented with or weigh in on the full list of posts overseas, according to an administration official. But he has been reviewing a “partial list,” with some candidates for crucial jobs, and intends to be deeply involved in the selection process. Unlike President Barack Obama, who advisers said never dove deeply into his diplomatic nominees and left the jigsaw puzzle of appointments to his staff, Biden was described as an “Irish politician” with great personal interest in where his large network lands.

“Biden has been deeply enmeshed in the foreign policy world his whole life,” said David Axelrod, a former senior adviser to Obama. “He spent a lot of his time with ambassadors. It would mean a lot to him.”

The administration is expected to move its first slate of nominees — which is likely to include more substantive posts like NATO ambassador and European Union ambassador, along with posts to some European and other key countries — by mid-April, an administration official said.

So far, the only ambassador appointment Biden has made is to the United Nations, with Linda Thomas-Greenfield taking over in February as the United States’ top representative.

That puts the president at least a month behind the Obama administration, which began announcing appointments in March 2009. Trump, for his part, left some assignments, like U.S. envoy to Singapore, vacant for the entirety of his administration, after his initial pick, K.T. McFarland, stalled in the Senate. She withdrew her nomination after Democrats accused her of misleading lawmakers over whether she had known about discussions between former national security adviser Michael Flynn and a Russian diplomat.

Democrats said the dissolution of the United States’ standing abroad over the past four years would make Biden’s selections more important and more scrutinized.

“It is hard to quantify the extent of the damage caused by Donald Trump’s reckless fixation with installing unvetted, unqualified, incapable and often times offensive political allies to serve in some of the most consequential national security posts of our government,” said Sen. Bob Menendez, D-N.J., chair of the Foreign Relations Committee.

There are people who are viewed as “must dos” for ambassadorships in the Biden administration, including Cindy McCain, the widow of former Sen. John McCain; David Cohen, a Comcast executive who was an early Biden donor; and Mark Gitenstein, a close friend of Biden’s and former ambassador to Romania, who is said to be in the running for ambassador to the European Union.

Other close Biden friends who were expected have had their first pick for positions overseas, like Ted Kaufman, the former Delaware senator, and Christopher Dodd, the former Connecticut senator who was seen as a front-runner for Ireland, have taken themselves out of consideration.

Many donors and political appointees eager for help in the process have leaned on Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., to call the White House and advocate them.

Because of the challenge of installing a diverse group representative of the United States in such posts, Biden administration officials have told candidates to name more than one country in which they would be willing to serve.

Biden has a smaller network of big donors than many politicians, making the musical chairs of selecting ambassadors slightly less complicated than it would have been for Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee, known for her close relationships with donors who funded both her own political career and her husband’s.

During a 2020 campaign that was almost all virtual, it was difficult for donors to develop close personal relationships with a presidential candidate they had to meet over video chat instead of host in their living rooms.

What Biden does have, however, is a huge political circle, which is making the stakes more competitive. Former Sen. Claire McCaskill of Missouri, Emanuel and Vicki Kennedy, the widow of former Sen. Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts, are people Biden feels close to and who could make substantive arguments for being appointed to coveted posts abroad. McCaskill declined to comment on her interest in such a posting.

The donor bucket, filled with people who are perceived as simply buying themselves a comfortable perch overseas, and the political bucket, filled with appointees who might have some relevant experience, are often unfairly conflated.

“The professional Foreign Service cares a lot about having competent, professional people in the roles,” said Richard Fontaine, chief executive of the Center for a New American Security. “You have political appointees with experience and access to the president or senior staff. Then you have another group that would struggle to find the country they were nominated for on an unmarked map. That’s the problematic group.”

Briefing books, which include two or three options for every post, have been compiled by Steve Ricchetti, counselor to the president, and Cathy Russell, director of the White House Office of Presidential Personnel. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, are also involved in the selection process.

In a post-Trump world, the nominations are arguably more important to the president’s overall mission than ever before.

“There are more questions all over the world now about where America is going,” said Fontaine, noting that ambassadors would have to explain what Trump-era policies would stay or change.

