Iraq is facing a deepening political crisis as Shia parties remain divided over the appointment of a new Prime Minister. The deadlock reflects broader tensions, with Baghdad trying to balance its ties between the United States and Iran. Disagreements among key lawmakers have stalled the process, raising concerns about governance and stability in the country. As the impasse continues, Iraq’s fragile political landscape faces renewed uncertainty at a critical time.


Iraq's Shia Political Groups Delay Appointment of Prime Minister 

Pakistani announced a seven-day truce between rival sectarian groups after three days of violent clashes killed over 60 people in Kurram district. The violence was triggered on Thursday after gunmen attacked civilian vehicles, killing at least 40 people, who mainly were Shia Muslims. In retaliation, residents in the area of Kurram targeted Sunni Muslims.

Pakistan: Shia-Sunni Factions Agree to Ceasefire After 3 Days of Clashes | Explained

An Indian Kashmiri Muslim activist Javed Ahmad Beigh on Friday (Mar 15) blasted Pakistan for its treatment of minorities while speaking to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

Highlighting the plight of Pashtun Shias who reside in the Kurram district of Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, Beigh said they were being treated by Islamabad in the “most inhumanly way possible”.

On Saturday (Mar 16), he posted the video of his address on X, along with a long message with the header: “AN INDIAN KASHMIRI MUSLIM BLOWING PAKISTANI PROPAGANDA TO SMITHEREENS AT UNITED NATIONS”

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AN INDIAN KASHMIRI MUSLIM BLOWING PAKISTANI PROPAGANDA TO SMITHEREENS AT UNITED NATIONS 
 
Dear Friends, 
 
I am extremely pleased to share video of my intervention at 55th session of United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva, Switzerland, exposing Punjabi Muslim run &amp;… <a href="https://t.co/kx5RurJ1qb">pic.twitter.com/kx5RurJ1qb</a>
— Javed Beigh (@JavedBeigh) <a href="https://twitter.com/JavedBeigh/status/1768717515264237589?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 15, 2024</a></blockquote>
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“I am extremely pleased to share video of my intervention at 55th session of United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva, Switzerland, exposing Punjabi Muslim run &amp; dominated PAKISTAN on its dubious, bloody, violent, horrifying and pathetic record of treating PAKISTAN's SHIA MUSLIM minority in humanly worst possible manner,” Beigh wrote on X.

“As a member of India's Kashmir Valley's 1.5 million strong Shia Muslim community, which is acutely aware of the mistreatment of Shia Muslims in Pakistan, I forcefully and vociferously raised issue of the plight of Shia Muslims in Pakistan by highlighting extremely horrifying condition of Pakistan's lesser known PASHTUN SHIA MUSLIMS of PARACHINAR which is located in Kurram district of Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhawa province,” he added.

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“Kashmir's Shias (nearly 20% of total Kashmiri Muslim population) are very well aware of the miserable plight of Pakistani Shia Muslim communities like Pashtun Shias of Parachinar, Hazara Shias of Balochistan and Shias &amp; Ismailis of Pakistan Occupied Gilgit and Baltistan,” he wrote in his message.

“It is hightime that world must be made aware of the hell that Punjabi Muslim controlled Pakistan has become for its Shia Muslims. As an Indian Kashmiri Muslim, I am proud and delighted to take Pakistan to task for pushing its Shia Muslim population to unending cycle of death and destruction,” he stressed.

During his speech at the UNHRC, he highlighted that even Pakistan’s judiciary has become immune to violence committed against Shias.

He also presented a stark contrast between India’s ‘gifted’ land of Jammu and Kashmir, where interfaith harmony, progress and economic well-being of all have taken firm roots, and the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).

In his speech, Javed Ahmad Beigh threw light on the fierce sectarian war that erupted between Sunni Pashtun militants and Shia Bangash tribesmen in which more than 3,000 people were killed.

He concluded his speech by saying that the increasing extremism in Pakistan was all set to make the future further bleaker for the Shias of Parachinar.

An Indian Kashmiri Muslim activist Javed Ahmad Beigh on Friday (Mar 15) blasted Pakistan for its treatment of minorities while speaking to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

An Indian Kashmiri Muslim activist Javed Ahmad Beigh on Friday (Mar 15) blasted Pakistan for its treatment of minorities while speaking to the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). Highlighting the plight of Pashtun Shias who reside in the Kurram district of Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, Beigh said they were being treated by Islamabad in the “most inhumanly way possible”. On Saturday (Mar 16), he posted the video of his address on X, along with a long message with the header: “AN INDIAN KASHMIRI MUSLIM BLOWING PAKISTANI PROPAGANDA TO SMITHEREENS AT UNITED NATIONS” AN INDIAN KASHMIRI MUSLIM BLOWING PAKISTANI PROPAGANDA TO SMITHEREENS AT UNITED NATIONS Dear Friends, I am extremely pleased to share video of my intervention at 55th session of United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva, Switzerland, exposing Punjabi Muslim run &… pic.twitter.com/kx5RurJ1qb — Javed Beigh (@JavedBeigh) March 15, 2024 × “I am extremely pleased to share video of my intervention at 55th session of United Nation Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva, Switzerland, exposing Punjabi Muslim run & dominated PAKISTAN on its dubious, bloody, violent, horrifying and pathetic record of treating PAKISTAN's SHIA MUSLIM minority in humanly worst possible manner,” Beigh wrote on X. “As a member of India's Kashmir Valley's 1.5 million strong Shia Muslim community, which is acutely aware of the mistreatment of Shia Muslims in Pakistan, I forcefully and vociferously raised issue of the plight of Shia Muslims in Pakistan by highlighting extremely horrifying condition of Pakistan's lesser known PASHTUN SHIA MUSLIMS of PARACHINAR which is located in Kurram district of Pakistan's Khyber Pakhtunkhawa province,” he added. Also read: Lok Sabha Elections 2024: Jammu and Kashmir to have over 3.4 lakh first-time voters “Kashmir's Shias (nearly 20% of total Kashmiri Muslim population) are very well aware of the miserable plight of Pakistani Shia Muslim communities like Pashtun Shias of Parachinar, Hazara Shias of Balochistan and Shias & Ismailis of Pakistan Occupied Gilgit and Baltistan,” he wrote in his message. “It is hightime that world must be made aware of the hell that Punjabi Muslim controlled Pakistan has become for its Shia Muslims. As an Indian Kashmiri Muslim, I am proud and delighted to take Pakistan to task for pushing its Shia Muslim population to unending cycle of death and destruction,” he stressed. During his speech at the UNHRC, he highlighted that even Pakistan’s judiciary has become immune to violence committed against Shias. He also presented a stark contrast between India’s ‘gifted’ land of Jammu and Kashmir, where interfaith harmony, progress and economic well-being of all have taken firm roots, and the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). In his speech, Javed Ahmad Beigh threw light on the fierce sectarian war that erupted between Sunni Pashtun militants and Shia Bangash tribesmen in which more than 3,000 people were killed. He concluded his speech by saying that the increasing extremism in Pakistan was all set to make the future further bleaker for the Shias of Parachinar.

Watch: Kashmiri activist slams Pakistan at UNHRC over plight of Pashtun Shias

The Jammu and Kashmir's Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha participated in the 10th Muharram procession in Srinagar on Saturday, July 29. It is for the first time in 34 years that the government has allowed Shia mourners' processions. The LG paid tribute to Prophet Muhammad's grandson Imam Hussain and visited the Bota Kadal area of downtown Srinagar to participate in the main procession of the 10th Muharram-Ashura.

He also distributed refreshments to the Shia mourners. Sinha visited the area among tight security and offered 'chadar' to Zuljanah and paid homage to Hazrat Imam Hussain on the occasion. He assured full support to the mourners.&nbsp;

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The LG was accompanied by&nbsp;Additional Director General of Police (ADGP) Kashmir Police, Vijay Kumar, Divisional Commissioner Kashmir, V K Bidhuri, SSP Srinagar Rakesh Balwal, and DC Srinagar.

Along with other provisions, strict security arrangements were made. The security agencies said that a foolproof security cover has been given for the Ashura procession.&nbsp;

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The procession is going on peacefully and allowing the historic procession shows the "changing Kashmir".

"We have ensured a foolproof security cover for the Ashura procession, and it will continue till Imam Bara Zadibal, Srinagar where it will end. We have made foolproof security arrangements for the smooth conduct of Ashura, in which Shia mourners are taking out a Zuljanah procession from Bota Kadal area to Imambara Zadibal. Officials have been deployed on the ground since midnight to ensure deployment as per plan. Allowing the historic procession after a long gap reflects the changing Kashmir, and nothing is possible without the cooperation of all the people," said Vijay Kumar, ADGP Kashmir Police.&nbsp;

The Shia community of Kashmir has thanked the LG administration for ensuring quality arrangements. They were happy to see LG Manoj Sinha participating in the procession. &nbsp;

Watch | Rains soak Northern China as Doksuri makes its way to Beijing

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“It is a matter of great pleasure as we have been demanding this for decades. The previous governments had made many excuses, but this time the government has shown that if they want to allow it, they can. We have got full cooperation from the administration. LG has himself joined us today, we are very happy that he came to be a part of the procession, '' said Syed Hasan, a Shia Mourner.&nbsp;

This was the second major step by the administration in the last three days. Earlier, on 8th Muharram, for the first time after 34 years, the administration had given permission to take out a procession from Guru Bazar to MA Road to Dalgate. And, on July 29 for the first time, the head of the administration himself took part in the Zulanah procession.&nbsp;

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The Jammu and Kashmir's Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha participated in the 10th Muharram procession in Srinagar on Saturday, July 29. It is for the first time in 34 years that the government has allowed Shia mourners' processions.

The Jammu and Kashmir's Lieutenant Governor Manoj Sinha participated in the 10th Muharram procession in Srinagar on Saturday, July 29. It is for the first time in 34 years that the government has allowed Shia mourners' processions. The LG paid tribute to Prophet Muhammad's grandson Imam Hussain and visited the Bota Kadal area of downtown Srinagar to participate in the main procession of the 10th Muharram-Ashura. He also distributed refreshments to the Shia mourners. Sinha visited the area among tight security and offered 'chadar' to Zuljanah and paid homage to Hazrat Imam Hussain on the occasion. He assured full support to the mourners. Also Read | Melting Swiss glacier coughs up body remains of hiker who went missing in 1986 The LG was accompanied by Additional Director General of Police (ADGP) Kashmir Police, Vijay Kumar, Divisional Commissioner Kashmir, V K Bidhuri, SSP Srinagar Rakesh Balwal, and DC Srinagar. Along with other provisions, strict security arrangements were made. The security agencies said that a foolproof security cover has been given for the Ashura procession. Also Read | Asian masalanomics for spice trade spiced up in Vietnam 2000 years ago, reveals study The procession is going on peacefully and allowing the historic procession shows the "changing Kashmir". "We have ensured a foolproof security cover for the Ashura procession, and it will continue till Imam Bara Zadibal, Srinagar where it will end. We have made foolproof security arrangements for the smooth conduct of Ashura, in which Shia mourners are taking out a Zuljanah procession from Bota Kadal area to Imambara Zadibal. Officials have been deployed on the ground since midnight to ensure deployment as per plan. Allowing the historic procession after a long gap reflects the changing Kashmir, and nothing is possible without the cooperation of all the people," said Vijay Kumar, ADGP Kashmir Police. The Shia community of Kashmir has thanked the LG administration for ensuring quality arrangements. They were happy to see LG Manoj Sinha participating in the procession. Watch | Rains soak Northern China as Doksuri makes its way to Beijing × “It is a matter of great pleasure as we have been demanding this for decades. The previous governments had made many excuses, but this time the government has shown that if they want to allow it, they can. We have got full cooperation from the administration. LG has himself joined us today, we are very happy that he came to be a part of the procession, '' said Syed Hasan, a Shia Mourner. This was the second major step by the administration in the last three days. Earlier, on 8th Muharram, for the first time after 34 years, the administration had given permission to take out a procession from Guru Bazar to MA Road to Dalgate. And, on July 29 for the first time, the head of the administration himself took part in the Zulanah procession. WATCH WION LIVE HERE You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. ×

In a first, LG Manoj Sinha attends 10th Muharram procession in Kashmir valley

At least 32 people, including&nbsp;girl students, were killed and dozens injured after a suicide attack at a learning centre in the Afghan capital of Kabul on Friday. The incident took place as the students were preparing for an examination.&nbsp;

After the blast, a&nbsp;police spokesman said,&nbsp;"Students were preparing for an exam when a suicide bomber struck at this educational centre."&nbsp;

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There were videos circulating on social media right after the incident which showed the bodies of the victims amidst the rubble and the people present at the spot trying to help the wounded.

"Security teams have reached the site, the nature of the attack and the details of the casualties will be released later," the interior ministry spokesman Abdul Nafy Takor tweeted after the blast.&nbsp;

"Attacking civilian targets proves the enemy's inhuman cruelty and lack of moral standards," said officials.&nbsp;

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The blast took place in the Dasht-e-Barchi neighbourhood of Kabul – an area notorious for violence even before the Taliban took back control in Afghanistan. In 2021, Reuters reported that 85 people -- mainly girl students -- were killed and about 300 were wounded when three bombs exploded near their school.&nbsp;

The neighbourhood is also the residence of the minority Hazara community.&nbsp;

While the Islamic State took responsibility for the blast in 2021, no group has come forward in the aftermath of Friday’s blast. The attack on women’s education has intensified after the Taliban’s return with official restrictions on dress codes as well as the right to higher education in various institutions.&nbsp;

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At least 32 people, including girl students, were killed and dozens injured after a suicide attack at a learning centre in the Afghan capital of Kabul on Friday.

