Long back, Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar popularised the celebration of six Indian festivals as part of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s calendar. Of these, Vijayadashami, which marks the triumph of good over evil is possibly the most important. On this day, not only did the Mother Goddess Durga slay the asura Mahishasura but, it is believed, Sri Rama also killed Ravana. In the Mahabharata, this is also the day when Arjuna single-handedly defeated the Kaurava army. No wonder, the Vijayadashami address of the RSS chief is keenly awaited.

This year’s speech was delivered on Thursday, October 18, by RSS Sarsanghachalak Mohan Rao Bhagwat at the Reshimbagh Maidan, Nagpur. Bhagwat began by recalling how we would soon celebrate the 550th Prakash Parv or anniversary of Guru Nanak. Bhagwat stressed how Guru Nanak opened a “new path of self-enlightenment” by a “spiritual practice commensurate with the times.” He created a new sense of oneness in a society beaten and brutalised by “cruel, intolerant, savage foreign invaders.” We need not forget that the invader in question was Babar, who also destroyed the Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir. When Babar conquered Punjab, it is recorded that Guru Nanak was himself taken captive. Bhagwat also acknowledged the Sikh Guru parampara: “It is his [Guru Nanak’s] legacy that gave the country a magnificent and majestic tradition of 10 gurus who removed our state of penury and inferiority.”

Next Bhagwat remembered Mahatma Gandhi, whose 150th anniversary we are celebrating. Gandhi, according to Bhagwat, provided “the political foundation of truth and nonviolence to the independence movement of the country.” He was one in a long line of “several great personalities of this country” who inspired “continuous enlightenment” and strengthened our “inclusive culture, based on love and truth.” Gandhi “inspired the common man of the country to come out of his home and stand firmly with a moral force against the British oppression.” Bhagwat immediately switched to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, which took place on Vaisakhi 1919, when soldiers of the British Indian army killed nearly a 1000 unarmed men and women.

Nearly 71 years after our independence, our struggle to regain our self, our “sva,” is still far from over. Indian social and cultural life is yet to be fully decolonised. To preserve our svaraj or independence, Bhagwat noted, both defence and economic security are absolutely essential. He emphasised security at the border, improvement of infrastructure, employment benefits to our Armed Forces, and self-sufficiency in defence production. But there are in our midst elements “who challenge the law, Constitution and sovereignty of the country.” They must be sternly dealt with. “Incessant vigil” by state police and paramilitary forces is required, he added.

Bhagwat was also unsparing in his self-criticism of Indian society, identifying “ignorance, the dearth of development and amenities, unemployment, injustice, exploitation, discrimination and absence of sensitivity and sanity” as root causes of our sorry state. To end inequality and social disharmony, inclusive development was the answer. This meant implementing various policies to ameliorate the weaker sections, including SCs and STs. On the other hand, “urban Maoists” are taking advantage of social tensions and divisions. Their “cohorts” are “already established in social and other media, intellectual circles and other institutions”. Such anti-national elements are “experts in freely using deceit and poisonous provocative language to make their vicious campaign even more potent.” Bhagwat called this sort of ideological warfare “Mantrayuddh”.

Why is it that in independent Bharat, our rulers are yet “to make the administration people-centric”? Obviously, “political freedom” without all dimensions of our national life “reorganised on the basis of ‘sva’ (self)” is not complete. That is why the rebuilding of the Ram temple was so important. Its main aim was to restore the self-esteem of the people. But all elements of society needed to come together to accomplish this task.

&nbsp;While the judicial process would take its course, “it is in nobody’s interest to test the patience of the society without any reason”. Therefore, if needed, the Government could consider legislation as a way to solve the dispute. Similarly, on Sabarimala, the sentiments of the people had to be considered; just judicial intervention would not be sufficient. To adapt and adopt our “sva” to the times was how to make Bharat great once again, he said.

Listening to the Sarsanghchalak, I was suddenly struck by how the RSS, pilloried and castigated for decades for being hard line and fanatical, today represents the moderate face of Hinduism. There are many groups, even among middle-class Hindus who, impatient and dissatisfied with the BJP government, blame the Government for doing little for Hindus. Whether Bhagwat was addressing such groups or not is unclear, but he did appeal for 100 per cent voting “keeping in mind national interest as supreme”. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-moderate-hinduism-bhagwat-s-vijayadashami-exposition-2677093">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Long back, Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar popularised the celebration of six Indian festivals as part of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s calendar. Of these, Vijayadashami, which marks the triumph of good over evil is possibly the most important.

Long back, Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar popularised the celebration of six Indian festivals as part of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s calendar. Of these, Vijayadashami, which marks the triumph of good over evil is possibly the most important. On this day, not only did the Mother Goddess Durga slay the asura Mahishasura but, it is believed, Sri Rama also killed Ravana. In the Mahabharata, this is also the day when Arjuna single-handedly defeated the Kaurava army. No wonder, the Vijayadashami address of the RSS chief is keenly awaited. This year’s speech was delivered on Thursday, October 18, by RSS Sarsanghachalak Mohan Rao Bhagwat at the Reshimbagh Maidan, Nagpur. Bhagwat began by recalling how we would soon celebrate the 550th Prakash Parv or anniversary of Guru Nanak. Bhagwat stressed how Guru Nanak opened a “new path of self-enlightenment” by a “spiritual practice commensurate with the times.” He created a new sense of oneness in a society beaten and brutalised by “cruel, intolerant, savage foreign invaders.” We need not forget that the invader in question was Babar, who also destroyed the Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir. When Babar conquered Punjab, it is recorded that Guru Nanak was himself taken captive. Bhagwat also acknowledged the Sikh Guru parampara: “It is his [Guru Nanak’s] legacy that gave the country a magnificent and majestic tradition of 10 gurus who removed our state of penury and inferiority.” Next Bhagwat remembered Mahatma Gandhi, whose 150th anniversary we are celebrating. Gandhi, according to Bhagwat, provided “the political foundation of truth and nonviolence to the independence movement of the country.” He was one in a long line of “several great personalities of this country” who inspired “continuous enlightenment” and strengthened our “inclusive culture, based on love and truth.” Gandhi “inspired the common man of the country to come out of his home and stand firmly with a moral force against the British oppression.” Bhagwat immediately switched to the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, which took place on Vaisakhi 1919, when soldiers of the British Indian army killed nearly a 1000 unarmed men and women. Nearly 71 years after our independence, our struggle to regain our self, our “sva,” is still far from over. Indian social and cultural life is yet to be fully decolonised. To preserve our svaraj or independence, Bhagwat noted, both defence and economic security are absolutely essential. He emphasised security at the border, improvement of infrastructure, employment benefits to our Armed Forces, and self-sufficiency in defence production. But there are in our midst elements “who challenge the law, Constitution and sovereignty of the country.” They must be sternly dealt with. “Incessant vigil” by state police and paramilitary forces is required, he added. Bhagwat was also unsparing in his self-criticism of Indian society, identifying “ignorance, the dearth of development and amenities, unemployment, injustice, exploitation, discrimination and absence of sensitivity and sanity” as root causes of our sorry state. To end inequality and social disharmony, inclusive development was the answer. This meant implementing various policies to ameliorate the weaker sections, including SCs and STs. On the other hand, “urban Maoists” are taking advantage of social tensions and divisions. Their “cohorts” are “already established in social and other media, intellectual circles and other institutions”. Such anti-national elements are “experts in freely using deceit and poisonous provocative language to make their vicious campaign even more potent.” Bhagwat called this sort of ideological warfare “Mantrayuddh”. Why is it that in independent Bharat, our rulers are yet “to make the administration people-centric”? Obviously, “political freedom” without all dimensions of our national life “reorganised on the basis of ‘sva’ (self)” is not complete. That is why the rebuilding of the Ram temple was so important. Its main aim was to restore the self-esteem of the people. But all elements of society needed to come together to accomplish this task. While the judicial process would take its course, “it is in nobody’s interest to test the patience of the society without any reason”. Therefore, if needed, the Government could consider legislation as a way to solve the dispute. Similarly, on Sabarimala, the sentiments of the people had to be considered; just judicial intervention would not be sufficient. To adapt and adopt our “sva” to the times was how to make Bharat great once again, he said. Listening to the Sarsanghchalak, I was suddenly struck by how the RSS, pilloried and castigated for decades for being hard line and fanatical, today represents the moderate face of Hinduism. There are many groups, even among middle-class Hindus who, impatient and dissatisfied with the BJP government, blame the Government for doing little for Hindus. Whether Bhagwat was addressing such groups or not is unclear, but he did appeal for 100 per cent voting “keeping in mind national interest as supreme”. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Moderate Hinduism: Mohan Bhagwat’s Vijayadashami exposition

