As the scheduled time for the Cockroach Janata Party's (CJP) proposed Parliament march approached, it was reported that the Indian government has attempted to get in touch with the protesters. Amid heavy security at the Jantar Mantar, a truck loaded with stones and a "wreaked" van was seen at the location, with Cockroach Janta Party founder Abhijeet Dipke alleging that it is a plan by Delhi Police to &nbsp;"defame this peaceful protest." The CJP had planned their march to Parliament at 9 a.m. The protesters at the Jantar Mantar hoisted the National Flags and sang Vande Mataram in unison amid light rain.&nbsp;&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/if-my-health-sonam-wangchuk-announces-terms-to-end-his-fast-mentions-nothing-about-parliament-march-1784508545348">'If my health...': Sonam Wangchuk announces terms to end his fast, mentions nothing about Parliament march</a>&nbsp;Aazad Samaj Party - Kanshi Ram chief and MP Chandra Shekhar Aazad and Actor Prakash Raj is present at the protest stage at Jantar Mantar.

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-media-max-width="560">Shame on Delhi Police! A truck loaded with stones and a wrecked van have already been placed at Jantar Mantar. Soon, the Godi media will run stories claiming that the protesters vandalised the van to defame this peaceful protest. <a href="https://t.co/5ZOPOLHm8v">pic.twitter.com/5ZOPOLHm8v</a>&mdash; Abhijeet Dipke (@abhijeet_dipke) <a href="https://x.com/abhijeet_dipke/status/2079010182282064342?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 20, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

<h2>Did the Centre contact CJP?</h2>It is not yet clear who from the government attempted to establish contact with the protesters. A report in Hindustan Times quoted unnamed CJP spokesperson saying that the union government, for the first time, attempted official communication with the outfit. While Dipke urged the swelling crowd to stay strong claiming it to be the “biggest march in India’s history”, CJP spokesperson Ashutosh Ranka urged protesters to “stay put”, and saying details on the march will be communicated “soon.” He said coordination with the police was underway ahead of the protest march.&nbsp;CJP spokesperson Saurav Das meanwhile said that the outfit was “willing to talk” to the government. “They have come very late, but we have opened our hearts and said that we are willing to talk to them. There has been no clarity from their side as of now. The ball is in their court,” he was quoted as saying by news agency ANI.

<h2>Delhi Police tightens security</h2>Riots police is in place with heavy security being deployed on Jantar Mantar, Raisina Road and Parliament Circle. The Delhi Police has imposed prohibitory orders under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) in New Delhi district except the protest site. It also said that it had neither received nor granted permission for any such protest march. At the location on Sunday morning, police announced a warning message to the protesters regarding police action and use of force. They highlighted that large procession is banned outside the protest site as Section 163 is in place.

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-media-max-width="560">The police is issuing a warning to the protesters regarding police action and use of force.<a href="https://x.com/hashtag/SonamWangchuck?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#SonamWangchuck</a> <a href="https://x.com/hashtag/cjp?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#cjp</a> <a href="https://x.com/hashtag/jantarmantar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#jantarmantar</a> <a href="https://x.com/hashtag/chalosansad?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#chalosansad</a> <a href="https://t.co/aaleyQpV4H">pic.twitter.com/aaleyQpV4H</a>&mdash; Prajjwal’s POV (@YPRAJJWAL) <a href="https://x.com/YPRAJJWAL/status/2079051067812389192?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 20, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/chalo-sansad-march-today-section-163-in-force-delhi-police-remove-barricades-edu-minister-dharmendra-pradhan-meets-neet-topper-1784511611419">'Chalo Sansad' march today: Section 163 in force, Delhi Police remove barricades; unfazed Dharmendra Pradhan meets NEET topper</a>&nbsp;Some reports also claimed that police used lathis on the crowd near Park Hotel to push the protesters towards Palika Bazaar. Other visuals showed protesters attempting to forcefully remove the barricades, while Delhi Police personnel were seen welding them in place to prevent a breach.<figure class="image"><img src="https://cdn1.wionews.com/prod/wion/images/2026/20260720/image-1784520027436.png"></figure>

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-media-max-width="560">Barricades Are Being Welded. Students Are Being Caged 😑💥💥💥💥💥💥💥 Thousands of students at Jantar Mantar including those on a 22-day hunger strike are demanding accountability and the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. Barricades can block roads, not… <a href="https://t.co/9Y6zpLRBRX">pic.twitter.com/9Y6zpLRBRX</a>&mdash; VishwaGuru_Ghantal (@Vishwaguru2026) <a href="https://x.com/Vishwaguru2026/status/2079053355352305861?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 20, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

<h2>Delhi Metro stations closed</h2>The entry and exit on several metro stations around the area has been closed. “Due to security reasons, Janpath, Rajiv Chowk, Patel Chowk, Central Secretariat and Seva Teerth metro stations have been closed till further instructions,” Delhi Metro Rail Corporation announced on X.&nbsp;<figure class="image"><img src="https://cdn1.wionews.com/prod/wion/images/2026/20260720/image-1784520080239.png"></figure><h2>&nbsp;</h2>

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-media-max-width="560">VIDEO | DCP of New Delhi, Sachin Sharma speaks to CJP members ahead of the Cockroach Janta Party&#39;s proposed march to Parliament to press for education reforms. (Full video available on PTI Videos - <a href="https://t.co/n147TvrpG7">https://t.co/n147TvrpG7</a>) <a href="https://t.co/IKibuaCyXC">pic.twitter.com/IKibuaCyXC</a>&mdash; Press Trust of India (@PTI_News) <a href="https://x.com/PTI_News/status/2079044776842989894?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 20, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

Heavy security was deployed ahead of the CJP's proposed Parliament march from Jantar Mantar as Delhi Police imposed Section 163 in New Delhi, shut key metro stations and denied permission for the march. Protesters gathered with national flags amid claims of government outreach.

As the scheduled time for the Cockroach Janata Party's (CJP) proposed Parliament march approached, it was reported that the Indian government has attempted to get in touch with the protesters. Amid heavy security at the Jantar Mantar, a truck loaded with stones and a "wreaked" van was seen at the location, with Cockroach Janta Party founder Abhijeet Dipke alleging that it is a plan by Delhi Police to "defame this peaceful protest." The CJP had planned their march to Parliament at 9 a.m. The protesters at the Jantar Mantar hoisted the National Flags and sang Vande Mataram in unison amid light rain. Also Read: 'If my health...': Sonam Wangchuk announces terms to end his fast, mentions nothing about Parliament march Aazad Samaj Party - Kanshi Ram chief and MP Chandra Shekhar Aazad and Actor Prakash Raj is present at the protest stage at Jantar Mantar.