“Whatever people thought of the past four years, they do have questions about how much was about Trump and how much was about America,” Fontaine added. “They want to know if Trump was the aberration from normal or if Biden will be the aberration from normal. Those are the kinds of things ambassadors are going to have to communicate.”

President Joe Biden has begun reviewing a list of finalists to serve as key ambassadors as he seeks to cut down on the number of political appointees his predecessor Donald Trump installed at embassies abroad, and to send a signal to career Foreign Service officials that they are valued once again.

President Joe Biden has begun reviewing a list of finalists to serve as key ambassadors as he seeks to cut down on the number of political appointees his predecessor Donald Trump installed at embassies abroad, and to send a signal to career Foreign Service officials that they are valued once again. That has left hundreds of donors and former lawmakers, who have not been Foreign Service officers but do have close relationships to the president, clamoring for about 35 ambassadorship slots available, according to people familiar with the process. It has also led to a push and pull between the desires of the diplomatic and political worlds. The tension between those spheres has been most prominently on display in internal deliberations about who to appoint as ambassador to China, one of the most important embassy postings, especially after an extraordinarily rancorous meeting in Anchorage between top Chinese and American diplomats signaled a newly confrontational Beijing. Biden, people familiar with the process said, has expressed interest in choosing someone he views as a “principal” who could be a political fighter, in other words, a former elected official who would send a different kind of message than a career diplomat would. Rahm Emanuel, a former Chicago mayor and White House chief of staff in the Obama administration, has been in the running for the position after being passed over for transportation secretary, people familiar with the process said. He remains close to Biden and other senior officials in the White House. But the diplomatic world is pushing for R. Nicholas Burns, a veteran Foreign Service officer and a former ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, to get the post, arguing for a career professional over someone whose work has been steeped in domestic politics. Emanuel, who is also said to be under consideration as ambassador to Japan, declined to comment on the state of internal deliberations. Burns did not respond to a request for comment. Biden has yet to be presented with or weigh in on the full list of posts overseas, according to an administration official. But he has been reviewing a “partial list,” with some candidates for crucial jobs, and intends to be deeply involved in the selection process. Unlike President Barack Obama, who advisers said never dove deeply into his diplomatic nominees and left the jigsaw puzzle of appointments to his staff, Biden was described as an “Irish politician” with great personal interest in where his large network lands. “Biden has been deeply enmeshed in the foreign policy world his whole life,” said David Axelrod, a former senior adviser to Obama. “He spent a lot of his time with ambassadors. It would mean a lot to him.” The administration is expected to move its first slate of nominees — which is likely to include more substantive posts like NATO ambassador and European Union ambassador, along with posts to some European and other key countries — by mid-April, an administration official said. So far, the only ambassador appointment Biden has made is to the United Nations, with Linda Thomas-Greenfield taking over in February as the United States’ top representative. That puts the president at least a month behind the Obama administration, which began announcing appointments in March 2009. Trump, for his part, left some assignments, like U.S. envoy to Singapore, vacant for the entirety of his administration, after his initial pick, K.T. McFarland, stalled in the Senate. She withdrew her nomination after Democrats accused her of misleading lawmakers over whether she had known about discussions between former national security adviser Michael Flynn and a Russian diplomat. Democrats said the dissolution of the United States’ standing abroad over the past four years would make Biden’s selections more important and more scrutinized. “It is hard to quantify the extent of the damage caused by Donald Trump’s reckless fixation with installing unvetted, unqualified, incapable and often times offensive political allies to serve in some of the most consequential national security posts of our government,” said Sen. Bob Menendez, D-N.J., chair of the Foreign Relations Committee. There are people who are viewed as “must dos” for ambassadorships in the Biden administration, including Cindy McCain, the widow of former Sen. John McCain; David Cohen, a Comcast executive who was an early Biden donor; and Mark Gitenstein, a close friend of Biden’s and former ambassador to Romania, who is said to be in the running for ambassador to the European Union. Other close Biden friends who were expected have had their first pick for positions overseas, like Ted Kaufman, the former Delaware senator, and Christopher Dodd, the former Connecticut senator who was seen as a front-runner for Ireland, have taken themselves out of consideration. Many donors and political appointees eager for help in the process have leaned on Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., to call the White House and advocate them. Because of the challenge of installing a diverse group representative of the United States in such posts, Biden administration officials have told candidates to name more than one country in which they would be willing to serve. Biden has a smaller network of big donors than many politicians, making the musical chairs of selecting ambassadors slightly less complicated than it would have been for Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee, known for her close relationships with donors who funded both her own political career and her husband’s. During a 2020 campaign that was almost all virtual, it was difficult for donors to develop close personal relationships with a presidential candidate they had to meet over video chat instead of host in their living rooms. What Biden does have, however, is a huge political circle, which is making the stakes more competitive. Former Sen. Claire McCaskill of Missouri, Emanuel and Vicki Kennedy, the widow of former Sen. Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts, are people Biden feels close to and who could make substantive arguments for being appointed to coveted posts abroad. McCaskill declined to comment on her interest in such a posting. The donor bucket, filled with people who are perceived as simply buying themselves a comfortable perch overseas, and the political bucket, filled with appointees who might have some relevant experience, are often unfairly conflated. “The professional Foreign Service cares a lot about having competent, professional people in the roles,” said Richard Fontaine, chief executive of the Center for a New American Security. “You have political appointees with experience and access to the president or senior staff. Then you have another group that would struggle to find the country they were nominated for on an unmarked map. That’s the problematic group.” Briefing books, which include two or three options for every post, have been compiled by Steve Ricchetti, counselor to the president, and Cathy Russell, director of the White House Office of Presidential Personnel. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Jake Sullivan, the national security adviser, are also involved in the selection process. In a post-Trump world, the nominations are arguably more important to the president’s overall mission than ever before. “There are more questions all over the world now about where America is going,” said Fontaine, noting that ambassadors would have to explain what Trump-era policies would stay or change. “Whatever people thought of the past four years, they do have questions about how much was about Trump and how much was about America,” Fontaine added. “They want to know if Trump was the aberration from normal or if Biden will be the aberration from normal. Those are the kinds of things ambassadors are going to have to communicate.”