One of the paradoxes of ideological and cultural conflict is how adversaries, after a long engagement, begin to resemble one another. Following Karl Marx, the presiding deity of Communism, the patron saint of dialectical materialism, Frederich Engels, called this phenomenon the interpenetration of opposites. In Anti-Dühring and The Dialectics of Nature (1878), Engels argued that while “traditional formal logic seeks to banish contradiction…dialectical thought embraces it.” In other words, contradiction is the key to progress.

During the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA-I (1999-2004), we witnessed a ‘Congressikaran’ of the BJP and a saffronisation of the Congress. In other words, once in power, the NDA stared sounding more and more like the Congress, while the Congress adopted some of the shrill postures and overtones of its political and electoral opponent. One would have thought that NDA-II, with PM Narendra Modi at the helm, would buck this trend. The decisive majority that Modi earned, not to mention the BJP’s triumph in Yogi Adityanath’s Uttar Pradesh, proved that they were not hostage to “coalition dharma”. Without any compulsion to appease other NDA members or conciliate a belligerent Opposition, how is it that the BJP and the larger Sangh Parivar sometime resemble a divided family?

The paradox is that their very success and dominance in today’s India seemed to have exposed cracks and fault lines; in constantly embattled in the Opposition, they seemed much more cohesive and united. But now that their writ runs large over the country, whether in politics or culture, their internal dissensions have been exposed to the gaze, often critical and unsparing, of the public. In the last few weeks there have been at least three inflexion points baring the internal disagreements within the Hindu Right.

First, the unprecedented success of the 3-day outreach by RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Rao Bhagwat. With over 10 million views and 50 opinion or op-ed responses in English and Indian-language press, this event would be pronounced an unqualified success. However, rumblings of discontent soon appeared. Some hardliners tweeted that the spiritual head of the RSS was appeasing Muslims, other minorities, LGBTs and generally backtracking on “Hindu” causes. Actually, nothing Bhagwat said constituted a radical shift from the line taken by previous Sarsangchalaks, including ‘Guruji’ MS Golwalkar. The Sangh has shown itself responding to the need of the hour by changing with the times.

The second inflection point was the so-called “Hindu Charter of Demands”. I say “so-called” because it also includes demands not exclusively Hindu, such as a ban on all foreign contributions and stress on equal opportunities to all Indian languages which would, of course, include Urdu, widely, albeit mistakenly, perceived as a ‘Muslim language’. Again, what we see is the coming to the fore of elements more impatient if not radical than the ruling BJP or RSS. The authors and signatories of the “Hindu Charter of Demands”, many of whom I know personally, expect speedy and timely redress, else may urge Hindus to vote against the BJP in the upcoming 2019 elections.

The third inflection point was the Sabarimala verdict, allowing women between 10 and 50 or, to put it plainly, menstruating women, to visit the shrine of Lord Ayyappa in Kerala. In a 4-1 verdict on September 28, the Supreme Court had ruled against this: “Rules disallowing women in Sabarimala are unconstitutional and violative of Article 21.” While sections of the Sangh Parivar, including some womens’ outfits, initially welcomed the verdict as promoting equality, others immediately saw it as an opportunity to put the Pinarayi Vijayan-led Communist government, which sought to implement the judgment immediately, on the back foot. The issue, aside from its politics, is quite complex. Should an interventionist Supreme Court overrule and override the faith of devotees? In this case, allowing women would distract, if not disturb, the celibacy, if not of the deity, then of the millions of male devotees who have fasted and practiced abstinence for the 40-day period of their vow. Especially, when a large body of women devotees are ready to wait?

The challenge for the bigger Hindu-Hindutva constituency is how to maintain unity, especially in the run-up to the 2019 elections. The real work of the regeneration and rejuvenation of India, which includes a second Indian renaissance, insiders aver, requires at least another five years of the Modi Sarkar. “The reforms initiated in the first term need to formalised, institutionalised, and put on a permanent footing,” one of them told me.

For this, Hindu unity is absolutely essential. The question is what can be done to ensure it. Here the principle interpenetration of opposites might show the way: The ruling dispensation must be more inclusive and accommodative rather than succumbing to hardliner and radicals. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-seeing-red-how-will-the-hindutva-blues-play-out-2672075">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

One of the paradoxes of ideological and cultural conflict is how adversaries, after a long engagement, begin to resemble one another. Following Karl Marx, the presiding deity of Communism, the patron saint of dialectical materialism, Frederich Engels, called this phenomenon the interpenetration of opposites.