At least 32 people, including girl students, were killed and dozens injured after a suicide attack at a learning centre in the Afghan capital of Kabul on Friday. The incident took place as the students were preparing for an examination. After the blast, a police spokesman said, "Students were preparing for an exam when a suicide bomber struck at this educational centre." Also read | Xi Jinping appears in public again, attends wreath laying to mark Martyrs' Day There were videos circulating on social media right after the incident which showed the bodies of the victims amidst the rubble and the people present at the spot trying to help the wounded. "Security teams have reached the site, the nature of the attack and the details of the casualties will be released later," the interior ministry spokesman Abdul Nafy Takor tweeted after the blast. "Attacking civilian targets proves the enemy's inhuman cruelty and lack of moral standards," said officials. Also read | RBI hikes benchmark repo rate by 50 basis points to a three-year high of 5.9% The blast took place in the Dasht-e-Barchi neighbourhood of Kabul – an area notorious for violence even before the Taliban took back control in Afghanistan. In 2021, Reuters reported that 85 people -- mainly girl students -- were killed and about 300 were wounded when three bombs exploded near their school. The neighbourhood is also the residence of the minority Hazara community. While the Islamic State took responsibility for the blast in 2021, no group has come forward in the aftermath of Friday’s blast. The attack on women’s education has intensified after the Taliban’s return with official restrictions on dress codes as well as the right to higher education in various institutions.

Kabul blast: At least 32, including students, killed in suicide attack on educational centre

Iran on Monday hanged a Sunni extremist who was sentenced to death for killing two Shiite clerics and wounding another in early April, the judiciary said.

A 21-year-old national of Uzbek origin carried out the April 5 stabbing attack at the Imam Reza shrine which honours one of the most revered figures in Shiite Islam.

The killings happened during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan when large crowds of worshippers had gathered at the shrine, in Iran's second-largest city Mashhad.

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"The death sentence against Abdolatif Moradi was carried out by hanging this morning, in the presence of a group of citizens and officials in Vakilabad prison in Mashhad," said provincial judiciary chief Gholamali Sadeghi, quoted by the judiciary's website Mizan Online.

The assailant "was accused of moharebeh ('war against God', in Persian) using a weapon to terrorise the population in the shrine and even outside it," Sadeghi added.

The assailant stabbed one of the victims 20 times, Tasnim news agency reported earlier.

On June 7, the judiciary announced Moradi's death sentence, adding that his lawyer had appealed to the Supreme Court.

According to local media, Moradi entered Iran illegally a year earlier from Pakistan and settled in Mashhad, the country's main holy city.

Iranian leaders blamed "takfiri elements" for the attack. The term takfiri in Iran and in several other countries refers to radical Sunni Islamist groups.

One of the clerics, Mohammad Aslani, died immediately while the death of the second, Sadegh Darai, was announced two days later.

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The attack came days after two Sunni clerics were shot dead outside a seminary in the northern Iranian town of Gonbad-e Kavus.

The three suspects in that case, also Sunnis, were arrested in late April but were said to have "no connection with terrorist groups", state media reported at the time.

Sunnis make up between five and 10 percent of Shiite-majority Iran's population of 83 million people.

Iran last year recorded its highest annual execution total in four years, rights group Amnesty International said last month.

In an annual report it said Iran executed at least 314 people in 2021, up from 246 in 2020, largely because of drug-related cases.

Iran on Monday hanged a Sunni extremist who was sentenced to death for killing two Shiite clerics and wounding another in early April, the judiciary said. A 21-year-old national of Uzbek origin carried out the April 5 stabbing attack at the Imam Reza shrine which honours one of the most revered figures in Shiite Islam.

Iran on Monday hanged a Sunni extremist who was sentenced to death for killing two Shiite clerics and wounding another in early April, the judiciary said. A 21-year-old national of Uzbek origin carried out the April 5 stabbing attack at the Imam Reza shrine which honours one of the most revered figures in Shiite Islam. The killings happened during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan when large crowds of worshippers had gathered at the shrine, in Iran's second-largest city Mashhad. Also read | WATCH | This Indian region just breached 66-year-old record for 24-hour rainfall "The death sentence against Abdolatif Moradi was carried out by hanging this morning, in the presence of a group of citizens and officials in Vakilabad prison in Mashhad," said provincial judiciary chief Gholamali Sadeghi, quoted by the judiciary's website Mizan Online. The assailant "was accused of moharebeh ('war against God', in Persian) using a weapon to terrorise the population in the shrine and even outside it," Sadeghi added. The assailant stabbed one of the victims 20 times, Tasnim news agency reported earlier. On June 7, the judiciary announced Moradi's death sentence, adding that his lawyer had appealed to the Supreme Court. According to local media, Moradi entered Iran illegally a year earlier from Pakistan and settled in Mashhad, the country's main holy city. Iranian leaders blamed "takfiri elements" for the attack. The term takfiri in Iran and in several other countries refers to radical Sunni Islamist groups. One of the clerics, Mohammad Aslani, died immediately while the death of the second, Sadegh Darai, was announced two days later. Also read | Mysterious blue light in New Zealand night sky sparks alien and UFO rumours The attack came days after two Sunni clerics were shot dead outside a seminary in the northern Iranian town of Gonbad-e Kavus. The three suspects in that case, also Sunnis, were arrested in late April but were said to have "no connection with terrorist groups", state media reported at the time. Sunnis make up between five and 10 percent of Shiite-majority Iran's population of 83 million people. Iran last year recorded its highest annual execution total in four years, rights group Amnesty International said last month. In an annual report it said Iran executed at least 314 people in 2021, up from 246 in 2020, largely because of drug-related cases.

Iran hangs extremist accused of murdering Shiite clerics

The Taliban dictatorship in Afghanistan prevented hundreds of Shia mosques from holding Eid prayers on Tuesday.

Some Shia Muslims were also ordered to break their fast prior to the proclamation of Eid by their mosques, according to reports from the major cities of Herat and Kabul.

"#Taliban forces prohibited dozens of #Shia mosques from holding the #Eid prayer on Tuesday. Some Shia followers also reported of being forced to break their fast prior to Shia announcement of Eid. Shia activists has reported this violation of religious` rights in #Herat, #Kabul," a local journalist claimed on Twitter.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Taliban?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Taliban</a> forces prohibited dozens of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Shia?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Shia</a> mosques from holding the <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Eid?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Eid</a> prayer on Tuesday. Some Shia followers also reported of being forced to break their fast prior to shia announcement of Eid. Shia activists has reported this violation of religious’ rights in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Herat?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Herat</a>, <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Kabul?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Kabul</a>
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Human rights in Afghanistan have deteriorated significantly since the breakdown of the Afghan government and the Taliban's return to power in August of last year.

Despite the fact that the war in the country has finished, major human rights violations, particularly against women and minorities, continue unabated.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/afghan-rulers-fire-50-qualified-university-professors-to-replace-them-with-clerics-taliban-members-474882">Also read | Taliban fire 50 qualified university professors, to replace them with clerics &amp; own members</a> 
 
A succession of devastating bombs have plagued Afghanistan in recent weeks, primarily targeting minorities, with the most recent massive blast targeting a mosque in Kabul on Friday afternoon, killing at least 30 people and injuring many more.

The series of blasts and vulnerable security conditions, especially for the minorities has drawn worldwide condemnation, including from the United Nations (UN), the EU, US and others.

Afghanistan is also grappling with a serious humanitarian crisis as according to international assessments, Afghanistan has now the highest number of people in emergency food insecurity in the world, with more than 23 million in need of assistance, and approximately 95 per cent of the population having insufficient food consumption.

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The Taliban dictatorship in Afghanistan prevented hundreds of Shia mosques from holding Eid prayers on Tuesday. Some Shia Muslims were also ordered to break their fast prior to the proclamation of Eid by their mosques, according to reports from the major cities of Herat and Kabul.

The Taliban dictatorship in Afghanistan prevented hundreds of Shia mosques from holding Eid prayers on Tuesday. Some Shia Muslims were also ordered to break their fast prior to the proclamation of Eid by their mosques, according to reports from the major cities of Herat and Kabul. "#Taliban forces prohibited dozens of #Shia mosques from holding the #Eid prayer on Tuesday. Some Shia followers also reported of being forced to break their fast prior to Shia announcement of Eid. Shia activists has reported this violation of religious` rights in #Herat, #Kabul," a local journalist claimed on Twitter. #Taliban forces prohibited dozens of #Shia mosques from holding the #Eid prayer on Tuesday. Some Shia followers also reported of being forced to break their fast prior to shia announcement of Eid. Shia activists has reported this violation of religious’ rights in #Herat, #Kabul — Massoud Hossaini (@Massoud151) May 3, 2022 × Human rights in Afghanistan have deteriorated significantly since the breakdown of the Afghan government and the Taliban's return to power in August of last year. Despite the fact that the war in the country has finished, major human rights violations, particularly against women and minorities, continue unabated. Also read | Taliban fire 50 qualified university professors, to replace them with clerics & own members A succession of devastating bombs have plagued Afghanistan in recent weeks, primarily targeting minorities, with the most recent massive blast targeting a mosque in Kabul on Friday afternoon, killing at least 30 people and injuring many more. The series of blasts and vulnerable security conditions, especially for the minorities has drawn worldwide condemnation, including from the United Nations (UN), the EU, US and others. Afghanistan is also grappling with a serious humanitarian crisis as according to international assessments, Afghanistan has now the highest number of people in emergency food insecurity in the world, with more than 23 million in need of assistance, and approximately 95 per cent of the population having insufficient food consumption. WATCH WION LIVE HERE

No Eid for Shias? Taliban forces prohibit Shia mosques from holding Eid prayers: Reports

Over 30 people killed and more than 50 injured after three separate blasts occurred on Thursday in Afghanistan, one in Kabul, one in Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh province, and a third in Kunduz city in Kunduz province.

According to the Ministry of Interior, the initial blast occurred in Kabul's PD5 district, and two youngsters were mildly injured.

The second blast occurred in the mosque of Seh Dokan in Mazar-e-Sharif, the provincial capital of Balkh.At least 10 worshippers were killed and another 40 injured in a powerful explosion.

In the third blast, eleven persons were killed or injured in Kunduz, Afghanistan's northernmost city.

The province health authority's Najeebullah Sahel said hospitals have received casualties from a bomb and that the number could rise, but he did not specify the location or source of the incident.

The attack on Shia mosque in Mazar-e-Sharif&nbsp;is the second attack targeting Shias in the last 48 hours.

“A blast happened in 2th district inside a Shi’ite mosque, more than 20 killed and injured,” Mohammad Asif Wazeri, the spokesman for the Taliban commander n Mazar-e-Sharif said. 
 
Mazar-e-Sharif&nbsp;is&nbsp;the&nbsp;capital&nbsp;of&nbsp;Afghanistan's&nbsp;Balkh&nbsp;province.

Dr Ghawsuddin Anwari, head of the main hospital in Mazar-e-Sharif, said the dead and wounded were brought in ambulances and private cars.&nbsp;

The explosion at the Sai Doken mosque in northern Mazar-e-Sharif occurred as scores of worshippers knelt in prayer as Muslims mark the holy month of Ramzan, the report added.

Meanwhile, Obaidullah Abidi, a spokeswoman for the provincial security agency in Kunduz, confirmed that a bomb occurred in the Sardawar region of the province's capital city. The number of people killed or injured in the Kunduz blast has yet to be determined.

No one has claimed responsibility for the attacks so far.

The bomb occurred two days after bombings ripped through a high school in western Kabul's largely Shia Hazara district, killing at least six people and injuring 11.

Sunni extremist groups, such as Islamic State, routinely target Afghanistan's Shia community, a religious minority.

Since assuming power in August, Afghanistan's Taliban rulers claim to have secured the country, but international authorities and analysts warn there is still a possibility of militancy rising, and the Islamic State terrorist group has claimed responsibility for multiple attacks. 
 
Watch | Gravitas Plus: The Shia-Sunni Divide: Understanding the split

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/gravitas-plus-the-shia-sunni-divide-understanding-the-split-421352/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Over 30 people killed and more than 50 injured after three separate blasts occurred on Thursday in Afghanistan, one in Kabul, one in Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh province, and a third in Kunduz city in Kunduz province.

Over 30 people killed and more than 50 injured after three separate blasts occurred on Thursday in Afghanistan, one in Kabul, one in Mazar-e-Sharif in Balkh province, and a third in Kunduz city in Kunduz province. According to the Ministry of Interior, the initial blast occurred in Kabul's PD5 district, and two youngsters were mildly injured. The second blast occurred in the mosque of Seh Dokan in Mazar-e-Sharif, the provincial capital of Balkh.At least 10 worshippers were killed and another 40 injured in a powerful explosion. In the third blast, eleven persons were killed or injured in Kunduz, Afghanistan's northernmost city. The province health authority's Najeebullah Sahel said hospitals have received casualties from a bomb and that the number could rise, but he did not specify the location or source of the incident. The attack on Shia mosque in Mazar-e-Sharif is the second attack targeting Shias in the last 48 hours. “A blast happened in 2th district inside a Shi’ite mosque, more than 20 killed and injured,” Mohammad Asif Wazeri, the spokesman for the Taliban commander n Mazar-e-Sharif said. Mazar-e-Sharif is the capital of Afghanistan's Balkh province. Dr Ghawsuddin Anwari, head of the main hospital in Mazar-e-Sharif, said the dead and wounded were brought in ambulances and private cars. The explosion at the Sai Doken mosque in northern Mazar-e-Sharif occurred as scores of worshippers knelt in prayer as Muslims mark the holy month of Ramzan, the report added. Meanwhile, Obaidullah Abidi, a spokeswoman for the provincial security agency in Kunduz, confirmed that a bomb occurred in the Sardawar region of the province's capital city. The number of people killed or injured in the Kunduz blast has yet to be determined. No one has claimed responsibility for the attacks so far. The bomb occurred two days after bombings ripped through a high school in western Kabul's largely Shia Hazara district, killing at least six people and injuring 11. Sunni extremist groups, such as Islamic State, routinely target Afghanistan's Shia community, a religious minority. Since assuming power in August, Afghanistan's Taliban rulers claim to have secured the country, but international authorities and analysts warn there is still a possibility of militancy rising, and the Islamic State terrorist group has claimed responsibility for multiple attacks. Watch | Gravitas Plus: The Shia-Sunni Divide: Understanding the split

Afghanistan: Over 30 killed as multiple blasts hit Kabul, Balkh and Kunduz

There's no end to attacks in Afghanistan. In the latest, at least five people have been killed and six injured. Reports claimed a magnetic bomb was attached to the minivan. The incident on Saturday took place in Dasht-e Barchi, a Kabul suburb dominated by members of the mostly Shia Hazara community.

