People refused to back down and protesters have once again started to flock to the streets of Myanmar denouncing the military coup in the county and demanding the release of elected leader Suu Kyi.

Myanmar: People refuse to back down & continue to stage rallies

US State Department continues to strongly despise the military aster in Myanmar and has extended complete support for the mass demonstrations. This after new military rulers signalled their intentions to crack down on opponents of their take over.

US supports Myanmar people's right to assemble

In the early hours of Monday, Myanmar's military took control of the government, which actually arrested civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi and his political allies, which the Biden administration called a "coup".

Today Tonight: Myanmar military accuses Suu Kyi of using illegal walkie-talkies

A Myanmar court has charged ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi with breaching an import and export law.

"We have got reliable information that Dakhinathiri court has given a 14-day remand from February 1 to February 15 against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under the charge of violating the import/export law," Kyi Toe, National League for Democracy (NLD) press officer, wrote on his official Facebook page on Wednesday.

The document from a police station in the capital Naypyitaw said military officers who searched Suu Kyi's residence had found hand-held radios that were imported illegally and used without permission.

President Win Myint, who was also detained by the military in Monday's coup, has also been charged under the National Disaster Management law.

The NLD party, earlier in the day, said its offices in several regions of the country had been raided, including by forced entry, with documents, computers and laptops taken. It said on Facebook that the raids started on Tuesday and urged authorities to stop what it said were unlawful acts against the party.

Myanmar's army seized power on Monday, detaining Nobel laureate Suu Kyi and cutting short a transition to democracy in a takeover that has drawn condemnation from the United States and other Western countries.

Suu Kyi endured about 15 years of house arrest between 1989 and 2010 as she led the country's democracy movement and she remains hugely popular at home despite damage to her international reputation over the flight of Muslim Rohingya refugees in 2017.

Her National League for Democracy (NLD) party said earlier in a statement that its offices had been raided in several regions and urged authorities to stop what it called unlawful acts after its victory in a November 8 election.

Army chief Min Aung Hlaing seized power on the grounds of fraud in a November 8 election, which the NLD won in a landslide. The electoral commission had said the vote it was fair.

The Group of Seven largest developed economies condemned the coup on Wednesday and said the election result must be respected.

"We call upon the military to immediately end the state of emergency, restore power to the democratically-elected government, to release all those unjustly detained and to respect human rights and the rule of law," the G7 said in a statement.

(with inputs from agencies)

A Myanmar court has charged ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi with breaching an import and export law. "We have got reliable information that Dakhinathiri court has given a 14-day remand from February 1 to February 15 against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under the charge of violating the import/export law," Kyi Toe, National League for Democracy (NLD) press officer, wrote on his official Facebook page on Wednesday.

A Myanmar court has charged ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi with breaching an import and export law. "We have got reliable information that Dakhinathiri court has given a 14-day remand from February 1 to February 15 against Daw Aung San Suu Kyi under the charge of violating the import/export law," Kyi Toe, National League for Democracy (NLD) press officer, wrote on his official Facebook page on Wednesday. The document from a police station in the capital Naypyitaw said military officers who searched Suu Kyi's residence had found hand-held radios that were imported illegally and used without permission. President Win Myint, who was also detained by the military in Monday's coup, has also been charged under the National Disaster Management law. The NLD party, earlier in the day, said its offices in several regions of the country had been raided, including by forced entry, with documents, computers and laptops taken. It said on Facebook that the raids started on Tuesday and urged authorities to stop what it said were unlawful acts against the party. Myanmar's army seized power on Monday, detaining Nobel laureate Suu Kyi and cutting short a transition to democracy in a takeover that has drawn condemnation from the United States and other Western countries. Suu Kyi endured about 15 years of house arrest between 1989 and 2010 as she led the country's democracy movement and she remains hugely popular at home despite damage to her international reputation over the flight of Muslim Rohingya refugees in 2017. Her National League for Democracy (NLD) party said earlier in a statement that its offices had been raided in several regions and urged authorities to stop what it called unlawful acts after its victory in a November 8 election. Army chief Min Aung Hlaing seized power on the grounds of fraud in a November 8 election, which the NLD won in a landslide. The electoral commission had said the vote it was fair. The Group of Seven largest developed economies condemned the coup on Wednesday and said the election result must be respected. "We call upon the military to immediately end the state of emergency, restore power to the democratically-elected government, to release all those unjustly detained and to respect human rights and the rule of law," the G7 said in a statement. (with inputs from agencies)

Myanmar coup: Aung San Suu Kyi charged with breaking 'import/export law'

Myanmar`s ruling party said on Monday it had won enough seats in parliament to form the next government, after reporting a lead based on its unofficial count of votes from the country’s second general election since the end of strict military rule.

Party spokesman Myo Nyunt told Reuters internal reports showed the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, had won the 322 seats in parliament needed, though no official results had been announced by the election commission.

"We thank the people," he said. "For the people, for the party, this is such an encouraging election result."

The Election Commission is expected to announce official results later on Monday.

Sunday`s election was seen as a referendum on the fledgling democratic government led by Suu Kyi and the NLD, which remains hugely popular at home but has seen its reputation collapse overseas amid allegations of genocide against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Up for grabs in the election are 315 seats in the 425-member lower house and 161 seats in the 217-seat upper house of parliament.

The NLD came to power after a 2015 landslide in which it won a total of 390 seats, a benchmark Myo Nyunt said it expected to exceed, according to data compiled from reports by party agents at polling stations across the country.

A spokesman for the second biggest party, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) could not immediately be reached for comment.

The military, which ruled Myanmar for nearly 50 years until it began withdrawing from civilian politics in 2011, controls a quarter of seats in both houses of parliament, under a constitution it drew up and which Suu Kyi and her allies want to amend.

The NLD had been expected to win but with a smaller margin following the emergence of new parties and ethnic minority parties gaining support in some regions.

SOME UNABLE TO VOTE

In contrast to the wave of optimism that greeted the NLD`s landslide win in 2015, Myanmar went into this election under a cloud of a surging COVID-19 outbreak, economic hardship and escalating ethnic conflicts.

Although Myanmar is seeing an average of 1,100 new coronavirus cases a day - compared with a handful in early August - fears of the virus appeared not to dampen Sunday`s turnout among the 37 million registered voters.

The Election Commission has yet to release data on turnout but in the biggest city, Yangon, long lines of voters wearing face masks and shields formed from dawn.

But more than a million people across the country were unable to vote after polls were cancelled due to insurgencies.

Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, a Muslim minority confined to camps and villages in Myanmar`s Rakhine State, most without citizenship, were also unable to vote.

The Democracy and Human Rights Party, a Rohingya party, said in a statement it was "utterly disappointed" that its people had been disenfranchised.

The election commission has said the polls in areas affected by conflict had to be cancelled for safety reasons and that only citizens were entitled to vote.

Most Rohingya are not considered Myanmar citizens but migrants from neighbouring Bangladesh even though many can trace family roots back many generations.

The United Nations has said there was genocidal intent in a 2017 army crackdown that forced 730,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh.

Myanmar rejects that saying its security forces were carrying out legitimate operations against Rohingya militants.

Myanmar`s ruling party said on Monday it had won enough seats in parliament to form the next government, after reporting a lead based on its unofficial count of votes from the country’s second general election since the end of strict military rule.

Myanmar`s ruling party said on Monday it had won enough seats in parliament to form the next government, after reporting a lead based on its unofficial count of votes from the country’s second general election since the end of strict military rule. Party spokesman Myo Nyunt told Reuters internal reports showed the National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, had won the 322 seats in parliament needed, though no official results had been announced by the election commission. "We thank the people," he said. "For the people, for the party, this is such an encouraging election result." The Election Commission is expected to announce official results later on Monday. Sunday`s election was seen as a referendum on the fledgling democratic government led by Suu Kyi and the NLD, which remains hugely popular at home but has seen its reputation collapse overseas amid allegations of genocide against the Rohingya Muslim minority. Up for grabs in the election are 315 seats in the 425-member lower house and 161 seats in the 217-seat upper house of parliament. The NLD came to power after a 2015 landslide in which it won a total of 390 seats, a benchmark Myo Nyunt said it expected to exceed, according to data compiled from reports by party agents at polling stations across the country. A spokesman for the second biggest party, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) could not immediately be reached for comment. The military, which ruled Myanmar for nearly 50 years until it began withdrawing from civilian politics in 2011, controls a quarter of seats in both houses of parliament, under a constitution it drew up and which Suu Kyi and her allies want to amend. The NLD had been expected to win but with a smaller margin following the emergence of new parties and ethnic minority parties gaining support in some regions. SOME UNABLE TO VOTE In contrast to the wave of optimism that greeted the NLD`s landslide win in 2015, Myanmar went into this election under a cloud of a surging COVID-19 outbreak, economic hardship and escalating ethnic conflicts. Although Myanmar is seeing an average of 1,100 new coronavirus cases a day - compared with a handful in early August - fears of the virus appeared not to dampen Sunday`s turnout among the 37 million registered voters. The Election Commission has yet to release data on turnout but in the biggest city, Yangon, long lines of voters wearing face masks and shields formed from dawn. But more than a million people across the country were unable to vote after polls were cancelled due to insurgencies. Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya, a Muslim minority confined to camps and villages in Myanmar`s Rakhine State, most without citizenship, were also unable to vote. The Democracy and Human Rights Party, a Rohingya party, said in a statement it was "utterly disappointed" that its people had been disenfranchised. The election commission has said the polls in areas affected by conflict had to be cancelled for safety reasons and that only citizens were entitled to vote. Most Rohingya are not considered Myanmar citizens but migrants from neighbouring Bangladesh even though many can trace family roots back many generations. The United Nations has said there was genocidal intent in a 2017 army crackdown that forced 730,000 Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh. Myanmar rejects that saying its security forces were carrying out legitimate operations against Rohingya militants.

Suu Kyi's party claims victory in Myanmar as its vote tally shows lead

A rebel group in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state has claimed responsibility for the kidnapping of three candidates of de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s governing party, demanding the release of detained student protesters in return for letting them go. Watch report.

3 candidates of Suu Kyi's party abducted: Arakan army claims responsibility

Myanmar's election campaign began Tuesday with Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains widely admired and respected at home despite her tarnished image abroad, hoping for a landslide win to further cement her status as the country's civilian leader.

The Nobel laureate's National League for Democracy (NLD) swept to power in 2015 — the first national polls since the Southeast Asian nation emerged from decades of junta rule.

Despite the coronavirus threat, campaigns are, for now, under way — albeit with accessories.

Wearing a red face mask, plastic visor and rubber gloves, Suu Kyi Tuesday morning raised the NLD flag — with its fighting peacock symbol — at the party's office in the capital, Naypyidaw.

"We want our victory to be the country's victory," she said, thanking supporters for flying the NLD colours across the nation.

A tide of red NLD paraphernalia has swept across Yangon with printing shops in recent weeks in overdrive to produce stickers, T-shirts and masks.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-pulls-out-of-first-election-trip-over-coronavirus-325734">Also read:&nbsp;Myanmar's Suu Kyi pulls out of first election trip over coronavirus</a>

"I don't think about policies or candidates. I love Mother Suu and I like what she does for our country," 61-year-old street vendor Myint Myint Htay told AFP.

But the military is still hugely powerful in a country governed under a constitution written by the former junta.

The armed forces control three key ministries and 25 percent of parliamentary seats -- effectively giving them a veto on legislation.

In August, Suu Kyi reminded the country on Facebook why her party needed every vote: "We can't just get more than 50 percent of elected seats like in a normal democracy."

Credibility in question?

Suu Kyi -- once hailed as a democracy icon -- has seen her international standing plummet in recent years over allegations that Myanmar committed genocide against its Rohingya Muslim community.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/how-a-nun-in-myanmar-is-battling-deeply-rooted-misogyny-324936">Also read:&nbsp;How a nun in Myanmar is battling deeply-rooted misogyny</a>

Her decision to travel to the UN's top court to defend military operations against the minority was widely condemned in the West but stoked nationalistic pride at home.

NLD fervour still rages across much of the majority-Bamar heartlands, but a flagging peace process in a nation wrought with conflict -- as well as a perception the NLD acts only for the dominant Bamar group -- means a likely boon for ethnic minority parties.

The ruling party's principal foe, the military-aligned Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), sees this as an opening.

"I'm trying to build understanding with ethnic parties," USDP leader Than Htay told AFP.

Also out in force in Yangon Tuesday were the blue-clad People's Pioneer Party (PPP), led by businesswoman Thet Thet Khine, ousted from the NLD last year and proclaiming a "middle way" between Suu Kyi's party and the military.

But the coronavirus pandemic could still upend the vote with case numbers quadrupling in the last three weeks -- even if they remain relatively low at just 1,610 with eight deaths so far.

Campaign events are limited to a maximum of 50 people.

Many are even calling for the election to be postponed, but Suu Kyi would be loath to delay, said Yangon-based analyst Richard Horsey.

She has led the nation's fight against the pandemic and delaying would be a "sign she's not winning the battle".

If her hand is forced, a postponement of more than two months would theoretically cause a constitutional crisis and even the invocation of a state of emergency.

But Horsey predicted the government and military would reach a consensus to head off any political fallout.

Many observers expect the vote to be cancelled in the worst conflict areas, including northern Rakhine state -- likely fuelling further discontent.

Rakhine was also where the military drove out hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims in 2017 -- operations that now see Myanmar facing genocide charges.

The disenfranchisement of refugees and most of the 600,000 Rohingya still in Myanmar -- stripped of citizenship and rights -- raises "fundamental doubts" about the election's credibility, warned Phil Robertson from Human Rights Watch.

Myanmar's election campaign began Tuesday with Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains widely admired and respected at home despite her tarnished image abroad, hoping for a landslide win to further cement her status as the country's civilian leader.

Myanmar's election campaign began Tuesday with Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains widely admired and respected at home despite her tarnished image abroad, hoping for a landslide win to further cement her status as the country's civilian leader. The Nobel laureate's National League for Democracy (NLD) swept to power in 2015 — the first national polls since the Southeast Asian nation emerged from decades of junta rule. Despite the coronavirus threat, campaigns are, for now, under way — albeit with accessories. Wearing a red face mask, plastic visor and rubber gloves, Suu Kyi Tuesday morning raised the NLD flag — with its fighting peacock symbol — at the party's office in the capital, Naypyidaw. "We want our victory to be the country's victory," she said, thanking supporters for flying the NLD colours across the nation. A tide of red NLD paraphernalia has swept across Yangon with printing shops in recent weeks in overdrive to produce stickers, T-shirts and masks. Also read: Myanmar's Suu Kyi pulls out of first election trip over coronavirus "I don't think about policies or candidates. I love Mother Suu and I like what she does for our country," 61-year-old street vendor Myint Myint Htay told AFP. But the military is still hugely powerful in a country governed under a constitution written by the former junta. The armed forces control three key ministries and 25 percent of parliamentary seats -- effectively giving them a veto on legislation. In August, Suu Kyi reminded the country on Facebook why her party needed every vote: "We can't just get more than 50 percent of elected seats like in a normal democracy." Credibility in question? Suu Kyi -- once hailed as a democracy icon -- has seen her international standing plummet in recent years over allegations that Myanmar committed genocide against its Rohingya Muslim community. Also read: How a nun in Myanmar is battling deeply-rooted misogyny Her decision to travel to the UN's top court to defend military operations against the minority was widely condemned in the West but stoked nationalistic pride at home. NLD fervour still rages across much of the majority-Bamar heartlands, but a flagging peace process in a nation wrought with conflict -- as well as a perception the NLD acts only for the dominant Bamar group -- means a likely boon for ethnic minority parties. The ruling party's principal foe, the military-aligned Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), sees this as an opening. "I'm trying to build understanding with ethnic parties," USDP leader Than Htay told AFP. Also out in force in Yangon Tuesday were the blue-clad People's Pioneer Party (PPP), led by businesswoman Thet Thet Khine, ousted from the NLD last year and proclaiming a "middle way" between Suu Kyi's party and the military. But the coronavirus pandemic could still upend the vote with case numbers quadrupling in the last three weeks -- even if they remain relatively low at just 1,610 with eight deaths so far. Campaign events are limited to a maximum of 50 people. Many are even calling for the election to be postponed, but Suu Kyi would be loath to delay, said Yangon-based analyst Richard Horsey. She has led the nation's fight against the pandemic and delaying would be a "sign she's not winning the battle". If her hand is forced, a postponement of more than two months would theoretically cause a constitutional crisis and even the invocation of a state of emergency. But Horsey predicted the government and military would reach a consensus to head off any political fallout. Many observers expect the vote to be cancelled in the worst conflict areas, including northern Rakhine state -- likely fuelling further discontent. Rakhine was also where the military drove out hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims in 2017 -- operations that now see Myanmar facing genocide charges. The disenfranchisement of refugees and most of the 600,000 Rohingya still in Myanmar -- stripped of citizenship and rights -- raises "fundamental doubts" about the election's credibility, warned Phil Robertson from Human Rights Watch.