One of the paradoxes of ideological and cultural conflict is how adversaries, after a long engagement, begin to resemble one another. Following Karl Marx, the presiding deity of Communism, the patron saint of dialectical materialism, Frederich Engels, called this phenomenon the interpenetration of opposites. In Anti-Dühring and The Dialectics of Nature (1878), Engels argued that while “traditional formal logic seeks to banish contradiction…dialectical thought embraces it.” In other words, contradiction is the key to progress. During the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA-I (1999-2004), we witnessed a ‘Congressikaran’ of the BJP and a saffronisation of the Congress. In other words, once in power, the NDA stared sounding more and more like the Congress, while the Congress adopted some of the shrill postures and overtones of its political and electoral opponent. One would have thought that NDA-II, with PM Narendra Modi at the helm, would buck this trend. The decisive majority that Modi earned, not to mention the BJP’s triumph in Yogi Adityanath’s Uttar Pradesh, proved that they were not hostage to “coalition dharma”. Without any compulsion to appease other NDA members or conciliate a belligerent Opposition, how is it that the BJP and the larger Sangh Parivar sometime resemble a divided family? The paradox is that their very success and dominance in today’s India seemed to have exposed cracks and fault lines; in constantly embattled in the Opposition, they seemed much more cohesive and united. But now that their writ runs large over the country, whether in politics or culture, their internal dissensions have been exposed to the gaze, often critical and unsparing, of the public. In the last few weeks there have been at least three inflexion points baring the internal disagreements within the Hindu Right. First, the unprecedented success of the 3-day outreach by RSS Sarsanghchalak Mohan Rao Bhagwat. With over 10 million views and 50 opinion or op-ed responses in English and Indian-language press, this event would be pronounced an unqualified success. However, rumblings of discontent soon appeared. Some hardliners tweeted that the spiritual head of the RSS was appeasing Muslims, other minorities, LGBTs and generally backtracking on “Hindu” causes. Actually, nothing Bhagwat said constituted a radical shift from the line taken by previous Sarsangchalaks, including ‘Guruji’ MS Golwalkar. The Sangh has shown itself responding to the need of the hour by changing with the times. The second inflection point was the so-called “Hindu Charter of Demands”. I say “so-called” because it also includes demands not exclusively Hindu, such as a ban on all foreign contributions and stress on equal opportunities to all Indian languages which would, of course, include Urdu, widely, albeit mistakenly, perceived as a ‘Muslim language’. Again, what we see is the coming to the fore of elements more impatient if not radical than the ruling BJP or RSS. The authors and signatories of the “Hindu Charter of Demands”, many of whom I know personally, expect speedy and timely redress, else may urge Hindus to vote against the BJP in the upcoming 2019 elections. The third inflection point was the Sabarimala verdict, allowing women between 10 and 50 or, to put it plainly, menstruating women, to visit the shrine of Lord Ayyappa in Kerala. In a 4-1 verdict on September 28, the Supreme Court had ruled against this: “Rules disallowing women in Sabarimala are unconstitutional and violative of Article 21.” While sections of the Sangh Parivar, including some womens’ outfits, initially welcomed the verdict as promoting equality, others immediately saw it as an opportunity to put the Pinarayi Vijayan-led Communist government, which sought to implement the judgment immediately, on the back foot. The issue, aside from its politics, is quite complex. Should an interventionist Supreme Court overrule and override the faith of devotees? In this case, allowing women would distract, if not disturb, the celibacy, if not of the deity, then of the millions of male devotees who have fasted and practiced abstinence for the 40-day period of their vow. Especially, when a large body of women devotees are ready to wait? The challenge for the bigger Hindu-Hindutva constituency is how to maintain unity, especially in the run-up to the 2019 elections. The real work of the regeneration and rejuvenation of India, which includes a second Indian renaissance, insiders aver, requires at least another five years of the Modi Sarkar. “The reforms initiated in the first term need to formalised, institutionalised, and put on a permanent footing,” one of them told me. For this, Hindu unity is absolutely essential. The question is what can be done to ensure it. Here the principle interpenetration of opposites might show the way: The ruling dispensation must be more inclusive and accommodative rather than succumbing to hardliner and radicals. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 How will the Hindutva blues play out?

Launching a scathing attack on the BJP and the RSS, the Congress on Tuesday called for a "new freedom struggle" against what it called the Modi government's politics of "polarisation and intimidation", as it held a meeting of its apex decision-making body CWC at a venue where 'Quit India' resolution was adopted in 1942 under Mahatma Gandhi's leadership.

Holding its meeting at Sewagram Ashram's Mahadev Bhavan in Wardha district of Maharashtra on Mahatma Gandhi's 149th birth anniversary, the Congress Working Committee, headed by the party chief Rahul Gandhi, also condemned the use of force against protesting farmers on their way to the national capital.

The CWC had last met in Sevagram in March 1948 and before that under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in 1942 to adopt the 'Quit India' resolution.

In a resolution adopted at the meeting, the Congress alleged the RSS had a "blatant hypocrisy" that vilified and rejected Mahatma Gandhi during his lifetime and it was now brazenly proclaiming itself to be his champion.

"It is its (RSS's) ideology that was responsible for spreading the atmosphere of hate that led to the Mahatma's tragic assassination," Congress chief spokesman Randeep Singh Surjewala said quoting the resolution.

Another resolution adopted at the meeting condemned the use of force on farmers on their protest march towards the national capital from all parts of the country on Tuesday.

The CWS meeting was presided over by Congress president Rahul Gandhi and was attended by UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and former prime minister Manmohan Singh among other leaders.

The CWC resolution accused Modi government of "crushing debate and dissent" and "imposing artificial uniformity in a nation of extraordinary diversity".

Stating that a new freedom struggle is the urgent need of the hour, the resolution called for a massive movement to combat "the forces of divisiveness and prejudice, (and) to confront the Modi government whose politics is the politics of threat and intimidation, the politics of polarisation and divisiveness, the politics of crushing debate and dissent."&nbsp;

The Congress accused the Modi government of pursuing the politics of "hatred, vendetta, deceit, fraud and subterfuge" and subverting all constitutional values.

In a veiled reference to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government, the resolution said that "appropriating" Mahatma's legacy may be politically expedient for some, "but imbibing his principles and values in thought, word and deed is impossible for those who see in the Mahatma only electoral opportunities".

"One may borrow the Mahatma's spectacles for publicity campaigns, but implementing his vision will remain unfulfilled unless his principles are followed," the resolution said in an apparent reference to the logo for the government's 'Swachh Bharat' campaign.

The CWC resolved to expose "the hollowness and doublespeak of the ideologies and organisations who have never believed in, let alone followed the Gandhian path of truth, tolerance, harmony and non-violence".

The CWC also paid tribute to former Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri on his birth anniversary.

"'Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan' is not a slogan but a cardinal principle of faith for the Congress party," it stated.

The Congress, which has been trying to project itself as the pivot to head a united front against the BJP in future polls, said it embodies the true ethos of inclusive and secular "Bharat".

"It is only the Congress that is deeply committed to the principles of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. The CWC resolves that this fundamental message must be renewed and propagated to all corners of India, especially to the younger generation, by every member of the Congress party," the resolution stated.

The Congress further said the "ideological battle" has to be unswerving, irrespective of elections.

It called upon the people to fight the politics of "fear, intimidation, lies and deception without "bending".

It also recalled Sevagram having served as the "karmbhoomi" of Mahatma Gandhi for over a decade from the time he set up his ashram there in April 1936 and also holsted the CWC meeting which had adopted the "Quit India" resolution on July 14, 1942.

The quit India movement was launched a month later under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.

Referring to the use of force on farmers on their way to Delhi, Surjewala said they were seeking loan waiver, doubling of their income and a fair price for their produce.

"Five to 18 per cent GST is levied on fertilisers and farmers want it should be waived," he said.

Surjewala said the Congress would never accept "such atrocities".

"Farmers who had come to seek grievance redressal were beaten up and lathi-charged. Water canons and tear gas were also used. We condemn the autocratic Modi government and the prime minister who is drunk with power. We express solidarity with the farmers and resolve to redress their grievances if voted to power," he said.

The CWC also passed a resolution condoling the recent demise of party leaders R K Dhawan and Gurudas Kamat.

Launching a scathing attack on the BJP and the RSS, the Congress on Tuesday called for a "new freedom struggle" against what it called the Modi government's politics of "polarisation and intimidation", as it held a meeting of its apex decision-making body CWC at a venue where 'Quit India' resolution was adopted in 1942 under Mahatma Gandhi's leadership.