Afghanistan: Blast in area housing minority Shia Hazara community

The Islamic State group has claimed responsibility for the suicide bomber attack at a Shiite mosque in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar that killed dozens of people and injured scores.

A statement posted by the group’s Amaq news agency on Friday said that two Islamic State fighters shot dead the guards of the mosque, broke in and blew themselves up between two groups of worshippers, one of which consisted of around 300 people.

At least 47 people were killed and 70 others injured in the explosion inside the mosque during the Friday prayers.

It was the second week in a row that militants bombed Friday prayers and killed dozens of worshippers.

The attack follows several other recent attacks against religious institutions in Afghanistan, including last week’s attack against the Gozar-e-Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz.&nbsp;

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has strongly condemned the horrendous terrorist attack.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/afghanistan-at-least-16-dead-as-blast-rocks-shiite-mosque-in-kandahar-420946">Afghanistan: At least 41 dead in Kandahar mosque blast, Taliban allege suicide bombing</a>

In a statement, the council expressed their deepest sympathy and condolences to the families of the victims, and they wished a speedy and full recovery to those who were injured.

Members of the Security Council reaffirmed that terrorism in all its forms and manifestations constitutes one of the most serious threats to international peace and security.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iraq-syria-terrorists-actively-entering-afghanistan-vladimir-putin-420560">Iraq, Syria terrorists actively entering Afghanistan: Vladimir Putin&nbsp;</a>

"The members of the Security Council underlined the need to hold perpetrators, organizers, financiers and sponsors of these reprehensible acts of terrorism accountable and bring them to justice," the statement said. They urged all States, in accordance with their obligations under international law and relevant Security Council resolutions, to cooperate actively with all relevant authorities in this regard.&nbsp;

The United States also condemned the latest suicide attack. “We strongly condemn the attack on a Shia mosque in Kandahar today, the third such attack this month, and offer our condolences to the victims and their families. The Afghan people have the right to live and worship in peace and safety whichever religion or belief they choose," state department spokesperson Ned Price said in a tweet.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

The Islamic State group has claimed responsibility for the suicide bomber attack at a Shiite mosque in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar that killed dozens of people and injured scores.

The Islamic State group has claimed responsibility for the suicide bomber attack at a Shiite mosque in the southern Afghan city of Kandahar that killed dozens of people and injured scores. A statement posted by the group’s Amaq news agency on Friday said that two Islamic State fighters shot dead the guards of the mosque, broke in and blew themselves up between two groups of worshippers, one of which consisted of around 300 people. At least 47 people were killed and 70 others injured in the explosion inside the mosque during the Friday prayers. It was the second week in a row that militants bombed Friday prayers and killed dozens of worshippers. The attack follows several other recent attacks against religious institutions in Afghanistan, including last week’s attack against the Gozar-e-Sayed Abad Mosque in Kunduz. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has strongly condemned the horrendous terrorist attack. Also read | Afghanistan: At least 41 dead in Kandahar mosque blast, Taliban allege suicide bombing In a statement, the council expressed their deepest sympathy and condolences to the families of the victims, and they wished a speedy and full recovery to those who were injured. Members of the Security Council reaffirmed that terrorism in all its forms and manifestations constitutes one of the most serious threats to international peace and security. Also read | Iraq, Syria terrorists actively entering Afghanistan: Vladimir Putin "The members of the Security Council underlined the need to hold perpetrators, organizers, financiers and sponsors of these reprehensible acts of terrorism accountable and bring them to justice," the statement said. They urged all States, in accordance with their obligations under international law and relevant Security Council resolutions, to cooperate actively with all relevant authorities in this regard. The United States also condemned the latest suicide attack. “We strongly condemn the attack on a Shia mosque in Kandahar today, the third such attack this month, and offer our condolences to the victims and their families. The Afghan people have the right to live and worship in peace and safety whichever religion or belief they choose," state department spokesperson Ned Price said in a tweet. (With inputs from agencies)

Islamic State claims responsibility for Shia mosque attack in Afghanistan

A bomb ripped through a mosque filled with Shia Muslim worshippers in northern Afghanistan on Friday, killing or injuring at least 55&nbsp;people, according to a Taliban police officer.

There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the bomb, which occurred in Kunduz, the capital of Kunduz province, but Islamic State terrorists have a long history of assaulting Afghanistan's Shia minority.&nbsp;

Body parts were seen surrounded by rubble inside the mosque, which is utilised by the minority Shia Muslim population.&nbsp;

"We have received more than 100 wounded patients and over 55&nbsp;dead bodies, but the number will change. We are still receiving more people," said a Doctors Without Borders (MSF) hospital worker, who did not want to be named.

Interior ministry spokesman Qari Sayed Khosti confirmed the blast, without giving details. 
 
Local residents said&nbsp;the blast hit a Shia&nbsp;mosque during Friday prayers, the most important of the week.

"This afternoon, an explosion took place in a mosque of our Shia&nbsp;compatriots ... as a result of which a number of our compatriots were martyred and wounded," Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said. 
 
Watch:&nbsp;

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/explosion-targets-shiite-mosque-in-afghanistans-kunduz-city-during-friday-prayers-419178/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

If verified, the death toll would be the biggest since US and NATO soldiers departed Afghanistan at the end of August, when the Taliban assumed control.

The Taliban have been targeted in a string of fatal strikes by rival IS militants, including ambushes and an explosion at a mosque in Kabul, the capital.

The explosion in Kunduz occurred during the weekly Friday prayer service at the Gozar-e-Sayed Abad Mosque.

The Friday midday prayer is the climax of the Muslim holy week, and mosques are usually packed.

Ali Reza, a witness, claimed he was praying at the time of the explosion and saw numerous victims.&nbsp;

Shia Muslims, who are frequently targeted by Sunni extremists, have been subjected to some of Afghanistan's most brutal attacks, with rallies destroyed, hospitals assaulted, and commuters ambushed.

Shias account for about 20% of the Afghan population.

Many of them are Hazara, an ethnic minority that has been oppressed for decades in Afghanistan.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

A bomb ripped through a mosque filled with Shia Muslim worshippers in northern Afghanistan on Friday, killing or injuring at least 55 people, according to a Taliban police officer.

A bomb ripped through a mosque filled with Shia Muslim worshippers in northern Afghanistan on Friday, killing or injuring at least 55 people, according to a Taliban police officer. There was no immediate claim of responsibility for the bomb, which occurred in Kunduz, the capital of Kunduz province, but Islamic State terrorists have a long history of assaulting Afghanistan's Shia minority. Body parts were seen surrounded by rubble inside the mosque, which is utilised by the minority Shia Muslim population. "We have received more than 100 wounded patients and over 55 dead bodies, but the number will change. We are still receiving more people," said a Doctors Without Borders (MSF) hospital worker, who did not want to be named. Interior ministry spokesman Qari Sayed Khosti confirmed the blast, without giving details. Local residents said the blast hit a Shia mosque during Friday prayers, the most important of the week. "This afternoon, an explosion took place in a mosque of our Shia compatriots ... as a result of which a number of our compatriots were martyred and wounded," Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid said. Watch: If verified, the death toll would be the biggest since US and NATO soldiers departed Afghanistan at the end of August, when the Taliban assumed control. The Taliban have been targeted in a string of fatal strikes by rival IS militants, including ambushes and an explosion at a mosque in Kabul, the capital. The explosion in Kunduz occurred during the weekly Friday prayer service at the Gozar-e-Sayed Abad Mosque. The Friday midday prayer is the climax of the Muslim holy week, and mosques are usually packed. Ali Reza, a witness, claimed he was praying at the time of the explosion and saw numerous victims. Shia Muslims, who are frequently targeted by Sunni extremists, have been subjected to some of Afghanistan's most brutal attacks, with rallies destroyed, hospitals assaulted, and commuters ambushed. Shias account for about 20% of the Afghan population. Many of them are Hazara, an ethnic minority that has been oppressed for decades in Afghanistan. (With inputs from agencies)

At least 55 killed in Afghanistan's Kunduz mosque blast: Taliban official

The Shia Ulema Council in Afghanistan has called for an inclusive government in the country giving adequate representation to Shia Muslims and one that respects rights of all minorities. The Taliban formed an interim "Islamic Emirate" and announced a government earlier this week.

The cabinet members includes Taliban leaders many of whom are considered hardliners. Several of them, including Sirajuddin Haqqani feature on global terrorism lists. The list announced by Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid is dominated by members of the group's old guard. Not a single woman finds representation in the government.

"Our demands should be taken seriously. We want honorable officials, Jafari Jurisprudence (Shia school) should be recognized," said Ayatullah Salehi Mudaras, a member of the Shia Ulema, as quoted by TOLO News. This comes after a large gathering was held by the Shia Ulema on Tuesday.

However, Taliban appear to gain a steady hold on power in Afghanistan. Other countries appear to slowly accept the new reality.

Saudi Arabia on Thursday <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/saudi-arabia-shows-support-for-talibans-new-government-in-afghanistan-412024">said that it stood with the wishes of the Afghan people</a>. Saudi Arabia was one of the few countries that had formally recognised Taliban regime when they were in power in late 90s

Meanwhile, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Thursday <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/must-maintain-a-dialogue-with-taliban-says-un-secretary-general-411988">said that the world must maintain a dialogue</a> with the Taliban.

He expressed fears that hardline Islamists' return to power in Afghanistan may embolden jihadists in Sahel region of Africa.&nbsp;

"We must maintain a dialogue with the Taliban, where we affirm our principles directly -- a dialogue with a feeling of solidarity with the Afghan people," he said.

(With inputs from agencies)

The Shia Ulema Council in Afghanistan has called for an inclusive government in the country giving adequate representation to Shia Muslims and one that respects rights of all minorities.

The Shia Ulema Council in Afghanistan has called for an inclusive government in the country giving adequate representation to Shia Muslims and one that respects rights of all minorities. The Taliban formed an interim "Islamic Emirate" and announced a government earlier this week. The cabinet members includes Taliban leaders many of whom are considered hardliners. Several of them, including Sirajuddin Haqqani feature on global terrorism lists. The list announced by Taliban spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid is dominated by members of the group's old guard. Not a single woman finds representation in the government. "Our demands should be taken seriously. We want honorable officials, Jafari Jurisprudence (Shia school) should be recognized," said Ayatullah Salehi Mudaras, a member of the Shia Ulema, as quoted by TOLO News. This comes after a large gathering was held by the Shia Ulema on Tuesday. However, Taliban appear to gain a steady hold on power in Afghanistan. Other countries appear to slowly accept the new reality. Saudi Arabia on Thursday said that it stood with the wishes of the Afghan people. Saudi Arabia was one of the few countries that had formally recognised Taliban regime when they were in power in late 90s Meanwhile, United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Thursday said that the world must maintain a dialogue with the Taliban. He expressed fears that hardline Islamists' return to power in Afghanistan may embolden jihadists in Sahel region of Africa. "We must maintain a dialogue with the Taliban, where we affirm our principles directly -- a dialogue with a feeling of solidarity with the Afghan people," he said. (With inputs from agencies)

Afghanistan: Shia body calls for inclusive government, minority rights

A bomb exploded in Bahawalnagar, central Pakistan, killing at least two persons and injuring 52 others who were attending a Shia parade commemorating Ashura (August 19).

According to Reuters, the parade began at Imam Bargah Jamiatu Zehra, and as it reached Jail Road, an explosion occurred, leaving numerous people injured.&nbsp;

The home minister told Pakistani media that at approximately 10 am, a man tossed a grenade at a procession passing by Jamia Masjid in Muhajir Colony in Bahawalnagar, adding that the assailant had been apprehended.&nbsp;

Ashura commemorates Imam Hussein Ibn Ali's martyrdom in 680 AD near Kerbala, in what is now Iraq, on the 10th day of the lunar calendar month of Muharram, which occurs this year on August 19.&nbsp;

Shia Muslims commemorate the occasion with massive public ceremonies, which sometimes include bloody self-flagellation or cutting to symbolise a link to Hussein's sufferings, whose death represents a larger battle against oppression and tyranny.&nbsp;

A number of additional processions are taking place around Pakistan, in both small and large towns and cities.

(With inputs from agencies)

A bomb exploded in Bahawalnagar, central Pakistan, killing at least two persons and injuring 52 others who were attending a Shia parade commemorating Ashura (August 19).

A bomb exploded in Bahawalnagar, central Pakistan, killing at least two persons and injuring 52 others who were attending a Shia parade commemorating Ashura (August 19). According to Reuters, the parade began at Imam Bargah Jamiatu Zehra, and as it reached Jail Road, an explosion occurred, leaving numerous people injured. The home minister told Pakistani media that at approximately 10 am, a man tossed a grenade at a procession passing by Jamia Masjid in Muhajir Colony in Bahawalnagar, adding that the assailant had been apprehended. Ashura commemorates Imam Hussein Ibn Ali's martyrdom in 680 AD near Kerbala, in what is now Iraq, on the 10th day of the lunar calendar month of Muharram, which occurs this year on August 19. Shia Muslims commemorate the occasion with massive public ceremonies, which sometimes include bloody self-flagellation or cutting to symbolise a link to Hussein's sufferings, whose death represents a larger battle against oppression and tyranny. A number of additional processions are taking place around Pakistan, in both small and large towns and cities. (With inputs from agencies)

Muharram: Ashura procession attacked in Pakistan, two dead, 50 injured

5 days since the #HazaraKillings, the families are still refusing to bury the dead. Imran Khan hasn't showed up in Quetta yet, but Maryam Nawaz Sharif & Bilawal Bhutto Zardari did. They asked the Pak PM to show some humanity for the sake of his children.