Insiders jockey for whittled-down ambassadorship slots

Russia's ambassador to the United States landed in Moscow on Sunday after being recalled for emergency consultations over the worst crisis in relations with the United States in years.&nbsp;

US President Joe Biden on television earlier this week called the Russian leader a 'killer' spurring a terse quip from Vladimir Putin who responded that, 'it takes one to know one'.&nbsp;

The exchange pushed diplomatic relations to a new low even after Moscow's ties with Washington were already at rock bottom over election meddling allegations and the Kremlin's decision to jail opposition figure Alexei Navalny.&nbsp;

Russia's envoy to the United States Anatoly Antonov landed at Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport Sunday morning, Russian news agencies reported, after he was recalled last week over the spat. &nbsp;

Before takeoff in New York, he told agencies he would stay in Moscow 'as along as necessary' and that several meetings were scheduled.&nbsp;

"The Russian side has always stressed that we are interested in the development of Russian-American relations to the same extent as our American colleagues are," he was quoted as saying by TASS.&nbsp;

Moscow, which rarely returns ambassadors, last summoned its envoy in the US in 1998 over a Western bombing campaign in Iraq.&nbsp;

In 2014, after the US said Russia would face repercussions for annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, Putin held back on recalling Moscow's envoy, describing the measure as a 'last resort'. &nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

Russia's ambassador to the United States landed in Moscow on Sunday after being recalled for emergency consultations over the worst crisis in relations with the United States in years.

Russia's ambassador to the United States landed in Moscow on Sunday after being recalled for emergency consultations over the worst crisis in relations with the United States in years. US President Joe Biden on television earlier this week called the Russian leader a 'killer' spurring a terse quip from Vladimir Putin who responded that, 'it takes one to know one'. The exchange pushed diplomatic relations to a new low even after Moscow's ties with Washington were already at rock bottom over election meddling allegations and the Kremlin's decision to jail opposition figure Alexei Navalny. Russia's envoy to the United States Anatoly Antonov landed at Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport Sunday morning, Russian news agencies reported, after he was recalled last week over the spat. Before takeoff in New York, he told agencies he would stay in Moscow 'as along as necessary' and that several meetings were scheduled. "The Russian side has always stressed that we are interested in the development of Russian-American relations to the same extent as our American colleagues are," he was quoted as saying by TASS. Moscow, which rarely returns ambassadors, last summoned its envoy in the US in 1998 over a Western bombing campaign in Iraq. In 2014, after the US said Russia would face repercussions for annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, Putin held back on recalling Moscow's envoy, describing the measure as a 'last resort'. (With inputs from agencies)