Heavy security was deployed ahead of the CJP's proposed Parliament march from Jantar Mantar as Delhi Police imposed Section 163 in New Delhi, shut key metro stations and denied permission for the march. Protesters gathered with national flags amid claims of government outreach.

Truck loaded with stones, metro stations closed: What's happening at Jantar Mantar now

In September 2025, when the Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence, most coverage focused on the man at the centre, Sonam Wangchuk. Less attention went to the organisations that have funded his network over the years. One of them is headquartered in Copenhagen. Its story is genuinely interesting — but it only makes sense with the dates left in.&nbsp;What Is DanChurchAid&nbsp;DanChurchAid Folkekirkens Nødhjælp in Danish, was founded in 1922 and is rooted in the Danish National Evangelical Lutheran Church. It is one of Scandinavia's largest humanitarian organisations: in 2023 its total income was roughly DKK 1 billion, about $146 million, and it operates in more than 20 countries across Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Eastern Europe.&nbsp;Its money comes overwhelmingly from public institutions: the Danish government through Danida, the European Union, United Nations agencies, and partner church organisations including Norwegian Church Aid, the Lutheran World Federation and the Church of Sweden. Its published donor list also includes two names from the American philanthropic world: George Soros's Open Society Foundations, and Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that grew out of the Rockefeller family's giving office and channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Both appear on DanChurchAid's own website as donors, though neither the amounts nor the purposes of those grants are public.&nbsp;Like the Danish Red Cross or Save the Children Denmark, DanChurchAid is an independent NGO that runs substantially on government framework funding. That does not make it a covert actor, it makes it a large, transparent organisation whose budget is anchored in Danish and European public money, and whose choices about where to work carry the priorities of its funders with them.&nbsp;Where It Operates&nbsp;DanChurchAid's footprint maps onto the world's conflict zones. In Palestine, it spent about DKK 35.2 million in 2023, running a Joint Country Programme together with Norwegian Church Aid that works through 17 local partner organisations on food assistance, protection and water access in Gaza and the West Bank. The programme is significant, though it should be kept in proportion: it is a few percent of the organisation's global spending.&nbsp;In Ukraine, DanChurchAid has run humanitarian response operations since Russia's 2022 invasion. In Myanmar, South Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia and the Sahel, it works through local civil society partners, the standard operating model for large Scandinavian humanitarian agencies.&nbsp;The Ladakh Connection — What Happened, And When&nbsp;This is where precision matters most, because the DanChurchAid-Wangchuk connection is real, documented, and old.&nbsp;In 1994, SECMOL itself launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh, run in collaboration with the Education Department, local government bodies and village communities. Operation New Hope was not an outside initiative that SECMOL joined; it was SECMOL's own programme.In 1995, Operation New Hope won the Operation Days Work grant, money raised by Danish school students, who give up a day of school each year to work and donate their wages to a chosen cause. That grant supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001. DanChurchAid administered the grant and continued supporting the movement for some years after 2001.&nbsp;SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders. SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007. The documented relationship, in other words, is roughly a quarter-century old, education-focused, and publicly disclosed by SECMOL itself.&nbsp;What The FCRA Action Actually Said&nbsp;The MHA cancelled SECMOL's licence on September 25, 2025, a day after protest violence in Leh. The grounds reported were specific: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited into the FCRA account in violation of Section 17, money SECMOL says was sale proceeds of an old bus; Rs 54,600 of local funds mixed into the FCRA account, which the law prohibits; foreign funds used for research touching on sovereignty; and undeclared bank accounts.The foreign transfer flagged as against 'national interest' came from a Swedish organisation, Rs 4.93 lakh, roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate change, food security and sovereignty. That is the transfer at the centre of the 'foreign hand' framing. Nothing in the reported grounds mentions DanChurchAid, or Denmark. Reports have not named the Swedish organisation, though SECMOL's published partner list includes one, Framtidsjorden, a Stockholm-based agro-ecology and education network whose programme areas closely match the flagged workshops.&nbsp;Separately, reports citing unnamed official sources claimed HIAL received foreign remittances exceeding Rs 1.5 crore without FCRA registration, a figure Wangchuk's wife Gitanjali J Angmo disputes, saying the inflows were payments for technologies, not donations, and that Rs 6.5 crore had moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. Neither figure has, so far, appeared in a published order or chargesheet.Angmo also said the government had "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply, and SECMOL characterised the violations as accounting and procedural errors. India's courts will settle the facts.&nbsp;So Why Does DanChurchAid Matter To This Story&nbsp;Because it shows how early, and how deeply, Wangchuk's movement was networked internationally. A schooling campaign in 1990s Ladakh was funded by Danish teenagers' wages, administered by one of Europe's largest church-backed aid agencies, decades before "foreign funding" became the charge against SECMOL. Whatever one concludes about the current case, Wangchuk's institutions did not become internationally connected in 2020. They were built that way from the beginning.&nbsp;And because DanChurchAid's own profile explains why its name keeps surfacing in this debate. A billion-krone organisation funded by European governments, present in Palestine, Ukraine and a dozen conflict zones, with George Soros's foundation on its donor list, will inevitably attract scrutiny when it appears, even historically, in the funding record of institutions in an Indian border territory.&nbsp;The Limits Of The Record'&nbsp;Honesty about the record cuts both ways. Ladakh is strategically sensitive terrain, it borders China and Pakistan, it was the site of the 2020 Galwan clash in which 20 Indian soldiers died, and Wangchuk's demand for Sixth Schedule protections would reshape land and governance control in that terrain. Foreign funding there is a legitimate subject of scrutiny, and the FCRA violations alleged against SECMOL and HIAL are serious matters for the courts.&nbsp;But the DanChurchAid connection specifically is historical, publicly listed, and education-focused and the 2025 enforcement action, as reported, does not concern it. The flagged transfer was Swedish, and it was about Rs 4.93 lakh against DanChurchAid's $146 million scale. Conflating the two would make a better story. It would not make a true one.&nbsp;What remains true, and worth knowing, is this: behind one of India's most celebrated activists stands a decades-old lattice of international funders and the largest Danish name among them spends its money today in some of the most contested places on earth.