Gravitas: Why are Pakistan's Hazaras protesting?

Pakistan: Thousands of Hazaras have since staged a protest, arranging the coffins across a highway in the provincial capital Quetta.

WION Dispatch: Hazaras continues to protest and refuse to end sit-in until Pak PM meet them

People mourn the deceased after gunmen in southwestern Pakistan killed at least 11 workers at a remote coal mine. The victims of the attack in Baluchistan province were from the minority Shiite Hazara community.

Pakistan's minority Shia Hazara community protests killing of 11 coal miners by ISIS

Iraq's Shia majority is currently marking the apex of its religious calendar: a month of mourning that includes Ashura. Watch the report to know more

Thousands of Iraqis are attending Ashura rituals in times of pandemic

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/.../in-bloodiest-day-of-iraqi-protests-forces-kill-28 -protesters-265133">&nbsp;Iraqi security forces</a> shot dead at least 45 protesters on Thursday after demonstrators stormed and torched an Iranian consulate overnight, in what could mark a turning point in the uprising against the Tehran-backed authorities.

At least 29 people died in the southern city of Nassiriya when troops opened fire on demonstrators who blocked a bridge before dawn on Thursday and later gathered outside a police station. Police and medical sources said dozens of others were wounded.

Four people were killed in <a href="https://www.wionews.com/.../iraqi-forces-kill-16-protesters-after-iranian- consulate-torched-265072">Baghdad</a>, where security forces opened fire with live ammunition and rubber bullets against protesters near a bridge over the Tigris river, the sources said, and twelve died in clashes in Najaf.

In Nassiriya thousands of mourners took to the streets, defying a curfew to bury their dead after the mass shooting.

Video of protesters cheering in the night as flames billowed from the consulate were a stunning image after years in which Tehran's influence among Shi'ite&nbsp;Muslims in Arab states has been a defining factor in Middle East politics.

The bloodshed that followed was one of the most violent days since the uprising began at the start of October, with anti-corruption demonstrations that swelled into a revolt against authorities seen by young demonstrators as stooges of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/.../iran-arrests-eight-linked-to-cia-during-unrest- state-media-265030">Tehran</a>.

Iran closed the Mehran border crossing to Iraq on Thursday night because of security reasons, the semi-official Mehr news agency reported, citing a local border official.

"With attention to the recent events and the unrest in the country of Iraq the Mehran border has been closed from tonight," Mojtaba Soleimani, the manager of the border post said, according to Mehr.

He said it was not clear when the border would reopen.

In Najaf, a city of ancient pilgrimage shrines that serves as seat of Iraq's powerful Shi'ite clergy, the Iranian consulate was reduced to a charred ruin after it was stormed overnight.

The protesters, overwhelmingly Shi'ite, accused the Iraqi authorities of turning against their own people to defend Iran.

"All the riot police in Najaf and the security forces started shooting at us as if we were burning Iraq as a whole," a protester who witnessed the burning of the consulate told Reuters, asking not to be identified.

Another protester, Ali, described the attack on the consulate as "a brave act and a reaction from the Iraqi people. We don't want the Iranians".

But he predicted more violence: "There will be revenge from Iran, I'm sure. They're still here and the security forces are going to keep shooting at us."

Iran's foreign ministry condemned the attack and demanded "the Iraqi government's firm response to the aggressors".

So far, the authorities have been unyielding in response to the unrest, shooting dead hundreds of demonstrators with live ammunition and tear gas, while floating proposals for political reform that the protesters dismiss as trivial and cosmetic.

Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi has so far rejected calls to resign, after meetings with senior politicians that were attended by the commander of Iran's Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force, the elite unit that directs its militia allies abroad.

Abdul Mahdi on Thursday summoned a senior military commander in Dhi Qar province, where Nassiriya is located, to Baghdad to explain why the situation had deteriorated, a military statement said.

"CUT THE HANDS"

In a statement that indicated more violence was to come, the military commander of the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), an umbrella group of paramilitary groups whose most powerful factions are close to Iran, suggested the overnight unrest in Najaf was a threat to Shi'ite clergy based in the city.

The paramilitary fighters would use full force against anyone who threatened Iraq's most senior Shi'ite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis said in a statement posted on the PMF website.

"We will cut the hand of anyone trying to get near al-Sistani," he said.

Influential populist cleric Moqtada al-Sadr issued a fresh call for the government to resign, while warning those who torched the embassy that they risked provoking a violent backlash from the authorities.

"Do not give them cover to end your revolution, and stay clear of religious sites," he said in a statement on Twitter. If the government does not resign, "this is the beginning of the end of Iraq," he said.

Fanar Haddad, senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore's Middle East Institute, said the government and its paramilitary allies could use the consulate incident to justify crushing the demonstrations.

"It sends a message to Iran, but it also works to the advantage of people like Muhandis," he said. The paramilitaries could use the consulate incident as "a pretext to clamp down, framing what happened as a threat against Sistani."

Sistani himself has appeared to back the protesters since the unrest erupted, calling on politicians to meet the popular demands for reform.

Authorities set up "crisis cells" in several provinces to try to restore order, a military statement said on Thursday. They would be led by provincial governors but include military leaders who would take charge of local security forces.

Iraqi security forces shot dead at least 45 protesters on Thursday after demonstrators stormed and torched an Iranian consulate overnight, in what could mark a turning point in the uprising against the Tehran-backed authorities.

Iraqi security forces shot dead at least 45 protesters on Thursday after demonstrators stormed and torched an Iranian consulate overnight, in what could mark a turning point in the uprising against the Tehran-backed authorities. At least 29 people died in the southern city of Nassiriya when troops opened fire on demonstrators who blocked a bridge before dawn on Thursday and later gathered outside a police station. Police and medical sources said dozens of others were wounded. Four people were killed in Baghdad, where security forces opened fire with live ammunition and rubber bullets against protesters near a bridge over the Tigris river, the sources said, and twelve died in clashes in Najaf. In Nassiriya thousands of mourners took to the streets, defying a curfew to bury their dead after the mass shooting. Video of protesters cheering in the night as flames billowed from the consulate were a stunning image after years in which Tehran's influence among Shi'ite Muslims in Arab states has been a defining factor in Middle East politics. The bloodshed that followed was one of the most violent days since the uprising began at the start of October, with anti-corruption demonstrations that swelled into a revolt against authorities seen by young demonstrators as stooges of Tehran. Iran closed the Mehran border crossing to Iraq on Thursday night because of security reasons, the semi-official Mehr news agency reported, citing a local border official. "With attention to the recent events and the unrest in the country of Iraq the Mehran border has been closed from tonight," Mojtaba Soleimani, the manager of the border post said, according to Mehr. He said it was not clear when the border would reopen. In Najaf, a city of ancient pilgrimage shrines that serves as seat of Iraq's powerful Shi'ite clergy, the Iranian consulate was reduced to a charred ruin after it was stormed overnight. The protesters, overwhelmingly Shi'ite, accused the Iraqi authorities of turning against their own people to defend Iran. "All the riot police in Najaf and the security forces started shooting at us as if we were burning Iraq as a whole," a protester who witnessed the burning of the consulate told Reuters, asking not to be identified. Another protester, Ali, described the attack on the consulate as "a brave act and a reaction from the Iraqi people. We don't want the Iranians". But he predicted more violence: "There will be revenge from Iran, I'm sure. They're still here and the security forces are going to keep shooting at us." Iran's foreign ministry condemned the attack and demanded "the Iraqi government's firm response to the aggressors". So far, the authorities have been unyielding in response to the unrest, shooting dead hundreds of demonstrators with live ammunition and tear gas, while floating proposals for political reform that the protesters dismiss as trivial and cosmetic. Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi has so far rejected calls to resign, after meetings with senior politicians that were attended by the commander of Iran's Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force, the elite unit that directs its militia allies abroad. Abdul Mahdi on Thursday summoned a senior military commander in Dhi Qar province, where Nassiriya is located, to Baghdad to explain why the situation had deteriorated, a military statement said. "CUT THE HANDS" In a statement that indicated more violence was to come, the military commander of the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), an umbrella group of paramilitary groups whose most powerful factions are close to Iran, suggested the overnight unrest in Najaf was a threat to Shi'ite clergy based in the city. The paramilitary fighters would use full force against anyone who threatened Iraq's most senior Shi'ite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, commander Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis said in a statement posted on the PMF website. "We will cut the hand of anyone trying to get near al-Sistani," he said. Influential populist cleric Moqtada al-Sadr issued a fresh call for the government to resign, while warning those who torched the embassy that they risked provoking a violent backlash from the authorities. "Do not give them cover to end your revolution, and stay clear of religious sites," he said in a statement on Twitter. If the government does not resign, "this is the beginning of the end of Iraq," he said. Fanar Haddad, senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore's Middle East Institute, said the government and its paramilitary allies could use the consulate incident to justify crushing the demonstrations. "It sends a message to Iran, but it also works to the advantage of people like Muhandis," he said. The paramilitaries could use the consulate incident as "a pretext to clamp down, framing what happened as a threat against Sistani." Sistani himself has appeared to back the protesters since the unrest erupted, calling on politicians to meet the popular demands for reform. Authorities set up "crisis cells" in several provinces to try to restore order, a military statement said on Thursday. They would be led by provincial governors but include military leaders who would take charge of local security forces.

Iraqi forces kill 45 protesters after Iranian consulate torched

China is not the only country that seems to be discriminating against Muslim minorities.

In recent times, dozens of Shias have been detained in multiple raids in Malaysia.

Watch:&nbsp;

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/malaysia-targets-shia-minority-in-the-country-264465/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Malaysia is a Sunni Muslim majority country and the Shias fear that religious authorities have stepped up the crackdown against the minorities.

About 60 per cent of Malaysia’s 32 million people are Muslim and the country is also home to substantial minorities of Hindus and Christians, and the different communities have largely co-existed harmoniously.

In September, officers raided Shias gatherings as they were commemorating Ashura, a festival marking the killing prophet Mohammed's grandson.

No one was detained for long. None of them was charged by the court.

But, the minority group worries that this is just a tactic to frighten them from worshipping.

Such raids have been happening since 2010.

In 2016, Shia activist Amri Che Mat was abducted, with witnesses claiming he was snatched after his vehicle was boxed in by other cars.&nbsp;

An inquiry last year by Malaysia’s official human rights body concluded he was taken by police.

A lot of the Shias fear to identify themselves. But observers believe there are between 100,000 and 500,000.

Shias say that they have been persecuted since a top Islamic body issued a fatwa against them in 1996.

China is not the only country that seems to be discriminating against Muslim minorities. In recent times, dozens of Shias have been detained in multiple raids in Malaysia.

China is not the only country that seems to be discriminating against Muslim minorities. In recent times, dozens of Shias have been detained in multiple raids in Malaysia. Watch: Malaysia is a Sunni Muslim majority country and the Shias fear that religious authorities have stepped up the crackdown against the minorities. About 60 per cent of Malaysia’s 32 million people are Muslim and the country is also home to substantial minorities of Hindus and Christians, and the different communities have largely co-existed harmoniously. In September, officers raided Shias gatherings as they were commemorating Ashura, a festival marking the killing prophet Mohammed's grandson. No one was detained for long. None of them was charged by the court. But, the minority group worries that this is just a tactic to frighten them from worshipping. Such raids have been happening since 2010. In 2016, Shia activist Amri Che Mat was abducted, with witnesses claiming he was snatched after his vehicle was boxed in by other cars. An inquiry last year by Malaysia’s official human rights body concluded he was taken by police. A lot of the Shias fear to identify themselves. But observers believe there are between 100,000 and 500,000. Shias say that they have been persecuted since a top Islamic body issued a fatwa against them in 1996.

Malaysian Shias get 'Holocaust' like treatment in their own country

In all the hand-wringing that critics and commentators have done since President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria, one of the common refrains emphasises the breach of trust between Washington and its Kurdish militia partners.

Some scholars of international relations put little stock in trust. Countries are selfish, after all.

Others see trust in impersonal terms, embedded in the rules, norms, institutions and alliances that bind countries to each other.

It turns out, though, that trust does matter in international relations. And in the Middle East, trust is often seen in personal terms.

For the American personnel who worked, ate and lived with the Syrian Kurds, trust-building was also a deeply personal experience. Trust underpinned the crucial intelligence cooperation between the US and its Kurdish partners. That cooperation helped plan and execute the raid that led to the capture killing of Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

As one former American special operator has written, “Trust is a powerful commodity that has saved many lives in shadowy battlefields across the Middle East. But it takes a long time to build and can be gone in an instant.”

By contrast, mistrust, even if it is based on perception alone, can linger for decades, thwarting Washington’s foreign policy goals.

Defeating the Islamic State

I observed the long-term consequences of broken trust next door to Syria, in Iraq.

I served as a US diplomat in the southern Iraqi city of Basrah during 2015 and 2016, the height of the war against the Islamic State group, also known as IS.

At the time, after years of sectarian strife, dishonest governments and their broken promises, Iraqis seemed united around the common purpose of defeating IS. The corrupt and sectarian regime of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had been ousted. And the US was leading an international coalition to help the Iraqi government in the fight against IS, providing hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian assistance.

You might think that a war that the US was fighting on behalf of the Iraqi people, a war that was truly an existential one for the majority Iraqi Shia, would have produced at least some goodwill toward the United States.

Instead, when I arrived in Basrah in 2015, I discovered that many Iraqis, including the majority Shia Muslim population among whom I lived, believed that the United States was somehow in cahoots with the Islamic State.

Mistrust for decades 
 
The Middle East is rife with conspiracy theories. But this one was particularly jarring given that the United States was then engaged in a costly and very public effort to defeat the Islamic State, a terrorist group which declared the Shia apostates and said they must be killed.

Over time, I began to understand the roots of these attitudes. Disinformation and propaganda, especially from Iran, fueled them to some extent.

But there were deeper issues at play.

“The United States defeated Saddam’s armies in a matter of weeks,” incredulous Iraqis I met would say to me. “So how is it that you can’t defeat a ragtag army of jihadists in two years?”