Russia's US envoy Anatoly Antonov returns to Moscow after 'killer' row 

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei welcomed the Iranian New Year as one of 'production, support and removal of barriers' in a live televised speech on Saturday.&nbsp;

"There is good ground for a production leap," Khamenei said, adding the government needed to get rid of any legal obstacles to higher output and growth as the economy suffers under US sanctions.&nbsp;

The army fired gun salutes at Tehran’s Azadi Square to usher in Nowruz - New Day in Persian and the most important date in the Iranian calendar, marked at the spring equinox - and the beginning of the year 1,400, which is celebrated in a dozen countries stretching from the Caucasus to central Asia.&nbsp;

In Washington, US President Joe Biden issued a Nowruz message calling for peace, prosperity and understanding.&nbsp;

"That is the message and the joy of Nowruz that we are honouring ... This year, perhaps more than ever, that message is badly needed," Biden said in a White House statement.&nbsp;

Biden’s administration is exploring ways to restore the 2015 nuclear deal that Iran signed with major world powers, but which was abandoned in 2018 by President Donald Trump who reimposed sanctions.&nbsp;

The United States and the other Western powers which originally signed up to the 2015 deal appear to be at an impasse over which side should return to the accord first, making it unlikely US sanctions that have crippled its economy can be quickly removed.&nbsp;

In a separate message, President Hassan Rouhani said he was hopeful the new year will see the end of the sanctions.&nbsp;

“We will defeat the sanctions ... I am more hopeful than eight years ago”, Rouhani said, referring to when he was elected for his first term.&nbsp;

Rouhani is barred from standing for a third term and the slate of presidential candidates has yet to be finalised.&nbsp;

Iran’s hardliners say the US sanctions are proof Rouhani’s policy of reaching out to the country's enemies was a failure. A delay in progress on returning to the nuclear deal could hurt the chances of a moderate succeeding Rouhani, although the final decision on any diplomatic initiative would be taken by Khamenei rather than the elected president.&nbsp;

Khamenei said on Saturday that the June election will likely bring to office 'new managers who most probably will be energetic and strongly motivated'.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei welcomed the Iranian New Year as one of 'production, support and removal of barriers' in a live televised speech on Saturday.

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei welcomed the Iranian New Year as one of 'production, support and removal of barriers' in a live televised speech on Saturday. "There is good ground for a production leap," Khamenei said, adding the government needed to get rid of any legal obstacles to higher output and growth as the economy suffers under US sanctions. The army fired gun salutes at Tehran’s Azadi Square to usher in Nowruz - New Day in Persian and the most important date in the Iranian calendar, marked at the spring equinox - and the beginning of the year 1,400, which is celebrated in a dozen countries stretching from the Caucasus to central Asia. In Washington, US President Joe Biden issued a Nowruz message calling for peace, prosperity and understanding. "That is the message and the joy of Nowruz that we are honouring ... This year, perhaps more than ever, that message is badly needed," Biden said in a White House statement. Biden’s administration is exploring ways to restore the 2015 nuclear deal that Iran signed with major world powers, but which was abandoned in 2018 by President Donald Trump who reimposed sanctions. The United States and the other Western powers which originally signed up to the 2015 deal appear to be at an impasse over which side should return to the accord first, making it unlikely US sanctions that have crippled its economy can be quickly removed. In a separate message, President Hassan Rouhani said he was hopeful the new year will see the end of the sanctions. “We will defeat the sanctions ... I am more hopeful than eight years ago”, Rouhani said, referring to when he was elected for his first term. Rouhani is barred from standing for a third term and the slate of presidential candidates has yet to be finalised. Iran’s hardliners say the US sanctions are proof Rouhani’s policy of reaching out to the country's enemies was a failure. A delay in progress on returning to the nuclear deal could hurt the chances of a moderate succeeding Rouhani, although the final decision on any diplomatic initiative would be taken by Khamenei rather than the elected president. Khamenei said on Saturday that the June election will likely bring to office 'new managers who most probably will be energetic and strongly motivated'. (With inputs from agencies)