Election countdown starts in Myanmar under virus shadow

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi pulled out of the first event of her election campaign on Monday, citing a worsening outbreak of the novel coronavirus in the country.

The Southeast Asian nation reported 100 new coronavirus cases on Sunday, the biggest daily increase since detecting its first infection in March, followed by 45 more on Monday.

Suu Kyi, who rules as state counselor, was set to tour the constituency where she is seeking re-election in the commercial capital of Yangon on

Tuesday, the first official day of campaigning ahead of polls set for Nov. 8.

But she said in a live broadcast on Facebook that the health minister had advised her to cancel the trip.

“At the moment the ministry of health is the most powerful. We must follow the instructions of the ministry,” she said.

A spokesman for the ruling National League for Democracy did not answer phone calls from Reuters seeking further comment.

Myanmar had gone weeks without a local coronavirus transmission until mid-August, when authorities reported an outbreak in the western state of Rakhine.

Since then, the number of cases has more than doubled to 1,464 infections and eight deaths.

Last week, a member of the staff at Suu Kyi’s lakeside home in Yangon tested positive for the virus. She said on Monday she felt bad to hear about the infection.

Doctors say they fear a major outbreak in a country with a health system weakened after decades of neglect under the former ruling military junta.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi pulled out of the first event of her election campaign on Monday, citing a worsening outbreak of the novel coronavirus in the country.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi pulled out of the first event of her election campaign on Monday, citing a worsening outbreak of the novel coronavirus in the country. The Southeast Asian nation reported 100 new coronavirus cases on Sunday, the biggest daily increase since detecting its first infection in March, followed by 45 more on Monday. Suu Kyi, who rules as state counselor, was set to tour the constituency where she is seeking re-election in the commercial capital of Yangon on Tuesday, the first official day of campaigning ahead of polls set for Nov. 8. But she said in a live broadcast on Facebook that the health minister had advised her to cancel the trip. “At the moment the ministry of health is the most powerful. We must follow the instructions of the ministry,” she said. A spokesman for the ruling National League for Democracy did not answer phone calls from Reuters seeking further comment. Myanmar had gone weeks without a local coronavirus transmission until mid-August, when authorities reported an outbreak in the western state of Rakhine. Since then, the number of cases has more than doubled to 1,464 infections and eight deaths. Last week, a member of the staff at Suu Kyi’s lakeside home in Yangon tested positive for the virus. She said on Monday she felt bad to hear about the infection. Doctors say they fear a major outbreak in a country with a health system weakened after decades of neglect under the former ruling military junta.

Myanmar's Suu Kyi pulls out of first election trip over coronavirus

Thousands of supporters of Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi thronged the streets of the capital Naypyitaw on Saturday to celebrate her arrival back from The Hague, where she defended the country against <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-lawyer-to-critics-on-genocide-case-everyone-has-right-to-defence-268202">genocide charges</a>.

The Nobel laureate waved as her black car drove slowly past crowds who waved flags, held up pictures of her face and shouted jubilant greetings.

"Mother Suu went to the court on behalf of the country," local farmer Khin Maung Shwe told Reuters. "Actually the accusation was against the army. But she took the first step of responsibility as a leader of the nation."

Gambia has accused Myanmar of violating the 1948 Genocide Convention over a military campaign that drove more than 730,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar. It has asked the International Court of Justice to order "provisional measures" to prevent more harm.

Suu Kyi led a team to the Netherlands for three days of hearings, during which she denied genocide and argued the U.N. court should not have jurisdiction.

"Myanmar requests the court to remove the case from its list," Suu Kyi said on the final day of hearings on Thursday. "In the alternative (the court should) reject the request for provisional measures submitted by the Gambia."

The Nobel Peace Prize laureate's surprise decision to attend the hearings in person has dealt a further blow to her tarnished international reputation.

Suu Kyi was long feted in the West as a champion of human rights and democracy, and was a high-profile political prisoner during 15 years of house arrest for her opposition to Myanmar's then ruling military junta.

But her stance on the Rohingya issue has seen her stripped of many awards, calls for the Nobel committee to revoke her peace prize and strong criticism from former celebrity supporters and other organizations.

At home however, Suu Kyi, the daughter of Myanmar's founding father Aung San, is still revered by many.

The proceedings in the Hague have galvanized supporters, who have staged rallies across the country chanting "Stand with Suu Kyi" and waving flags.

Thousands of supporters of Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi thronged the streets of the capital Naypyitaw on Saturday to celebrate her arrival back from The Hague, where she defended the country against genocide charges.

Thousands of supporters of Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi thronged the streets of the capital Naypyitaw on Saturday to celebrate her arrival back from The Hague, where she defended the country against genocide charges. The Nobel laureate waved as her black car drove slowly past crowds who waved flags, held up pictures of her face and shouted jubilant greetings. "Mother Suu went to the court on behalf of the country," local farmer Khin Maung Shwe told Reuters. "Actually the accusation was against the army. But she took the first step of responsibility as a leader of the nation." Gambia has accused Myanmar of violating the 1948 Genocide Convention over a military campaign that drove more than 730,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar. It has asked the International Court of Justice to order "provisional measures" to prevent more harm. Suu Kyi led a team to the Netherlands for three days of hearings, during which she denied genocide and argued the U.N. court should not have jurisdiction. "Myanmar requests the court to remove the case from its list," Suu Kyi said on the final day of hearings on Thursday. "In the alternative (the court should) reject the request for provisional measures submitted by the Gambia." The Nobel Peace Prize laureate's surprise decision to attend the hearings in person has dealt a further blow to her tarnished international reputation. Suu Kyi was long feted in the West as a champion of human rights and democracy, and was a high-profile political prisoner during 15 years of house arrest for her opposition to Myanmar's then ruling military junta. But her stance on the Rohingya issue has seen her stripped of many awards, calls for the Nobel committee to revoke her peace prize and strong criticism from former celebrity supporters and other organizations. At home however, Suu Kyi, the daughter of Myanmar's founding father Aung San, is still revered by many. The proceedings in the Hague have galvanized supporters, who have staged rallies across the country chanting "Stand with Suu Kyi" and waving flags.

Supporters throng streets as Myanmar leader Suu Kyi returns from The Hague

Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Myanmar today at United Nations' World Court said that the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-told-to-stop-the-genocide-in-united-nations-court-over-rohingya-crisis-267445">genocide case</a> brought against her country is ''incomplete and misleading''. She was defending her country, which has faced accusations of mass murdering the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar.&nbsp;

The case against Myanmar was launched by the Gambia, a small West African country. It was taken up at the International Court of Justice, the United Nations' highest court. According to the Gambia, Myanmar violated the 1948 Genocide Convention.

Yesterday, Suu Kyi listened on as lawyers for Gambia detailed graphic testimony of suffering of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-arrives-at-un-court-for-genocide-hearings-267407">Rohingya</a> at the hands of the Myanmar military.

Suu Kyi travelled to The Hague to present her country's stance. According to her office, she was going to "defend the national interest".

The Gambia made its case for the close relationship between Suu Kyi and her country's military by sharing a picture of her with government ministers - Lieutenant-General Ye Aung, Lieutenant General Sein Win and Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe.

The hearing will span for three days with the first phase being about ''provisional measures'' - a somewhat equivalent of a restraining order against Myanmar.&nbsp;

"It cannot be ruled out that disproportionate force was used by members of the defence services in some cases in disregard of international humanitarian law, or that they did not distinguish clearly enough between fighters and civilians," she said.

But she said that Myanmar was undertaking its own investigations, adding: "Surely under the circumstances, genocidal intent cannot be the only hypothesis."

Watch:&nbsp;Aung San Suu Kyi to defend Myanmar at ICJ

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/aung-san-suu-kyi-to-defend-myanmar-at-icj-267434/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Although Suu Kyi has not revealed details of her government's defence, she and her legal team are expected to argue that the court lacks jurisdiction and that no genocide has taken place in Myanmar.

The Gambia has argued it is every country's duty under the convention to prevent a genocide from taking place. The Gambia has political support from the 57-member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Canada and the Netherlands.

More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after the military launched a crackdown in western Rakhine state in August 2017. Most now live in crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh.

Myanmar argues the military&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-arrives-at-un-court-for-genocide-hearings-267407">"clearance operations"</a>&nbsp;in Rakhine were a justifiable response to acts of terrorism.

(With inputs from Reuters, AFP)

Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Myanmar today at United Nations' World Court said that the genocide case brought against her country is ''incomplete and misleading''.

Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Myanmar today at United Nations' World Court said that the genocide case brought against her country is ''incomplete and misleading''. She was defending her country, which has faced accusations of mass murdering the Rohingya Muslim minority in Myanmar. The case against Myanmar was launched by the Gambia, a small West African country. It was taken up at the International Court of Justice, the United Nations' highest court. According to the Gambia, Myanmar violated the 1948 Genocide Convention. Yesterday, Suu Kyi listened on as lawyers for Gambia detailed graphic testimony of suffering of Rohingya at the hands of the Myanmar military. Suu Kyi travelled to The Hague to present her country's stance. According to her office, she was going to "defend the national interest". The Gambia made its case for the close relationship between Suu Kyi and her country's military by sharing a picture of her with government ministers - Lieutenant-General Ye Aung, Lieutenant General Sein Win and Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe. The hearing will span for three days with the first phase being about ''provisional measures'' - a somewhat equivalent of a restraining order against Myanmar. "It cannot be ruled out that disproportionate force was used by members of the defence services in some cases in disregard of international humanitarian law, or that they did not distinguish clearly enough between fighters and civilians," she said. But she said that Myanmar was undertaking its own investigations, adding: "Surely under the circumstances, genocidal intent cannot be the only hypothesis." Watch: Aung San Suu Kyi to defend Myanmar at ICJ Although Suu Kyi has not revealed details of her government's defence, she and her legal team are expected to argue that the court lacks jurisdiction and that no genocide has taken place in Myanmar. The Gambia has argued it is every country's duty under the convention to prevent a genocide from taking place. The Gambia has political support from the 57-member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Canada and the Netherlands. More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after the military launched a crackdown in western Rakhine state in August 2017. Most now live in crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh. Myanmar argues the military "clearance operations" in Rakhine were a justifiable response to acts of terrorism. (With inputs from Reuters, AFP)

'Incomplete and misleading': Suu Kyi at UN court while referring to accusations of Rohingya genocide

Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate arrived at the World Court today, to <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-told-to-stop-the-genocide-in-united-nations-court-over-rohingya-crisis-267445">assert Myanmar's defence</a> against the alleged genocide of Rohingya Muslims.

The case against Myanmar was launched by the Gambia, a small West African country. It was taken up at the International Court of Justice, the United Nations' highest court. According to the Gambia, Myanmar violated the 1948 Genocide Convention.

Yesterday, Suu Kyi listened on as lawyers for Gambia detailed graphic testimony of suffering of Rohingya at the hands of the Myanmar military.

Suu Kyi travelled to The Hague to present her country's stance. According to her office, she was going to "defend the national interest".

The Gambia made its case for the close relationship between Suu Kyi and her country's military by sharing a picture of her with government ministers - Lieutenant-General Ye Aung, Lieutenant General Sein Win and Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe.

The hearing will span for three days with the first phase being about ''provisional measures'' - a somewhat equivalent of a restraining order against Myanmar.&nbsp;

Although Suu Kyi has not revealed details of her government's defence, she and her legal team are expected to argue that the court lacks jurisdiction and that no genocide has taken place in Myanmar.

The Gambia has argued it is every country's duty under the convention to prevent a genocide from taking place. The Gambia has political support from the 57-member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Canada and the Netherlands.

More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after the military launched a crackdown in western Rakhine state in August 2017. Most now live in crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh.

Myanmar argues the military <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-arrives-at-un-court-for-genocide-hearings-267407">"clearance operations"</a> in Rakhine were a justifiable response to acts of terrorism.

(With inputs from Reuters)

Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate arrived at the World Court today, to assert Myanmar's defence against the alleged genocide of Rohingya Muslims. The case against Myanmar was launched by the Gambia, a small West African country.

Aung San Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate arrived at the World Court today, to assert Myanmar's defence against the alleged genocide of Rohingya Muslims. The case against Myanmar was launched by the Gambia, a small West African country. It was taken up at the International Court of Justice, the United Nations' highest court. According to the Gambia, Myanmar violated the 1948 Genocide Convention. Yesterday, Suu Kyi listened on as lawyers for Gambia detailed graphic testimony of suffering of Rohingya at the hands of the Myanmar military. Suu Kyi travelled to The Hague to present her country's stance. According to her office, she was going to "defend the national interest". The Gambia made its case for the close relationship between Suu Kyi and her country's military by sharing a picture of her with government ministers - Lieutenant-General Ye Aung, Lieutenant General Sein Win and Lieutenant General Kyaw Swe. The hearing will span for three days with the first phase being about ''provisional measures'' - a somewhat equivalent of a restraining order against Myanmar. Although Suu Kyi has not revealed details of her government's defence, she and her legal team are expected to argue that the court lacks jurisdiction and that no genocide has taken place in Myanmar. The Gambia has argued it is every country's duty under the convention to prevent a genocide from taking place. The Gambia has political support from the 57-member Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, Canada and the Netherlands. More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after the military launched a crackdown in western Rakhine state in August 2017. Most now live in crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh. Myanmar argues the military "clearance operations" in Rakhine were a justifiable response to acts of terrorism. (With inputs from Reuters)

Suu Kyi leads Myanmar's defence of Rohingya genocide at UN court today

Myanmar's leader <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/aung-san-suu-kyi-to-defend-myanmar-at-icj-266873">Aung San Suu Kyi</a> arrived at the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/kulbhushan-jadhav-case-what-is-the-international-court-of-justice-and-how-does-it-work-236692">UN's International Court of Justice </a>on Tuesday to defend her country over charges of genocide against its Rohingya Muslim minority, as back home thousands of people rallied in her support.

Gambia launched the proceedings against Buddhist-majority <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmars-suu-kyi-arrives-at-un-court-for-genocide-hearings-267407">Myanmar</a> in November, accusing it of violating its obligations under the 1948 Genocide Convention.

"All that The Gambia asks is that you tell Myanmar to stop these senseless killings," Gambia's Justice Minister Abubacarr Tambadou said in opening comments.

"To stop these acts of barbarity and brutality that have shocked and continue to shock our collective conscience. To stop this genocide of its own people."

During three days of court proceedings Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate, is expected to repeat denials of genocide and argue that military operations in question were a legitimate counterterrorism response to attacks by <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/fourth-rohingya-refugee-shot-dead-over-bangladesh-murder-247016">Rohingya </a>militants.

Suu Kyi arrived in a motorcade at the ornate Peace Palace in The Hague and ignored questions shouted out to her by waiting reporters. She sat expressionless in the courtroom as the Gambian team detailed alleged atrocities in Myanmar.

Outside the court, dozens of Rohingya demonstrated to demand justice for victims, while in Yangon, the commercial capital of Myanmar, thousands of people rallied in support of Suu Kyi, waving national flags as they chanted: "To protect the country's dignity, stand with Mother Suu."

"It's like Mother Suu went to the frontlines for our country," said 58-year-old Myint Myint Thwin. "Therefore to show our support and that we stand with her we joined this march."

This week's proceedings before a panel of 17 judges will not deal with the core allegation of genocide, but Gambia has requested a court order for Myanmar to halt any activity that may aggravate the dispute.

Gambia, a tiny, Muslim West African country, is arguing that Myanmar's forces carried out widespread and systematic atrocities during what it called "clearance operations" from August 2017 that constituted genocide.

"This is very much a dispute between The Gambia and Myanmar," Tambadou said. "We seek to protect not only the rights of the Rohingya, but our own rights as a state party to the Genocide Convention, by holding Myanmar to its obligations not to commit genocide, not to incite genocide, and to prevent and punish genocide."

The tribunal has no enforcement powers, but its rulings are final and have significant legal weight.

More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after the military-led crackdown and were forced into squalid camps across the border in Bangladesh.

Hasina Begum, 22, said she was among many women raped by Myanmar soldiers who also burned down her village.

"They have done these things to me, to my relatives and my friends. I can tell them face-to-face, looking them in the eyes, because I am not lying," she told Reuters before the hearings started.

In the Bangladeshi refugee camps on Tuesday, hundreds gathered on a hilltop and chanted, "Gambia! Gambia!", pumping their fists. Some offered special prayers at mosques in the camps and many others were fasting.

"Our people were killed, our children were thrown into the fire, our women were raped, our houses were burnt down. All we want is a fair trial," said Nurul Amin, 30.