Iranian disinformation campaigns blaming the US for the Islamic State were effective because of a deep gulf of mistrust between the US and Iraqis, which led to widespread cynicism among ordinary Iraqis about US motives.

The origins of this mistrust go back decades, from tacit US support for Saddam Hussein in the 1980s, when Washington turned a blind eye to the dictatorship’s atrocities against Iraqi Kurds.

The lack of trust helps explain why the US had such a hard time stabilizing Iraq after 2003, despite toppling a feared despot and despite investing billions of dollars in the country.

Roots in betrayal

Iraqi Shia are the largest Muslim sect in the country, but have less political power than Sunni Muslims. The Shia in particular have painful memories of an event that they see as a massive breach of trust between them and the US.

In 1991, encouraged by then-President George HW Bush, the Shia rose up against Saddam, only to be abandoned by the US.

Tens of thousands of Iraqi Shia were slaughtered.

I visited a memorial to the victims of Saddam’s suppression of the uprising, where I saw a leaflet displayed that was dropped by US and coalition aircraft calling on Iraqi soldiers and civilians to “fill the streets and alleys and bring down Saddam Hussein and his aides.”

“We thought this meant that the Americans would help us,” my guide at the museum told me. &nbsp;Many Iraqis I met also recalled the devastating 1990s sanctions on their country that were championed by the United States. Others talked of Washington’s failure to stabilize the country after 2003. Then there was the perception that the Obama administration came late to the war against the Islamic State.

Other Iraqis I met – young ones – told me of their resentment at US&nbsp;support for a political class in Baghdad that is seen as deeply corrupt. Some of them are no doubt protesting in the streets and squares of Iraqi cities today.

I attended lots of meetings with Iraqi Sunni tribal leaders in the south. They saw the Obama administration’s 2011 withdrawal of U.S. troops and general disengagement from Iraq as a betrayal of trust. They saw it as handing over Iraq to Iranian influence, which they fear.

Ultimately, Iraqis did not see the US as a credible, consistent or committed partner. Some turned to Iran for assistance, while turning against the United States. Perhaps it is no surprise that polls taken at the time I worked in Basrah showed that Iraqis saw Iran and Russia as more favourable security partners.

Can’t escape the past

Iraq is by no means a perfect analogy for the shattered trust between Washington and its Syrian Kurdish allies. Yet the Iraqi experience shows that distrust of the United States has deep roots in past US actions.

In Syria, too, the US has left a legacy of mistrust since 2011, from Obama’s failure to follow through on his call for Assad to step down, to his failure to impose meaningful costs on the Syrian regime for its use of chemical weapons. Trump’s withdrawal is just one episode in a longer story.

Despite breaches of trust, Iraqis continued to need US support. But that need paired with a lack of trust makes things difficult for American diplomats in Iraq. For me, it was often overwhelming to be at the receiving end of the immense disappointment, frustration and more rarely, hope, that the Iraqis have in the United States.

The Syrian Kurds, like the Iraqis, will still need the United States and continue to work with Washington. But the breach of trust will complicate cooperation, as it did in Iraq.

Not everything that Iraqis blame the United States for is fair. And it would be impossible for even the best-crafted US policies to satisfy all of Iraq’s diverse people.

At times I tried to remind my unfailingly hospitable Iraqi interlocutors, especially those in the government, to be a bit more introspective about their own failings and responsibility for Iraq’s post-Saddam ills. I tried to remind them that the United States invested a lot in Iraq, with limited results.

In the end, the credibility of the message was undercut by a lack of trust in the messenger.&nbsp;

(Mieczysław P Boduszyński is Assistant Professor of Politics, Pomona College)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/broken-trust-how-iraqis-lost-their-faith-in-washington-long-before-the-kurds-did-125636">original article</a>) 
&nbsp; 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

In all the hand-wringing that critics and commentators have done since President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria, one of the common refrains emphasises the breach of trust between Washington and its Kurdish militia partners.

In all the hand-wringing that critics and commentators have done since President Donald Trump announced the withdrawal of US troops from northern Syria, one of the common refrains emphasises the breach of trust between Washington and its Kurdish militia partners. Some scholars of international relations put little stock in trust. Countries are selfish, after all. Others see trust in impersonal terms, embedded in the rules, norms, institutions and alliances that bind countries to each other. It turns out, though, that trust does matter in international relations. And in the Middle East, trust is often seen in personal terms. For the American personnel who worked, ate and lived with the Syrian Kurds, trust-building was also a deeply personal experience. Trust underpinned the crucial intelligence cooperation between the US and its Kurdish partners. That cooperation helped plan and execute the raid that led to the capture killing of Islamic State leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. As one former American special operator has written, “Trust is a powerful commodity that has saved many lives in shadowy battlefields across the Middle East. But it takes a long time to build and can be gone in an instant.” By contrast, mistrust, even if it is based on perception alone, can linger for decades, thwarting Washington’s foreign policy goals. Defeating the Islamic State I observed the long-term consequences of broken trust next door to Syria, in Iraq. I served as a US diplomat in the southern Iraqi city of Basrah during 2015 and 2016, the height of the war against the Islamic State group, also known as IS. At the time, after years of sectarian strife, dishonest governments and their broken promises, Iraqis seemed united around the common purpose of defeating IS. The corrupt and sectarian regime of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki had been ousted. And the US was leading an international coalition to help the Iraqi government in the fight against IS, providing hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian assistance. You might think that a war that the US was fighting on behalf of the Iraqi people, a war that was truly an existential one for the majority Iraqi Shia, would have produced at least some goodwill toward the United States. Instead, when I arrived in Basrah in 2015, I discovered that many Iraqis, including the majority Shia Muslim population among whom I lived, believed that the United States was somehow in cahoots with the Islamic State. Mistrust for decades The Middle East is rife with conspiracy theories. But this one was particularly jarring given that the United States was then engaged in a costly and very public effort to defeat the Islamic State, a terrorist group which declared the Shia apostates and said they must be killed. Over time, I began to understand the roots of these attitudes. Disinformation and propaganda, especially from Iran, fueled them to some extent. But there were deeper issues at play. “The United States defeated Saddam’s armies in a matter of weeks,” incredulous Iraqis I met would say to me. “So how is it that you can’t defeat a ragtag army of jihadists in two years?” Iranian disinformation campaigns blaming the US for the Islamic State were effective because of a deep gulf of mistrust between the US and Iraqis, which led to widespread cynicism among ordinary Iraqis about US motives. The origins of this mistrust go back decades, from tacit US support for Saddam Hussein in the 1980s, when Washington turned a blind eye to the dictatorship’s atrocities against Iraqi Kurds. The lack of trust helps explain why the US had such a hard time stabilizing Iraq after 2003, despite toppling a feared despot and despite investing billions of dollars in the country. Roots in betrayal Iraqi Shia are the largest Muslim sect in the country, but have less political power than Sunni Muslims. The Shia in particular have painful memories of an event that they see as a massive breach of trust between them and the US. In 1991, encouraged by then-President George HW Bush, the Shia rose up against Saddam, only to be abandoned by the US. Tens of thousands of Iraqi Shia were slaughtered. I visited a memorial to the victims of Saddam’s suppression of the uprising, where I saw a leaflet displayed that was dropped by US and coalition aircraft calling on Iraqi soldiers and civilians to “fill the streets and alleys and bring down Saddam Hussein and his aides.” “We thought this meant that the Americans would help us,” my guide at the museum told me. Many Iraqis I met also recalled the devastating 1990s sanctions on their country that were championed by the United States. Others talked of Washington’s failure to stabilize the country after 2003. Then there was the perception that the Obama administration came late to the war against the Islamic State. Other Iraqis I met – young ones – told me of their resentment at US support for a political class in Baghdad that is seen as deeply corrupt. Some of them are no doubt protesting in the streets and squares of Iraqi cities today. I attended lots of meetings with Iraqi Sunni tribal leaders in the south. They saw the Obama administration’s 2011 withdrawal of U.S. troops and general disengagement from Iraq as a betrayal of trust. They saw it as handing over Iraq to Iranian influence, which they fear. Ultimately, Iraqis did not see the US as a credible, consistent or committed partner. Some turned to Iran for assistance, while turning against the United States. Perhaps it is no surprise that polls taken at the time I worked in Basrah showed that Iraqis saw Iran and Russia as more favourable security partners. Can’t escape the past Iraq is by no means a perfect analogy for the shattered trust between Washington and its Syrian Kurdish allies. Yet the Iraqi experience shows that distrust of the United States has deep roots in past US actions. In Syria, too, the US has left a legacy of mistrust since 2011, from Obama’s failure to follow through on his call for Assad to step down, to his failure to impose meaningful costs on the Syrian regime for its use of chemical weapons. Trump’s withdrawal is just one episode in a longer story. Despite breaches of trust, Iraqis continued to need US support. But that need paired with a lack of trust makes things difficult for American diplomats in Iraq. For me, it was often overwhelming to be at the receiving end of the immense disappointment, frustration and more rarely, hope, that the Iraqis have in the United States. The Syrian Kurds, like the Iraqis, will still need the United States and continue to work with Washington. But the breach of trust will complicate cooperation, as it did in Iraq. Not everything that Iraqis blame the United States for is fair. And it would be impossible for even the best-crafted US policies to satisfy all of Iraq’s diverse people. At times I tried to remind my unfailingly hospitable Iraqi interlocutors, especially those in the government, to be a bit more introspective about their own failings and responsibility for Iraq’s post-Saddam ills. I tried to remind them that the United States invested a lot in Iraq, with limited results. In the end, the credibility of the message was undercut by a lack of trust in the messenger. (Mieczysław P Boduszyński is Assistant Professor of Politics, Pomona College) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

How Iraqis lost their faith in Washington, long before the Kurds did

Security forces killed a protester and wounded 91 others in Baghdad on Saturday, security and medical sources said, as tens of thousands of&nbsp;Iraqis gathered in mass anti-government protests in the capital and&nbsp;blocked&nbsp;roads&nbsp;leading to a major&nbsp;port.

Protesters&nbsp;have been congregating in the capital's central Tahrir Square for weeks,&nbsp;demanding the fall of the political elite in the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/iraq-protests-continue-biggest-protest-since-saddams-fall-259414">biggest wave</a> of mass demonstrations since the fall of Saddam Hussein.

Protests have accelerated dramatically in recent days, drawing huge crowds from across sectarian and ethnic divides.

They have been comparatively peaceful by day, becoming more violent after dark as police use tear gas and rubber bullets to battle self-proclaimed "revolutionary" youths. More than 250 people were killed in October.

Clashes have focused on the ramparts to the Republic Bridge leading across the Tigris to the heavily fortified Green Zone of government buildings, where the&nbsp;protesters&nbsp;say out-of-touch leaders are holed up in their walled-off bastion of privilege.

Security forces on Saturday erected concrete walls on one of Baghdad's main streets which leads into Tahrir Square in an attempt to reduce the turnout but a spontaneous protest in which crowds surrounded soldiers driving bulldozers forced them to take the structures down.

"Take it down, take it down," they chanted.

The protests, driven by discontent over economic hardship and corruption, have broken nearly two years of relative stability in Iraq.

Despite the country's oil wealth, many live in poverty with limited access to clean water, electricity, health care or education. The government of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi, in office for a year, has found no response to the protests.

Thousands of&nbsp;protesters&nbsp;were&nbsp;blocking all&nbsp;roads&nbsp;leading to Iraq's main Gulf&nbsp;port&nbsp;Umm Qasr near the oil-rich city of Basra, after security forces used live rounds and tear gas overnight.

Operations at the&nbsp;port, which receives the vast bulk of Iraq's imports of grain, vegetable oils and sugar, have been at a complete standstill since Wednesday.

Excessive force&nbsp;

On Friday, both the teachers' and lawyers' unions said they would extend&nbsp;strikes they declared last week. Schools had been due to reopen on Sunday after a week of cancelled classes.

Many see the political class as subservient to one or another of Baghdad's main allies, the United States and Iran, who use Iraq as a proxy in a struggle for regional influence.

"We don't want anyone interfering in our affairs, not Saudi Arabia, not Turkey, not Iran, not America. It's our country, our&nbsp;demands are clear," said protester Ahmed Abu Mariam.

The root cause of grievances is the sectarian power-sharing system of governance introduced in Iraq after 2003.

"We want an&nbsp;end&nbsp;to sectarian power-sharing, jobs should not be doled out based on whether you are Sunni or Shi'ite. We want all these parties gone and replaced with a presidential system," said 22-year-old law student Abdulrahman Saad who has been camped out in Tahrir Square for nine days.

Iraq's official rights watchdog, the&nbsp;Iraqi&nbsp;High Commission for Human Rights, said authorities were violating human rights and using excessive force against&nbsp;protesters&nbsp;by firing rubber bullets and tear gas canisters, which have killed scores after striking them directly in the head and chest.

A government committee investigating violence from October&nbsp;1-7 itself found that 149 civilians were killed because security forces used excessive force and live fire to quell protests.

Security forces killed a protester and wounded 91 others in Baghdad on Saturday, security and medical sources said, as tens of thousands of Iraqis gathered in mass anti-government protests in the capital and blocked roads leading to a major port.