Supreme leader ushers in Iranian New Year with message of hope 

Some migrant families arriving in the United States will be housed in hotels under a new programme managed by non-profit organisations, according to two people familiar with the plans, a move away from for-profit detention centers that have been criticised by Democrats and health experts.&nbsp;

Endeavors, a San Antonio-based organisation, will oversee what it calls 'family reception sites' at hotels in Texas and Arizona, the two sources said. The organisation, in partnership with other non-profits, will initially provide up to 1,400 beds in seven different brand-name hotels for families deemed vulnerable when caught at the border.&nbsp;

The opening of the reception centers would mark a significant shift by the administration of President Joe Biden, a Democrat, away from the detention of migrant families in for-profit facilities.&nbsp;

In January, Biden issued an order directing the Justice Department not to renew its contracts with privately operated criminal detention facilities. However, the order did not address immigration jails run by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).&nbsp;

ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment.&nbsp;

Roughly 900 migrants are currently being held in two family detention centers in Texas, according to ICE data. A third center in Pennsylvania is no longer being used to hold families.&nbsp;

The number of migrants arriving at the US-Mexico border has climbed in recent weeks as Biden has rolled back some of the hardline policies of former President Donald Trump, a Republican.&nbsp;

Biden, who took office on January 20, has faced criticism from Republicans for reversing those policies. At the same time, some Democrats opposed Biden's administration re-opening a Trump-era emergency shelter for children.&nbsp;

The hotel sites, set to open in April, will offer Covid-19 testing, medical care, food services, social workers and case managers to help with travel and onward destinations, according to the two sources, who requested anonymity to discuss the matter. Staff will be trained to work with children.&nbsp;

It remained unclear whether migrants would be required to wear ankle bracelets or be subject to any other form of monitoring, the people said.&nbsp;

The families will arrive at border patrol stations and then be sent to the hotel sites to continue immigration paperwork, which is currently done in US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) facilities, the two sources said. They could leave the reception centers as early as six hours after arrival if paperwork is completed, they test negative for Covid-19 and transportation has been arranged.&nbsp;

The housing of some migrants in hotels was reported by Axios earlier on Saturday.&nbsp;

Endeavors will also operate a new 2,000-bed shelter for unaccompanied children in Texas, the sources said.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

Some migrant families arriving in the United States will be housed in hotels under a new programme managed by non-profit organisations, according to two people familiar with the plans, a move away from for-profit detention centers that have been criticised by Democrats and health experts.

Some migrant families arriving in the United States will be housed in hotels under a new programme managed by non-profit organisations, according to two people familiar with the plans, a move away from for-profit detention centers that have been criticised by Democrats and health experts. Endeavors, a San Antonio-based organisation, will oversee what it calls 'family reception sites' at hotels in Texas and Arizona, the two sources said. The organisation, in partnership with other non-profits, will initially provide up to 1,400 beds in seven different brand-name hotels for families deemed vulnerable when caught at the border. The opening of the reception centers would mark a significant shift by the administration of President Joe Biden, a Democrat, away from the detention of migrant families in for-profit facilities. In January, Biden issued an order directing the Justice Department not to renew its contracts with privately operated criminal detention facilities. However, the order did not address immigration jails run by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). ICE did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Roughly 900 migrants are currently being held in two family detention centers in Texas, according to ICE data. A third center in Pennsylvania is no longer being used to hold families. The number of migrants arriving at the US-Mexico border has climbed in recent weeks as Biden has rolled back some of the hardline policies of former President Donald Trump, a Republican. Biden, who took office on January 20, has faced criticism from Republicans for reversing those policies. At the same time, some Democrats opposed Biden's administration re-opening a Trump-era emergency shelter for children. The hotel sites, set to open in April, will offer Covid-19 testing, medical care, food services, social workers and case managers to help with travel and onward destinations, according to the two sources, who requested anonymity to discuss the matter. Staff will be trained to work with children. It remained unclear whether migrants would be required to wear ankle bracelets or be subject to any other form of monitoring, the people said. The families will arrive at border patrol stations and then be sent to the hotel sites to continue immigration paperwork, which is currently done in US Customs and Border Protection (CBP) facilities, the two sources said. They could leave the reception centers as early as six hours after arrival if paperwork is completed, they test negative for Covid-19 and transportation has been arranged. The housing of some migrants in hotels was reported by Axios earlier on Saturday. Endeavors will also operate a new 2,000-bed shelter for unaccompanied children in Texas, the sources said. (With inputs from agencies)