United Nations investigators have said Myanmar's military campaign was executed with "genocidal intent".

Myanmar has previously denied almost all allegations made by refugees against its troops, including mass rape, killings, and arson, and promised to punish any soldiers involved in what it says were isolated cases of wrongdoing.

Myanmar's leader Aung San Suu Kyi arrived at the UN's International Court of Justice on Tuesday to defend her country over charges of genocide against its Rohingya Muslim minority, as back home thousands of people rallied in her support.

Myanmar's leader Aung San Suu Kyi arrived at the UN's International Court of Justice on Tuesday to defend her country over charges of genocide against its Rohingya Muslim minority, as back home thousands of people rallied in her support. Gambia launched the proceedings against Buddhist-majority Myanmar in November, accusing it of violating its obligations under the 1948 Genocide Convention. "All that The Gambia asks is that you tell Myanmar to stop these senseless killings," Gambia's Justice Minister Abubacarr Tambadou said in opening comments. "To stop these acts of barbarity and brutality that have shocked and continue to shock our collective conscience. To stop this genocide of its own people." During three days of court proceedings Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace laureate, is expected to repeat denials of genocide and argue that military operations in question were a legitimate counterterrorism response to attacks by Rohingya militants. Suu Kyi arrived in a motorcade at the ornate Peace Palace in The Hague and ignored questions shouted out to her by waiting reporters. She sat expressionless in the courtroom as the Gambian team detailed alleged atrocities in Myanmar. Outside the court, dozens of Rohingya demonstrated to demand justice for victims, while in Yangon, the commercial capital of Myanmar, thousands of people rallied in support of Suu Kyi, waving national flags as they chanted: "To protect the country's dignity, stand with Mother Suu." "It's like Mother Suu went to the frontlines for our country," said 58-year-old Myint Myint Thwin. "Therefore to show our support and that we stand with her we joined this march." This week's proceedings before a panel of 17 judges will not deal with the core allegation of genocide, but Gambia has requested a court order for Myanmar to halt any activity that may aggravate the dispute. Gambia, a tiny, Muslim West African country, is arguing that Myanmar's forces carried out widespread and systematic atrocities during what it called "clearance operations" from August 2017 that constituted genocide. "This is very much a dispute between The Gambia and Myanmar," Tambadou said. "We seek to protect not only the rights of the Rohingya, but our own rights as a state party to the Genocide Convention, by holding Myanmar to its obligations not to commit genocide, not to incite genocide, and to prevent and punish genocide." The tribunal has no enforcement powers, but its rulings are final and have significant legal weight. More than 730,000 Rohingya fled Myanmar after the military-led crackdown and were forced into squalid camps across the border in Bangladesh. Hasina Begum, 22, said she was among many women raped by Myanmar soldiers who also burned down her village. "They have done these things to me, to my relatives and my friends. I can tell them face-to-face, looking them in the eyes, because I am not lying," she told Reuters before the hearings started. In the Bangladeshi refugee camps on Tuesday, hundreds gathered on a hilltop and chanted, "Gambia! Gambia!", pumping their fists. Some offered special prayers at mosques in the camps and many others were fasting. "Our people were killed, our children were thrown into the fire, our women were raped, our houses were burnt down. All we want is a fair trial," said Nurul Amin, 30. United Nations investigators have said Myanmar's military campaign was executed with "genocidal intent". Myanmar has previously denied almost all allegations made by refugees against its troops, including mass rape, killings, and arson, and promised to punish any soldiers involved in what it says were isolated cases of wrongdoing.

As Suu Kyi looks on, Gambia asks UN judges to 'stop genocide' in Myanmar

Myanmar accused of Genocide against Rohingyas.

Suu Kyi to defend Myanmar at ICJ

Thousands rallied in support of Aung San Suu Kyi in <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/the-lady-and-the-hague-myanmar-leader-suu-kyi-courts-home-audience-266663">Myanmar</a> Saturday, on the eve of her departure for the UN's top court to defend Myanmar against charges of genocide against Rohingya Muslims.&nbsp;

The raucous rally in the capital Naypyidaw came as China's foreign minister arrived for a visit at Suu Kyi's invitation.

Analysts say Beijing's permanent seat on the UN Security Council,&nbsp;and its veto vote,&nbsp;makes it a valuable ally as Myanmar faces intensifying scrutiny over its treatment of the Rohingya.&nbsp;

Once-lauded democracy champion Suu Kyi's shock decision to face the International Court of Justice (ICJ) next week to defend Myanmar against charges it committed genocide against the Muslim minority risks further damaging her already tattered overseas reputation.&nbsp;

But domestically "The Lady" remains revered, and the resolve of her supporters has only hardened in the lead-up to the ICJ hearing scheduled for December 10-12.&nbsp;

"We are proud of her taking accountability... by going to The Hague to protect the nation's image," shouted prominent writer Htin Lin Oo into a microphone in front of a banner emblazoned with the words "We stand with our leader".&nbsp;

"Our blood shall come together and unite us when it is important," he shouted to a cheering crowd, who hoisted colourful artwork of Suu Kyi in the air.&nbsp;

The ICJ lawsuit was brought by Gambia, a tiny, mainly Muslim West African state that alleges Myanmar breached the UN's Genocide Convention with its bloody 2017 crackdown on the Rohingya.&nbsp;

Some 740,000 Rohingya fled into neighbouring Bangladesh, bringing with them accounts of widespread murder, rape and arson,&nbsp;violence that UN investigators have branded as genocide.

But the Rohingya garner little sympathy <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/union-cabinet-approves-india-myanmar-agreement-to-prevent-human-trafficking-264858">within Myanmar</a>, with many believing that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.&nbsp;

Myanmar insists abuse allegations are under investigation by its own committees,&nbsp;panels which rights groups say have whitewashed the atrocities.

The military says the operations were justified to flush out Rohingya militants.&nbsp;

Win Swe, a Naypyidaw resident at the rally who was sporting a T-shirt with Suu Kyi's face on it, told AFP he will support his leader in "whatever she does".&nbsp;

"They aren't just accusing one person in Myanmar, they are accusing the whole country," he said.&nbsp;

Thousands rallied in support of Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar Saturday, on the eve of her departure for the UN's top court to defend Myanmar against charges of genocide against Rohingya Muslims.

Thousands rallied in support of Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar Saturday, on the eve of her departure for the UN's top court to defend Myanmar against charges of genocide against Rohingya Muslims. The raucous rally in the capital Naypyidaw came as China's foreign minister arrived for a visit at Suu Kyi's invitation. Analysts say Beijing's permanent seat on the UN Security Council, and its veto vote, makes it a valuable ally as Myanmar faces intensifying scrutiny over its treatment of the Rohingya. Once-lauded democracy champion Suu Kyi's shock decision to face the International Court of Justice (ICJ) next week to defend Myanmar against charges it committed genocide against the Muslim minority risks further damaging her already tattered overseas reputation. But domestically "The Lady" remains revered, and the resolve of her supporters has only hardened in the lead-up to the ICJ hearing scheduled for December 10-12. "We are proud of her taking accountability... by going to The Hague to protect the nation's image," shouted prominent writer Htin Lin Oo into a microphone in front of a banner emblazoned with the words "We stand with our leader". "Our blood shall come together and unite us when it is important," he shouted to a cheering crowd, who hoisted colourful artwork of Suu Kyi in the air. The ICJ lawsuit was brought by Gambia, a tiny, mainly Muslim West African state that alleges Myanmar breached the UN's Genocide Convention with its bloody 2017 crackdown on the Rohingya. Some 740,000 Rohingya fled into neighbouring Bangladesh, bringing with them accounts of widespread murder, rape and arson, violence that UN investigators have branded as genocide. But the Rohingya garner little sympathy within Myanmar, with many believing that they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Myanmar insists abuse allegations are under investigation by its own committees, panels which rights groups say have whitewashed the atrocities. The military says the operations were justified to flush out Rohingya militants. Win Swe, a Naypyidaw resident at the rally who was sporting a T-shirt with Suu Kyi's face on it, told AFP he will support his leader in "whatever she does". "They aren't just accusing one person in Myanmar, they are accusing the whole country," he said.

Thousands in Myanmar rally behind Suu Kyi ahead of Hague court date

The last time&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;leader&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/aung-san-suu-kyis-extraordinary-fall-from-grace-169425">Aung San&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi</a>&nbsp;traveled to western Europe, she was feted as the freshly elected civilian ruler of a fledgling democracy who had brought an end to half a century of military dictatorship.

When the Nobel peace prize laureate returns next week, her first trip to the region since a 2017 military crackdown on <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/bangladesh-scraps-plan-to-send-rohingya-muslims-177557">Rohingya Muslims</a> in western&nbsp;Myanmar, it will be to face accusations of genocide, alongside the army she spent much of her life battling.

Gambia, a tiny, mainly Muslim West African state backed by the 57-nation Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (OIC), lodged a lawsuit at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) last month against&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;for genocide, including mass murder and rape.

Myanmar&nbsp;denies the allegations, and&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi's office said she would fly to <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-objects-to-ukraine-sea-dispute-case-in-the-hague-226002">The&nbsp;Hague</a>&nbsp;for the first hearings, from December 10, to "defend the national interest".

"There is a discrepancy between the opinion of&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;and the international community," said Myo Nyunt, the senior spokesman for her National League for Democracy Party. "She has to explain what has really taken place in northern Rakhine."

Her decision to attend took some by surprise. People close to her with strong international connections voiced concerns it could further tarnish her image abroad, according to two people familiar with the discussions.

But at&nbsp;home, the announcement has unleashed a wave of popular support, with the&nbsp;leader&nbsp;who spent 15 years under house arrest for defying the army lauded as once again championing the interests of the people against a common enemy.

Richard Horsey,&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;advisor to the International Crisis Group, said while her appearance carried considerable risks for&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;overseas, "she likely feels that she must do all she can to defend the national interest against what most people in&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;see as biased and politically-motivated charges".

Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;was still a heroine to many when she last visited western Europe and the United States months after taking office in 2016. Her star faded in office amid sluggish reform and protracted ethnic conflicts, and she faced increasingly harsh criticism from the West as the Rohingya crisis unfolded.

An offensive by security forces and local Buddhists in northern Rakhine state in August 2017 drove more than 730,000 Rohingya into neighboring Bangladesh, where they created the world's largest refugee camp.

United Nations investigators have said the exodus was the result of a military campaign executed with "genocidal intent".

Myanmar&nbsp;authorities have strongly disputed that conclusion, categorizing the military operation as a legitimate response to attacks by Rohingya militants that killed 13 members of the security forces.

In September 2017,&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;said terrorists were behind an "iceberg of misinformation" about the violence.

"Myanmar&nbsp;people do not support people being driven from their&nbsp;homes. But it is different with these Bengalis leaving," spokesman Myo Nyunt said, using a term common in&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;but rejected by the Rohingya because it implies they are interlopers from Bangladesh who invented an ethnic identity.

Seven soldiers were jailed for 10 years for killing 10 Rohingya men and boys in the village of Inn Din but granted early release last November after serving less than a year in prison.

Late last month, the military began a court-martial of an unspecified number of soldiers over events in another village, Gu Dar Pyin, the site of an alleged massacre of 10 Rohingya. The military said the soldiers were "weak in following the rules of engagement." No further details were given about the court-martial, which is continuing.

"As far as we know there is Inn Din massacre and Gu Dar Pyin," said Myo Nyunt. "That's all as far as [Suu&nbsp;Kyi] knows, there is no such thing as genocide."

Recent weeks in&nbsp;Myanmar&nbsp;have had the flavour of election season, with several pro-Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;rallies in major cities attended by hundreds of people carrying flags. More are planned for the first day of the hearings.

"Now there are demonstrations across the whole country. This is an attempt to make her image stronger," said Ko Ko Gyi, a longtime democracy activist and former&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;ally. "There is a saying everything is politics."

Myanmar&nbsp;is due to go to the polls again in 2020 and, while an opinion poll from the People's Alliance for Credible Elections, an independent group of election monitors, in July showed&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;retains tremendous support, her government has faced criticism for failing to bring an end to worsening ethnic conflicts in the borderlands or reform the constitution.

Under the charter drafted by the former ruling junta, the military chief nominates a quarter of lawmakers, giving it a veto over constitutional change.

In the southeastern Karen state, regional authorities put up dozens of billboards showing a smiling&nbsp;Suu&nbsp;Kyi&nbsp;flanked by three green-clad soldiers laughing heartily underlined by the words "we stand with you".

The last time Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi traveled to western Europe, she was feted as the freshly elected civilian ruler of a fledgling democracy who had brought an end to half a century of military dictatorship.

The last time Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi traveled to western Europe, she was feted as the freshly elected civilian ruler of a fledgling democracy who had brought an end to half a century of military dictatorship. When the Nobel peace prize laureate returns next week, her first trip to the region since a 2017 military crackdown on Rohingya Muslims in western Myanmar, it will be to face accusations of genocide, alongside the army she spent much of her life battling. Gambia, a tiny, mainly Muslim West African state backed by the 57-nation Organisation for Islamic Cooperation (OIC), lodged a lawsuit at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) last month against Myanmar for genocide, including mass murder and rape. Myanmar denies the allegations, and Suu Kyi's office said she would fly to The Hague for the first hearings, from December 10, to "defend the national interest". "There is a discrepancy between the opinion of Myanmar and the international community," said Myo Nyunt, the senior spokesman for her National League for Democracy Party. "She has to explain what has really taken place in northern Rakhine." Her decision to attend took some by surprise. People close to her with strong international connections voiced concerns it could further tarnish her image abroad, according to two people familiar with the discussions. But at home, the announcement has unleashed a wave of popular support, with the leader who spent 15 years under house arrest for defying the army lauded as once again championing the interests of the people against a common enemy. Richard Horsey, Myanmar advisor to the International Crisis Group, said while her appearance carried considerable risks for Suu Kyi overseas, "she likely feels that she must do all she can to defend the national interest against what most people in Myanmar see as biased and politically-motivated charges". Suu Kyi was still a heroine to many when she last visited western Europe and the United States months after taking office in 2016. Her star faded in office amid sluggish reform and protracted ethnic conflicts, and she faced increasingly harsh criticism from the West as the Rohingya crisis unfolded. An offensive by security forces and local Buddhists in northern Rakhine state in August 2017 drove more than 730,000 Rohingya into neighboring Bangladesh, where they created the world's largest refugee camp. United Nations investigators have said the exodus was the result of a military campaign executed with "genocidal intent". Myanmar authorities have strongly disputed that conclusion, categorizing the military operation as a legitimate response to attacks by Rohingya militants that killed 13 members of the security forces. In September 2017, Suu Kyi said terrorists were behind an "iceberg of misinformation" about the violence. "Myanmar people do not support people being driven from their homes. But it is different with these Bengalis leaving," spokesman Myo Nyunt said, using a term common in Myanmar but rejected by the Rohingya because it implies they are interlopers from Bangladesh who invented an ethnic identity. Seven soldiers were jailed for 10 years for killing 10 Rohingya men and boys in the village of Inn Din but granted early release last November after serving less than a year in prison. Late last month, the military began a court-martial of an unspecified number of soldiers over events in another village, Gu Dar Pyin, the site of an alleged massacre of 10 Rohingya. The military said the soldiers were "weak in following the rules of engagement." No further details were given about the court-martial, which is continuing. "As far as we know there is Inn Din massacre and Gu Dar Pyin," said Myo Nyunt. "That's all as far as [Suu Kyi] knows, there is no such thing as genocide." Recent weeks in Myanmar have had the flavour of election season, with several pro-Suu Kyi rallies in major cities attended by hundreds of people carrying flags. More are planned for the first day of the hearings. "Now there are demonstrations across the whole country. This is an attempt to make her image stronger," said Ko Ko Gyi, a longtime democracy activist and former Suu Kyi ally. "There is a saying everything is politics." Myanmar is due to go to the polls again in 2020 and, while an opinion poll from the People's Alliance for Credible Elections, an independent group of election monitors, in July showed Suu Kyi retains tremendous support, her government has faced criticism for failing to bring an end to worsening ethnic conflicts in the borderlands or reform the constitution. Under the charter drafted by the former ruling junta, the military chief nominates a quarter of lawmakers, giving it a veto over constitutional change. In the southeastern Karen state, regional authorities put up dozens of billboards showing a smiling Suu Kyi flanked by three green-clad soldiers laughing heartily underlined by the words "we stand with you".

The Lady and the Hague: Myanmar leader Suu Kyi courts home audience

A prominent <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/united-nations-investigator-reports-possible-fresh-war-crimes-in-myanmar-232671">Myanmar</a> journalist accused of defaming a hardline nationalist monk dubbed the "Buddhist Bin Laden" has had the case against him dropped, his lawyer said.