DanChurchAid, a $146 million Danish humanitarian organisation funded by the Danish government, EU, and UN, has a documented connection to Sonam Wangchuk's network in Ladakh through Operation New Hope — and also operates in Palestine, Ukraine, and two dozen conflict zones worldwide.

In September 2025, when the Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence, most coverage focused on the man at the centre, Sonam Wangchuk. Less attention went to the organisations that have funded his network over the years. One of them is headquartered in Copenhagen. Its story is genuinely interesting — but it only makes sense with the dates left in. What Is DanChurchAid DanChurchAid Folkekirkens Nødhjælp in Danish, was founded in 1922 and is rooted in the Danish National Evangelical Lutheran Church. It is one of Scandinavia's largest humanitarian organisations: in 2023 its total income was roughly DKK 1 billion, about $146 million, and it operates in more than 20 countries across Africa, Asia, the Middle East and Eastern Europe. Its money comes overwhelmingly from public institutions: the Danish government through Danida, the European Union, United Nations agencies, and partner church organisations including Norwegian Church Aid, the Lutheran World Federation and the Church of Sweden. Its published donor list also includes two names from the American philanthropic world: George Soros's Open Society Foundations, and Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that grew out of the Rockefeller family's giving office and channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Both appear on DanChurchAid's own website as donors, though neither the amounts nor the purposes of those grants are public. Like the Danish Red Cross or Save the Children Denmark, DanChurchAid is an independent NGO that runs substantially on government framework funding. That does not make it a covert actor, it makes it a large, transparent organisation whose budget is anchored in Danish and European public money, and whose choices about where to work carry the priorities of its funders with them. Where It Operates DanChurchAid's footprint maps onto the world's conflict zones. In Palestine, it spent about DKK 35.2 million in 2023, running a Joint Country Programme together with Norwegian Church Aid that works through 17 local partner organisations on food assistance, protection and water access in Gaza and the West Bank. The programme is significant, though it should be kept in proportion: it is a few percent of the organisation's global spending. In Ukraine, DanChurchAid has run humanitarian response operations since Russia's 2022 invasion. In Myanmar, South Sudan, Somalia, Ethiopia and the Sahel, it works through local civil society partners, the standard operating model for large Scandinavian humanitarian agencies. The Ladakh Connection — What Happened, And When This is where precision matters most, because the DanChurchAid-Wangchuk connection is real, documented, and old. In 1994, SECMOL itself launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh, run in collaboration with the Education Department, local government bodies and village communities. Operation New Hope was not an outside initiative that SECMOL joined; it was SECMOL's own programme. In 1995, Operation New Hope won the Operation Days Work grant, money raised by Danish school students, who give up a day of school each year to work and donate their wages to a chosen cause. That grant supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001. DanChurchAid administered the grant and continued supporting the movement for some years after 2001. SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders. SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007. The documented relationship, in other words, is roughly a quarter-century old, education-focused, and publicly disclosed by SECMOL itself. What The FCRA Action Actually Said The MHA cancelled SECMOL's licence on September 25, 2025, a day after protest violence in Leh. The grounds reported were specific: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited into the FCRA account in violation of Section 17, money SECMOL says was sale proceeds of an old bus; Rs 54,600 of local funds mixed into the FCRA account, which the law prohibits; foreign funds used for research touching on sovereignty; and undeclared bank accounts. The foreign transfer flagged as against 'national interest' came from a Swedish organisation, Rs 4.93 lakh, roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate change, food security and sovereignty. That is the transfer at the centre of the 'foreign hand' framing. Nothing in the reported grounds mentions DanChurchAid, or Denmark. Reports have not named the Swedish organisation, though SECMOL's published partner list includes one, Framtidsjorden, a Stockholm-based agro-ecology and education network whose programme areas closely match the flagged workshops. Separately, reports citing unnamed official sources claimed HIAL received foreign remittances exceeding Rs 1.5 crore without FCRA registration, a figure Wangchuk's wife Gitanjali J Angmo disputes, saying the inflows were payments for technologies, not donations, and that Rs 6.5 crore had moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. Neither figure has, so far, appeared in a published order or chargesheet. Angmo also said the government had "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply, and SECMOL characterised the violations as accounting and procedural errors. India's courts will settle the facts. So Why Does DanChurchAid Matter To This Story Because it shows how early, and how deeply, Wangchuk's movement was networked internationally. A schooling campaign in 1990s Ladakh was funded by Danish teenagers' wages, administered by one of Europe's largest church-backed aid agencies, decades before "foreign funding" became the charge against SECMOL. Whatever one concludes about the current case, Wangchuk's institutions did not become internationally connected in 2020. They were built that way from the beginning. And because DanChurchAid's own profile explains why its name keeps surfacing in this debate. A billion-krone organisation funded by European governments, present in Palestine, Ukraine and a dozen conflict zones, with George Soros's foundation on its donor list, will inevitably attract scrutiny when it appears, even historically, in the funding record of institutions in an Indian border territory. The Limits Of The Record' Honesty about the record cuts both ways. Ladakh is strategically sensitive terrain, it borders China and Pakistan, it was the site of the 2020 Galwan clash in which 20 Indian soldiers died, and Wangchuk's demand for Sixth Schedule protections would reshape land and governance control in that terrain. Foreign funding there is a legitimate subject of scrutiny, and the FCRA violations alleged against SECMOL and HIAL are serious matters for the courts. But the DanChurchAid connection specifically is historical, publicly listed, and education-focused and the 2025 enforcement action, as reported, does not concern it. The flagged transfer was Swedish, and it was about Rs 4.93 lakh against DanChurchAid's $146 million scale. Conflating the two would make a better story. It would not make a true one. What remains true, and worth knowing, is this: behind one of India's most celebrated activists stands a decades-old lattice of international funders and the largest Danish name among them spends its money today in some of the most contested places on earth.

When India cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence, most coverage focused on Sonam Wangchuk. Fewer reports examined the organisations in his funding network. One of them is headquartered in Copenhagen — and operates in Palestine, Ukraine, and some of the world's most contested conflict zones.