US to place migrant families in hotels in move away from detention centers 

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh held talks with visiting US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin on Saturday (March 20, 2021) agreeing to pursue enhanced cooperation between the militaries of India, the US Indo-Pacific Command, Central Command and Africa Command. India's defence minister Rajnath Singh highlighted that both sides "discussed steps to be taken to realise full potential" of foundational agreements--LEMOA, COMCASA and BECA for mutual benefit and agreed to pursue "enhanced cooperation with the US Indo-Pacific Command, Central Command and Africa Command."

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh meets US counterpart, discusses measures to expand strategic ties

Afghanistan and the situation in Indo-Pacific were the key topics of discussions during the talks between India's external affairs minister Dr S Jaishankar and visiting US defence secretary Lloyd Austin. The one-hour-long talks saw both sides talking about the current strategic situation in the Indo-Pacific, with EAM briefing about India's 'current security challenges and our long term strategic outlook', sources said.&nbsp;

US Defence Secretary Llyod Austin briefed about his visit to Japan and South Korea. Austin is on his maiden as defence secretary to Asia, with India, a key stop during it. His visit comes against the backdrop of the Quad- India, Australia, Japan and US leadership virtual meet and increased New Delhi-Washington engagement.&nbsp;

During discussion on Afghanistan, the ongoing peace process was discussed including assessment of the situation on the ground. EAM appreciated the Biden Administration’s engagement with India on this issue. Remember US has proposed to Afghan governement, a six-country talks, which include India to bring peace and stability in Afghanistan. The visit of the US defence secretary will be followed by the visit of the Afghan FM Haneef Atmar to Delhi.&nbsp;

During the meet, highlighting the 'commonalities and convergence', sources said, EAM said that the India US 'relationship was unique for the breadth and intensity of cooperation that covered so many domains'. While defence engagement have increased with Washington authorising over $20 billion in defence sales to India, people to people relation form the bedrock of this relationship. &nbsp;

The issue of human rights as shared attribute also came up, with sources pointing out that while US Defence Secretary said that as the "two largest democracies in the world, human rights and values are important to us and we will lead with these values",&nbsp;EAM 'agreed and emphasised'&nbsp;that a ''strong relationship between the two democracies was not only important for both countries but for the rest of the world."

Ahead of the visit, chairman of the US Senate foreign relations committee Senator Robert Menendez called for US defence secretary to raise the issue of human rights.&nbsp;

Afghanistan and the situation in Indo-Pacific were the key topics of discussions during the talks between India's external affairs minister Dr S Jaishankar and visiting US defence secretary Lloyd Austin.

Afghanistan and the situation in Indo-Pacific were the key topics of discussions during the talks between India's external affairs minister Dr S Jaishankar and visiting US defence secretary Lloyd Austin. The one-hour-long talks saw both sides talking about the current strategic situation in the Indo-Pacific, with EAM briefing about India's 'current security challenges and our long term strategic outlook', sources said. US Defence Secretary Llyod Austin briefed about his visit to Japan and South Korea. Austin is on his maiden as defence secretary to Asia, with India, a key stop during it. His visit comes against the backdrop of the Quad- India, Australia, Japan and US leadership virtual meet and increased New Delhi-Washington engagement. During discussion on Afghanistan, the ongoing peace process was discussed including assessment of the situation on the ground. EAM appreciated the Biden Administration’s engagement with India on this issue. Remember US has proposed to Afghan governement, a six-country talks, which include India to bring peace and stability in Afghanistan. The visit of the US defence secretary will be followed by the visit of the Afghan FM Haneef Atmar to Delhi. During the meet, highlighting the 'commonalities and convergence', sources said, EAM said that the India US 'relationship was unique for the breadth and intensity of cooperation that covered so many domains'. While defence engagement have increased with Washington authorising over $20 billion in defence sales to India, people to people relation form the bedrock of this relationship. The issue of human rights as shared attribute also came up, with sources pointing out that while US Defence Secretary said that as the "two largest democracies in the world, human rights and values are important to us and we will lead with these values", EAM 'agreed and emphasised' that a ''strong relationship between the two democracies was not only important for both countries but for the rest of the world." Ahead of the visit, chairman of the US Senate foreign relations committee Senator Robert Menendez called for US defence secretary to raise the issue of human rights.