Myanmar Now editor Swe Win had been on trial for two years after posting an article on Facebook criticising the preacher abbot Wirathu.

The monk is notorious for spewing Islamophobic vitriol, in particular against the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-east-asia/southeast-asian-leaders-meet-expected-to-discuss-rohingyas-south-china-sea-229680">Rohingya minority</a>, and is now himself on-the-run from the law.

His supporters in 2017 pressed charges against the journalist under the country's telecommunications law, often used against reporters and activists.

But the court dismissed the case Tuesday, Swe Win's lawyer Ywut Nu Aung told AFP.

"All charges were completely dropped," she said, explaining that four prosecution witnesses had contravened court orders to turn up more than 20 times.

The article posted by Swe Win quoted an abbot calling for Wirathu to be expelled from monkhood for publicly praising the killers of a respected Muslim lawyer.

Ko Ni, a close confidant of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, was shot dead in January 2017 while cradling his grandson.

Swe Win told AFP Wednesday he was relieved his ordeal was over but said the court should never have accepted the case.

"Criticising someone for praising a murder is not a crime," he said.&nbsp;

Describing the emotional and financial burden on him and his family, Swe Win said he made the 16-hour return trip from Yangon to the Mandalay court 71 times in two years.

Wirathu's supporters have vowed to continue the legal fight against the reporter.

The abbot himself is currently facing charges for sedition but remains at large.

He recently gave several provocative speeches at nationalist rallies, making obscene remarks about <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-army-rejects-international-criminal-court-bid-for-full-rohingya-probe-230916">Suu Kyi</a> and urging people to worship soldiers like "Buddha".

Facebook blacklisted him last year for his incendiary posts against the Rohingya.

Rights groups say the posts helped whip up animosity, laying foundations for a military crackdown in 2017 that forced some 740,000 to flee to Bangladesh.

The dismissal of the case against Swe Win was likely because of the government's "new, highly negative view" of Wirathu rather than any commitment to freedom of expression, Phil Robertson from Human Rights Watch said.

Myanmar is currently ranked 138th in the world for press freedom with the number of defamation cases dramatically rising since Suu Kyi's government came to power in 2016.

A prominent Myanmar journalist accused of defaming a hardline nationalist monk dubbed the "Buddhist Bin Laden" has had the case against him dropped, his lawyer said.

A prominent Myanmar journalist accused of defaming a hardline nationalist monk dubbed the "Buddhist Bin Laden" has had the case against him dropped, his lawyer said. Myanmar Now editor Swe Win had been on trial for two years after posting an article on Facebook criticising the preacher abbot Wirathu. The monk is notorious for spewing Islamophobic vitriol, in particular against the Rohingya minority, and is now himself on-the-run from the law. His supporters in 2017 pressed charges against the journalist under the country's telecommunications law, often used against reporters and activists. But the court dismissed the case Tuesday, Swe Win's lawyer Ywut Nu Aung told AFP. "All charges were completely dropped," she said, explaining that four prosecution witnesses had contravened court orders to turn up more than 20 times. The article posted by Swe Win quoted an abbot calling for Wirathu to be expelled from monkhood for publicly praising the killers of a respected Muslim lawyer. Ko Ni, a close confidant of civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi, was shot dead in January 2017 while cradling his grandson. Swe Win told AFP Wednesday he was relieved his ordeal was over but said the court should never have accepted the case. "Criticising someone for praising a murder is not a crime," he said. Describing the emotional and financial burden on him and his family, Swe Win said he made the 16-hour return trip from Yangon to the Mandalay court 71 times in two years. Wirathu's supporters have vowed to continue the legal fight against the reporter. The abbot himself is currently facing charges for sedition but remains at large. He recently gave several provocative speeches at nationalist rallies, making obscene remarks about Suu Kyi and urging people to worship soldiers like "Buddha". Facebook blacklisted him last year for his incendiary posts against the Rohingya. Rights groups say the posts helped whip up animosity, laying foundations for a military crackdown in 2017 that forced some 740,000 to flee to Bangladesh. The dismissal of the case against Swe Win was likely because of the government's "new, highly negative view" of Wirathu rather than any commitment to freedom of expression, Phil Robertson from Human Rights Watch said. Myanmar is currently ranked 138th in the world for press freedom with the number of defamation cases dramatically rising since Suu Kyi's government came to power in 2016.

Myanmar court drops case against journalist

Ultra-nationalist monks in Myanmar accepted a cash donation from the military on Monday while condemning Aung San Suu Kyi and her government for allowing Rohingya Muslims to enter the country "illegally".

Hundreds of monks swathed in saffron and maroon robes filed early morning into a Yangon monastery for the annual meeting of the Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation. The group was known as Ma Ba Tha until a ban by the government and religious authorities in 2017 aimed at curbing its influence.

Their hostility towards the Rohingya helped whip up public support for a brutal military crackdown nearly two years ago. Some 740,000 fled the country in violence branded as "genocide" by UN investigators.

Despite the ban -- offline and on Facebook -- the group has continued to operate under its new name.

Increasingly taking a radical stance against civilian leader Suu Kyi's government, the group has also sidled-up to the country's still-powerful military. Monks regularly appear at pro-army nationalist rallies and the military returned the favour at Monday's session.

Yangon Region Commander Major-General Thet Pon openly donated 30 million kyat&nbsp;in cash to the group.

In a written statement, the ultra-nationalist monks said they "harshly condemn" the scrapping of various laws, which they claimed had "allowed -- and continue to allow -- Bengalis to enter the country illegally".

The term "Bengali" is a common slur in Myanmar for the Rohingya, implying they are illegal interlopers from Bangladesh.

The hardliners even urged people in next year's election to vote against Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which is widely expected to return to power.

They also sniped at Suu Kyi herself for "stepping foot" in a pagoda reserved for men.

One notable absentee at the meeting was co-leader Wirathu, dubbed the "Buddhist Bin Laden" and also blacklisted by Facebook.

He is currently on the run after a court issued an arrest warrant for alleged sedition following several provocative speeches at nationalist rallies. 
The hardline monks condemned what they called the "unlawful" charges.&nbsp;

Ultra-nationalist monks in Myanmar accepted a cash donation from the military on Monday while condemning Aung San Suu Kyi and her government for allowing Rohingya Muslims to enter the country "illegally".

Ultra-nationalist monks in Myanmar accepted a cash donation from the military on Monday while condemning Aung San Suu Kyi and her government for allowing Rohingya Muslims to enter the country "illegally". Hundreds of monks swathed in saffron and maroon robes filed early morning into a Yangon monastery for the annual meeting of the Buddha Dhamma Parahita Foundation. The group was known as Ma Ba Tha until a ban by the government and religious authorities in 2017 aimed at curbing its influence. Their hostility towards the Rohingya helped whip up public support for a brutal military crackdown nearly two years ago. Some 740,000 fled the country in violence branded as "genocide" by UN investigators. Despite the ban -- offline and on Facebook -- the group has continued to operate under its new name. Increasingly taking a radical stance against civilian leader Suu Kyi's government, the group has also sidled-up to the country's still-powerful military. Monks regularly appear at pro-army nationalist rallies and the military returned the favour at Monday's session. Yangon Region Commander Major-General Thet Pon openly donated 30 million kyat in cash to the group. In a written statement, the ultra-nationalist monks said they "harshly condemn" the scrapping of various laws, which they claimed had "allowed -- and continue to allow -- Bengalis to enter the country illegally". The term "Bengali" is a common slur in Myanmar for the Rohingya, implying they are illegal interlopers from Bangladesh. The hardliners even urged people in next year's election to vote against Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) party, which is widely expected to return to power. They also sniped at Suu Kyi herself for "stepping foot" in a pagoda reserved for men. One notable absentee at the meeting was co-leader Wirathu, dubbed the "Buddhist Bin Laden" and also blacklisted by Facebook. He is currently on the run after a court issued an arrest warrant for alleged sedition following several provocative speeches at nationalist rallies. The hardline monks condemned what they called the "unlawful" charges.

Myanmar's hardline monks rail against Rohingya, Aung San Suu Kyi

After relentless diplomatic pressure and global outrage, fallen democracy icon <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/amnesty-international-strips-myanmars-suu-kyi-of-conscience-award-176943">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>finally decided that a pardon for two Myanmar journalists jailed for reporting on a Rohingya massacre was the only way to resolve an issue that has dogged her government for nearly 18 months.

Observers say the unexpected release of the two <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/reuters-journalists-jailed-in-myanmar-freed-from-prison-216559">Reuters reporters</a> was a political decision timed to save face for the country's civilian leader, after a vigorous international campaign that saw Amal Clooney join their legal team, Time magazine put the pair on their cover, and journalism awards and honours pile up -- including the prestigious Pulitzer Prize.

A presidential pardon freed Wa Lone, 33, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 29, from prison on Tuesday to a media frenzy and messages of congratulations from the White House to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.

The pair spent more than 500 days behind bars under colonial-era state secrets convictions after probing the extrajudicial killing of 10 Rohingya Muslims during a military crackdown.

Global attention on the reporters and the damage already done to the country's reputation were "potentially costly" to the government, said independent analyst Richard Horsey.

Nobel Laureate Suu Kyi -- already seen as a pariah by many for perceived complicity in the Rohingya's plight -- provoked outcry when she refused to intervene, insisting "rule of law" must be followed.

The abrupt decision to release the pair this week was made because <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-to-release-6500-prisoners-in-amnesty-on-tuesday-says-president-216638">Myanmar</a>'s leaders had "taken into consideration the long-term interest of (the) country", said government spokesman Zaw Htay.

Retired Thai diplomat Kobsak Chutikul, who has worked in an advisory capacity to Suu Kyi's government, told AFP that senior officials had all known a pardon must be granted at some point but "nobody felt they could bring this up with her".

Political timing was also a factor, observers say.

Myanmar is due to go to the polls next year and this was a chance to "get it out of the way" beforehand rather than risk overshadowing the vote, Kobsak said.

'Albatross round their necks'

Behind the international condemnation, backroom diplomacy appears to have played a key role in convincing Suu Kyi to pardon the reporters.

One man waiting among the crowds outside the gates of Yangon's notorious Insein Prison was British health expert Lord Ara Darzi, whose name barely came up during regular media coverage of the saga.

A close confidant of Suu Kyi, he has regularly visited the country over the past two years in an advisory role on a Rakhine state commission.

But he has known the leaders for years, and hosted her in London after her release from house arrest.

"From what I hear, he finally found the opportunity to convince Suu Kyi this was an albatross hanging round their necks," said Kobsak, who served alongside Darzi on another Myanmar government commission.

The discussion would have taken place "behind the scenes, in quiet conversations in her house", he added.

Darzi later hinted about his role to reporters at a press conference following the journalists' release.

"The lesson is simple: dialogue works even in the most difficult of circumstances," he said.

Presidential pardons are traditionally granted around the Myanmar new year in April.

Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo were freed in the third amnesty in just over a week that saw a total of 23,000 prisoners released.

The pair were handed a seven-year jail sentence last September, upheld first by Yangon's High Court and then the country's Supreme Court last month.

Reuters maintained the duo were imprisoned in retaliation for their expose, while legal experts argued the case was riddled with irregularities.

With the judicial process having run its course all the way to Myanmar's top court, Suu Kyi "may have been convinced the twisted passage of justice had been served," Yangon-based analyst David Mathieson said, calling her change of heart a "political calculation".

Despite the release, observers warn against reading too much into prospects for greater press freedom in the beleaguered democracy, which began a troubled transition from military rule in 2010.

"The pardon will not change the conditions that journalists (in Myanmar) are facing," said activist Cheery Zahau.

After relentless diplomatic pressure and global outrage, fallen democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi finally decided that a pardon for two Myanmar journalists jailed for reporting on a Rohingya massacre was the only way to resolve an issue that has dogged her government for nearly 18 months.

After relentless diplomatic pressure and global outrage, fallen democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi finally decided that a pardon for two Myanmar journalists jailed for reporting on a Rohingya massacre was the only way to resolve an issue that has dogged her government for nearly 18 months. Observers say the unexpected release of the two Reuters reporters was a political decision timed to save face for the country's civilian leader, after a vigorous international campaign that saw Amal Clooney join their legal team, Time magazine put the pair on their cover, and journalism awards and honours pile up -- including the prestigious Pulitzer Prize. A presidential pardon freed Wa Lone, 33, and Kyaw Soe Oo, 29, from prison on Tuesday to a media frenzy and messages of congratulations from the White House to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres. The pair spent more than 500 days behind bars under colonial-era state secrets convictions after probing the extrajudicial killing of 10 Rohingya Muslims during a military crackdown. Global attention on the reporters and the damage already done to the country's reputation were "potentially costly" to the government, said independent analyst Richard Horsey. Nobel Laureate Suu Kyi -- already seen as a pariah by many for perceived complicity in the Rohingya's plight -- provoked outcry when she refused to intervene, insisting "rule of law" must be followed. The abrupt decision to release the pair this week was made because Myanmar's leaders had "taken into consideration the long-term interest of (the) country", said government spokesman Zaw Htay. Retired Thai diplomat Kobsak Chutikul, who has worked in an advisory capacity to Suu Kyi's government, told AFP that senior officials had all known a pardon must be granted at some point but "nobody felt they could bring this up with her". Political timing was also a factor, observers say. Myanmar is due to go to the polls next year and this was a chance to "get it out of the way" beforehand rather than risk overshadowing the vote, Kobsak said. 'Albatross round their necks' Behind the international condemnation, backroom diplomacy appears to have played a key role in convincing Suu Kyi to pardon the reporters. One man waiting among the crowds outside the gates of Yangon's notorious Insein Prison was British health expert Lord Ara Darzi, whose name barely came up during regular media coverage of the saga. A close confidant of Suu Kyi, he has regularly visited the country over the past two years in an advisory role on a Rakhine state commission. But he has known the leaders for years, and hosted her in London after her release from house arrest. "From what I hear, he finally found the opportunity to convince Suu Kyi this was an albatross hanging round their necks," said Kobsak, who served alongside Darzi on another Myanmar government commission. The discussion would have taken place "behind the scenes, in quiet conversations in her house", he added. Darzi later hinted about his role to reporters at a press conference following the journalists' release. "The lesson is simple: dialogue works even in the most difficult of circumstances," he said. Presidential pardons are traditionally granted around the Myanmar new year in April. Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo were freed in the third amnesty in just over a week that saw a total of 23,000 prisoners released. The pair were handed a seven-year jail sentence last September, upheld first by Yangon's High Court and then the country's Supreme Court last month. Reuters maintained the duo were imprisoned in retaliation for their expose, while legal experts argued the case was riddled with irregularities. With the judicial process having run its course all the way to Myanmar's top court, Suu Kyi "may have been convinced the twisted passage of justice had been served," Yangon-based analyst David Mathieson said, calling her change of heart a "political calculation". Despite the release, observers warn against reading too much into prospects for greater press freedom in the beleaguered democracy, which began a troubled transition from military rule in 2010. "The pardon will not change the conditions that journalists (in Myanmar) are facing," said activist Cheery Zahau.

Suu Kyi tries to save face with Myanmar reporters' release

The United Nations has asked foreign investors and social media firms to ensure that they support human rights in Myanmar. The country, as is well known, is in the midst of a brutal conflict with its Rohingya Muslims. 730000 of these hapless people have fled Myanmar. The United Nation’s suggestion is a prudent one and can be an effective tool to ensure that human rights are not abrogated by states, not only with respect to Myanmar but also in general terms.

Human rights accrue to people by virtue of being human. These are an intrinsic good which must not only be protected but also promoted. But, in practice, what is observed is that there is tension between human rights, states and sovereignty thereof. &nbsp;Overlaying these countervailing forces to human rights is geopolitics which does not attach much import and significance to these. Often times, states, even in the developed world, are in breach of human rights in one form or the other. Consider the United States whose self-perception is that of a liberal democracy wherein the individual rules the roost, so to speak. But, in practice, besides obvious structural and institutional issues with African Americans, access to justice is prohibitively expensive making, in the process, a mockery of individual and human rights. 
 
In the less developed world, especially in conflict zones, there is a deep and visceral tension between human rights and state(s). Owing to the precedence of state interests or raison d’etat, and other prosaic matters, states abrogating and violating human rights do so almost with impunity, usually behind the shield of state sovereignty. 
 
This is a reality that can be observed with empirical precision as far as the killing fields of Syria, Myanmar, and other places. The international state system and the foreign policies of states, oriented as they are toward state interests have proven to be woefully inadequate in protecting and promoting human rights. Where then can relief be found?

In markets. Perhaps. 
&nbsp; 
While much has been made of “de-globalisation” and allied trends, the fact is that even though the large megatrend of globalisation might have slowed down, but it has not disappeared. Globalisation is real and while its momentum might have dissipated, it is a historical reality that can neither be wished away nor be made to disappear. The relevance of globalisation to human rights and to the thematic issue dwelt upon in this essay is that counterintuitively perhaps, the propelling forces of the idea and its practice can be used to protect human rights. The reference here is to markets. 
 