Security forces killed a protester and wounded 91 others in Baghdad on Saturday, security and medical sources said, as tens of thousands of Iraqis gathered in mass anti-government protests in the capital and blocked roads leading to a major port. Protesters have been congregating in the capital's central Tahrir Square for weeks, demanding the fall of the political elite in the biggest wave of mass demonstrations since the fall of Saddam Hussein. Protests have accelerated dramatically in recent days, drawing huge crowds from across sectarian and ethnic divides. They have been comparatively peaceful by day, becoming more violent after dark as police use tear gas and rubber bullets to battle self-proclaimed "revolutionary" youths. More than 250 people were killed in October. Clashes have focused on the ramparts to the Republic Bridge leading across the Tigris to the heavily fortified Green Zone of government buildings, where the protesters say out-of-touch leaders are holed up in their walled-off bastion of privilege. Security forces on Saturday erected concrete walls on one of Baghdad's main streets which leads into Tahrir Square in an attempt to reduce the turnout but a spontaneous protest in which crowds surrounded soldiers driving bulldozers forced them to take the structures down. "Take it down, take it down," they chanted. The protests, driven by discontent over economic hardship and corruption, have broken nearly two years of relative stability in Iraq. Despite the country's oil wealth, many live in poverty with limited access to clean water, electricity, health care or education. The government of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi, in office for a year, has found no response to the protests. Thousands of protesters were blocking all roads leading to Iraq's main Gulf port Umm Qasr near the oil-rich city of Basra, after security forces used live rounds and tear gas overnight. Operations at the port, which receives the vast bulk of Iraq's imports of grain, vegetable oils and sugar, have been at a complete standstill since Wednesday. Excessive force On Friday, both the teachers' and lawyers' unions said they would extend strikes they declared last week. Schools had been due to reopen on Sunday after a week of cancelled classes. Many see the political class as subservient to one or another of Baghdad's main allies, the United States and Iran, who use Iraq as a proxy in a struggle for regional influence. "We don't want anyone interfering in our affairs, not Saudi Arabia, not Turkey, not Iran, not America. It's our country, our demands are clear," said protester Ahmed Abu Mariam. The root cause of grievances is the sectarian power-sharing system of governance introduced in Iraq after 2003. "We want an end to sectarian power-sharing, jobs should not be doled out based on whether you are Sunni or Shi'ite. We want all these parties gone and replaced with a presidential system," said 22-year-old law student Abdulrahman Saad who has been camped out in Tahrir Square for nine days. Iraq's official rights watchdog, the Iraqi High Commission for Human Rights, said authorities were violating human rights and using excessive force against protesters by firing rubber bullets and tear gas canisters, which have killed scores after striking them directly in the head and chest. A government committee investigating violence from October 1-7 itself found that 149 civilians were killed because security forces used excessive force and live fire to quell protests.

Protesters block roads to Iraqi port, demand end to 'foreign meddling'

By Mira Assaf Kafantaris

Religion has shaped Lebanon since it gained independence from France in 1943. In this multicultural country of Muslims, Christians and Druze – a medieval faith derived from Islam – religion defines membership and belonging. It is woven into Lebanon’s economic, political and social fabric.

The mass protests that began in mid-October over a proposal to tax WhatsApp calls are challenging that tradition. Over a million Lebanese from all faiths have joined together in these leaderless and nationwide anti-government demonstrations, in which the agenda has now expanded from avoiding taxes to regime change.

“All of them means all of them,” protesters nationwide chant, demanding the ouster of Lebanon’s entire ruling class.

On October&nbsp;29, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, a Sunni, resigned, elating demonstrators. Protesters blame Hariri, along with Lebanon’s Christian president and Shiite parliament speaker, for rampant corruption, a wrecked economy and a ravaged environment.

In repudiation of the idea that religious allegiance comes before national unity, they are demanding fair elections, a stronger judiciary and more government accountability.

‘Hunger has no religion’

With 18 recognized sects – including the Maronite Christians; Sunni, Shiite and Alawite Muslims; and the Druze – Lebanon is one of the most religiously diverse countries in the Middle East.

When a class struggle broke out there in the mid-1970s, it quickly devolved into a civil war between right-wing Christian and left-wing Muslim militias.

To end Lebanon’s conflict, the 1989 Taif Accords required all factions to relinquish their weapons and distributed government positions to politicians of different faiths.

This power-sharing agreement has kept the peace in Lebanon. But it has also given it a political order built on religious factionalism.

Patronage networks run by the “za'eem,” as Lebanon’s powerful sectarian leaders are called, protect the interests of their religious communities, doling out favors both legal and illegal. All faiths have their own za'eem.

Religiously based governance has given Lebanon both extreme national debt and staggering inequality. According to the World Inequality Database, the richest 1% of Lebanese own approximately a quarter of the nation’s wealth. Lebanon’s infrastructure is crumbling. Power outages are a chronic problem even in urban middle-class neighborhoods.

Widespread human rights violations – including domestic violence, child labor and abuse of Syrian refugees – are rarely punished.

But, according to the political scientist Bassel Salloukh, Lebanon’s rulers “use sectarian mobilization to camouflage intra-sectarian socioeconomic disparities” – a divide-and-conquer strategy meant to stop class solidarity from emerging.

The beneficiaries of this system argue that Lebanon’s stability hinges on this sectarian balance. And, indeed, sectarianism has been remarkably effective in forestalling dissent for the past 30 years.

It has also instilled a deep distrust in government. A recent poll shows that 96% of Lebanese think political corruption is endemic.

The sectarian construct 
 
As a literary historian, I study the stories a nation tells itself about belonging, allegiance and identity. In Lebanon, my home country, I recognize sectarianism as a social construct.

Social constructs, like civility or money, are concepts that only mean something because humans agree they do. Often, social constructs benefit the powerful.

By drawing the boundaries of inclusion along religious lines, Lebanese sectarianism has impeded the rise of more unifying ideologies like nationalism or secularism.

“Sectarianism has been depicted as a monolithic force, unchanging in the face of history,” historian Ussama Makdisi wrote in his 2000 book “The Culture of Sectarianism. But, he continues, "sectarianism was produced. Therefore it can be changed.”

Since the civil war, Lebanese have been raised to see religion as the only marker of kinship and rivalry, but the LebSectarian politics have been dismantled before. Two decades after Northern Ireland’s Good Friday Agreement, the divide between Catholics and Protestants there remains. But it is official government policy to foster peace-building, human rights and religious freedom.

Like protesters in both Tunisia and, more recently, Sudan – who pushed out religiously divisive leaders in hopes of nurturing a more secular democracy – Lebanon’s protests challenge a tired western stereotype that the Middle East is an intolerant, naturally authoritarian place.

Hezbollah is no exception

In recent days, demonstrators who support Hezbollah have protested the inclusion of their leader, Hassan Nasrallah, in the movement’s calls for regime change. They say accusations of corruption against this powerful Lebanese political and social force are evidence of a conspiracy by Saudi Arabia, Israel and the United States.

Violence erupted on Oct. 29 when Hezbollah supporters attacked demonstrators, re-opening key roads blocked by protester encampments and setting their tents on fire.

Still, the uprising grows. Past violence has failed to quell protests, as have offers from the government to cut lawmakers’ salaries by half and tax banks to relieve national debt.

Prime Minister Hariri’s resignation opens the door for real change in Lebanon, but protests will likely continue. The za'eem system means Hariri’s replacement may well reinforce the same power-sharing model.anese share many things: a multilingual literary heritage, for example, and a love of Fairuz, one of the Arab world’s most admired singers.

Lebanese of different faiths suffer together, too. As one protester told Foreign Policy, hunger has no religion.

The current grassroots protests build on the momentum of a 2015 uprising called the #YouStink movement. Those protests began when Lebanon’s main landfill was shut down and mounds of trash filled the streets of Beirut, but they came to embody numerous other causes: Children marched for climate action. Feminists defended the rights of domestic workers.

In 2018, women ran for office in Lebanon record numbers.

Rebuilding a nation

There is an academic theory I like about how nations are built, called “cultural intimacy.”

It holds that communal acts like breaking bread together, say, or self-deprecating humour play a crucial role in creating a shared citizenry.

The 1.5 million Lebanese Sunnis, Shias and Christians who have for weeks been walking side by side, holding hands and raging against the system are not merely protesting. They’re building a society that works for them.

(Mira Assaf Kafantaris is Senior Lecturer in English, The Ohio State University) 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/lebanon-uprising-unites-people-across-faiths-defying-deep-sectarian-divides-125772">original article</a>) 
&nbsp;

 
&nbsp;

By Mira Assaf Kafantaris Religion has shaped Lebanon since it gained independence from France in 1943. In this multicultural country of Muslims, Christians and Druze – a medieval faith derived from Islam – religion defines membership and belonging.

By Mira Assaf Kafantaris Religion has shaped Lebanon since it gained independence from France in 1943. In this multicultural country of Muslims, Christians and Druze – a medieval faith derived from Islam – religion defines membership and belonging. It is woven into Lebanon’s economic, political and social fabric. The mass protests that began in mid-October over a proposal to tax WhatsApp calls are challenging that tradition. Over a million Lebanese from all faiths have joined together in these leaderless and nationwide anti-government demonstrations, in which the agenda has now expanded from avoiding taxes to regime change. “All of them means all of them,” protesters nationwide chant, demanding the ouster of Lebanon’s entire ruling class. On October 29, Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, a Sunni, resigned, elating demonstrators. Protesters blame Hariri, along with Lebanon’s Christian president and Shiite parliament speaker, for rampant corruption, a wrecked economy and a ravaged environment. In repudiation of the idea that religious allegiance comes before national unity, they are demanding fair elections, a stronger judiciary and more government accountability. ‘Hunger has no religion’ With 18 recognized sects – including the Maronite Christians; Sunni, Shiite and Alawite Muslims; and the Druze – Lebanon is one of the most religiously diverse countries in the Middle East. When a class struggle broke out there in the mid-1970s, it quickly devolved into a civil war between right-wing Christian and left-wing Muslim militias. To end Lebanon’s conflict, the 1989 Taif Accords required all factions to relinquish their weapons and distributed government positions to politicians of different faiths. This power-sharing agreement has kept the peace in Lebanon. But it has also given it a political order built on religious factionalism. Patronage networks run by the “za'eem,” as Lebanon’s powerful sectarian leaders are called, protect the interests of their religious communities, doling out favors both legal and illegal. All faiths have their own za'eem. Religiously based governance has given Lebanon both extreme national debt and staggering inequality. According to the World Inequality Database, the richest 1% of Lebanese own approximately a quarter of the nation’s wealth. Lebanon’s infrastructure is crumbling. Power outages are a chronic problem even in urban middle-class neighborhoods. Widespread human rights violations – including domestic violence, child labor and abuse of Syrian refugees – are rarely punished. But, according to the political scientist Bassel Salloukh, Lebanon’s rulers “use sectarian mobilization to camouflage intra-sectarian socioeconomic disparities” – a divide-and-conquer strategy meant to stop class solidarity from emerging. The beneficiaries of this system argue that Lebanon’s stability hinges on this sectarian balance. And, indeed, sectarianism has been remarkably effective in forestalling dissent for the past 30 years. It has also instilled a deep distrust in government. A recent poll shows that 96% of Lebanese think political corruption is endemic. The sectarian construct As a literary historian, I study the stories a nation tells itself about belonging, allegiance and identity. In Lebanon, my home country, I recognize sectarianism as a social construct. Social constructs, like civility or money, are concepts that only mean something because humans agree they do. Often, social constructs benefit the powerful. By drawing the boundaries of inclusion along religious lines, Lebanese sectarianism has impeded the rise of more unifying ideologies like nationalism or secularism. “Sectarianism has been depicted as a monolithic force, unchanging in the face of history,” historian Ussama Makdisi wrote in his 2000 book “The Culture of Sectarianism. But, he continues, "sectarianism was produced. Therefore it can be changed.” Since the civil war, Lebanese have been raised to see religion as the only marker of kinship and rivalry, but the LebSectarian politics have been dismantled before. Two decades after Northern Ireland’s Good Friday Agreement, the divide between Catholics and Protestants there remains. But it is official government policy to foster peace-building, human rights and religious freedom. Like protesters in both Tunisia and, more recently, Sudan – who pushed out religiously divisive leaders in hopes of nurturing a more secular democracy – Lebanon’s protests challenge a tired western stereotype that the Middle East is an intolerant, naturally authoritarian place. Hezbollah is no exception In recent days, demonstrators who support Hezbollah have protested the inclusion of their leader, Hassan Nasrallah, in the movement’s calls for regime change. They say accusations of corruption against this powerful Lebanese political and social force are evidence of a conspiracy by Saudi Arabia, Israel and the United States. Violence erupted on Oct. 29 when Hezbollah supporters attacked demonstrators, re-opening key roads blocked by protester encampments and setting their tents on fire. Still, the uprising grows. Past violence has failed to quell protests, as have offers from the government to cut lawmakers’ salaries by half and tax banks to relieve national debt. Prime Minister Hariri’s resignation opens the door for real change in Lebanon, but protests will likely continue. The za'eem system means Hariri’s replacement may well reinforce the same power-sharing model.anese share many things: a multilingual literary heritage, for example, and a love of Fairuz, one of the Arab world’s most admired singers. Lebanese of different faiths suffer together, too. As one protester told Foreign Policy, hunger has no religion. The current grassroots protests build on the momentum of a 2015 uprising called the #YouStink movement. Those protests began when Lebanon’s main landfill was shut down and mounds of trash filled the streets of Beirut, but they came to embody numerous other causes: Children marched for climate action. Feminists defended the rights of domestic workers. In 2018, women ran for office in Lebanon record numbers. Rebuilding a nation There is an academic theory I like about how nations are built, called “cultural intimacy.” It holds that communal acts like breaking bread together, say, or self-deprecating humour play a crucial role in creating a shared citizenry. The 1.5 million Lebanese Sunnis, Shias and Christians who have for weeks been walking side by side, holding hands and raging against the system are not merely protesting. They’re building a society that works for them. (Mira Assaf Kafantaris is Senior Lecturer in English, The Ohio State University) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article)

Lebanon uprising unites people across faiths, defying deep sectarian divides

At least 33 of the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-arabia-executes-37-in-connection-with-terrorism-report-212955">37 Saudis executed by the kingdom</a> in a single day belonged to the Sunni-dominated country's Shia&nbsp;minority, Human Rights Watch said Wednesday.

The men were executed on Tuesday after being convicted of terrorism, according to the official Saudi Press Agency.

"Thirty-three we know for sure are Shia," HRW researcher Adam Coogle told AFP.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/saudi-arabia-and-the-wests-right-wing-a-dubious-alliance-187880">Saudi Arabia and the West’s right-wing: A dubious alliance</a>

The interior ministry said some of those executed were accused of "inciting sectarian strife", a charge often used in Saudi Arabia against Shia&nbsp;activists.