Launching a scathing attack on the BJP and the RSS, the Congress on Tuesday called for a "new freedom struggle" against what it called the Modi government's politics of "polarisation and intimidation", as it held a meeting of its apex decision-making body CWC at a venue where 'Quit India' resolution was adopted in 1942 under Mahatma Gandhi's leadership. Holding its meeting at Sewagram Ashram's Mahadev Bhavan in Wardha district of Maharashtra on Mahatma Gandhi's 149th birth anniversary, the Congress Working Committee, headed by the party chief Rahul Gandhi, also condemned the use of force against protesting farmers on their way to the national capital. The CWC had last met in Sevagram in March 1948 and before that under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in 1942 to adopt the 'Quit India' resolution. In a resolution adopted at the meeting, the Congress alleged the RSS had a "blatant hypocrisy" that vilified and rejected Mahatma Gandhi during his lifetime and it was now brazenly proclaiming itself to be his champion. "It is its (RSS's) ideology that was responsible for spreading the atmosphere of hate that led to the Mahatma's tragic assassination," Congress chief spokesman Randeep Singh Surjewala said quoting the resolution. Another resolution adopted at the meeting condemned the use of force on farmers on their protest march towards the national capital from all parts of the country on Tuesday. The CWS meeting was presided over by Congress president Rahul Gandhi and was attended by UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and former prime minister Manmohan Singh among other leaders. The CWC resolution accused Modi government of "crushing debate and dissent" and "imposing artificial uniformity in a nation of extraordinary diversity". Stating that a new freedom struggle is the urgent need of the hour, the resolution called for a massive movement to combat "the forces of divisiveness and prejudice, (and) to confront the Modi government whose politics is the politics of threat and intimidation, the politics of polarisation and divisiveness, the politics of crushing debate and dissent." The Congress accused the Modi government of pursuing the politics of "hatred, vendetta, deceit, fraud and subterfuge" and subverting all constitutional values. In a veiled reference to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government, the resolution said that "appropriating" Mahatma's legacy may be politically expedient for some, "but imbibing his principles and values in thought, word and deed is impossible for those who see in the Mahatma only electoral opportunities". "One may borrow the Mahatma's spectacles for publicity campaigns, but implementing his vision will remain unfulfilled unless his principles are followed," the resolution said in an apparent reference to the logo for the government's 'Swachh Bharat' campaign. The CWC resolved to expose "the hollowness and doublespeak of the ideologies and organisations who have never believed in, let alone followed the Gandhian path of truth, tolerance, harmony and non-violence". The CWC also paid tribute to former Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri on his birth anniversary. "'Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan' is not a slogan but a cardinal principle of faith for the Congress party," it stated. The Congress, which has been trying to project itself as the pivot to head a united front against the BJP in future polls, said it embodies the true ethos of inclusive and secular "Bharat". "It is only the Congress that is deeply committed to the principles of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. The CWC resolves that this fundamental message must be renewed and propagated to all corners of India, especially to the younger generation, by every member of the Congress party," the resolution stated. The Congress further said the "ideological battle" has to be unswerving, irrespective of elections. It called upon the people to fight the politics of "fear, intimidation, lies and deception without "bending". It also recalled Sevagram having served as the "karmbhoomi" of Mahatma Gandhi for over a decade from the time he set up his ashram there in April 1936 and also holsted the CWC meeting which had adopted the "Quit India" resolution on July 14, 1942. The quit India movement was launched a month later under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. Referring to the use of force on farmers on their way to Delhi, Surjewala said they were seeking loan waiver, doubling of their income and a fair price for their produce. "Five to 18 per cent GST is levied on fertilisers and farmers want it should be waived," he said. Surjewala said the Congress would never accept "such atrocities". "Farmers who had come to seek grievance redressal were beaten up and lathi-charged. Water canons and tear gas were also used. We condemn the autocratic Modi government and the prime minister who is drunk with power. We express solidarity with the farmers and resolve to redress their grievances if voted to power," he said. The CWC also passed a resolution condoling the recent demise of party leaders R K Dhawan and Gurudas Kamat.

Congress vows 'new freedom struggle' against Modi govt, attacks RSS

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-has-become-slave-to-some-bjp-leaders-and-rss-says-rahul-gandhi--143700">India has become </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-has-become-slave-to-some-bjp-leaders-and-rss-says-rahul-gandhi--143700">slave</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-has-become-slave-to-some-bjp-leaders-and-rss-says-rahul-gandhi--143700"> to some BJP leaders and RSS, says Rahul Gandhi</a>

Launching a scathing attack on the BJP, Congress president Rahul Gandhi on Monday said that India has become a slave of 2-3 leaders of the ruling party and the RSS.&nbsp

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/former-pm-atal-bihari-vajpayees-health-is-stable-aiims-143693">Former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee's health is stable:AIIMS</a>

All India Institutes of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) on Monday informed that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's condition is stable.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/afghanistan-12-killed-31-wounded-in-kabul-suicide-bombing--143688">Afghanistan: 12 killed, 31 wounded in Kabul suicide bombing</a>

A suicide bomber killed 12 people and wounded another 31 on Monday at the entrance to Afghanistan's rural rehabilitation and development ministry in the west of the capital, Afghan health officials confirmed.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/italy-shuts-ports-to-migrant-boat-asks-malta-to-open-its-doors-143680">Italy shuts ports to </a><a class="gr-progress" href="http://www.wionews.com/world/italy-shuts-ports-to-migrant-boat-asks-malta-to-open-its-doors-143680">migrant</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/italy-shuts-ports-to-migrant-boat-asks-malta-to-open-its-doors-143680"> boat, asks Malta to open its doors</a>

Italy will refuse to let a humanitarian ship carrying more than 600 migrants dock at its ports and has asked the Mediterranean island of Malta to open its doors to the vessel, government officials said on Sunday.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/mike-pompeo-says-north-korea-will-get-unique-security-guarantees-after-denuclearisation-143692">Mike Pompeo says North Korea will get 'unique' security guarantees after denuclearisation</a>

On the eve of the historic summit between the United States president Donald Trump and North Korea leader, Kim Jong-un secretary of state, Mike Pompeo said that the United States is willing to offer 'unique' security guarantee to North Korea after de-nuclearisation

&nbsp

India has become slave to some BJP leaders and RSS, says Rahul Gandhi Launching a scathing attack on the BJP, Congress president Rahul Gandhi on Monday said that India has become a slave of 2-3 leaders of the ruling party and the RSS. Former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee's health is stable:AIIMS All India Institutes of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) on Monday informed that former prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's condition is stable. Afghanistan: 12 killed, 31 wounded in Kabul suicide bombing A suicide bomber killed 12 people and wounded another 31 on Monday at the entrance to Afghanistan's rural rehabilitation and development ministry in the west of the capital, Afghan health officials confirmed. Italy shuts ports to migrant boat, asks Malta to open its doors Italy will refuse to let a humanitarian ship carrying more than 600 migrants dock at its ports and has asked the Mediterranean island of Malta to open its doors to the vessel, government officials said on Sunday. Mike Pompeo says North Korea will get 'unique' security guarantees after denuclearisation On the eve of the historic summit between the United States president Donald Trump and North Korea leader, Kim Jong-un secretary of state, Mike Pompeo said that the United States is willing to offer 'unique' security guarantee to North Korea after de-nuclearisation

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The RSS may project former president Pranab Mukherjee as a prime ministerial candidate if the BJP falls short of a majority in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls and other parties refuse to back Narendra Modi for the post, news agency PTI reported quoting Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut&nbsp;on Sunday.

His speculation was, however, refuted by Mukherjee's daughter, who said her father had no plans to return to active politics.

The Sena leader further said the RSS's agenda behind inviting Mukherjee as the chief guest to one of its event, held in Nagpur on June 7, would only be clear after the 2019 general elections.

"The scenario prevalent in the country is such that the BJP will not win a majority in 2019. If there is a fractured mandate and other parties do not support Modi, Mukherjee will be projected as a prime ministerial candidate, who will be acceptable to all," Raut told PTI.

Meanwhile, reacting to the Sena leader's statement, the former president's daughter and Congress leader Sharmistha Mukherjee tweeted: "Mr. Raut, after retiring as President of India, my father is NOT going to enter into active politics again."

Raut said Mukherjee, during his address at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, was expected to speak on serious issues plaguing the country since the former president is also an economist.

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Mr. Raut, after retiring as President of India, my father is NOT going to enter into active politics again <a href="https://t.co/WJmmZx5g1y">https://t.co/WJmmZx5g1y</a>
— Sharmistha Mukherjee (@Sharmistha_GK) <a href="https://twitter.com/Sharmistha_GK/status/1005727343497789440?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 10, 2018</a></blockquote>
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"Pranab Mukherjee did not speak on serious issues plaguing the country. He also did not talk about the unrest in the judiciary. The government has been ineffective on the issues of price rise and unemployment. He did not mention these issues. As an economist, he was expected to speak on them," he added.