In a globalised world where autarky or self-sufficiency is passé and where interdependence is the norm, markets can be employed to discipline states. Capital flows, both portfolio and foreign direct investment, the quest for the Rate of Return and yield, among other things, constitute the sine qua non of economic growth, in this day and age. And, economic growth not only is essential for obvious reasons but it also accords legitimacy to regimes and governments. Stop the tap, so to speak, a given nation-state can be brought to its knees. Obiter dictum, while financial economists can debate the extent of the correlation between financial markets and the real economy, that there is a link is almost indubitable. If markets take a tumble, the real economy is impinged upon, pretty drastically at times, as was demonstrated all too eloquently in and during the 2008 financial crisis.

The key here lies with investors who, as an assorted and a diverse class, can choose to punish and discipline a given state that is killing, maiming, and persecuting its own people. Minds of the policy and political elite of the “target country” can then be concentrated with such poignancy and alacrity that no sanctions or reproach by other states or non-state organisations can do. The United Nations, as an international body, is hamstrung by issues of a structural nature, the most potent of which is state sovereignty and the shield it accords to states who can do whatever they live within their respective jurisdictions. The states constituting the international system are too caught up by raison d’etat to do anything substantive about human rights. It might, however, be markets that can constitute a robust disciplinary force that not only protect but promote human rights.

It is here that the United Nations’ suggestion to investors, with respect to Myanmar, becomes relevant. Let foreign investors see Myanmar as a test case and let it be the starting point for and of markets to be used for good.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

The United Nations has asked foreign investors and social media firms to ensure that they support human rights in Myanmar. The country, as is well known, is in the midst of a brutal conflict with its Rohingya Muslims.

The United Nations has asked foreign investors and social media firms to ensure that they support human rights in Myanmar. The country, as is well known, is in the midst of a brutal conflict with its Rohingya Muslims. 730000 of these hapless people have fled Myanmar. The United Nation’s suggestion is a prudent one and can be an effective tool to ensure that human rights are not abrogated by states, not only with respect to Myanmar but also in general terms. Human rights accrue to people by virtue of being human. These are an intrinsic good which must not only be protected but also promoted. But, in practice, what is observed is that there is tension between human rights, states and sovereignty thereof. Overlaying these countervailing forces to human rights is geopolitics which does not attach much import and significance to these. Often times, states, even in the developed world, are in breach of human rights in one form or the other. Consider the United States whose self-perception is that of a liberal democracy wherein the individual rules the roost, so to speak. But, in practice, besides obvious structural and institutional issues with African Americans, access to justice is prohibitively expensive making, in the process, a mockery of individual and human rights. In the less developed world, especially in conflict zones, there is a deep and visceral tension between human rights and state(s). Owing to the precedence of state interests or raison d’etat, and other prosaic matters, states abrogating and violating human rights do so almost with impunity, usually behind the shield of state sovereignty. This is a reality that can be observed with empirical precision as far as the killing fields of Syria, Myanmar, and other places. The international state system and the foreign policies of states, oriented as they are toward state interests have proven to be woefully inadequate in protecting and promoting human rights. Where then can relief be found? In markets. Perhaps. While much has been made of “de-globalisation” and allied trends, the fact is that even though the large megatrend of globalisation might have slowed down, but it has not disappeared. Globalisation is real and while its momentum might have dissipated, it is a historical reality that can neither be wished away nor be made to disappear. The relevance of globalisation to human rights and to the thematic issue dwelt upon in this essay is that counterintuitively perhaps, the propelling forces of the idea and its practice can be used to protect human rights. The reference here is to markets. In a globalised world where autarky or self-sufficiency is passé and where interdependence is the norm, markets can be employed to discipline states. Capital flows, both portfolio and foreign direct investment, the quest for the Rate of Return and yield, among other things, constitute the sine qua non of economic growth, in this day and age. And, economic growth not only is essential for obvious reasons but it also accords legitimacy to regimes and governments. Stop the tap, so to speak, a given nation-state can be brought to its knees. Obiter dictum, while financial economists can debate the extent of the correlation between financial markets and the real economy, that there is a link is almost indubitable. If markets take a tumble, the real economy is impinged upon, pretty drastically at times, as was demonstrated all too eloquently in and during the 2008 financial crisis. The key here lies with investors who, as an assorted and a diverse class, can choose to punish and discipline a given state that is killing, maiming, and persecuting its own people. Minds of the policy and political elite of the “target country” can then be concentrated with such poignancy and alacrity that no sanctions or reproach by other states or non-state organisations can do. The United Nations, as an international body, is hamstrung by issues of a structural nature, the most potent of which is state sovereignty and the shield it accords to states who can do whatever they live within their respective jurisdictions. The states constituting the international system are too caught up by raison d’etat to do anything substantive about human rights. It might, however, be markets that can constitute a robust disciplinary force that not only protect but promote human rights. It is here that the United Nations’ suggestion to investors, with respect to Myanmar, becomes relevant. Let foreign investors see Myanmar as a test case and let it be the starting point for and of markets to be used for good. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Myanmar crisis: In conflict zones, there exists a deep conflict between human rights and states

New political groups are emerging to contest<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-villagers-flee-fresh-rakhine-state-fighting-enter-bangladesh-195963"> Myanmar</a>'s next election in 2020, aiming to challenge the hegemony of national civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi after she has been weakened by escalating <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/amnesty-says-myanmar-army-shelling-villages-blocking-aid-in-rakhine-196623">ethnic conflicts </a>and slowing economic growth.

Those factors were blamed by party officials for the poor performance of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) in by-elections in November when it won only seven of the 13 seats up for grabs as regional and army-linked parties made gains.

"Now that ethnic parties have allied with one another and prepared, we can't fully rely on the power of the party. We must try harder than before to win the trust of the people," said Dashi La Seng, an NLD lawmaker from the northern state of Kachin, where the party lost a seat in November.

At stake is the future of Myanmar's transition to democracy. The NLD swept to power in a landslide in 2015, winning a comfortable majority in parliament despite 25 per cent of the seats being reserved for the army.

While the NLD is still expected to do better than other parties in 2020, its majority could suffer severe losses, say analysts.

"It's questionable whether the NLD will win enough seats to form the government. If they don't, they'll have to form a coalition or negotiate with other parties," said Ye Myo Hein, an analyst at the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies.

Suu Kyi has responded to recent setbacks with a flurry of activity.

The Nobel laureate has faced criticism from ethnic leaders that her government is high-handed and lacks understanding of the political demands of the country's myriad minorities, while investors have long complained about the slow pace of reform.

In the space of one week in January the Nobel laureate - often seen as aloof in style - popped into a school in a Muslim neighbourhood of Yangon and launched an investment conference in the commercial capital touting the country's plentiful resources and youthful population, while her party floated changes to the military-drafted constitution.

POLITICAL RIVALS COME OUT

The burst of activity was interpreted as an attempt by Suu Kyi to more actively push the government's message to constituents and investors. But rivals have been busy, too.

Former junta No. 3 Shwe Mann, the influential former lower house speaker who has been Suu Kyi's ally, last week announced the formation of a new political force, the Union Betterment Party.

Shwe Mann was ousted as the head of the army-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party in 2015 and has surrounded himself with moderates from the previous regime.

Ko Ko Gyi, one of the legendary leaders of the student protests in 1988 against junta rule, has also started a party called the People's Party. He has tempted other groups, including ethnic parties, to launch a joint bid for power.

"Even if one party can't win, we can combine in parliament as an alliance. We can stand as one and avoid having our votes split," said Ko Ko Gyi.

Nowhere are the headaches for the NLD bigger than in the western state of Rakhine, where it is dealing with the fallout from an army offensive that in 2017 forced around 730,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh.

The European Union is considering trade sanctions on the country over the crisis, potentially stripping it of tariff-free access to the world's largest trading bloc.

The measures could include Myanmar's lucrative textile industry and potentially put hundreds of thousands of jobs at risk - many in the areas that overwhelmingly voted NLD in 2015, such as Yangon and Mandalay.

Suu Kyi is also facing a fresh threat from the Arakan Army, a Rakhine rebel group that wants greater autonomy for the state, where the mainly Buddhist Rakhine ethnic group makes up the majority.

The International Crisis Group said in a report from January that the fighting signified "a dangerous shift from politics to the insurgency as the means of addressing ethnic Rakhine grievances".

The Rakhine ethnic party, Arakan National Party, had a strong showing in the 2015 polls, but it has been denied major roles in the local administration, fuelling resentment against the NLD government in the state.

Oo Aung Than, who runs Thazin Community Development Institute, an organization that works on equal rights and development in Rakhine, has complained that the NLD ignored the political will of the Rakhine people in 2015.

"We, ethnic people, can see how they value ethnic people," said Oo Aung Than. "The landslide victory will not happen again in 2020."

New political groups are emerging to contest Myanmar's next election in 2020, aiming to challenge the hegemony of national civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi after she has been weakened by escalating ethnic conflicts and slowing economic growth.

New political groups are emerging to contest Myanmar's next election in 2020, aiming to challenge the hegemony of national civilian leader Aung San Suu Kyi after she has been weakened by escalating ethnic conflicts and slowing economic growth. Those factors were blamed by party officials for the poor performance of Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) in by-elections in November when it won only seven of the 13 seats up for grabs as regional and army-linked parties made gains. "Now that ethnic parties have allied with one another and prepared, we can't fully rely on the power of the party. We must try harder than before to win the trust of the people," said Dashi La Seng, an NLD lawmaker from the northern state of Kachin, where the party lost a seat in November. At stake is the future of Myanmar's transition to democracy. The NLD swept to power in a landslide in 2015, winning a comfortable majority in parliament despite 25 per cent of the seats being reserved for the army. While the NLD is still expected to do better than other parties in 2020, its majority could suffer severe losses, say analysts. "It's questionable whether the NLD will win enough seats to form the government. If they don't, they'll have to form a coalition or negotiate with other parties," said Ye Myo Hein, an analyst at the Tagaung Institute of Political Studies. Suu Kyi has responded to recent setbacks with a flurry of activity. The Nobel laureate has faced criticism from ethnic leaders that her government is high-handed and lacks understanding of the political demands of the country's myriad minorities, while investors have long complained about the slow pace of reform. In the space of one week in January the Nobel laureate - often seen as aloof in style - popped into a school in a Muslim neighbourhood of Yangon and launched an investment conference in the commercial capital touting the country's plentiful resources and youthful population, while her party floated changes to the military-drafted constitution. POLITICAL RIVALS COME OUT The burst of activity was interpreted as an attempt by Suu Kyi to more actively push the government's message to constituents and investors. But rivals have been busy, too. Former junta No. 3 Shwe Mann, the influential former lower house speaker who has been Suu Kyi's ally, last week announced the formation of a new political force, the Union Betterment Party. Shwe Mann was ousted as the head of the army-linked Union Solidarity and Development Party in 2015 and has surrounded himself with moderates from the previous regime. Ko Ko Gyi, one of the legendary leaders of the student protests in 1988 against junta rule, has also started a party called the People's Party. He has tempted other groups, including ethnic parties, to launch a joint bid for power. "Even if one party can't win, we can combine in parliament as an alliance. We can stand as one and avoid having our votes split," said Ko Ko Gyi. Nowhere are the headaches for the NLD bigger than in the western state of Rakhine, where it is dealing with the fallout from an army offensive that in 2017 forced around 730,000 Rohingya Muslims to flee to Bangladesh. The European Union is considering trade sanctions on the country over the crisis, potentially stripping it of tariff-free access to the world's largest trading bloc. The measures could include Myanmar's lucrative textile industry and potentially put hundreds of thousands of jobs at risk - many in the areas that overwhelmingly voted NLD in 2015, such as Yangon and Mandalay. Suu Kyi is also facing a fresh threat from the Arakan Army, a Rakhine rebel group that wants greater autonomy for the state, where the mainly Buddhist Rakhine ethnic group makes up the majority. The International Crisis Group said in a report from January that the fighting signified "a dangerous shift from politics to the insurgency as the means of addressing ethnic Rakhine grievances". The Rakhine ethnic party, Arakan National Party, had a strong showing in the 2015 polls, but it has been denied major roles in the local administration, fuelling resentment against the NLD government in the state. Oo Aung Than, who runs Thazin Community Development Institute, an organization that works on equal rights and development in Rakhine, has complained that the NLD ignored the political will of the Rakhine people in 2015. "We, ethnic people, can see how they value ethnic people," said Oo Aung Than. "The landslide victory will not happen again in 2020."

In Myanmar, new parties challenge Suu Kyi's grip on power

Myanmar's government under Nobel laureate <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/uk-calls-on-myanmars-suu-kyi-to-take-personal-interest-in-case-of-jailed-reuters-reporters-189584">Aung San Suu Kyi </a>has used repressive laws to prosecute peaceful critics, dashing hopes that its first democratic leader in decades would safeguard free speech, Human Rights Watch said on Friday.

Freedom of expression has been deteriorating since her administration came to power in 2016, with prosecutions creating a "climate of fear" among journalists, the rights group said in its report, "Dashed Hopes: The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar".

"Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy promised a new Myanmar but the government still prosecutes peaceful speech and protests and has failed to revise old oppressive laws," Linda Lakhdhir, Asia legal adviser at Human Rights Watch and the report's author, said in a statement.

A government spokesman could not be reached for comment.

The military governments that ruled Myanmar for decades placed severe restrictions on free speech. Reforms undertaken by the quasi-civilian administration that came to power in 2010, including the abolition of censorship, had "positive implications for speech and assembly", HRW said.

However, the Suu Kyi-led government had made "only marginal changes" to oppressive legislation and continued to use "overly broad, vague, and abusive laws" to prosecute peaceful speech and assembly, it said.

Myanmar free speech group Athan, whose report was quoted by HRW, said some 140 cases had been filed since 2016 under the Telecommunications Act, at least half of which involved prosecution for peaceful speech.

Parliament made some amendments to section 66(d) of the act, which punishes anyone who "defames" someone using a telecommunications network with up to two years in prison but rejected calls to repeal the provision.

Reporters were especially vulnerable to prosecution and attacks, HRW said, with threats coming from authorities as well as nationalists and militant supporters of the government or army.

"The result has been a climate of fear among local journalists," the HRW report said.

Laws criminalising defamation, the Official Secrets Act, the Unlawful Associations Act, the 1934 Aircraft Act, and section 131 of the Myanmar Penal Code have all been used against journalists in recent years.

Reuters reporters Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo were sentenced to seven years in prison in September 2018 under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act. They had been working on an investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslim men and boys in Rakhine state.

"Aung San Suu Kyi's government has had a real opportunity to abolish the tools of oppression used by the military juntas, but has instead used them against peaceful critics and protesters,” Lakhdhir said.

"It's not too late to reverse course and take steps to fully protect speech and assembly in Myanmar," she said.

Myanmar's government under Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has used repressive laws to prosecute peaceful critics, dashing hopes that its first democratic leader in decades would safeguard free speech, Human Rights Watch said on Friday.

Myanmar's government under Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has used repressive laws to prosecute peaceful critics, dashing hopes that its first democratic leader in decades would safeguard free speech, Human Rights Watch said on Friday. Freedom of expression has been deteriorating since her administration came to power in 2016, with prosecutions creating a "climate of fear" among journalists, the rights group said in its report, "Dashed Hopes: The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar". "Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy promised a new Myanmar but the government still prosecutes peaceful speech and protests and has failed to revise old oppressive laws," Linda Lakhdhir, Asia legal adviser at Human Rights Watch and the report's author, said in a statement. A government spokesman could not be reached for comment. The military governments that ruled Myanmar for decades placed severe restrictions on free speech. Reforms undertaken by the quasi-civilian administration that came to power in 2010, including the abolition of censorship, had "positive implications for speech and assembly", HRW said. However, the Suu Kyi-led government had made "only marginal changes" to oppressive legislation and continued to use "overly broad, vague, and abusive laws" to prosecute peaceful speech and assembly, it said. Myanmar free speech group Athan, whose report was quoted by HRW, said some 140 cases had been filed since 2016 under the Telecommunications Act, at least half of which involved prosecution for peaceful speech. Parliament made some amendments to section 66(d) of the act, which punishes anyone who "defames" someone using a telecommunications network with up to two years in prison but rejected calls to repeal the provision. Reporters were especially vulnerable to prosecution and attacks, HRW said, with threats coming from authorities as well as nationalists and militant supporters of the government or army. "The result has been a climate of fear among local journalists," the HRW report said. Laws criminalising defamation, the Official Secrets Act, the Unlawful Associations Act, the 1934 Aircraft Act, and section 131 of the Myanmar Penal Code have all been used against journalists in recent years. Reuters reporters Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo were sentenced to seven years in prison in September 2018 under the colonial-era Official Secrets Act. They had been working on an investigation into the killing of 10 Rohingya Muslim men and boys in Rakhine state. "Aung San Suu Kyi's government has had a real opportunity to abolish the tools of oppression used by the military juntas, but has instead used them against peaceful critics and protesters,” Lakhdhir said. "It's not too late to reverse course and take steps to fully protect speech and assembly in Myanmar," she said.