'Works in Gaza': Who is Sonam Wangchuk's Danish funder that also operates in Palestine and other global conflict zones

Although no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Sonam Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL, what the evidence does show is a funding ecosystem, a network of partner organisations, personnel overlaps, and intermediary funders, that connects Wangchuk's institutions to a broader Western philanthropic infrastructure that includes, at several degrees of separation, both the Ford Foundation and George Soros's Open Society Foundations. Understanding what that ecosystem is, how it works, and why India's government treats it as a concern requires more precision than the phrase ‘Soros funded Wangchuk’ allows.&nbsp;A clarification before we begin: no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Sonam Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL. Anyone claiming a specific Soros-to-Wangchuk rupee figure is overstating what the evidence shows. This article will not do that. It maps the connections that actually exist, with dates, amounts, and their limits.

How Ecosystem Funding Works — And Why It Proves Less Than It Seems&nbsp;Open Society Foundations does not only write cheques directly to ground-level organisations. Like most large foundations, it funds ecosystems, umbrella networks, intermediary NGOs, and capacity-building institutions that in turn support field work. Tracing foundation money into a specific country often means following a chain of institutional steps rather than finding a single grant line.&nbsp;But honesty requires stating the flip side: at two or three degrees of separation, almost every Indian NGO with any foreign funding history "connects" to Open Society or the Ford Foundation, because those foundations sit upstream of much of the world's development infrastructure. An ecosystem connection is a starting point for scrutiny, not a conclusion. What separates a real story from insinuation is direct evidence and this article will be explicit about where that exists and where it does not.&nbsp;The Danish Thread — Documented, And Historical&nbsp;The clearest documented chain runs through DanChurchAid. In 1994, SECMOL launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh. In 1995, the campaign won the Operation Days Work grant, raised by Danish school students who donate a day's wages to a chosen cause, which supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001. DanChurchAid administered that grant and continued some support after 2001. SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders, and SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007.&nbsp;DanChurchAid's published donor list, on its own website, includes George Soros's Open Society Foundations , and Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Neither the amounts nor purposes of those grants are public, and DanChurchAid's dominant funders are the Danish government, the EU, and the UN. So the chain reads: OSF is one donor among dozens to a Danish organisation that funded SECMOL's schooling campaign a quarter-century ago. That is a real, documented connection. It is also three steps removed and largely historical.&nbsp;The American Personnel Thread — Thinner Than Claimed&nbsp;Commentary on Wangchuk's funding frequently cites his first wife, Rebecca Norman, an American educator who became one of SECMOL's earliest and most central figures, wrote its textbooks, and married Wangchuk in 1996. An archival profile in The Week describes her as holding a Harvard M.Ed and coming to Ladakh as a volunteer for a different organisation while completing her development studies in the US, moving to SECMOL later. Claims circulating online that she arrived through institutions funded by Ford, Soros, and Gates have no independent sourcing, and SECMOL itself was founded in 1988, by Wangchuk, his brother, and fellow students, before Norman's arrival. What her story documents is that SECMOL had American educational expertise near its core from its early years. It documents nothing about foundation money.&nbsp;India Vs The Soros Network — The Confrontation That Is Real&nbsp;The Indian state's friction with Open Society Foundations is its own documented, multi-year story and it predates the Wangchuk controversy entirely.&nbsp;In 2016, the Ministry of Home Affairs placed OSF under the Prior Reference Category, requiring government approval before its funds could reach any Indian NGO. In February 2023, speaking ahead of the Munich Security Conference, Soros said the turmoil around the Adani group would weaken Prime Minister Modi's hold on the federal government and that he expected a "democratic revival" in India, remarks the government's supporters read as a declaration of intent, though he announced no India-specific funding. And in March 2025, the Enforcement Directorate searched premises in Bengaluru linked to entities that had allegedly received Open Society funds, in a case registered under foreign exchange law. These are three separate events across nine years — a pattern of mutual hostility, not a single campaign.&nbsp;What The Government Found In Wangchuk's Organisations&nbsp;On September 25, 2025, the MHA cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence. The reported grounds: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited into the FCRA account in violation of Section 17; Rs 3.35 lakh claimed as foreign contribution but not reflected in the account; Rs 54,600 in local funds mixed into the FCRA account; undeclared bank accounts; and a transfer from a Swedish organisation, Rs 4.93 lakh, roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate and sovereignty, deemed against national interest.&nbsp;Reports citing unnamed officials also claimed HIAL received over Rs 1.5 crore in foreign remittances without FCRA registration, a claim Wangchuk's wife Gitanjali J Angmo disputes, saying the inflows were payments for technologies, not donations and that Rs 6.5 crore moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. Neither figure has appeared in a published order or chargesheet. Angmo said the government "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply; the courts will decide.&nbsp;The Alignment Question&nbsp;What gives the "playbook" framing its force is not a money trail, it is alignment. OSF funds indigenous rights and autonomy movements globally. Wangchuk's signature demand, the Sixth Schedule, would give tribal councils legislative control over land and resources in a territory bordering China and Pakistan, site of the 2020 Galwan clash. The alignment between the foundation's stated global priorities and Wangchuk's specific demand is real. Whether it reflects coordination or two institutional worlds arriving at the same position independently is not established by any available evidence and the ecosystem method described above cannot, by itself, ever establish it.&nbsp;What This Adds Up To&nbsp;The fair summary: Wangchuk's organisations grew inside a Western funding world whose biggest names India's government formally distrusts. The documented links are real but indirect and partly decades old. The proven FCRA case is measured in lakhs. The dramatic figures rest on anonymous sourcing. The truth, as usual, sits somewhere between the hagiography and the conspiracy theory and India's courts and regulators are the right institutions to find it.

No direct Soros grant to SECMOL exists in public records. But the funding ecosystem around Wangchuk's organisations connects — through several institutional steps — to the Soros and Ford Foundation networks. Here is what is actually documented.

Although no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Sonam Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL, what the evidence does show is a funding ecosystem, a network of partner organisations, personnel overlaps, and intermediary funders, that connects Wangchuk's institutions to a broader Western philanthropic infrastructure that includes, at several degrees of separation, both the Ford Foundation and George Soros's Open Society Foundations. Understanding what that ecosystem is, how it works, and why India's government treats it as a concern requires more precision than the phrase ‘Soros funded Wangchuk’ allows. A clarification before we begin: no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Sonam Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL. Anyone claiming a specific Soros-to-Wangchuk rupee figure is overstating what the evidence shows. This article will not do that. It maps the connections that actually exist, with dates, amounts, and their limits.

No direct grant from George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Sonam Wangchuk's organisations has been publicly documented. But the funding ecosystem around SECMOL and HIAL, through partner organisations, personnel overlaps, and intermediary funders, follows a pattern that is strikingly consistent with how the Soros network operates globally. Here is what the connections actually are, where they are direct, where they are indirect, and why India's government found them worth cancelling a licence over.