Rights group Amnesty International also said most of those executed were Shia&nbsp;men.

They were "convicted after sham trials that violated international fair trial standards (and) which relied on confessions extracted through torture", it said in a statement.

The executions were "yet another gruesome indication of how the death penalty is being used as a political tool to crush dissent" from within the Shia minority, said Amnesty's Middle East research director Lynn Maalouf.

The rights watchdog said 11 of those executed were convicted of spying for Iran, while at least 14 others were sentenced in connection with anti-government protests in the Eastern Province between 2011 and 2012.

Among those executed was Abdulkareem al-Hawaj, who was only 16 at the time of his arrest, it said.

At least 100 people have been executed in <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/rights-groups-condemn-saudi-arabia-over-trial-of-women-activists-200733">Saudi Arabia </a>since the start of the year, according to data released by SPA.

The Eastern Province -- home to the country's Shia&nbsp;minority -- has seen bouts of unrest since 2011 when protesters emboldened by the Arab Spring took to the streets demanding an end to alleged discrimination by the Sunni-dominated government.

Although no official figures exist, Shia&nbsp;make up an estimated 10-15 per cent of the ultra-conservative kingdom's population of 32 million.

At least 33 of the 37 Saudis executed by the kingdom in a single day belonged to the Sunni-dominated country's Shia minority, Human Rights Watch said Wednesday. The men were executed on Tuesday after being convicted of terrorism, according to the official Saudi Press Agency.

At least 33 of the 37 Saudis executed by the kingdom in a single day belonged to the Sunni-dominated country's Shia minority, Human Rights Watch said Wednesday. The men were executed on Tuesday after being convicted of terrorism, according to the official Saudi Press Agency. "Thirty-three we know for sure are Shia," HRW researcher Adam Coogle told AFP. Also read: Saudi Arabia and the West’s right-wing: A dubious alliance The interior ministry said some of those executed were accused of "inciting sectarian strife", a charge often used in Saudi Arabia against Shia activists. Rights group Amnesty International also said most of those executed were Shia men. They were "convicted after sham trials that violated international fair trial standards (and) which relied on confessions extracted through torture", it said in a statement. The executions were "yet another gruesome indication of how the death penalty is being used as a political tool to crush dissent" from within the Shia minority, said Amnesty's Middle East research director Lynn Maalouf. The rights watchdog said 11 of those executed were convicted of spying for Iran, while at least 14 others were sentenced in connection with anti-government protests in the Eastern Province between 2011 and 2012. Among those executed was Abdulkareem al-Hawaj, who was only 16 at the time of his arrest, it said. At least 100 people have been executed in Saudi Arabia since the start of the year, according to data released by SPA. The Eastern Province -- home to the country's Shia minority -- has seen bouts of unrest since 2011 when protesters emboldened by the Arab Spring took to the streets demanding an end to alleged discrimination by the Sunni-dominated government. Although no official figures exist, Shia make up an estimated 10-15 per cent of the ultra-conservative kingdom's population of 32 million.

Almost all Saudis in mass execution were Shia minority: Human Rights Watch

By Naser Ghobadzadeh

Iran’s ruling clergy are celebrating the 40th anniversary of the 1979 revolution, during which Shi'ite Islamists, led by religious leader Ayatollah Khomeini, toppled Mohammad Reza Shah’s secular monarchy.

The linchpin of the Islamic Republic’s political system is Ayatollah Khomeini’s doctrine of Wilayat-i Faqih, or guardianship of the jurist, which makes a Shia religious jurist the head of state. The jurist’s legitimacy to hold the most powerful position in the state is claimed to be based on divine sovereignty.

As its name suggests, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s current system combines theocratic and republican elements. The president and parliament are democratically elected, while the members of powerful institutions such as the Guardian Council and the judiciary are appointed by the Supreme Leader (Walī-yi Faqīh).

The Guardian Council oversees elections and the final approval of the legislation. According to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, all legislation, policies and programs must be consistent with the observance of Islamic principles. The Guardian Council has a duty to monitor all legislative decisions and determine whether their implementation would cause a violation.

This unprecedented political system brought in four decades of internal conflict. The established Islamic Republic of Iran also ceased being a US ally and instead became an enemy. International sanctions, along with the clergy’s mismanagement and endemic corruption, have resulted in a dire economic situation. There is a strong fear the high unemployment and inflation rate will continue to rise.

Under these circumstances, there are now doubts the Islamic Republic can survive. And some wonder whether we may soon see another revolution. So, what is the situation in Iran 40 years after the Shah was overthrown and who is agitating for change?

Decades of unrest

After Ayatollah Khomeini died in 1989, a more conservative Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, came to power and strengthened the theocracy.

The reformist movement emerged in the mid-1990s to counter the newly established conservative regime. They had little chance of gaining power through theocratic institutions, so they focused on the electoral side. They campaigned for women’s rights, democratic rule and a civil-military divide.

Reformists gained power twice: from 1997 to 2005 and from 2013 – with the election of the relatively moderate president, Hassan Rouhani – until now. In these years, reformists controlled electoral institutions such as the presidency and the parliament.

For decades, reformers have struggled to limit the power of theocratic institutions – while still broadly complying by the laws of the clergy, and the principles set in place by Khomeini – and expand the power of republican institutions. However, they were no match for the Khamenei-led resistance, and theocratic institutions are more powerful today than they were in the mid-1990s.

Iran has also continually had tense relations with the international community. In addition to eight years of war with Iraq, Iran has been under sanctions for almost all of the past four decades. These have been imposed by the US, the EU, and the United Nations over claims Iran breached its nuclear obligations.

Today, the Donald Trump-led US government is pursuing an extremely hostile approach to Iran. Crucially, the US has withdrawn from a nuclear deal negotiated with the Obama administration – under which Iran agreed to limit its nuclear program. The US has reapplied previous sanctions (which were lifted under the deal) and imposed new ones. Iranians are also the most affected of the Muslim majority countries included in Trump’s travel ban.

Reformists have made some progress towards easing economic hardship, loosening social control, and initiating a temporary easing of tensions with the outside community. But the parlous nature of the political structure empowers the theocrats to manipulate the system and stymie any reform effort that promises a path to democratisation.

Reformists or pro-regime opposition

The protests that swept Iran between December 2017 and January 2018 showed that many Iranians don’t consider the reformists capable of bringing about meaningful change. Protesters expressed their anger over increasing economic hardship, as well as Iran’s support and funding for foreign conflicts, namely the civil wars in Yemen and Syria. They also chanted slogans calling for an end to the rule of clerics.

Rampant corruption, the failure of Rouhani to fulfil his promises – such as boosting the economy, extending individual and political freedoms, ensuring equality for women and men, and easing access to the internet – and the return of sanctions have combined to shatter hope of reform. This has been expressed in global protests by the Iranian diaspora calling for a change to the government.

It seems unlikely the reformists will be able to maintain their positions in the country’s electoral institutions. The sad reality is that even if they have another chance, the result will only compound their failures.

These circumstances have led to another stream of opposition – one agitating for a toppling of the Islamic Republic and regime change – gaining currency. Most members of this group are in exile, including Iran’s ex-prince and son of the Shah overthrown by the revolution, Reza Pahlavi.

But there is profound disagreement between the opposition groups in exile. Although they share a similar goal, they have consistently proven unable to agree on an overarching framework. The profound divisions among the groups have drained both their resources and intellectual capacity, which has rendered them incapable of contesting the country’s ruling clergy.

Those advocating for regime change have also been incapable of articulating a viable alternative to the Islamic Republic. All opposition groups overuse the abstract notion of “secular democracy” without clearly explaining what exactly they have in mind.

Pahlavi’s desire is reportedly not to put himself back on the throne, but to let the people decide what the political system would look like. He has said, "It’s not the form that matters, it’s the content; I believe Iran must be a secular, parliamentary democracy. The final form has to be decided by the people."

While this is a legitimate statement, figures like Pahlavi ought to offer viable alternatives that would help bring opposition groups together. Potential alternatives should also be structured to appeal to the masses, a considerable segment of whom have expressed disillusionment with the ideal of an Islamic state.

Opposition groups are absorbed in delegitimising the Islamic Republic, questioning the way the clergy run the country. In doing so, they forget the people who have already expressed widespread dissatisfaction with the clergy.

The opposition needs to skillfully craft an alternative to the Islamic Republic and a comprehensive plan for the transition to democracy. Until an alternative political system is formulated and popularised, the opposition will remain impotent and unable to initiate a transformation in the country.

Of course, change is not impossible. A military confrontation with Israel or the US, the departure of 79-year-old Ayatollah Khamenei, or a spontaneous mass uprising could prove a game changer.

(Naser Ghobadzadeh is Senior Lecturer, National School of Arts, Australian Catholic University)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/forty-years-on-from-the-iranian-revolution-could-the-country-be-at-risk-of-another-one-110693">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

By Naser Ghobadzadeh Iran’s ruling clergy are celebrating the 40th anniversary of the 1979 revolution, during which Shi'ite Islamists, led by religious leader Ayatollah Khomeini, toppled Mohammad Reza Shah’s secular monarchy.

By Naser Ghobadzadeh Iran’s ruling clergy are celebrating the 40th anniversary of the 1979 revolution, during which Shi'ite Islamists, led by religious leader Ayatollah Khomeini, toppled Mohammad Reza Shah’s secular monarchy. The linchpin of the Islamic Republic’s political system is Ayatollah Khomeini’s doctrine of Wilayat-i Faqih, or guardianship of the jurist, which makes a Shia religious jurist the head of state. The jurist’s legitimacy to hold the most powerful position in the state is claimed to be based on divine sovereignty. As its name suggests, the Islamic Republic of Iran’s current system combines theocratic and republican elements. The president and parliament are democratically elected, while the members of powerful institutions such as the Guardian Council and the judiciary are appointed by the Supreme Leader (Walī-yi Faqīh). The Guardian Council oversees elections and the final approval of the legislation. According to the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, all legislation, policies and programs must be consistent with the observance of Islamic principles. The Guardian Council has a duty to monitor all legislative decisions and determine whether their implementation would cause a violation. This unprecedented political system brought in four decades of internal conflict. The established Islamic Republic of Iran also ceased being a US ally and instead became an enemy. International sanctions, along with the clergy’s mismanagement and endemic corruption, have resulted in a dire economic situation. There is a strong fear the high unemployment and inflation rate will continue to rise. Under these circumstances, there are now doubts the Islamic Republic can survive. And some wonder whether we may soon see another revolution. So, what is the situation in Iran 40 years after the Shah was overthrown and who is agitating for change? Decades of unrest After Ayatollah Khomeini died in 1989, a more conservative Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, came to power and strengthened the theocracy. The reformist movement emerged in the mid-1990s to counter the newly established conservative regime. They had little chance of gaining power through theocratic institutions, so they focused on the electoral side. They campaigned for women’s rights, democratic rule and a civil-military divide. Reformists gained power twice: from 1997 to 2005 and from 2013 – with the election of the relatively moderate president, Hassan Rouhani – until now. In these years, reformists controlled electoral institutions such as the presidency and the parliament. For decades, reformers have struggled to limit the power of theocratic institutions – while still broadly complying by the laws of the clergy, and the principles set in place by Khomeini – and expand the power of republican institutions. However, they were no match for the Khamenei-led resistance, and theocratic institutions are more powerful today than they were in the mid-1990s. Iran has also continually had tense relations with the international community. In addition to eight years of war with Iraq, Iran has been under sanctions for almost all of the past four decades. These have been imposed by the US, the EU, and the United Nations over claims Iran breached its nuclear obligations. Today, the Donald Trump-led US government is pursuing an extremely hostile approach to Iran. Crucially, the US has withdrawn from a nuclear deal negotiated with the Obama administration – under which Iran agreed to limit its nuclear program. The US has reapplied previous sanctions (which were lifted under the deal) and imposed new ones. Iranians are also the most affected of the Muslim majority countries included in Trump’s travel ban. Reformists have made some progress towards easing economic hardship, loosening social control, and initiating a temporary easing of tensions with the outside community. But the parlous nature of the political structure empowers the theocrats to manipulate the system and stymie any reform effort that promises a path to democratisation. Reformists or pro-regime opposition The protests that swept Iran between December 2017 and January 2018 showed that many Iranians don’t consider the reformists capable of bringing about meaningful change. Protesters expressed their anger over increasing economic hardship, as well as Iran’s support and funding for foreign conflicts, namely the civil wars in Yemen and Syria. They also chanted slogans calling for an end to the rule of clerics. Rampant corruption, the failure of Rouhani to fulfil his promises – such as boosting the economy, extending individual and political freedoms, ensuring equality for women and men, and easing access to the internet – and the return of sanctions have combined to shatter hope of reform. This has been expressed in global protests by the Iranian diaspora calling for a change to the government. It seems unlikely the reformists will be able to maintain their positions in the country’s electoral institutions. The sad reality is that even if they have another chance, the result will only compound their failures. These circumstances have led to another stream of opposition – one agitating for a toppling of the Islamic Republic and regime change – gaining currency. Most members of this group are in exile, including Iran’s ex-prince and son of the Shah overthrown by the revolution, Reza Pahlavi. But there is profound disagreement between the opposition groups in exile. Although they share a similar goal, they have consistently proven unable to agree on an overarching framework. The profound divisions among the groups have drained both their resources and intellectual capacity, which has rendered them incapable of contesting the country’s ruling clergy. Those advocating for regime change have also been incapable of articulating a viable alternative to the Islamic Republic. All opposition groups overuse the abstract notion of “secular democracy” without clearly explaining what exactly they have in mind. Pahlavi’s desire is reportedly not to put himself back on the throne, but to let the people decide what the political system would look like. He has said, "It’s not the form that matters, it’s the content; I believe Iran must be a secular, parliamentary democracy. The final form has to be decided by the people." While this is a legitimate statement, figures like Pahlavi ought to offer viable alternatives that would help bring opposition groups together. Potential alternatives should also be structured to appeal to the masses, a considerable segment of whom have expressed disillusionment with the ideal of an Islamic state. Opposition groups are absorbed in delegitimising the Islamic Republic, questioning the way the clergy run the country. In doing so, they forget the people who have already expressed widespread dissatisfaction with the clergy. The opposition needs to skillfully craft an alternative to the Islamic Republic and a comprehensive plan for the transition to democracy. Until an alternative political system is formulated and popularised, the opposition will remain impotent and unable to initiate a transformation in the country. Of course, change is not impossible. A military confrontation with Israel or the US, the departure of 79-year-old Ayatollah Khamenei, or a spontaneous mass uprising could prove a game changer. (Naser Ghobadzadeh is Senior Lecturer, National School of Arts, Australian Catholic University) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Forty years on from the Iranian revolution, could the country be at risk of another one?