Afghanistan, Indo-Pacific discussed during Jaishankar-Austin meet 

US Secretary of Defence Lloyd Austin is in India. During the three day visit, Austin will hold deliberations at the highest levels of the Indian Government. The agenda goes well beyond the Chinese military threat. WION's Palki Sharma tells you what to expect.

Gravitas: A new chapter in the India-US relationship

Why is India crucial to America's Indo-Pacific policy? What signal does U.S. Defence Secretary Lloyd J Austin's visit to India send? WION's Palki Sharma has the answer.

Gravitas: India and the Indo-Pacific

The first engagement between the Joe Biden administration & China ended up being an ill-tempered & undiplomatic sparring match. How did diplomacy become about name-calling & bickering? WION's Palki Sharma gets you a report.

Gravitas: U.S & China engage in undiplomatic sparring match

4 leaders, 4 democracies & 1 platform. The Quad has been revived but can it go beyond words? On Gravitas Plus, Palki Sharma Upadhyay decodes the past, present & future of this grouping.

Gravitas Plus: The Quad: Past, Present & Future

China is not holding overly high expectations from the upcoming US-China in-person talks which will be held in Alaska. It also doesn't expect the initial round of talks to resolve all the issues between China and the US.

China not holding high expectations from US-China in-person talks

There are no easy fixes for US and China's trusty relations in the first high-level in-person talks of the Biden administration with China. Top diplomats from the two world powers discussed a laundry list of issues in the Alaska summit.

Public rebukes at Alaska Summit, US accuses China of 'grandstanding'

PM Modi and US Defense Secretary met today after a top Biden administration official visited India on a three-day visit. PM Modi tweeted, "Pleasure to meet US Defence Secy Lloyd Austin today. Conveyed my best wishes to POTUS Joe Biden, India and the US are committed to our strategic partnership that is a force for global good".

Today Tonight: US' Pentagon Chief Austin meets Indian PM Modi, pictures surface

US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin arrives in New Delhi on a three-day visit to India. Austin will meet his Indian counterpart (Defence Minister Rajnath Singh) and other senior dignitaries of the government during this visit.

What could be the key focus of Lloyd Austin's 3-day visit to India?

US Pentagon Chief Lloyd Austin arrives in New Delhi on a three-day visit to India. Austin will meet his Indian counterpart Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and other senior dignitaries of the government during this visit.

WION Dispatch: Pentagon Chief Lloyd Austin arrives in India on a 3-day visit

U.S.-Russia ties reached a new low after Joe Biden called Vladimir Putin a killer. The Russian leader replied saying 'it takes one to know one'. Does this rule out any hope of reconciliation? Can the two leaders move beyond their 'killer' remarks? WION's Palki Sharma tells you.

Gravitas: Joe Biden calls Vladimir Putin a 'killer'

US Senator Robert Menendez thinks that 'democracy in India is deteriorating'. Here's Palki Sharma's response.

Gravitas: U.S. Senator complains about Indian Democracy

US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin arrives in New Delhi on a three-day visit to India. Austin will meet his Indian counterpart Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and other senior dignitaries of the government during this visit.

US Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin arrives in India on a 3-day visit

Lawmakers in the House of Representatives passed two bills that would establish paths to citizenship or legal status for millions of undocumented immigrants in the United States.

US lower house passes two bills to protect migrants

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