The former president's decision to address the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) "Shiksha Varg" and attend the organisation's drill on June 7 did not go down well with the Congress leaders initially, though the party, later, lauded Mukherjee's speech.

'After retiring as President of India, my father is NOT going to enter into active politics again,' Sharmistha Mukherjee tweeted

The RSS may project former president Pranab Mukherjee as a prime ministerial candidate if the BJP falls short of a majority in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls and other parties refuse to back Narendra Modi for the post, news agency PTI reported quoting Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut on Sunday. His speculation was, however, refuted by Mukherjee's daughter, who said her father had no plans to return to active politics. The Sena leader further said the RSS's agenda behind inviting Mukherjee as the chief guest to one of its event, held in Nagpur on June 7, would only be clear after the 2019 general elections. "The scenario prevalent in the country is such that the BJP will not win a majority in 2019. If there is a fractured mandate and other parties do not support Modi, Mukherjee will be projected as a prime ministerial candidate, who will be acceptable to all," Raut told PTI. Meanwhile, reacting to the Sena leader's statement, the former president's daughter and Congress leader Sharmistha Mukherjee tweeted: "Mr. Raut, after retiring as President of India, my father is NOT going to enter into active politics again." Raut said Mukherjee, during his address at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, was expected to speak on serious issues plaguing the country since the former president is also an economist. Mr. Raut, after retiring as President of India, my father is NOT going to enter into active politics again https://t.co/WJmmZx5g1y — Sharmistha Mukherjee (@Sharmistha_GK) June 10, 2018 × "Pranab Mukherjee did not speak on serious issues plaguing the country. He also did not talk about the unrest in the judiciary. The government has been ineffective on the issues of price rise and unemployment. He did not mention these issues. As an economist, he was expected to speak on them," he added. The former president's decision to address the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's (RSS) "Shiksha Varg" and attend the organisation's drill on June 7 did not go down well with the Congress leaders initially, though the party, later, lauded Mukherjee's speech.

Shiv Sena says RSS may project Pranab as PM candidate in 2019, his daughter says no

Student rights activist at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Shehla Rashid, made a controversial tweet by claiming that the <a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/massive-manhunt-launched-to-locate-accused-in-pm-modis-assassination-plot-143263">assassination plot against PM Modi </a>is planned by Union Minister Nitin Gadkari and the RSS.

She said that the RSS and Union Minister have planned the assassination to blame the Muslims/communists and then lynch the Muslims.

She tweeted, "Looks like RSS/Gadkari is planning to assassinate Modi, and then blame it upon Muslims/Communists and then lynch Muslims #RajivGandhiStyle."&nbsp;

In response to her attack, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari has said that he would take legal action on "anti-social elements" for the comments.

His tweet read, "I would be taking legal action on anti-social elements who have made bizarre comments attributing personal motives to me, regarding the assassination threat to PM @narendramodi."

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I would be taking legal action on anti-social elements who have made bizzare comments attributing personal motives to me, regarding the assassination threat to PM <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@narendramodi</a>
— Nitin Gadkari (@nitin_gadkari) <a href="https://twitter.com/nitin_gadkari/status/1005480418093686785?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 9, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Soon after his tweet Shehla Rashid clarified that she was making a sarcastic comment on her post. She said, "Leader of world's biggest party gets worked up about a sarcastic tweet. Imagine what an innocent student @UmarKhalidJNU must be going through after a baseless media assault on him & his father".

Rashid's tweet referred to the assassination plot that was revealed by the Pune police after they recovered a letter from the residence of one of the five persons arrested in connection with the Bhima-Koregaon violence.

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Looks like RSS/Gadkari is planning to assassinate Modi, and then blame it upon Muslims/Communists and then lynch Muslims <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/RajivGandhiStyle?src=hash&ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#RajivGandhiStyle</a>
— Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) <a href="https://twitter.com/Shehla_Rashid/status/1005373847636303872?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 9, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Leader of world's biggest party gets worked up about a sarcastic tweet. Imagine what an innocent student <a href="https://twitter.com/UmarKhalidJNU?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@UmarKhalidJNU</a> must be going through after a baseless media assault on him & his father by Times Now. 
 
Mr. Gadkari, will you also take action against Rahul Shivshankar? <a href="https://t.co/tNDZLrqOKV">https://t.co/tNDZLrqOKV</a>
— Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) <a href="https://twitter.com/Shehla_Rashid/status/1005502570779967489?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 9, 2018</a></blockquote>
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The letter read, "Com. Kisan and few other senior comrades have proposed concrete steps to end Modi-raj. We are thinking along the lines of another Rajiv Gandhi type incident. It sounds suicidal and there is a good chance that we might fail, but we feel that the party PB/CC must deliberate over our proposal. Targeting his road-shows could be an effective strategy. We collectively believe that survival of the party is supreme to all sacrifices".

It was also written that for Maoists, "defeating Hindu fascism has been our core agenda and a major concern for the party". 
&nbsp;

In response to the attack, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari has said that he would take legal action on 'anti-social elements'

Student rights activist at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), Shehla Rashid, made a controversial tweet by claiming that the assassination plot against PM Modi is planned by Union Minister Nitin Gadkari and the RSS. She said that the RSS and Union Minister have planned the assassination to blame the Muslims/communists and then lynch the Muslims. She tweeted, "Looks like RSS/Gadkari is planning to assassinate Modi, and then blame it upon Muslims/Communists and then lynch Muslims #RajivGandhiStyle." In response to her attack, Union Minister Nitin Gadkari has said that he would take legal action on "anti-social elements" for the comments. His tweet read, "I would be taking legal action on anti-social elements who have made bizarre comments attributing personal motives to me, regarding the assassination threat to PM @narendramodi." I would be taking legal action on anti-social elements who have made bizzare comments attributing personal motives to me, regarding the assassination threat to PM @narendramodi — Nitin Gadkari (@nitin_gadkari) June 9, 2018 × Soon after his tweet Shehla Rashid clarified that she was making a sarcastic comment on her post. She said, "Leader of world's biggest party gets worked up about a sarcastic tweet. Imagine what an innocent student @UmarKhalidJNU must be going through after a baseless media assault on him & his father". Rashid's tweet referred to the assassination plot that was revealed by the Pune police after they recovered a letter from the residence of one of the five persons arrested in connection with the Bhima-Koregaon violence. Looks like RSS/Gadkari is planning to assassinate Modi, and then blame it upon Muslims/Communists and then lynch Muslims #RajivGandhiStyle — Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) June 9, 2018 × Leader of world's biggest party gets worked up about a sarcastic tweet. Imagine what an innocent student @UmarKhalidJNU must be going through after a baseless media assault on him & his father by Times Now. Mr. Gadkari, will you also take action against Rahul Shivshankar? https://t.co/tNDZLrqOKV — Shehla Rashid (@Shehla_Rashid) June 9, 2018 × The letter read, "Com. Kisan and few other senior comrades have proposed concrete steps to end Modi-raj. We are thinking along the lines of another Rajiv Gandhi type incident. It sounds suicidal and there is a good chance that we might fail, but we feel that the party PB/CC must deliberate over our proposal. Targeting his road-shows could be an effective strategy. We collectively believe that survival of the party is supreme to all sacrifices". It was also written that for Maoists, "defeating Hindu fascism has been our core agenda and a major concern for the party".