'George Soros playbook': Understanding the foreign funding network around Sonam Wangchuk

Sonam Wangchuk's connections to international funding networks did not begin with a press conference or a partnership announcement. They began, three decades ago, with a marriage.&nbsp;One thing must be stated at the outset: no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from either the Ford Foundation or George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL. The connections that exist are real and documented, but they are indirect, and some are historical. This article maps them precisely, with dates and amounts, because that is the only way the word "explained" can be honest.&nbsp;The First Wife Nobody Talks About&nbsp;In 1996, Wangchuk married Rebecca Norman, an American who had come to Ladakh to volunteer at SECMOL (Students' Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh). The marriage, which later ended in divorce, is rarely mentioned in the profiles of Wangchuk that dominate Indian media. Norman co-founded SECMOL with Wangchuk, taught there for years, and wrote textbooks and children's books for Ladakhi students. Her academic background, as described in published profiles, runs through Harvard and the Vermont-based School for International Training, or SIT.&nbsp;SIT is a graduate school specialising in international education, development, and social justice, which has for decades trained development practitioners and placed them in NGO ecosystems across the Global South. The Ford Foundation has funded and facilitated leadership programmes at SIT, including its Leadership for Social Justice Institute, though it is not SIT's institutional funder. Norman came to Ladakh through this pipeline, stayed, and co-built the institution that would later face foreign funding scrutiny.&nbsp;The Ford Foundation Thread&nbsp;The Ford Foundation's footprint in India is a matter of record, not speculation. Since opening its New Delhi office in 1952, its first office outside the United States, the Foundation has made over 3,600 grants totalling roughly $502 million to more than 1,200 Indian institutions.&nbsp;In April 2015, the Ministry of Home Affairs placed the Ford Foundation on its watch list, requiring prior government approval before any Indian NGO could receive its funds. And in the 1970s, the US Church Committee investigations documented that the CIA had historically used American foundation grants, including Ford Foundation channels, for soft-power operations abroad. The Foundation has consistently denied any current intelligence ties, and no credible evidence of active involvement has been established in recent decades — but the historical record is not in dispute.&nbsp;What the public record does not show is any direct Ford Foundation grant to SECMOL or HIAL. The Foundation's searchable grants database returns no entry for either organisation. The Ford connection to Wangchuk's world is the SIT pipeline through which SECMOL's co-founder arrived — an institutional and personnel link, not a money trail.&nbsp;The Soros Thread — What Is Actually On The Record&nbsp;The George Soros connection runs through a Danish organisation, and it is documented on that organisation's own website.&nbsp;DanChurchAid, one of Scandinavia's largest humanitarian organisations, publishes its donor list. That list includes George Soros's Open Society Foundations, and also Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that grew out of the Rockefeller family's giving office and channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Neither the amounts nor the purposes of those grants are public. DanChurchAid's money otherwise comes overwhelmingly from public institutions: the Danish government through Danida, the European Union, UN agencies, and partner churches across Scandinavia.&nbsp;India's friction with the Soros network is its own documented story. In 2016, the MHA placed Open Society Foundations on its watch list under FCRA's prior-permission category. In February 2023, Soros told the Munich Security Conference audience at Davos-adjacent events that India's government was not democratic and pledged support for what he called a democratic revival. In 2025, the Enforcement Directorate searched premises in Bengaluru linked to organisations that had allegedly received Open Society funds, in a case registered under foreign exchange law.&nbsp;The DanChurchAid Connection — With The Dates Left In&nbsp;Here is where precision matters most, because this connection is real, documented, and old.In 1994, SECMOL itself launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh, run with the Education Department, local government bodies, and village communities. In 1995, Operation New Hope won the Operation Days Work grant, money raised by Danish school students who donate a day's wages each year to a chosen cause. That grant supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001, and DanChurchAid administered it, continuing some support after 2001.&nbsp;SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders. SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007. The documented Danish connection, in other words, is roughly a quarter-century old, education-focused, and publicly disclosed by SECMOL itself. It ended long before the funding period the government is now scrutinising, and the 2025 cancellation order, as reported, does not mention DanChurchAid or Denmark at all.&nbsp;What The Government Actually Found&nbsp;On September 25, 2025, a day after protest violence in Leh, the Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence with immediate effect. The reported grounds were specific: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited by Wangchuk into SECMOL's FCRA account in violation of Section 17; Rs 3.35 lakh claimed as foreign contribution but not reflected in the account, violating Section 18; and Rs 54,600 in local funds mixed into the FCRA account, which the law prohibits. Reports also cited undeclared bank accounts, nine personal accounts associated with Wangchuk, most reportedly undeclared.&nbsp;The foreign transfer flagged as against "national interest" came from a Swedish organisation: Rs 4.93 lakh — roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate change, food security and sovereignty. That is the transfer at the centre of the "foreign hand" framing, and readers deserve the number.Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, said the government had "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply to the show-cause notice. SECMOL characterised the violations as accounting and procedural errors, not deliberate diversion.&nbsp;HIAL And The Rs 6.5 Crore Claim&nbsp;Wangchuk's other institution, the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh (HIAL), was reported to have received foreign remittances exceeding Rs 1.5 crore without FCRA registration, a more serious matter, since accepting foreign funds without registration is a criminal violation rather than an administrative one.Reports on the day of the cancellation, citing unnamed official sources, also claimed that Rs 6.5 crore had moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. That claim has not, so far, appeared in any published order or chargesheet. It remains an allegation attributed to anonymous officials, and Wangchuk's side has not provided a detailed public accounting of the transaction.&nbsp;What The Pattern Suggests — And What It Does Not Prove&nbsp;Taken together, the record shows this: Wangchuk's institutions were internationally networked from their founding. An American co-founder arrived through a Ford Foundation-linked training pipeline in the early 1990s. Danish students' wages, administered by a humanitarian giant whose own donor list includes George Soros's foundation and a Rockefeller-family advisory house, funded SECMOL's school reform campaign from 1996 into the 2000s. Decades later, the Indian government found that foreign money was still flowing into Wangchuk's organisations in ways FCRA prohibits, in a Union Territory bordering both China and Pakistan, the site of the 2020 Galwan clash in which 20 Indian soldiers died, where Wangchuk's demand for Sixth Schedule protections would reshape control over land and governance.&nbsp;What the record does not show is a direct Soros or Ford grant to Wangchuk's organisations, any mention of DanChurchAid in the 2025 action, or proof that his activism is directed from abroad. The flagged Swedish transfer was Rs 4.93 lakh. The alleged violations are serious but modest in scale, and the most dramatic claim, the Rs 6.5 crore transfer, rests on anonymous sourcing.&nbsp;Both halves of that record are true at once. Wangchuk's network grew inside Western funding ecosystems whose largest names India's government formally distrusts, and the proven case against him, so far, is measured in lakhs, not crores. Whether it amounts to a national security concern, a paperwork failure, or something in between is now for India's courts to decide.