Iran has been holding talks with <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/8-taliban-militants-killed-in-afghanistan-185979">Afghanistan's Taliban</a> with the knowledge of <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/death-toll-in-kabul-attack-rises-to-43-health-ministry-186264">the Afghan government</a>, a senior Iranian security official was quoted by the official news agency IRNA as saying on Wednesday during a visit to Kabul.

The news came days after reports last week of talks between US and Taliban officials over proposals for a ceasefire in Afghanistan and a future withdrawal of foreign troops ahead of possible peace negotiations.

Talks between Iran and the Taliban were held "to help curb the security problems in Afghanistan," Ali Shamkhani, secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, was quoted by IRNA as saying.

"All contacts and talks with the Taliban group have been with the knowledge of Afghanistan's government and this process will continue," he said. He gave no further details.

Majority-Shi'ite Iran has long had close ties to Shi'ites in neighbouring Afghanistan whose militias have fought the Taliban's Sunni militants.

But in recent months Afghan officials have accused Tehran, which the United States says is trying to extend its influence in western Afghanistan, of providing the Taliban with money, weapons and explosives. Iran denies that.

Earlier this month, Afghan forces abandoned a remote western district bordering Iran, leaving the area to the Taliban after the government failed to resupply troops stationed there.

In November, the United States displayed pieces of what it said were Iranian weapons supplied to militants in Yemen and Afghanistan, a move by Washington to pressure Tehran to curb its regional activities. Iran denies supplying arms to the militants.

In October, the United States accused Iran of providing military training, financing and weapons to the Taliban and targeted sanctions against eight individuals, including two linked to the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. Tehran denies the accusations. 
&nbsp;

Iran has been holding talks with Afghanistan's Taliban with the knowledge of the Afghan government, a senior Iranian security official was quoted by the official news agency IRNA as saying on Wednesday during a visit to Kabul.

Iran has been holding talks with Afghanistan's Taliban with the knowledge of the Afghan government, a senior Iranian security official was quoted by the official news agency IRNA as saying on Wednesday during a visit to Kabul. The news came days after reports last week of talks between US and Taliban officials over proposals for a ceasefire in Afghanistan and a future withdrawal of foreign troops ahead of possible peace negotiations. Talks between Iran and the Taliban were held "to help curb the security problems in Afghanistan," Ali Shamkhani, secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, was quoted by IRNA as saying. "All contacts and talks with the Taliban group have been with the knowledge of Afghanistan's government and this process will continue," he said. He gave no further details. Majority-Shi'ite Iran has long had close ties to Shi'ites in neighbouring Afghanistan whose militias have fought the Taliban's Sunni militants. But in recent months Afghan officials have accused Tehran, which the United States says is trying to extend its influence in western Afghanistan, of providing the Taliban with money, weapons and explosives. Iran denies that. Earlier this month, Afghan forces abandoned a remote western district bordering Iran, leaving the area to the Taliban after the government failed to resupply troops stationed there. In November, the United States displayed pieces of what it said were Iranian weapons supplied to militants in Yemen and Afghanistan, a move by Washington to pressure Tehran to curb its regional activities. Iran denies supplying arms to the militants. In October, the United States accused Iran of providing military training, financing and weapons to the Taliban and targeted sanctions against eight individuals, including two linked to the Quds Force of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. Tehran denies the accusations.

Iran in talks with Afghan Taliban: Report

Two men from the Shia Hazara community were shot dead by unidentified assailants here on Saturday.

The incident occurred when the bike-borne assailants opened fire on them at an electronics shop in Jamaluddin Afghani road in the city and fled after the incident, Express Tribune reported.

The two men were immediately rushed to the civil hospital but were declared dead on their arrival.

An investigation has been launched to identify the motive behind the attack.

A day earlier, police said, brother of a prayer leader was targetted on Toghi Road in the city.

Prior to this, five policemen were martyred after a suicide attacker bombed a police truck in Quetta, according to the Inter-Services Public Relations.

Balochistan Inspector General of Police Moazzam Jah Ansari said the suicide bomber had come on a motorcycle and hit the truck from the rear end.

Earlier in the day, two suicide bombers were killed by the security forces in the city's Mian Ghundi area, the military's media wing said. The bombers had attempted to target a Frontier Corps post near the Western Bypass.&nbsp;

Hundreds of Hazaras in the Balochistan capital recently gathered together to protest against the targeted killings and the constant persecution of the community.

The Hazara community is targeted by miscreants because of their distinctive physical appearance and has been severely affected by sectarian terrorism in Balochistan in the last few years.

Last month, a report released by the Pakistan National Commission for Human Rights showed that 509 people from the community were killed, while 627 of them were wounded in different incidents of terrorism for the last five years in the Balochistan capital.

(With inputs from ANI)

The two men were immediately rushed to the civil hospital but were declared dead on their arrival.

Two men from the Shia Hazara community were shot dead by unidentified assailants here on Saturday. The incident occurred when the bike-borne assailants opened fire on them at an electronics shop in Jamaluddin Afghani road in the city and fled after the incident, Express Tribune reported. The two men were immediately rushed to the civil hospital but were declared dead on their arrival. An investigation has been launched to identify the motive behind the attack. A day earlier, police said, brother of a prayer leader was targetted on Toghi Road in the city. Prior to this, five policemen were martyred after a suicide attacker bombed a police truck in Quetta, according to the Inter-Services Public Relations. Balochistan Inspector General of Police Moazzam Jah Ansari said the suicide bomber had come on a motorcycle and hit the truck from the rear end. Earlier in the day, two suicide bombers were killed by the security forces in the city's Mian Ghundi area, the military's media wing said. The bombers had attempted to target a Frontier Corps post near the Western Bypass. Hundreds of Hazaras in the Balochistan capital recently gathered together to protest against the targeted killings and the constant persecution of the community. The Hazara community is targeted by miscreants because of their distinctive physical appearance and has been severely affected by sectarian terrorism in Balochistan in the last few years. Last month, a report released by the Pakistan National Commission for Human Rights showed that 509 people from the community were killed, while 627 of them were wounded in different incidents of terrorism for the last five years in the Balochistan capital. (With inputs from ANI)

Two Shia Hazara community members killed in Pakistan's Quetta

A number of Sunni and Shia Muslims in India&rsquo;s capital city today offered Eid prayers behind a Shia Imam as a mark of unity. 
 
On the occasion of Eid-ul-Adha, followers of both the sects performed prayers together in New Delhi&rsquo;s Shia mosque of Shah-e-Mardan in Jor Bagh. 
 
The combined prayers were a part of the #ShoulderToShoulder movement launched last year by two alumni of Jamia Millia Islamia. 
 
This year&#39;s joined prayers were organised by Ajuman e-Hadri, the trustee of Shah-e-Mardan. 
 
The spokesperson for Anjuman e-Haidri, Syed Bilal, said that the joint Eid prayers represented the unity of Islam. 
 
&quot;We follow the same religion. Muslims should come together and discuss their differences&nbsp;if any,&quot; he said. 
 
The Chairman of Imam Council of India Maqsood ul Hassan Qasmi who belongs to the Sunni sect, spoke on similar lines. Qasmi said Islam is a religion of unity which has come under attack by some terrorist groups.&nbsp; 
 
He said groups&nbsp;like the Islamic State were trying to divide Muslims by creating differences among them. 
 
&quot;These groups are using the name of Islam. We condemn them and declare that they are not Muslims,&quot; he said. 
 
The universal brotherhood movement #ShoulderToShoulder started last year with the first combined Shia-Sunni Eid-ul-Fitr prayers held at Juma Masjid, followed by Eid-ul-Adha in Lucknow. 
 
The latest were the&nbsp;joint Eid prayers this year in Delhi&#39;s Jamia Nargar&nbsp;to celebrate Eid ul-Fitr. 
 
(WION) 
&nbsp;
&nbsp;

Combined Eid-ul-Adha prayers offered at a Shia mosque in New Delhi represents the unity of Islam

A number of Sunni and Shia Muslims in India’s capital city today offered Eid prayers behind a Shia Imam as a mark of unity. On the occasion of Eid-ul-Adha, followers of both the sects performed prayers together in New Delhi’s Shia mosque of Shah-e-Mardan in Jor Bagh. The combined prayers were a part of the #ShoulderToShoulder movement launched last year by two alumni of Jamia Millia Islamia. This year's joined prayers were organised by Ajuman e-Hadri, the trustee of Shah-e-Mardan. The spokesperson for Anjuman e-Haidri, Syed Bilal, said that the joint Eid prayers represented the unity of Islam. "We follow the same religion. Muslims should come together and discuss their differences if any," he said. The Chairman of Imam Council of India Maqsood ul Hassan Qasmi who belongs to the Sunni sect, spoke on similar lines. Qasmi said Islam is a religion of unity which has come under attack by some terrorist groups. He said groups like the Islamic State were trying to divide Muslims by creating differences among them. "These groups are using the name of Islam. We condemn them and declare that they are not Muslims," he said. The universal brotherhood movement #ShoulderToShoulder started last year with the first combined Shia-Sunni Eid-ul-Fitr prayers held at Juma Masjid, followed by Eid-ul-Adha in Lucknow. The latest were the joint Eid prayers this year in Delhi's Jamia Nargar to celebrate Eid ul-Fitr. (WION)

Shia, Sunni Muslims stand #ShoulderToShoulder for Eid prayers in Indian capital

Iran has executed a group of 20 &quot;terrorist&quot; Sunni prisoners suspected of attacks on security forces, drawing condemnation from rights groups which said the convictions may have been based on forced confessions. 
 
State news agency IRNA said members of the Tawhid and Jihad group were executed on Tuesday, but did not give a figure. Rights groups said between 10 and 20 people were killed. 
 
They were convicted of killing two Sunni Muslim clerics, several police and wildlife guards, abducting a number of people and carrying out armed robbery and bombings in Western Iran, IRNA said. 
 
Iranian state television broadcast what it said were the confessions of some members of the Sunni Muslim group, in which they said they targeted both Shi&#39;ite and Sunni clerics whose ideologies they regarded as heresy. 
 
Iran&#39;s seven million Kurds make up around 10 per cent of the population. Most live in Kurdistan and other northwestern provinces on the border with Iraq. Many Kurds seek greater rights for their region. 
 
The area has seen increased clashes between kurdish militants and government security forces in recent months. 
 
Iran&#39;s intelligence ministry said in a statement carried by IRNA that more than 100 members of the Tawhid and Jihad &quot;terrorist&quot; group had been identified, many of whom had been arrested or killed in clashes since 2011. 
 
The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, an independent organisation based in New York, said 20 prisoners had been hanged. It said Iran&#39;s Supreme Court had rejected the appeal of one of the convicts, Shahram Ahmadi, against his death sentence despite assertions his confession was made under torture. 
 
Human Rights Watch condemned Iran for what it said was the &quot;mass execution of at least 10 prisoners&quot;. Sarah Leah Whitson, HRW&#39;s middle east and north africa director, said Iran had executed at least 230 people in 2016. 
 
Iran is one of the world&#39;s top executioners, international rights groups say. Amnesty International said Iran executed at least 977 people in 2015. 
 
Iran rejects international criticism of its rights record as politically motivated. 
 
Iran&#39;s judiciary said the latest cases had been under deliberation for more than six years to make sure all aspects were investigated and the rights of the accused protected. 
 
(Reuters)

Rights groups say the figure could be as high as 20 and that the convictions may have been based on forced confessions

Iran has executed a group of 20 "terrorist" Sunni prisoners suspected of attacks on security forces, drawing condemnation from rights groups which said the convictions may have been based on forced confessions. State news agency IRNA said members of the Tawhid and Jihad group were executed on Tuesday, but did not give a figure. Rights groups said between 10 and 20 people were killed. They were convicted of killing two Sunni Muslim clerics, several police and wildlife guards, abducting a number of people and carrying out armed robbery and bombings in Western Iran, IRNA said. Iranian state television broadcast what it said were the confessions of some members of the Sunni Muslim group, in which they said they targeted both Shi'ite and Sunni clerics whose ideologies they regarded as heresy. Iran's seven million Kurds make up around 10 per cent of the population. Most live in Kurdistan and other northwestern provinces on the border with Iraq. Many Kurds seek greater rights for their region. The area has seen increased clashes between kurdish militants and government security forces in recent months. Iran's intelligence ministry said in a statement carried by IRNA that more than 100 members of the Tawhid and Jihad "terrorist" group had been identified, many of whom had been arrested or killed in clashes since 2011. The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, an independent organisation based in New York, said 20 prisoners had been hanged. It said Iran's Supreme Court had rejected the appeal of one of the convicts, Shahram Ahmadi, against his death sentence despite assertions his confession was made under torture. Human Rights Watch condemned Iran for what it said was the "mass execution of at least 10 prisoners". Sarah Leah Whitson, HRW's middle east and north africa director, said Iran had executed at least 230 people in 2016. Iran is one of the world's top executioners, international rights groups say. Amnesty International said Iran executed at least 977 people in 2015. Iran rejects international criticism of its rights record as politically motivated. Iran's judiciary said the latest cases had been under deliberation for more than six years to make sure all aspects were investigated and the rights of the accused protected. (Reuters)

Iran executes at least 10 Sunni 'terrorists' in 1 day

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