Shehla Rashid tweets 'RSS/Gadkari planning to assassinate Modi'; Gadkari to sue

A day after the former president and Congress veteran leader Pranab Mukherjee attended the RSS's Tritiya Varsh event in Nagpur, Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari questioned him about his belief on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

In a series of tweet&nbsp;on Friday, Tewari said&nbsp;that it was Mukherjee's&nbsp;generation that had "cautioned" the people during the 80s and the 90s.&nbsp;

He further reminded Mukherjee that he was the part of the government which had banned the RSS during the 1975 and 1992.

His tweet read, "May I ask you a question that you still have not answered that is bothering millions of Secularists & Pluralists. Why did you choose go to the RSS headquarters & deliver homilies on Nationalism? Your generation cautioned mine in training camp after training camp thru 80’s &90’s about the intent & designs of RSS. You were a part of the Govt that banned RSS in 1975 & then again in 1992. Don’t you think you should tell us what was evil about RSS then that has become virtuous now?"

He asked if his attempt at meeting the RSS was aimed at developing harmony&nbsp;and lowering political&nbsp;bitterness with the Sangh.

He further hit out at the former president by saying that his meeting with the RSS will be seen as an attempt to mainstream RSS in secular & pluralistic consciousness.

He tweeted, "Either what we were told then was wrong or your lending respectability if not legitimacy to RSS by the act of association is not kosher given your stature in Public life.Was it an attempt at ideological rapprochement/lowering bitterness in political firmament/positioning as cynics suggest. Whatever the motivation was it will be seen as just an attempt to mainstream RSS in secular & pluralistic consciousness.History tells us when Nazi’s were strutting around Europe in black berets Chamberlain thru Munich Pact- 1938 thought he had bought the ‘Peace of our Times’.What a false dawn it was."

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-<a href="https://twitter.com/CitiznMukherjee?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@CitiznMukherjee</a> May I ask you a question that you still have not answered that is bothering millions of Secularists&Pluralists.Why did you choose go to the RSS headquarters & deliver homilies on Nationalism?Your generation cautioned mine in training camp after training camp 1/2
— Manish Tewari (@ManishTewari) <a href="https://twitter.com/ManishTewari/status/1004928586921340928?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 8, 2018</a></blockquote>
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2/2 thru 80’s &90’s about the intent & designs of <a href="https://t.co/LfXXRNck0b">https://t.co/LfXXRNck0b</a> were a part of the Govt that banned RSS in 1975 & then again in 1992. Don’t you think you should tell us what was evil about RSS then that has become virtuous now? Either what we were told then was wrong2/2
— Manish Tewari (@ManishTewari) <a href="https://twitter.com/ManishTewari/status/1004928595305697280?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 8, 2018</a></blockquote>
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&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari asked if his attempt at meeting the RSS was aimed at developing harmony and lowering political bitterness with the Sangh.He further hit out at the former president by saying that his meeting with the RSS will be seen as an attempt to mainstream RSS in secular & pluralistic consciousness

A day after the former president and Congress veteran leader Pranab Mukherjee attended the RSS's Tritiya Varsh event in Nagpur, Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari questioned him about his belief on the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In a series of tweet on Friday, Tewari said that it was Mukherjee's generation that had "cautioned" the people during the 80s and the 90s. He further reminded Mukherjee that he was the part of the government which had banned the RSS during the 1975 and 1992. His tweet read, "May I ask you a question that you still have not answered that is bothering millions of Secularists & Pluralists. Why did you choose go to the RSS headquarters & deliver homilies on Nationalism? Your generation cautioned mine in training camp after training camp thru 80’s &90’s about the intent & designs of RSS. You were a part of the Govt that banned RSS in 1975 & then again in 1992. Don’t you think you should tell us what was evil about RSS then that has become virtuous now?" He asked if his attempt at meeting the RSS was aimed at developing harmony and lowering political bitterness with the Sangh. He further hit out at the former president by saying that his meeting with the RSS will be seen as an attempt to mainstream RSS in secular & pluralistic consciousness. He tweeted, "Either what we were told then was wrong or your lending respectability if not legitimacy to RSS by the act of association is not kosher given your stature in Public life.Was it an attempt at ideological rapprochement/lowering bitterness in political firmament/positioning as cynics suggest. Whatever the motivation was it will be seen as just an attempt to mainstream RSS in secular & pluralistic consciousness.History tells us when Nazi’s were strutting around Europe in black berets Chamberlain thru Munich Pact- 1938 thought he had bought the ‘Peace of our Times’.What a false dawn it was." -@CitiznMukherjee May I ask you a question that you still have not answered that is bothering millions of Secularists&Pluralists.Why did you choose go to the RSS headquarters & deliver homilies on Nationalism?Your generation cautioned mine in training camp after training camp 1/2 — Manish Tewari (@ManishTewari) June 8, 2018 × 2/2 thru 80’s &90’s about the intent & designs of https://t.co/LfXXRNck0b were a part of the Govt that banned RSS in 1975 & then again in 1992. Don’t you think you should tell us what was evil about RSS then that has become virtuous now? Either what we were told then was wrong2/2 — Manish Tewari (@ManishTewari) June 8, 2018 ×

Congress leader Manish Tewari questions Pranab's RSS meeting

&nbsp;The RSS today blamed "divisive political forces" for first trying to make former President Pranab Mukherjee "refrain" from attending its event and then for posting a morphed photograph showing him in a prayer position identified with the organisation, reported news agency PTI.

"Some divisive political forces have posted a morphed photo of former President Dr Pranab Mukherjee standing in a prayer position with a folded hand during recitation of Sangha 'prarthana' (prayer) at yesterday's RSS function at Nagpur," the Hindutva organisation's joint general secretary Manmohan Vaidya said in a statement.

"These forces initially tried to create an opposition to make Mukherjee refrain from attending this function and now these frustrated forces are indulging in all such dirty tricks to defame the RSS. We denounce and strongly condemn the lowly act of these divisive political forces who are deliberately trying to defame the RSS," he said.

Mukherjee's daughter Sharmistha Mukherjee, a Congress leader who had opposed his visit to the RSS event, had highlighted the photograph and said, "See, this is exactly what I was fearing & warned my father about. Not even few hours have passed, but BJP/RSS dirty tricks dept is at work in full swing!".&nbsp;

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The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh strongly condemned divisive political forces on deliberately defaming the party over a morphed photo of former president Pranab Mukherjee wearing a black coloured Sangh cap and giving an RSS-style salute 
 
Read <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@ANI</a> Story | <a href="https://t.co/WZ9579c9Pk">https://t.co/WZ9579c9Pk</a> <a href="https://t.co/ycdmg2vp12">pic.twitter.com/ycdmg2vp12</a>
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"See, this is exactly what I was fearing & warned my father about. Not even few hours have passed, but BJP/RSS dirty tricks dept is at work in full swing!" Mukherjee's daughter said

The RSS today blamed "divisive political forces" for first trying to make former President Pranab Mukherjee "refrain" from attending its event and then for posting a morphed photograph showing him in a prayer position identified with the organisation, reported news agency PTI. "Some divisive political forces have posted a morphed photo of former President Dr Pranab Mukherjee standing in a prayer position with a folded hand during recitation of Sangha 'prarthana' (prayer) at yesterday's RSS function at Nagpur," the Hindutva organisation's joint general secretary Manmohan Vaidya said in a statement. "These forces initially tried to create an opposition to make Mukherjee refrain from attending this function and now these frustrated forces are indulging in all such dirty tricks to defame the RSS. We denounce and strongly condemn the lowly act of these divisive political forces who are deliberately trying to defame the RSS," he said. Mukherjee's daughter Sharmistha Mukherjee, a Congress leader who had opposed his visit to the RSS event, had highlighted the photograph and said, "See, this is exactly what I was fearing & warned my father about. Not even few hours have passed, but BJP/RSS dirty tricks dept is at work in full swing!". The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh strongly condemned divisive political forces on deliberately defaming the party over a morphed photo of former president Pranab Mukherjee wearing a black coloured Sangh cap and giving an RSS-style salute Read @ANI Story | https://t.co/WZ9579c9Pk pic.twitter.com/ycdmg2vp12 — ANI Digital (@ani_digital) June 8, 2018 ×