Human Rights watch says Myanmar government using ‘abusive laws’ to punish critics

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday urged global investors to put their money into Myanmar, seeking to offset the negative impact of the Rohingya crisis and slow pace of economic reforms.

Suu Kyi touted Myanmar's economic potential, its attractive geographical location, expanding domestic markets and young population. She also listed some of the reforms undertaken by her government since coming to power in 2016.

"I stand here to reaffirm our commitment to continue our reform and to build an investment-friendly environment," Suu Kyi said in the capital Naypyitaw, launching the first official investment conference hosted by her administration.

"Please do come to Myanmar, soak in an atmosphere brimming with opportunities and witness our new-found economic vibrancy with your own eyes," she told a crowd of business people, diplomats and journalists gathered at a conference hall.

While there were relatively few details on planned reforms, the conference itself could signal a shift in the government's approach to the business community.

Until now, investors have complained the government has focused largely on ending the country's myriad armed conflicts, neglecting economic reforms and their needs.

Suu Kyi did not mention in her speech the Rohingya crisis and the chilling impact it has had on investment. Many businesses worry that some of the Western sanctions that stifled the economy under army rule could be reinstated.

About 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from western Rakhine State into Bangladesh since a military crackdown in 2017 after Rohingya insurgents attacked security posts.

A UN-mandated fact-finding mission said that Myanmar's military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with "genocidal intent" and called for top generals to be prosecuted. Myanmar rejected the findings.

The International Monetary Fund said last year its data indicated that some foreign investors were delaying final approval of projects until there was clarity about how the situation may unfold.

The European Union is considering trade sanctions on Myanmar over the crisis, potentially stripping the country of tariff-free access to the world's largest trading bloc. The measures could include Myanmar's lucrative textile industry and potentially put thousands of jobs at risk.

Separately this month, the EU imposed tariffs on rice from Myanmar and Cambodia to curb a surge in imports.

Suu Kyi did not mention the EU measures in her speech.

The World Bank said last month it expected Myanmar's gross domestic product to fall to 6.2 per cent in 2018-19 fiscal year from 6.8 per cent the year before. It saw "elevated downside risks from intensifying impacts of the Rakhine crisis," among other factors contributing to slowing growth.

Investors have credited the government's appointment of a new finance minister, Soe Win, who has a background in international finance.

The government has also continued to reform the legal framework for investing and establishing companies, liberalizing some of the junta-era restrictions on investment, and has created a bank of key projects it wants to implement.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday urged global investors to put their money into Myanmar, seeking to offset the negative impact of the Rohingya crisis and slow pace of economic reforms.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday urged global investors to put their money into Myanmar, seeking to offset the negative impact of the Rohingya crisis and slow pace of economic reforms. Suu Kyi touted Myanmar's economic potential, its attractive geographical location, expanding domestic markets and young population. She also listed some of the reforms undertaken by her government since coming to power in 2016. "I stand here to reaffirm our commitment to continue our reform and to build an investment-friendly environment," Suu Kyi said in the capital Naypyitaw, launching the first official investment conference hosted by her administration. "Please do come to Myanmar, soak in an atmosphere brimming with opportunities and witness our new-found economic vibrancy with your own eyes," she told a crowd of business people, diplomats and journalists gathered at a conference hall. While there were relatively few details on planned reforms, the conference itself could signal a shift in the government's approach to the business community. Until now, investors have complained the government has focused largely on ending the country's myriad armed conflicts, neglecting economic reforms and their needs. Suu Kyi did not mention in her speech the Rohingya crisis and the chilling impact it has had on investment. Many businesses worry that some of the Western sanctions that stifled the economy under army rule could be reinstated. About 730,000 Rohingya Muslims have fled from western Rakhine State into Bangladesh since a military crackdown in 2017 after Rohingya insurgents attacked security posts. A UN-mandated fact-finding mission said that Myanmar's military carried out mass killings and gang rapes of Rohingya with "genocidal intent" and called for top generals to be prosecuted. Myanmar rejected the findings. The International Monetary Fund said last year its data indicated that some foreign investors were delaying final approval of projects until there was clarity about how the situation may unfold. The European Union is considering trade sanctions on Myanmar over the crisis, potentially stripping the country of tariff-free access to the world's largest trading bloc. The measures could include Myanmar's lucrative textile industry and potentially put thousands of jobs at risk. Separately this month, the EU imposed tariffs on rice from Myanmar and Cambodia to curb a surge in imports. Suu Kyi did not mention the EU measures in her speech. The World Bank said last month it expected Myanmar's gross domestic product to fall to 6.2 per cent in 2018-19 fiscal year from 6.8 per cent the year before. It saw "elevated downside risks from intensifying impacts of the Rakhine crisis," among other factors contributing to slowing growth. Investors have credited the government's appointment of a new finance minister, Soe Win, who has a background in international finance. The government has also continued to reform the legal framework for investing and establishing companies, liberalizing some of the junta-era restrictions on investment, and has created a bank of key projects it wants to implement.

Suu Kyi to investors: Myanmar is open for business

Britain on Friday called on Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether due process was followed in the case of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail in Myanmar.

A Myanmar court earlier on Friday <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-reuters-journalists-lose-appeal-against-7-year-sentence-189568">rejected the appeal of the two reporters</a> sentenced to seven years in jail on charges of breaking the country`s Official Secrets Act, saying the defence had not provided sufficient evidence to show they were innocent.

"We are very worried about due process in this case," British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt told BBC radio when asked about the case.

"We urge Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether that due process happened and to recognise that, as someone who fought for democracy in Burma, she should be taking a personal interest in the future of these two brave journalists."

Britain on Friday called on Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether due process was followed in the case of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail in Myanmar.

Britain on Friday called on Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether due process was followed in the case of two Reuters reporters sentenced to seven years in jail in Myanmar. A Myanmar court earlier on Friday rejected the appeal of the two reporters sentenced to seven years in jail on charges of breaking the country`s Official Secrets Act, saying the defence had not provided sufficient evidence to show they were innocent. "We are very worried about due process in this case," British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt told BBC radio when asked about the case. "We urge Aung San Suu Kyi to look at whether that due process happened and to recognise that, as someone who fought for democracy in Burma, she should be taking a personal interest in the future of these two brave journalists."

UK calls on Myanmar's Suu Kyi to take personal interest in case of jailed Reuters reporters

Myanmar youth activist and television host Thinzar Shun Lei Yi would once have called herself one of Aung San Suu Kyi`s greatest fans. Now, she is one of her most vocal critics.

The 27-year-old belongs to a small but high-profile group of liberal activists, many former die-hard Suu Kyi supporters, who are growing increasingly disillusioned with the administration they voted into power with sky-high hopes three years ago.

"I lost my idol, I`m confused, frustrated and lost," said Thinzar Shun Lei Yi, who hosts an `Under 30` talk show on a popular local website.

"Most of the activists and youths are now thinking: `What is next`, `What will happen?`, `What can we do?` At this stage, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is going her own way and nobody can intervene, and she won`t listen to civil society organisations," she said, using the honorific for women in Myanmar.

While Suu Kyi continues to inspire devotion among many ordinary Burmese, the emergence of a dissenting youth movement – driven by anger over her handling of ethnic minorities, including the Muslim Rohingya, as well as curbs on the media and civil society – presents a new challenge for her administration.

At stake is the future of Myanmar`s transition towards democracy after years of military rule. With a general election looming in 2020, the country`s first civilian government in decades is confronted by growing divisions among activists who once coalesced around her National League for Democracy party.

NLD spokesman Myo Nyunt said the party was trying to win over young people, increasing the budget for education and supporting vocational training programmes.

"The youth and the people expected a lot from our government," he said. "We couldn`t live up to their expectations, we admit. But we are doing our best." 
Suu Kyi took power in 2016 after a landslide election win, vowing to continue democratic reforms and end the country`s long-running civil wars.

Since then, the administration has come under pressure over its response to a military crackdown against the Rohingya minority that the United Nations has described as "ethnic cleansing" with "genocidal intent", as well as faltering peace talks with ethnic armed groups and a stagnating economy.

FREE SPEECH

Activists say the civilian government has also become increasingly authoritarian, failing to use its overwhelming parliamentary majority to scrap colonial-era laws used to stifle dissent, while tightening restrictions on civil society.&nbsp;

In recent months, they have staged several protests, including an anti-war march in the commercial capital of Yangon in May that ended in scuffles. A total of 17 people were charged with unlawful protest, including Thinzar Shun Lei Yi. Their trial is ongoing.

"Sensitive issues are banned, and protesters arrested and beaten," she said. "The National League of Democracy, the party using the name of democracy, must respect democracy and human rights."

According to free speech organisation Athan, which means `Voice` in Burmese, 44 journalists and 142 activists have faced trial since the Suu Kyi government took power.

The group`s founder, poet and activist Maung Saung Kha, is one of them. He was also among the protesters charged alongside Thinzar Shun Lei Yi in May. Four months later, in September, they both helped organise another demonstration, this time for free speech.&nbsp;

Facing the crowd, Maung Saung Kha – who is still an NLD member – donned the orange shirt traditionally worn by his party`s lawmakers and draped a green jacket resembling military garb over it. Armed with a copy of the state-run daily newspaper The Mirror, he began beating journalists gathered nearby.&nbsp;

"The government has failed to use its power to protect people`s rights," he told Reuters.&nbsp;

Myo Nyunt, the party spokesman, said the government was cooperating with non-governmental organisations, but their activities needed to be examined case-by-case.

"If it is not related to security or not a divisive issue among ethnics, we accept them," he said. "We are going forward to democracy so we acknowledge the role of NGOs, but we have concerns that NGOs are being influenced by sponsors instead of being independent."

"ACKNOWLEDGE ROHINGYA"

While she has no control over the military, Suu Kyi has faced international criticism for failing to defend the Rohingya, more than 730,000 of whom fled a sweeping army cracking in western Rakhine state in 2017, according to UN agencies. The crackdown was launched in response to insurgent Rohingya attacks on security forces.

Myanmar denies almost all the allegations of atrocities made by refugees, saying the army was carrying out a legitimate campaign against terrorists. 
While many among Myanmar`s Buddhist majority revile the Rohingya, the young activists offer a rare sympathetic voice.

"We acknowledge Rohingya. We totally denounce the fact that they are referred to as `Bengali`," said Maung Saung Kha, referring to a term commonly used in Myanmar to imply the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh, despite a long history in the country.

"We haven`t seen any acknowledgement or punishment for the things that happened," he said. "The refugees will not come back as long as these people think of them as less than humans, and that it is not a crime to kill them."

Khin Sandar, another young activist facing unlawful protest charges, spent months campaigning for the NLD ahead of the 2015 election but lost faith in Suu Kyi over her handling of the Rakhine crisis.&nbsp;

Her family was affected in a wave of communal violence in 2012, when not only Rohingya but members of the Kaman Muslim minority, who also face discrimination but unlike the Rohingya are considered Myanmar citizens, were driven from their homes. They live in crowded internal displacement camps outside the Rakhine state capital Sittwe and are subjected to severe restrictions on movement.

In a speech after last year`s violence, Suu Kyi said all residents of Rakhine "have access to education and healthcare services without discrimination". 
"My own nephew and nieces are still living in the Sittwe camps and they don`t have those rights," said Khin Sandar. "I was shocked. How can she say that in her speech?" Afterwards, she said, she quit her job as researcher for an NLD lawmaker.

While the youth activists represent only a small segment of Myanmar society they are increasingly influential in the grassroots activism scene, while their protests and public comments have attracted significant attention from media and from their vast social media followings.

Mostly in their 20s and 30s, they highlight the gulf between Myanmar`s young population – the median age is 27 – and its ageing leadership, comprised of mostly men in their 60s and 70s.

"Myanmar is a very conservative country, these young people, especially from Yangon, are now challenging that," said Myat Thu, a political analyst from the Yangon School of Political Science.

"In order to have a revolution of ideas, not many people need to know. They will spread it gradually."

Myanmar youth activist and television host Thinzar Shun Lei Yi would once have called herself one of Aung San Suu Kyi`s greatest fans. Now, she is one of her most vocal critics.

Myanmar youth activist and television host Thinzar Shun Lei Yi would once have called herself one of Aung San Suu Kyi`s greatest fans. Now, she is one of her most vocal critics. The 27-year-old belongs to a small but high-profile group of liberal activists, many former die-hard Suu Kyi supporters, who are growing increasingly disillusioned with the administration they voted into power with sky-high hopes three years ago. "I lost my idol, I`m confused, frustrated and lost," said Thinzar Shun Lei Yi, who hosts an `Under 30` talk show on a popular local website. "Most of the activists and youths are now thinking: `What is next`, `What will happen?`, `What can we do?` At this stage, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is going her own way and nobody can intervene, and she won`t listen to civil society organisations," she said, using the honorific for women in Myanmar. While Suu Kyi continues to inspire devotion among many ordinary Burmese, the emergence of a dissenting youth movement – driven by anger over her handling of ethnic minorities, including the Muslim Rohingya, as well as curbs on the media and civil society – presents a new challenge for her administration. At stake is the future of Myanmar`s transition towards democracy after years of military rule. With a general election looming in 2020, the country`s first civilian government in decades is confronted by growing divisions among activists who once coalesced around her National League for Democracy party. NLD spokesman Myo Nyunt said the party was trying to win over young people, increasing the budget for education and supporting vocational training programmes. "The youth and the people expected a lot from our government," he said. "We couldn`t live up to their expectations, we admit. But we are doing our best." Suu Kyi took power in 2016 after a landslide election win, vowing to continue democratic reforms and end the country`s long-running civil wars. Since then, the administration has come under pressure over its response to a military crackdown against the Rohingya minority that the United Nations has described as "ethnic cleansing" with "genocidal intent", as well as faltering peace talks with ethnic armed groups and a stagnating economy. FREE SPEECH Activists say the civilian government has also become increasingly authoritarian, failing to use its overwhelming parliamentary majority to scrap colonial-era laws used to stifle dissent, while tightening restrictions on civil society. In recent months, they have staged several protests, including an anti-war march in the commercial capital of Yangon in May that ended in scuffles. A total of 17 people were charged with unlawful protest, including Thinzar Shun Lei Yi. Their trial is ongoing. "Sensitive issues are banned, and protesters arrested and beaten," she said. "The National League of Democracy, the party using the name of democracy, must respect democracy and human rights." According to free speech organisation Athan, which means `Voice` in Burmese, 44 journalists and 142 activists have faced trial since the Suu Kyi government took power. The group`s founder, poet and activist Maung Saung Kha, is one of them. He was also among the protesters charged alongside Thinzar Shun Lei Yi in May. Four months later, in September, they both helped organise another demonstration, this time for free speech. Facing the crowd, Maung Saung Kha – who is still an NLD member – donned the orange shirt traditionally worn by his party`s lawmakers and draped a green jacket resembling military garb over it. Armed with a copy of the state-run daily newspaper The Mirror, he began beating journalists gathered nearby. "The government has failed to use its power to protect people`s rights," he told Reuters. Myo Nyunt, the party spokesman, said the government was cooperating with non-governmental organisations, but their activities needed to be examined case-by-case. "If it is not related to security or not a divisive issue among ethnics, we accept them," he said. "We are going forward to democracy so we acknowledge the role of NGOs, but we have concerns that NGOs are being influenced by sponsors instead of being independent." "ACKNOWLEDGE ROHINGYA" While she has no control over the military, Suu Kyi has faced international criticism for failing to defend the Rohingya, more than 730,000 of whom fled a sweeping army cracking in western Rakhine state in 2017, according to UN agencies. The crackdown was launched in response to insurgent Rohingya attacks on security forces. Myanmar denies almost all the allegations of atrocities made by refugees, saying the army was carrying out a legitimate campaign against terrorists. While many among Myanmar`s Buddhist majority revile the Rohingya, the young activists offer a rare sympathetic voice. "We acknowledge Rohingya. We totally denounce the fact that they are referred to as `Bengali`," said Maung Saung Kha, referring to a term commonly used in Myanmar to imply the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh, despite a long history in the country. "We haven`t seen any acknowledgement or punishment for the things that happened," he said. "The refugees will not come back as long as these people think of them as less than humans, and that it is not a crime to kill them." Khin Sandar, another young activist facing unlawful protest charges, spent months campaigning for the NLD ahead of the 2015 election but lost faith in Suu Kyi over her handling of the Rakhine crisis. Her family was affected in a wave of communal violence in 2012, when not only Rohingya but members of the Kaman Muslim minority, who also face discrimination but unlike the Rohingya are considered Myanmar citizens, were driven from their homes. They live in crowded internal displacement camps outside the Rakhine state capital Sittwe and are subjected to severe restrictions on movement. In a speech after last year`s violence, Suu Kyi said all residents of Rakhine "have access to education and healthcare services without discrimination". "My own nephew and nieces are still living in the Sittwe camps and they don`t have those rights," said Khin Sandar. "I was shocked. How can she say that in her speech?" Afterwards, she said, she quit her job as researcher for an NLD lawmaker. While the youth activists represent only a small segment of Myanmar society they are increasingly influential in the grassroots activism scene, while their protests and public comments have attracted significant attention from media and from their vast social media followings. Mostly in their 20s and 30s, they highlight the gulf between Myanmar`s young population – the median age is 27 – and its ageing leadership, comprised of mostly men in their 60s and 70s. "Myanmar is a very conservative country, these young people, especially from Yangon, are now challenging that," said Myat Thu, a political analyst from the Yangon School of Political Science. "In order to have a revolution of ideas, not many people need to know. They will spread it gradually."