From his first wife's SIT education to Karuna Foundation's Ford Foundation ties to SECMOL's FCRA cancellation — here is how Sonam Wangchuk's network connects to Western funding institutions.

Sonam Wangchuk's connections to international funding networks did not begin with a press conference or a partnership announcement. They began, three decades ago, with a marriage. One thing must be stated at the outset: no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from either the Ford Foundation or George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL. The connections that exist are real and documented, but they are indirect, and some are historical. This article maps them precisely, with dates and amounts, because that is the only way the word "explained" can be honest. The First Wife Nobody Talks About In 1996, Wangchuk married Rebecca Norman, an American who had come to Ladakh to volunteer at SECMOL (Students' Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh). The marriage, which later ended in divorce, is rarely mentioned in the profiles of Wangchuk that dominate Indian media. Norman co-founded SECMOL with Wangchuk, taught there for years, and wrote textbooks and children's books for Ladakhi students. Her academic background, as described in published profiles, runs through Harvard and the Vermont-based School for International Training, or SIT. SIT is a graduate school specialising in international education, development, and social justice, which has for decades trained development practitioners and placed them in NGO ecosystems across the Global South. The Ford Foundation has funded and facilitated leadership programmes at SIT, including its Leadership for Social Justice Institute, though it is not SIT's institutional funder. Norman came to Ladakh through this pipeline, stayed, and co-built the institution that would later face foreign funding scrutiny. The Ford Foundation Thread The Ford Foundation's footprint in India is a matter of record, not speculation. Since opening its New Delhi office in 1952, its first office outside the United States, the Foundation has made over 3,600 grants totalling roughly $502 million to more than 1,200 Indian institutions. In April 2015, the Ministry of Home Affairs placed the Ford Foundation on its watch list, requiring prior government approval before any Indian NGO could receive its funds. And in the 1970s, the US Church Committee investigations documented that the CIA had historically used American foundation grants, including Ford Foundation channels, for soft-power operations abroad. The Foundation has consistently denied any current intelligence ties, and no credible evidence of active involvement has been established in recent decades — but the historical record is not in dispute. What the public record does not show is any direct Ford Foundation grant to SECMOL or HIAL. The Foundation's searchable grants database returns no entry for either organisation. The Ford connection to Wangchuk's world is the SIT pipeline through which SECMOL's co-founder arrived — an institutional and personnel link, not a money trail. The Soros Thread — What Is Actually On The Record The George Soros connection runs through a Danish organisation, and it is documented on that organisation's own website. DanChurchAid, one of Scandinavia's largest humanitarian organisations, publishes its donor list. That list includes George Soros's Open Society Foundations, and also Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that grew out of the Rockefeller family's giving office and channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Neither the amounts nor the purposes of those grants are public. DanChurchAid's money otherwise comes overwhelmingly from public institutions: the Danish government through Danida, the European Union, UN agencies, and partner churches across Scandinavia. India's friction with the Soros network is its own documented story. In 2016, the MHA placed Open Society Foundations on its watch list under FCRA's prior-permission category. In February 2023, Soros told the Munich Security Conference audience at Davos-adjacent events that India's government was not democratic and pledged support for what he called a democratic revival. In 2025, the Enforcement Directorate searched premises in Bengaluru linked to organisations that had allegedly received Open Society funds, in a case registered under foreign exchange law. The DanChurchAid Connection — With The Dates Left In Here is where precision matters most, because this connection is real, documented, and old. In 1994, SECMOL itself launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh, run with the Education Department, local government bodies, and village communities. In 1995, Operation New Hope won the Operation Days Work grant, money raised by Danish school students who donate a day's wages each year to a chosen cause. That grant supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001, and DanChurchAid administered it, continuing some support after 2001. SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders. SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007. The documented Danish connection, in other words, is roughly a quarter-century old, education-focused, and publicly disclosed by SECMOL itself. It ended long before the funding period the government is now scrutinising, and the 2025 cancellation order, as reported, does not mention DanChurchAid or Denmark at all. What The Government Actually Found On September 25, 2025, a day after protest violence in Leh, the Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence with immediate effect. The reported grounds were specific: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited by Wangchuk into SECMOL's FCRA account in violation of Section 17; Rs 3.35 lakh claimed as foreign contribution but not reflected in the account, violating Section 18; and Rs 54,600 in local funds mixed into the FCRA account, which the law prohibits. Reports also cited undeclared bank accounts, nine personal accounts associated with Wangchuk, most reportedly undeclared. The foreign transfer flagged as against "national interest" came from a Swedish organisation: Rs 4.93 lakh — roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate change, food security and sovereignty. That is the transfer at the centre of the "foreign hand" framing, and readers deserve the number. Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, said the government had "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply to the show-cause notice. SECMOL characterised the violations as accounting and procedural errors, not deliberate diversion. HIAL And The Rs 6.5 Crore Claim Wangchuk's other institution, the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh (HIAL), was reported to have received foreign remittances exceeding Rs 1.5 crore without FCRA registration, a more serious matter, since accepting foreign funds without registration is a criminal violation rather than an administrative one. Reports on the day of the cancellation, citing unnamed official sources, also claimed that Rs 6.5 crore had moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. That claim has not, so far, appeared in any published order or chargesheet. It remains an allegation attributed to anonymous officials, and Wangchuk's side has not provided a detailed public accounting of the transaction. What The Pattern Suggests — And What It Does Not Prove Taken together, the record shows this: Wangchuk's institutions were internationally networked from their founding. An American co-founder arrived through a Ford Foundation-linked training pipeline in the early 1990s. Danish students' wages, administered by a humanitarian giant whose own donor list includes George Soros's foundation and a Rockefeller-family advisory house, funded SECMOL's school reform campaign from 1996 into the 2000s. Decades later, the Indian government found that foreign money was still flowing into Wangchuk's organisations in ways FCRA prohibits, in a Union Territory bordering both China and Pakistan, the site of the 2020 Galwan clash in which 20 Indian soldiers died, where Wangchuk's demand for Sixth Schedule protections would reshape control over land and governance. What the record does not show is a direct Soros or Ford grant to Wangchuk's organisations, any mention of DanChurchAid in the 2025 action, or proof that his activism is directed from abroad. The flagged Swedish transfer was Rs 4.93 lakh. The alleged violations are serious but modest in scale, and the most dramatic claim, the Rs 6.5 crore transfer, rests on anonymous sourcing. Both halves of that record are true at once. Wangchuk's network grew inside Western funding ecosystems whose largest names India's government formally distrusts, and the proven case against him, so far, is measured in lakhs, not crores. Whether it amounts to a national security concern, a paperwork failure, or something in between is now for India's courts to decide.