RSS blames divisive political forces for  Pranab Mukherjee's morphed photo

The Congress party on Thursday repositioned itself after some of its senior leaders targeted Pranab Mukherjee for attending the RSS function in Nagpur.&nbsp;

After Pranab Mukherjee’s speech, Randeep Surjewala, chairman of the Congress media cell in a press conference said that they hope RSS accepts the sagacious advice of Pranab Mukherjee and change its process and path. 
&nbsp; 
Pranab Mukherjee has shown the mirror to RSS by reminding them of India’s pluralism, inclusiveness, secularism and tolerance, &nbsp;Surjewala said and added that former President reminded the Modi government of “Rajdharma’' founded on multiculturalism, non-violence, diversity and assimilation of ideas. 
&nbsp; 
He also said that Congress believes in democratic dialogue and recognize the sanctity of dialogue across different thought processes, different position from the one expressed by senior leaders like Ahmed Patel and Jairam Ramesh. He said that the moot point is that is RSS willing to change? 
&nbsp; 
Congress also used this as an opportunity to ask RSS whether they agree with Pranab Mukherjee’s idea of constitutional patriotism. BJP-RSS since coming to power have been advocating the idea of cultural nationalism which stands contrary to constitutional nationalism, he said.

The Congress also posed a number of questions on nationalism and pluralism and asked RSS whether they would commit to the idea of Pranab’s view of plural society and nationalism. Congress also emphasized the point that former President spoke about violence in the present public discourse and requested that it should be freed of both verbal and physical forms of violence. 
&nbsp; 
Many in the Congress believe that party leaders should not have jumped the gun and waited for Pranab Mukherjee’s speech. Nonetheless, by end of the day, Randeep Surjewalan repositioned the Congress Party to salvage the lost ground.

Pranab Mukherjee has shown the mirror to RSS by reminding them of India’s pluralism, inclusiveness, secularism and tolerance, Surjewala said

The Congress party on Thursday repositioned itself after some of its senior leaders targeted Pranab Mukherjee for attending the RSS function in Nagpur. After Pranab Mukherjee’s speech, Randeep Surjewala, chairman of the Congress media cell in a press conference said that they hope RSS accepts the sagacious advice of Pranab Mukherjee and change its process and path. Pranab Mukherjee has shown the mirror to RSS by reminding them of India’s pluralism, inclusiveness, secularism and tolerance, Surjewala said and added that former President reminded the Modi government of “Rajdharma’' founded on multiculturalism, non-violence, diversity and assimilation of ideas. He also said that Congress believes in democratic dialogue and recognize the sanctity of dialogue across different thought processes, different position from the one expressed by senior leaders like Ahmed Patel and Jairam Ramesh. He said that the moot point is that is RSS willing to change? Congress also used this as an opportunity to ask RSS whether they agree with Pranab Mukherjee’s idea of constitutional patriotism. BJP-RSS since coming to power have been advocating the idea of cultural nationalism which stands contrary to constitutional nationalism, he said. The Congress also posed a number of questions on nationalism and pluralism and asked RSS whether they would commit to the idea of Pranab’s view of plural society and nationalism. Congress also emphasized the point that former President spoke about violence in the present public discourse and requested that it should be freed of both verbal and physical forms of violence. Many in the Congress believe that party leaders should not have jumped the gun and waited for Pranab Mukherjee’s speech. Nonetheless, by end of the day, Randeep Surjewalan repositioned the Congress Party to salvage the lost ground.

Pranab’s speech aftermath: How Congress repositioned to salvage lost ground

Sonia Gandhi's aide <a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/rss-event-pranabs-daughter-says-his-speech-will-be-forgotten-visuals-will-remain--142689">Ahmed Patel hit out against </a>former president Pranab Mukherjee's visit to RSS centre in Nagpur where he is set to deliver a speech today evening.

In a tweet Patel said, "I did not expect this from Pranab da!," while replying to a tweet from ex-president's daughter Sharmistha Mukherjee.

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I did not expect this from Pranab da ! <a href="https://t.co/VBqXZ8x7SE">https://t.co/VBqXZ8x7SE</a>
— Ahmed Patel (@ahmedpatel) <a href="https://twitter.com/ahmedpatel/status/1004426032831606784?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 6, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Pranab's daughter Sharmistha Mukherjee in a tweet had lashed out against her father's visit to Nagpur saying the "visit would be forgotten but visuals will remain."

The former Congressman had decided to accept an invite by the RSS to deliver the speech as the Congress leaders raised objections over the visit.

In the tweet, Sharmistha said it would give the "BJP and RSS full handle to plant false stories, spread false rumours" adding, "making it somewhat believable".

"And this is just the beginning!," she said in her tweet.

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The former Congressman had decided to accept an invite by the RSS to deliver the speech

Sonia Gandhi's aide Ahmed Patel hit out against former president Pranab Mukherjee's visit to RSS centre in Nagpur where he is set to deliver a speech today evening. In a tweet Patel said, "I did not expect this from Pranab da!," while replying to a tweet from ex-president's daughter Sharmistha Mukherjee. I did not expect this from Pranab da ! https://t.co/VBqXZ8x7SE — Ahmed Patel (@ahmedpatel) June 6, 2018 × Pranab's daughter Sharmistha Mukherjee in a tweet had lashed out against her father's visit to Nagpur saying the "visit would be forgotten but visuals will remain." The former Congressman had decided to accept an invite by the RSS to deliver the speech as the Congress leaders raised objections over the visit. In the tweet, Sharmistha said it would give the "BJP and RSS full handle to plant false stories, spread false rumours" adding, "making it somewhat believable". "And this is just the beginning!," she said in her tweet.

'Did not expect this from Pranab,' says Sonia's aide Ahmed Patel on speech at RSS event

In his much-anticipated RSS's Tritiya Varsh event speech in Nagpur, former president and veteran Congress leader Dr Pranab Mukherjee said intolerance around culture and religion will impact ''our national identity.''&nbsp;

''Our national identity has emerged after a long-drawn process of confluence and assimilation, the multiple cultures and faiths make us special and tolerant. We celebrate our diversity. This is the power behind collective consciousness,'' he said.&nbsp;

Quoting Rabindranath Tagore he said that races and ethnicities mingled like a river in the country and it is called ''Bharat''.&nbsp;

The former president also spoke about nationalism and said Indian nationalism is not about language and race and it's not ''exclusive but inclusive''.&nbsp;

Speaking about the coming together of Hindus and Muslims which is the ''character of Indian nationalism'', he said “Thanks to Sardar Patel, princely states merged with Indian states and a republic was born and it was a courageous step. Democracy became our guide,” he said.

“Democracy is not a gift but a sacred trust,” he said and added ''our constitution flows through our nationalism which respects shared diversity and has the ability to self-correct. As party activist and member of Parliament, I realised that spirit of India lies in tolerance and pluralism. Secularism and inclusion is a matter of faith while composite culture defines our nationhood. It is not about one language and one religion, “ he said.