Lost idol: New wave of Myanmar youth activists look beyond Suu Kyi

Diplomatic niceties have been in short supply for Aung San Suu Kyi at a summit in Singapore, where the one-time rights champion has been publicly chastised over her handling of the Rohingya crisis, compounding a dismal week for Myanmar's de facto leader.

Suu Kyi has refused to speak up for the Rohingya, a stateless, persecuted Muslim minority driven by violence into Bangladesh in huge numbers.

Her reticence on the issue has cut her adrift from the global rights community including the United Nations, whose investigators say last year's Myanmar army campaign amounted to genocide.

Many of the honours previously showered upon Suu Kyi for her stoic, peaceful resistance during years of house arrest by Myanmar's junta have been rescinded.

This week the bad news got worse.

On Monday Amnesty International, whose campaign to free Suu Kyi galvanised global recognition of her democracy struggle, stripped her of its highest honour over her "indifference" to the atrocities against the Rohingya.

One day later at a regional summit in Singapore, criticism replaced the garlands she has received on the global stage since steering her party into government in 2016.

Suu Kyi was castigated by Malaysia's premier Mahathir Mohamad at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meet, a forum better known for platitudes than admonishments.&nbsp;

"Someone who has been detained before should know the sufferings and should not inflict it on the hapless," the forthright Mahathir told reporters on Tuesday shortly before the summit opened.

"But it would seem that Aung San Suu Kyi is trying to defend what is indefensible," he added, ploughing through the summit's tradition of politeness.

Dialling up the awkwardness, Mahathir spent the entire summit next to Suu Kyi at photocalls, roundtables and dinners -- thanks to the alphabetical proximity of Malaysia and Myanmar.

"You can sense (her reception) is not the same as before," a Southeast Asia diplomat told AFP, requesting anonymity. "Everyone was expecting more from her."

The diplomatic siege deepened on Wednesday when US Vice President Mike Pence told Suu Kyi the "violence and persecution" against the Rohingya was "without excuse".

In reply Suu Kyi, who appeared wrong-footed by the directness of the public critique, retreated behind her usual position: the Rohingya crisis is an internal Myanmar affair.

"In a way, we can say we understand our country better than any other country does," she said.

The Nobel Laureate insists impartial domestic probes will establish any evidence of army abuses.

But Rohingya refugees say Myanmar will never provide real justice.

Fallen star

Myanmar's army has driven the Muslim minority out in waves and denies them citizenship and self-identification as "Rohingya", instead labelling them "Bengalis" -- illegal immigrants from neighbouring Bangladesh.

More than 720,000 Rohingya were forced to cross the border by a Myanmar army kickback against Rohingya militants last year.

They joined crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh, one of Asia's poorest and most populous countries.

The first families in an initial group of 2,000 were due to be repatriated on Thursday under a deal that has stalled due to fears the Rohingya will face persecution on their return.

But by the afternoon none had returned amid reports of intimidation and fear among the refugees, who do not want to go back without citizenship, security and property guarantees.

As the summit wound up on Thursday evening Mahathir told AFP Suu Kyi was regularly pressured by her fellow leaders on the Rohingya and their return throughout the meetings.&nbsp;

"They all were indirectly critical and they were concerned," he said. "They hoped that this return of the Rohingya will be safe."

Suu Kyi's defenders say her hands are tied by a power-sharing deal cut with the army that allowed civilian elections in 2015 but granted the military full control over all security matters.

A spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) defended the party leader against the mounting flak in Singapore.

"If their pressure (on Suu Kyi) is because of 'Bengali' repatriation... we have already agreed to accept all who have lived in Myanmar," Myo Nyunt said. 
Suu Kyi still draws widespread support inside Buddhist-majority Myanmar.

But from Archbishop Desmond Tutu to veteran US diplomat Bill Richardson, she has shed friends in international circles over her intransigence on the Rohingya crisis.

And even gatherings in Asia -- where discretion and non-interference in perceived 'internal matters' of another country is a shibboleth of diplomacy -- no longer come with a guaranteed rock-star welcome.

"Her star has undoubtedly dimmed," another ASEAN diplomat told AFP, also requesting anonymity. "Her reception is not as warm as... (when) she still had that aura."

Diplomatic niceties have been in short supply for Aung San Suu Kyi at a summit in Singapore, where the one-time rights champion has been publicly chastised over her handling of the Rohingya crisis, compounding a dismal week for Myanmar's de facto leader.

Diplomatic niceties have been in short supply for Aung San Suu Kyi at a summit in Singapore, where the one-time rights champion has been publicly chastised over her handling of the Rohingya crisis, compounding a dismal week for Myanmar's de facto leader. Suu Kyi has refused to speak up for the Rohingya, a stateless, persecuted Muslim minority driven by violence into Bangladesh in huge numbers. Her reticence on the issue has cut her adrift from the global rights community including the United Nations, whose investigators say last year's Myanmar army campaign amounted to genocide. Many of the honours previously showered upon Suu Kyi for her stoic, peaceful resistance during years of house arrest by Myanmar's junta have been rescinded. This week the bad news got worse. On Monday Amnesty International, whose campaign to free Suu Kyi galvanised global recognition of her democracy struggle, stripped her of its highest honour over her "indifference" to the atrocities against the Rohingya. One day later at a regional summit in Singapore, criticism replaced the garlands she has received on the global stage since steering her party into government in 2016. Suu Kyi was castigated by Malaysia's premier Mahathir Mohamad at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meet, a forum better known for platitudes than admonishments. "Someone who has been detained before should know the sufferings and should not inflict it on the hapless," the forthright Mahathir told reporters on Tuesday shortly before the summit opened. "But it would seem that Aung San Suu Kyi is trying to defend what is indefensible," he added, ploughing through the summit's tradition of politeness. Dialling up the awkwardness, Mahathir spent the entire summit next to Suu Kyi at photocalls, roundtables and dinners -- thanks to the alphabetical proximity of Malaysia and Myanmar. "You can sense (her reception) is not the same as before," a Southeast Asia diplomat told AFP, requesting anonymity. "Everyone was expecting more from her." The diplomatic siege deepened on Wednesday when US Vice President Mike Pence told Suu Kyi the "violence and persecution" against the Rohingya was "without excuse". In reply Suu Kyi, who appeared wrong-footed by the directness of the public critique, retreated behind her usual position: the Rohingya crisis is an internal Myanmar affair. "In a way, we can say we understand our country better than any other country does," she said. The Nobel Laureate insists impartial domestic probes will establish any evidence of army abuses. But Rohingya refugees say Myanmar will never provide real justice. Fallen star Myanmar's army has driven the Muslim minority out in waves and denies them citizenship and self-identification as "Rohingya", instead labelling them "Bengalis" -- illegal immigrants from neighbouring Bangladesh. More than 720,000 Rohingya were forced to cross the border by a Myanmar army kickback against Rohingya militants last year. They joined crowded refugee camps in Bangladesh, one of Asia's poorest and most populous countries. The first families in an initial group of 2,000 were due to be repatriated on Thursday under a deal that has stalled due to fears the Rohingya will face persecution on their return. But by the afternoon none had returned amid reports of intimidation and fear among the refugees, who do not want to go back without citizenship, security and property guarantees. As the summit wound up on Thursday evening Mahathir told AFP Suu Kyi was regularly pressured by her fellow leaders on the Rohingya and their return throughout the meetings. "They all were indirectly critical and they were concerned," he said. "They hoped that this return of the Rohingya will be safe." Suu Kyi's defenders say her hands are tied by a power-sharing deal cut with the army that allowed civilian elections in 2015 but granted the military full control over all security matters. A spokesman for Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) defended the party leader against the mounting flak in Singapore. "If their pressure (on Suu Kyi) is because of 'Bengali' repatriation... we have already agreed to accept all who have lived in Myanmar," Myo Nyunt said. Suu Kyi still draws widespread support inside Buddhist-majority Myanmar. But from Archbishop Desmond Tutu to veteran US diplomat Bill Richardson, she has shed friends in international circles over her intransigence on the Rohingya crisis. And even gatherings in Asia -- where discretion and non-interference in perceived 'internal matters' of another country is a shibboleth of diplomacy -- no longer come with a guaranteed rock-star welcome. "Her star has undoubtedly dimmed," another ASEAN diplomat told AFP, also requesting anonymity. "Her reception is not as warm as... (when) she still had that aura."

Rohingya crisis besieges Suu Kyi at Singapore summit

Bangladesh police fired rubber bullets and tear gas at a group of opposition party supporters in the capital, Dhaka, on Wednesday as tension soared weeks before a general election.

Activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) responded to the police action by setting fire to police vans and cars, as well as several motor-bikes, according to police and media.

"Our force was attacked without any reason. They were only trying to ease the traffic flow but suddenly they were targeted," said Masudur Rahman, a spokesman for the Dhaka Metropolitan Police.

The BNP supporters were accompanying an election candidate who was picking up election nomination papers from the party's offices in the city.

Police initially asked the group numbering more than 500 to disperse because they were creating a traffic jam but an altercation ensued and fist-fights broke out between the BNP supporters and police.

The BNP said that at least 12 of its supporters were injured. Police said at least 20 officers were hurt.

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir denounced the police action as an "injustice", and part of a government plot to exclude the party from the Dec. 30 election.

General elections are invariably volatile in Bangladesh where politics has for more than two decades been dominated by the rivalry between two women leaders - Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia - both of whom have been prime minister.

Hasina, who is prime minister now, and Khaleda, leader of the BNP, are both related to former national leaders.

The BNP says a caretaker government is essential for free and fair elections as otherwise, it says Hasina's ruling Awami League will use the machinery of government to support its campaign.

The BNP is in disarray following the jailing early this year on corruption charges of Khaleda, on what the party says were trumped-up charges to keep her out of politics.

The last election, in 2014, which the BNP boycotted, was marred by deadly violence and criticised by international observers as flawed.

An alliance of opposition parties, including the BNP, said on Sunday it would contest the election despite the Awami League's rejection of its demand for a caretaker government.

Hasina’s government has won global plaudits for letting in hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar, but its critics have decried what they see as the prime minister's increasingly authoritarian rule.

In particular, they have attacked her for what critics regard as the government’s heavy-handed policing of student protests this year and a crackdown on free speech. 
&nbsp;

Bangladesh police fired rubber bullets and tear gas at a group of opposition party supporters in the capital, Dhaka, on Wednesday as tension soared weeks before a general election.

Bangladesh police fired rubber bullets and tear gas at a group of opposition party supporters in the capital, Dhaka, on Wednesday as tension soared weeks before a general election. Activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) responded to the police action by setting fire to police vans and cars, as well as several motor-bikes, according to police and media. "Our force was attacked without any reason. They were only trying to ease the traffic flow but suddenly they were targeted," said Masudur Rahman, a spokesman for the Dhaka Metropolitan Police. The BNP supporters were accompanying an election candidate who was picking up election nomination papers from the party's offices in the city. Police initially asked the group numbering more than 500 to disperse because they were creating a traffic jam but an altercation ensued and fist-fights broke out between the BNP supporters and police. The BNP said that at least 12 of its supporters were injured. Police said at least 20 officers were hurt. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir denounced the police action as an "injustice", and part of a government plot to exclude the party from the Dec. 30 election. General elections are invariably volatile in Bangladesh where politics has for more than two decades been dominated by the rivalry between two women leaders - Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia - both of whom have been prime minister. Hasina, who is prime minister now, and Khaleda, leader of the BNP, are both related to former national leaders. The BNP says a caretaker government is essential for free and fair elections as otherwise, it says Hasina's ruling Awami League will use the machinery of government to support its campaign. The BNP is in disarray following the jailing early this year on corruption charges of Khaleda, on what the party says were trumped-up charges to keep her out of politics. The last election, in 2014, which the BNP boycotted, was marred by deadly violence and criticised by international observers as flawed. An alliance of opposition parties, including the BNP, said on Sunday it would contest the election despite the Awami League's rejection of its demand for a caretaker government. Hasina’s government has won global plaudits for letting in hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar, but its critics have decried what they see as the prime minister's increasingly authoritarian rule. In particular, they have attacked her for what critics regard as the government’s heavy-handed policing of student protests this year and a crackdown on free speech.

Bangladesh police fire rubber bullets, tear gas to disperse opposition protest

Aung San Suu Kyi's response to the persecution of Myanmar's Rohingya Muslims is "indefensible", Malaysia's leader said Tuesday in a withering criticism of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate shortly before sharing a stage with her.

Mahathir Mohamad, 93, said he was "very disappointed" by Suu Kyi's failure to defend the Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority driven from Myanmar in their hundreds of thousands last year by an army campaign that UN investigators say amounted to genocide.

Mahathir made his remarks less than an hour before standing alongside Suu Kyi for a stoney-faced photo shoot at the start of the ASEAN regional summit in Singapore, the kind of diplomatic gathering where she was once feted by contemporaries as a beacon of democracy.

"Someone who has been detained before should know the sufferings and should not inflict it on the hapless," Mahathir told reporters in a reference to Suu Kyi's long years of house arrest under Myanmar's military junta.

"But it would seem that Aung San Suu Kyi is trying to defend what is indefensible," he added.

Suu Kyi has failed to clearly condemn Myanmar's army for its crackdown and has instead cast doubt on the veracity of Rohingya testimony of atrocities.

Mahathir, the outspoken leader of Malaysia -- a majority Muslim country -- also appealed to Myanmar to accept Rohingya as citizens.

"When Malaysia became independent in 1957, we had people of foreign origin.... but we accepted all of them," he said.&nbsp;

"They are now citizens, they play a full role in the politics of the country, they are free they are not detained because of race or any thing like that."

Myanmar insists the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh despite many living for generations in western Rakhine state and has long denied them basic rights and liberties.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Rohingya crisis has dulled the diplomatic niceties that traditionally govern gatherings of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) which is meeting in Singapore this week.

The bloc tends to shy away from any direct criticism of each other and promote consensus diplomacy.

But Mahathir has been much more willing to break with those diplomatic traditions.

Defenders of Suu Kyi say she has little control over Myanmar's military in a country where the generals still have huge political power and independence.

But critics say her failure to use her huge domestic appeal to publicly castigate the generals or push for protection of the Rohingya makes her complicit.&nbsp;

Suu Kyi's arrival in Singapore came a day after Amnesty International stripped her of its top award over her "indifference" to the atrocities committed by the military against the Rohingya.&nbsp;

The first stage of a long-delayed and deeply controversial plan to repatriate Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar is due to start on Thursday - despite widespread opposition from rights groups to any&nbsp;forced return.&nbsp;

Aung San Suu Kyi's response to the persecution of Myanmar's Rohingya Muslims is "indefensible", Malaysia's leader said Tuesday in a withering criticism of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate shortly before sharing a stage with her.