Behind the activist halo is a network of foreign funding connections, to the Ford Foundation, George Soros and a string of Western institutions that the Indian government says crossed legal lines. Here is how the connections are structured and what the evidence actually shows.

Sonam Wangchuk's connection with George Soros and Ford Foundation explained!

Activist Sonam Wangchuk's doctor has raised questions over the medical reports released by the Safdarjung Hospital indicating a potassium deficiency. &nbsp;Dr Nitin Dighe, on Saturday (July 18) said that the Safdarjung Hospital indicating a potassium deficiency in Wangchuk's blood samples is not convincing.&nbsp;According to Dighe, who spoke to news agency ANI, Wangchuk's blood sample was taken by him at 3 PM on Friday, which showcased a normal potassium value.&nbsp;"I had taken his blood sample at 3 pm yesterday, and potassium was normal at that time. It was 4.8, higher than the normal value of 3.5. Now, they are saying the value has dropped," said Dighe.&nbsp;ALSO READ: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/at-least-8-killed-several-injured-in-firecracker-factory-blast-in-gujarat-1784378107614">At least 8 killed, several injured in firecracker factory blast in Gujarat</a>&nbsp;He alleged that the hospital is not providing the medical reports of Wangchuk and added he will again collect his blood sample for a report, which will be presented to the media.&nbsp;"When his wife is asking for a report, they are not giving one to her. This is suspicious, so I am collecting his blood and taking it for a report. I will present the report to you," he said.&nbsp;<h2>Dighe seeking permission to shift Wangchuk</h2>&nbsp;He said Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, has written an application for the discharge of the activist and is seeking permission to shift him to another hospital in the face of "suspicious activities being carried out by the Safdarjung Hospital."&nbsp;"We do not trust the Govt lab. His wife has given it in writing to the Govt hospital that he be discharged from here at the earliest and we be permitted to take him to another hospital," said Dighe to ANI.&nbsp;According to the hospital, the 59-year-old was brought to the hospital by Delhi Police and admitted at 7.40 am after 20 days of hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the NEET paper leak and raising wider concerns about the country's education system.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

Wangchuks doctor alleged that the hospital is not providing his medical reports and added he will again collect his blood sample for a report, which will be presented to the media.

Activist Sonam Wangchuk's doctor has raised questions over the medical reports released by the Safdarjung Hospital indicating a potassium deficiency. Dr Nitin Dighe, on Saturday (July 18) said that the Safdarjung Hospital indicating a potassium deficiency in Wangchuk's blood samples is not convincing. According to Dighe, who spoke to news agency ANI, Wangchuk's blood sample was taken by him at 3 PM on Friday, which showcased a normal potassium value. "I had taken his blood sample at 3 pm yesterday, and potassium was normal at that time. It was 4.8, higher than the normal value of 3.5. Now, they are saying the value has dropped," said Dighe. ALSO READ: At least 8 killed, several injured in firecracker factory blast in Gujarat He alleged that the hospital is not providing the medical reports of Wangchuk and added he will again collect his blood sample for a report, which will be presented to the media. "When his wife is asking for a report, they are not giving one to her. This is suspicious, so I am collecting his blood and taking it for a report. I will present the report to you," he said. Dighe seeking permission to shift Wangchuk He said Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, has written an application for the discharge of the activist and is seeking permission to shift him to another hospital in the face of "suspicious activities being carried out by the Safdarjung Hospital." "We do not trust the Govt lab. His wife has given it in writing to the Govt hospital that he be discharged from here at the earliest and we be permitted to take him to another hospital," said Dighe to ANI. According to the hospital, the 59-year-old was brought to the hospital by Delhi Police and admitted at 7.40 am after 20 days of hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the NEET paper leak and raising wider concerns about the country's education system.

Wangchuk's doctor alleged that the hospital is not providing his medical reports and added he will again collect his blood sample for a report, which will be presented to the media.

Sonam Wangchuk's doctor raises suspicion over Safdarjung Hospital's medical report, wants him to be shifted to another hospital

Sonam Wangchuk will continue his hunger strike even in hospital, Gitanjali J Angmo, the wife of the climate activist, said, adding that the planned march to Parliament on July 20 would go ahead despite his transfer to Safdarjung Hospital by Delhi Police.&nbsp;In a medical bulletin released on Saturday afternoon, Safdarjung Hospital said Wangchuk has refused intravenous fluids and any other medical intervention by doctors.&nbsp;"Although intravenous fluids were advised, the patient has refused all intravenous fluids, oral rehydration solution and any other medication," the hospital said.&nbsp;The statement added that Wangchuk has been constantly monitored and advised to accept treatment to mitigate his deteriorating health.&nbsp;Also Read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/nothing-without-consent-sonam-wangchuk-s-wife-warns-authorities-against-breaking-his-hunger-strike-1784346768622"> ‘Nothing without consent’: Sonam Wangchuk’s wife warns authorities against breaking his hunger strike</a>&nbsp; According to the hospital, the 59-year-old was brought to the hospital by Delhi Police and admitted at 7.40 am after 20 days of hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the NEET paper leak and raising wider concerns about the country's education system.&nbsp;Speaking to reporters outside the hospital, Gitanjali J Angmo said, "The July 20 march is confirmed. Changing the education system is the responsibility of the executive and policymakers. Our job is to tell them that the system has completely collapsed."&nbsp;She said the movement had gone beyond the issue of the NEET paper leak and had become a broader campaign for reforms in the education system.&nbsp;"This movement is not just against the paper leak. It is to awaken the conscience of the whole country, and it has awakened to a sufficient extent," she said.&nbsp;Questioning the circumstances surrounding his hospitalisation, Angmo said the Delhi High Court had directed regular health monitoring but had not ordered his hospitalisation.&nbsp;"Regarding the High Court order, it never mandated hospitalisation. It simply stated that an individual's health is paramount and must be monitored at regular intervals; it did not order hospitalisation. So, this is not in accordance with the High Court order. No treatment is underway right now. Only observation and tests are being conducted, and we are going to get the tests done at an external lab," she said.&nbsp;She added that the family wanted to independently verify the medical reports before any treatment was administered.

Sonam Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J. Angmo, said he will continue his hunger strike despite being hospitalised, confirming the July 20 Parliament march even as Safdarjung Hospital said he has refused intravenous fluids and medical

Sonam Wangchuk will continue his hunger strike even in hospital, Gitanjali J Angmo, the wife of the climate activist, said, adding that the planned march to Parliament on July 20 would go ahead despite his transfer to Safdarjung Hospital by Delhi Police. In a medical bulletin released on Saturday afternoon, Safdarjung Hospital said Wangchuk has refused intravenous fluids and any other medical intervention by doctors. "Although intravenous fluids were advised, the patient has refused all intravenous fluids, oral rehydration solution and any other medication," the hospital said. The statement added that Wangchuk has been constantly monitored and advised to accept treatment to mitigate his deteriorating health. Also Read: ‘Nothing without consent’: Sonam Wangchuk’s wife warns authorities against breaking his hunger strike According to the hospital, the 59-year-old was brought to the hospital by Delhi Police and admitted at 7.40 am after 20 days of hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the NEET paper leak and raising wider concerns about the country's education system. Speaking to reporters outside the hospital, Gitanjali J Angmo said, "The July 20 march is confirmed. Changing the education system is the responsibility of the executive and policymakers. Our job is to tell them that the system has completely collapsed." She said the movement had gone beyond the issue of the NEET paper leak and had become a broader campaign for reforms in the education system. "This movement is not just against the paper leak. It is to awaken the conscience of the whole country, and it has awakened to a sufficient extent," she said. Questioning the circumstances surrounding his hospitalisation, Angmo said the Delhi High Court had directed regular health monitoring but had not ordered his hospitalisation. "Regarding the High Court order, it never mandated hospitalisation. It simply stated that an individual's health is paramount and must be monitored at regular intervals; it did not order hospitalisation. So, this is not in accordance with the High Court order. No treatment is underway right now. Only observation and tests are being conducted, and we are going to get the tests done at an external lab," she said. She added that the family wanted to independently verify the medical reports before any treatment was administered.

Sonam Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J. Angmo, said he will continue his hunger strike despite being hospitalised, confirming the July 20 Parliament march even as Safdarjung Hospital said he has refused intravenous fluids and medical

Sonam Wangchuk refuses intravenous fluids; wife says he will continue hunger strike

Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke announced an indefinite hunger strike on Saturday (July 18, 2026) after educator and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk was shifted to a hospital earlier in the morning. The development unfolded after Wangchuk's indefinite hunger strike entered its 21st day on Saturday.&nbsp;In a post on social media platform X (formerly Twitter), CJP informed, “Abhijeet Dipke sits on an indefinite hunger strike. The ‘Chalo Sansad’ march on 20 July will proceed as planned.”

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">Abhijeet Dipke sits on an indefinite hunger strike. The ‘Chalo Sansad’ march on 20 July will proceed as planned.&mdash; Cockroach is Back (@Cockroachisback) <a href="https://x.com/Cockroachisback/status/2078327125954925043?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 18, 2026</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.x.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

<h3>Dipke claims Delhi police forcibly removed protestors</h3>Earlier in the day, CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke claimed on X that he was "beaten up" and "detained" by the police. This comes as on Saturday (Jul 18), Delhi police asked protestors to vacate the Jantar Mantar. Visuals from the protest site show police forcibly clearing out protestors after climate activist Sonam Wangchuk was shifted to a hospital. The CJP claims that "Delhi Police has picked up Sonam Wangchuk forcefully".&nbsp;Also read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/nothing-without-consent-sonam-wangchuk-s-wife-warns-authorities-against-breaking-his-hunger-strike-1784346768622"> ‘Nothing without consent’: Sonam Wangchuk’s wife warns authorities against breaking his hunger strike</a>&nbsp;Supporters of Wangchuk disputed the police version, claiming he was forcibly removed from the protest site.Members of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), which has been supporting the protest, refused to leave Jantar Mantar after Wangchuk was taken away. Several protesters alleged that Delhi Police "picked up Sonam Wangchuk forcefully" before beginning to clear the site.&nbsp;In another significant development, Sonam Wangchuk’s wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, on Saturday (Jul 18) warned the government against administering anything orally or intravenously to her husband without taking consent from her, his family and his doctors. This comes after Delhi Police said that Wangchuk was taken to the hospital on the 21st day of his hunger strike after his health had deteriorated. Angmo confirmed that the climate activist was admitted to Safdarjung Hospital in Delhi.

CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke began an indefinite hunger strike after climate activist Sonam Wangchuk was hospitalised on day 21 of his own fast. CJP confirmed Dipke's strike on X and stated that the 'Chalo Sansad' march scheduled for July 20 will go ahead.

Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke announced an indefinite hunger strike on Saturday (July 18, 2026) after educator and climate activist Sonam Wangchuk was shifted to a hospital earlier in the morning. The development unfolded after Wangchuk's indefinite hunger strike entered its 21st day on Saturday. In a post on social media platform X (formerly Twitter), CJP informed, “Abhijeet Dipke sits on an indefinite hunger strike. The ‘Chalo Sansad’ march on 20 July will proceed as planned.”

CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke began an indefinite hunger strike after climate activist Sonam Wangchuk was hospitalised on day 21 of his own fast. CJP confirmed Dipke's strike on X and stated that the 'Chalo Sansad' march scheduled for July 20 will go ahead.

Abhijeet Dipke announces indefinite hunger strike after Sonam Wangchuk shifted to hospital

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Sonam Wangchuk connection with George Soros and Ford Foundation explained!

Sonam Wangchuk's doctor raises suspicion over Safdarjung Hospital report

Wangchuk refuses intravenous fluids; wife says he will continue hunger strike

Abhijeet Dipke announces indefinite hunger strike as Wangchuk moved to hospital