Aung San Suu Kyi's response to the persecution of Myanmar's Rohingya Muslims is "indefensible", Malaysia's leader said Tuesday in a withering criticism of the Nobel Peace Prize laureate shortly before sharing a stage with her. Mahathir Mohamad, 93, said he was "very disappointed" by Suu Kyi's failure to defend the Rohingya, a stateless Muslim minority driven from Myanmar in their hundreds of thousands last year by an army campaign that UN investigators say amounted to genocide. Mahathir made his remarks less than an hour before standing alongside Suu Kyi for a stoney-faced photo shoot at the start of the ASEAN regional summit in Singapore, the kind of diplomatic gathering where she was once feted by contemporaries as a beacon of democracy. "Someone who has been detained before should know the sufferings and should not inflict it on the hapless," Mahathir told reporters in a reference to Suu Kyi's long years of house arrest under Myanmar's military junta. "But it would seem that Aung San Suu Kyi is trying to defend what is indefensible," he added. Suu Kyi has failed to clearly condemn Myanmar's army for its crackdown and has instead cast doubt on the veracity of Rohingya testimony of atrocities. Mahathir, the outspoken leader of Malaysia -- a majority Muslim country -- also appealed to Myanmar to accept Rohingya as citizens. "When Malaysia became independent in 1957, we had people of foreign origin.... but we accepted all of them," he said. "They are now citizens, they play a full role in the politics of the country, they are free they are not detained because of race or any thing like that." Myanmar insists the Rohingya are interlopers from Bangladesh despite many living for generations in western Rakhine state and has long denied them basic rights and liberties. The Rohingya crisis has dulled the diplomatic niceties that traditionally govern gatherings of the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) which is meeting in Singapore this week. The bloc tends to shy away from any direct criticism of each other and promote consensus diplomacy. But Mahathir has been much more willing to break with those diplomatic traditions. Defenders of Suu Kyi say she has little control over Myanmar's military in a country where the generals still have huge political power and independence. But critics say her failure to use her huge domestic appeal to publicly castigate the generals or push for protection of the Rohingya makes her complicit. Suu Kyi's arrival in Singapore came a day after Amnesty International stripped her of its top award over her "indifference" to the atrocities committed by the military against the Rohingya. The first stage of a long-delayed and deeply controversial plan to repatriate Rohingya refugees from Bangladesh to Myanmar is due to start on Thursday - despite widespread opposition from rights groups to any forced return.

Suu Kyi stance on Rohingya 'indefensible': Malaysia PM

Myanmar authorities and citizens leapt to the defence of Aung San Suu Kyi Tuesday after Amnesty International stripped her of its top award over indifference to atrocities committed against Rohingya Muslims, doubling down on support for the civilian leader in the face of global ire.

Suu Kyi's international reputation as a rights icon is in pieces and Amnesty's move is the latest in a string of rescinded accolades.

Canada revoked her honorary citizenship last month and the US Holocaust Museum in March took back an award named after concentration camp survivor Elie Wiesel.

Institutions that once showered Suu Kyi with titles are rapidly distancing themselves from a leader they argue is doing little in the face of alleged genocide and ethnic cleansing against its Rohingya minority.

Amnesty's "Ambassador of Conscience Award" was bestowed in 2009 and other recipients include Nelson Mandela,&nbsp;Malala Yousafzai and Ai Wei Wei.

"Today, we are profoundly dismayed that you no longer represent a symbol of hope, courage, and the undying defence of human rights," Amnesty International chief Kumi Naidoo&nbsp;said in a letter to Suu Kyi released by the group.

"Amnesty International cannot justify your continued status as a recipient of the Ambassador of Conscience award and so with great sadness we are hereby withdrawing it from you."

But domestically, Suu Kyi remains popular across vast swathes of Myanmar and within her party, the National League for Democracy, which won elections in 2015 ending decades of military-backed rule.

The stripping of awards not only harms the "dignity" of Suu Kyi, but also that of all NLD members, the party's spokesman Myo Nyunt told AFP, adding he thought this was all part of a wider conspiracy.

"All these organisations are working for the Bengalis who have left the country in order to get citizenship," he said, using a pejorative term for the Rohingya that is widely accepted in Myanmar and falsely implies they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh.

Deputy Minister for Information Aung Hla Tun told AFP he was personally sad and disappointed by Amnesty's announcement and said Suu Kyi was being treated "unfairly".

Such moves would only "make the people love her more", he added.

People on the street in Yangon were defiant.

"Their withdrawal is pretty childish. It's like when children aren't getting along with each other and take back their toys," 50-year-old Khin Maung Aye said.

"We don't need their prize," said Htay Htay, 60.

More than 720,000 Rohingya were driven over the border to Bangladesh in a crackdown that started in August 2017, and refugees have detailed horrific testimony of murder, rape, torture and arson.

The military says it was defending itself against Rohingya militants.

UN investigators have called for top generals to be prosecuted for genocide and accused Suu Kyi's government of complicity, though has stopped short of calling for her to be hauled before a court.

Suu Kyi became a democracy icon after spearheading the opposition movement to the feared military junta, which resulted in her spending some 15 years under house arrest before her release in 2010.

She has yet to comment on Amnesty's decision herself but has in the past shrugged off questions about withdrawn awards.

Calls to revoke Suu Kyi's 1991 Nobel Peace Prize have been rebuffed by the committee that oversees it.

Some think, however, that Amnesty's move will be taken more personally because she became a cause celebre for the rights group during her house arrest.

"This is effectively an excommunication of Suu Kyi from the pantheon of human rights champions," Yangon-based independent analyst David Mathieson said, adding that the decision would "sting".

Myanmar authorities and citizens leapt to the defence of Aung San Suu Kyi Tuesday after Amnesty International stripped her of its top award over indifference to atrocities committed against Rohingya Muslims, doubling down on support for the civilian leader in the face of global ire.

Myanmar authorities and citizens leapt to the defence of Aung San Suu Kyi Tuesday after Amnesty International stripped her of its top award over indifference to atrocities committed against Rohingya Muslims, doubling down on support for the civilian leader in the face of global ire. Suu Kyi's international reputation as a rights icon is in pieces and Amnesty's move is the latest in a string of rescinded accolades. Canada revoked her honorary citizenship last month and the US Holocaust Museum in March took back an award named after concentration camp survivor Elie Wiesel. Institutions that once showered Suu Kyi with titles are rapidly distancing themselves from a leader they argue is doing little in the face of alleged genocide and ethnic cleansing against its Rohingya minority. Amnesty's "Ambassador of Conscience Award" was bestowed in 2009 and other recipients include Nelson Mandela, Malala Yousafzai and Ai Wei Wei. "Today, we are profoundly dismayed that you no longer represent a symbol of hope, courage, and the undying defence of human rights," Amnesty International chief Kumi Naidoo said in a letter to Suu Kyi released by the group. "Amnesty International cannot justify your continued status as a recipient of the Ambassador of Conscience award and so with great sadness we are hereby withdrawing it from you." But domestically, Suu Kyi remains popular across vast swathes of Myanmar and within her party, the National League for Democracy, which won elections in 2015 ending decades of military-backed rule. The stripping of awards not only harms the "dignity" of Suu Kyi, but also that of all NLD members, the party's spokesman Myo Nyunt told AFP, adding he thought this was all part of a wider conspiracy. "All these organisations are working for the Bengalis who have left the country in order to get citizenship," he said, using a pejorative term for the Rohingya that is widely accepted in Myanmar and falsely implies they are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. Deputy Minister for Information Aung Hla Tun told AFP he was personally sad and disappointed by Amnesty's announcement and said Suu Kyi was being treated "unfairly". Such moves would only "make the people love her more", he added. People on the street in Yangon were defiant. "Their withdrawal is pretty childish. It's like when children aren't getting along with each other and take back their toys," 50-year-old Khin Maung Aye said. "We don't need their prize," said Htay Htay, 60. More than 720,000 Rohingya were driven over the border to Bangladesh in a crackdown that started in August 2017, and refugees have detailed horrific testimony of murder, rape, torture and arson. The military says it was defending itself against Rohingya militants. UN investigators have called for top generals to be prosecuted for genocide and accused Suu Kyi's government of complicity, though has stopped short of calling for her to be hauled before a court. Suu Kyi became a democracy icon after spearheading the opposition movement to the feared military junta, which resulted in her spending some 15 years under house arrest before her release in 2010. She has yet to comment on Amnesty's decision herself but has in the past shrugged off questions about withdrawn awards. Calls to revoke Suu Kyi's 1991 Nobel Peace Prize have been rebuffed by the committee that oversees it. Some think, however, that Amnesty's move will be taken more personally because she became a cause celebre for the rights group during her house arrest. "This is effectively an excommunication of Suu Kyi from the pantheon of human rights champions," Yangon-based independent analyst David Mathieson said, adding that the decision would "sting".

'We don't need their prize': Myanmar defiant as Amnesty pulls Suu Kyi award

Amnesty International has withdrawn its most prestigious human rights prize from Aung San Suu Kyi, accusing the Myanmar leader of perpetuating human rights abuses by not speaking out about violence against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Once hailed as a champion in the fight for democracy, Suu Kyi has been stripped of a series of international honours over a Rohingya exodus that began in August 2017.

More than 700,000 members of the mostly stateless group fled across Myanmar's western border into Bangladesh after the Myanmar military launched a crackdown in response to Rohingya insurgent attacks on the security forces.

UN-mandated investigators have accused the military of unleashing a campaign of killings, rape and arson with "genocidal intent".

Suu Kyi's administration rejected the findings as one-sided, and said the military action was engaged in a legitimate counterinsurgency operation.

The international human rights group named Suu Kyi as its 2009 Ambassador of Conscience Award recipient when she was still under house arrest for her opposition to Myanmar's oppressive military junta.

In the eight years since she was released, Suu Kyi led her party to election victory in 2015 and set up a government the following year, but she has to share power with generals and has no oversight over the security forces.

Amnesty International said in a statement on Tuesday she had failed to speak out and had "shielded the security forces from accountability" for the violence against the Rohingya, calling it a "shameful betrayal of the values she once stood for".

The global advocacy organisation's secretary general, Kumi Naidoo, wrote to Suu Kyi on Sunday saying the group was withdrawing the award because it was "profoundly dismayed that you no longer represent a symbol of hope, courage, and the undying defence of human rights".

Zaw Htay, the Myanmar government's main spokesman, did not pick up Reuters calls seeking comment on Monday.

In March, the US&nbsp;Holocaust Memorial Museum rescinded its top award from Suu Kyi and she has had other honours withdrawn, including the freedom of the cities of Dublin and Oxford, England, over the Rohingya crisis.

In September, Canada's parliament voted to strip Suu Kyi of her honorary citizenship.

Critics have called for her 1991 Nobel Peace Prize to be withdrawn but the foundation that oversees the award said it would not do so.

Amnesty International also said Suu Kyi had not condemned military abuses in conflicts between the army and ethnic minority guerrillas in northern Myanmar and her government had imposed restrictions on access by humanitarian groups.

Her government had also failed to stop attacks on freedom of speech, it said.

Amnesty International has withdrawn its most prestigious human rights prize from Aung San Suu Kyi, accusing the Myanmar leader of perpetuating human rights abuses by not speaking out about violence against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Amnesty International has withdrawn its most prestigious human rights prize from Aung San Suu Kyi, accusing the Myanmar leader of perpetuating human rights abuses by not speaking out about violence against the Rohingya Muslim minority. Once hailed as a champion in the fight for democracy, Suu Kyi has been stripped of a series of international honours over a Rohingya exodus that began in August 2017. More than 700,000 members of the mostly stateless group fled across Myanmar's western border into Bangladesh after the Myanmar military launched a crackdown in response to Rohingya insurgent attacks on the security forces. UN-mandated investigators have accused the military of unleashing a campaign of killings, rape and arson with "genocidal intent". Suu Kyi's administration rejected the findings as one-sided, and said the military action was engaged in a legitimate counterinsurgency operation. The international human rights group named Suu Kyi as its 2009 Ambassador of Conscience Award recipient when she was still under house arrest for her opposition to Myanmar's oppressive military junta. In the eight years since she was released, Suu Kyi led her party to election victory in 2015 and set up a government the following year, but she has to share power with generals and has no oversight over the security forces. Amnesty International said in a statement on Tuesday she had failed to speak out and had "shielded the security forces from accountability" for the violence against the Rohingya, calling it a "shameful betrayal of the values she once stood for". The global advocacy organisation's secretary general, Kumi Naidoo, wrote to Suu Kyi on Sunday saying the group was withdrawing the award because it was "profoundly dismayed that you no longer represent a symbol of hope, courage, and the undying defence of human rights". Zaw Htay, the Myanmar government's main spokesman, did not pick up Reuters calls seeking comment on Monday. In March, the US Holocaust Memorial Museum rescinded its top award from Suu Kyi and she has had other honours withdrawn, including the freedom of the cities of Dublin and Oxford, England, over the Rohingya crisis. In September, Canada's parliament voted to strip Suu Kyi of her honorary citizenship. Critics have called for her 1991 Nobel Peace Prize to be withdrawn but the foundation that oversees the award said it would not do so. Amnesty International also said Suu Kyi had not condemned military abuses in conflicts between the army and ethnic minority guerrillas in northern Myanmar and her government had imposed restrictions on access by humanitarian groups. Her government had also failed to stop attacks on freedom of speech, it said.

Amnesty International strips Myanmar's Suu Kyi of 'conscience' award

Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday implored foreign investors to take a punt on her country -- Southeast Asia's "final frontier" -- but warned its resources are not open for exploitation at the cost of its people.

Suu Kyi, Myanmar's de facto leader, has toured Asia in recent months beating the drum for her country's economy, which the World Bank forecasts to grow at seven percent next year.

A tangle of investment laws, a weakening currency, high inflation, widespread corruption and conflict have chipped away at an economy that was hoped to take off following the start of civilian government in 2016 after decades of junta rule.

At the same time Suu Kyi's image as an upholder of human rights, and that of her country, has been decimated by the Rohingya crisis.

Speaking at a business forum in Singapore ahead of a regional summit, she did not address the crisis which has sent hundreds of thousands of the Muslim minority into Bangladesh and extinguished optimism in some corners over Myanmar's future.

Rumblings of the potential re-imposition of some western sanctions over the treatment of the Rohingya have also darkened the economic outlook for the country.&nbsp;

But Suu Kyi was at pains to say Myanmar was still open for business.

Myanmar is "Southeast Asia's final frontier market... we have land, we have (a) good young working population, we have unexplored resources," she said.

She warned investors not to expect an open season on the country's abundant natural resources which include precious stones, vast tracts of arable land and waterways.

"We have to invest for the sake of social cohesion," and not "purely for economic gain," she said, referencing Myanmar's resource-rich but conflict riddled borderlands.

Chinese mega-projects have come under fire inside Myanmar with accusations of land grabs, extractive practices and debt loading onto the government.

Protests against Chinese projects are common.

Last week Myanmar successfully scaled down a China-backed port project from US $10 billion to&nbsp;US $1.3 billion at the strategically important Kyaukphyu area of Rakhine state, where the Rohingya were driven from last year. &nbsp;

Suu Kyi said Myanmar needs the help of investors, in particular from Asia, to pull itself forwards after years of ulcerous junta rule and urged businesses to gamble on an "adventure" in the country.

Myanmar may face pressure over its handling of the Rohingya crisis later in the week as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit begins.

Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday implored foreign investors to take a punt on her country -- Southeast Asia's "final frontier" -- but warned its resources are not open for exploitation at the cost of its people.

Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi on Monday implored foreign investors to take a punt on her country -- Southeast Asia's "final frontier" -- but warned its resources are not open for exploitation at the cost of its people. Suu Kyi, Myanmar's de facto leader, has toured Asia in recent months beating the drum for her country's economy, which the World Bank forecasts to grow at seven percent next year. A tangle of investment laws, a weakening currency, high inflation, widespread corruption and conflict have chipped away at an economy that was hoped to take off following the start of civilian government in 2016 after decades of junta rule. At the same time Suu Kyi's image as an upholder of human rights, and that of her country, has been decimated by the Rohingya crisis. Speaking at a business forum in Singapore ahead of a regional summit, she did not address the crisis which has sent hundreds of thousands of the Muslim minority into Bangladesh and extinguished optimism in some corners over Myanmar's future. Rumblings of the potential re-imposition of some western sanctions over the treatment of the Rohingya have also darkened the economic outlook for the country. But Suu Kyi was at pains to say Myanmar was still open for business. Myanmar is "Southeast Asia's final frontier market... we have land, we have (a) good young working population, we have unexplored resources," she said. She warned investors not to expect an open season on the country's abundant natural resources which include precious stones, vast tracts of arable land and waterways. "We have to invest for the sake of social cohesion," and not "purely for economic gain," she said, referencing Myanmar's resource-rich but conflict riddled borderlands. Chinese mega-projects have come under fire inside Myanmar with accusations of land grabs, extractive practices and debt loading onto the government. Protests against Chinese projects are common. Last week Myanmar successfully scaled down a China-backed port project from US $10 billion to US $1.3 billion at the strategically important Kyaukphyu area of Rakhine state, where the Rohingya were driven from last year. Suu Kyi said Myanmar needs the help of investors, in particular from Asia, to pull itself forwards after years of ulcerous junta rule and urged businesses to gamble on an "adventure" in the country. Myanmar may face pressure over its handling of the Rohingya crisis later in the week as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit begins.

Suu Kyi beckons investors to Myanmar despite troubles

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