122 languages and 1000 plus dialects are spoken in India, he said and added India does not have any common enemy. “Conversation is necessary with everyone,” he said.&nbsp;

Rage is tearing our social fabric, he said added&nbsp;“We must free our public discourse of physical and verbal violence. Harmony and peace must be pursued. Our motherland is asking for it,” he said.&nbsp;

Quoting Kautilya he said that in the happiness of the people lies the happiness of the King. Modern government is by the people of the people and for the people. &nbsp;

Pranab Mukherjee quoted Nehru and Patel and credited them for laying the foundation of modern India.

“Democracy is not a gift but a sacred trust,” he said

In his much-anticipated RSS's Tritiya Varsh event speech in Nagpur, former president and veteran Congress leader Dr Pranab Mukherjee said intolerance around culture and religion will impact ''our national identity.'' ''Our national identity has emerged after a long-drawn process of confluence and assimilation, the multiple cultures and faiths make us special and tolerant. We celebrate our diversity. This is the power behind collective consciousness,'' he said. Quoting Rabindranath Tagore he said that races and ethnicities mingled like a river in the country and it is called ''Bharat''. The former president also spoke about nationalism and said Indian nationalism is not about language and race and it's not ''exclusive but inclusive''. Speaking about the coming together of Hindus and Muslims which is the ''character of Indian nationalism'', he said “Thanks to Sardar Patel, princely states merged with Indian states and a republic was born and it was a courageous step. Democracy became our guide,” he said. “Democracy is not a gift but a sacred trust,” he said and added ''our constitution flows through our nationalism which respects shared diversity and has the ability to self-correct. As party activist and member of Parliament, I realised that spirit of India lies in tolerance and pluralism. Secularism and inclusion is a matter of faith while composite culture defines our nationhood. It is not about one language and one religion, “ he said. 122 languages and 1000 plus dialects are spoken in India, he said and added India does not have any common enemy. “Conversation is necessary with everyone,” he said. Rage is tearing our social fabric, he said added “We must free our public discourse of physical and verbal violence. Harmony and peace must be pursued. Our motherland is asking for it,” he said. Quoting Kautilya he said that in the happiness of the people lies the happiness of the King. Modern government is by the people of the people and for the people. Pranab Mukherjee quoted Nehru and Patel and credited them for laying the foundation of modern India.

Spirit of India lies in tolerance and pluralism: Pranab Mukherjee

At the highly-anticipated speech at the RSS's Tritiya Varsh event in Nagpur former president and veteran Congress leader &nbspDr Pranab Mukherjee said any attempt at defining our nationhood in terms of dogma and identities or religion, region, hatred and intolerance will only lead to dilution of our identity.&nbsp

''Our national identity has emerged after a long drawn process of confluence and assimilation, the multiple cultures and faiths make us special and tolerant,'' the former president said.&nbsp

Batting for pluralism at the RSS event, the Congress leader said he was there to share his understanding on the concepts of nation, nationalism and patriotism in the context of India.&nbsp

''As Gandhi ji explained Indian nationalism was not exclusive nor aggressive nor destructive,'' Mukherjee noted.&nbsp

The former president also quoted from the first prime minister of India Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru's book 'Discovery of India,' and stated nationalism can only come out of the ideological fusion of Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and other groups in India.

''It was this very nationalism that Pandit Nehru so vividly expressed in the book 'Discovery of India', he wrote, "I am convinced that nationalism can only come out of the ideological fusion of Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and other groups in India,": Dr Pranab Mukherjee in Nagpur

Batting for pluralism at the RSS event, Pranab Mukherjee said he was there to share his understanding on the concepts of nation, nationalism and patriotism in the context of India

At the highly-anticipated speech at the RSS's Tritiya Varsh event in Nagpur former president and veteran Congress leader &nbspDr Pranab Mukherjee said any attempt at defining our nationhood in terms of dogma and identities or religion, region, hatred and intolerance will only lead to dilution of our identity. ''Our national identity has emerged after a long drawn process of confluence and assimilation, the multiple cultures and faiths make us special and tolerant,'' the former president said. Batting for pluralism at the RSS event, the Congress leader said he was there to share his understanding on the concepts of nation, nationalism and patriotism in the context of India. ''As Gandhi ji explained Indian nationalism was not exclusive nor aggressive nor destructive,'' Mukherjee noted. The former president also quoted from the first prime minister of India Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru's book 'Discovery of India,' and stated nationalism can only come out of the ideological fusion of Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and other groups in India. ''It was this very nationalism that Pandit Nehru so vividly expressed in the book 'Discovery of India', he wrote, "I am convinced that nationalism can only come out of the ideological fusion of Hindu, Muslims, Sikhs and other groups in India,": Dr Pranab Mukherjee in Nagpur

Intolerance will dilute our national identity: Pranab Mukherjee

What will former President Pranab Mukherji say at the RSS function tomorrow is less of a talk, more of a horrified reaction within Congress. It seems that some of the senior leaders, despite the party's loss in 2014 elections, are living in a political cocoon untouched by the transformation Indian politics has gone through.

The RSS-BJP combine has electorate's legitimacy, and nothing matters more than it. The touch-me-not posture of some of the leaders comes across as childish and undemocratic. It reminds me of a famous quote: "If popular sentiments globally have become illiberal then liberal response has become undemocratic."

Congress has fallen into the same trap. Rather than responding to the situation, the party has reacted and handed over a plate of opportunity to the RSS-BJP combine. It makes RSS looks grand and inclusive and grudging Congressmen as tiny tot intellectuals.

There is no doubt that this interaction is part of the hunt for social legitimacy which has been denied to RSS post Mahatma Gandhi's assassination. It remains a sore point for RSS since then. It is this very social and intellectual boycott of RSS which eventually spurned them to erect their own ideation platforms like India Foundation and multiple allied organisations working in various social sectors.

The RSS might cloak invitation to Pranab Mukherji as regular interaction, but it is part of their outreach programme. The effort has become intense and expansive after the 2014 victory. The confidence stems from the verdict which gave BJP simple majority and RSS much awaited opportunity to pursue its goals unbridled in cultural and social sphere which was curtailed because of the compulsion of the coalition politics during Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

On the other hand, consternation within Congress is neither politically savvy nor grounded in intellectual brilliance. It looks more of a knee jerk reaction to BJP's politically ugly and intolerant campaign of 'Congress Mukt Bharat'.

A sensible way of dealing with a former stalwart would have been to make use of the opportunity. Congress should have taken the position that RSS ultimately had to borrow wisdom from a Congressman and they welcome it. They should have said that in all sincerity RSS should listen to wise words of Congressman Pranab Mukherji. They should have said that we hope that RSS shines in Pranab's intellectual glory. The message would have stopped RSS in its track.

Today the response looks childish as RSS's hunt for social legitimacy did not begin with Pranab and will neither end there.

It is also foolish if someone within the RSS is of the view that Pranab Mukherji's visit is an affirmation of their ideology. Pranab Mukherji's visit must be understood in the Indian cultural context where scholars and religious figures have constantly debated and argued the idea of God with each other.

The idea of an ideological enemy is a western import. It is the BJP which pushed this thought electorally when it spoke about Congress Mukt Bharat and Congress should have used this opportunity to expose BJP-RSS double standards. Instead, touch-me-not, elitist attitude of some of the party leaders ended up creating a wrong public impression.

Lastly, a letter shot of by one of the former Congress minister shows selective use of history. Though it is the BJP which generally resorts to selective use of history when it comes to freedom struggle and appropriating founding fathers. This time, it has happened from the other side.

Ambedkar's differences with Gandhi and Nehru were as acute as his abhorrence for the type of Hinduism advocated by the RSS. Ambedkar quit Congress over difference with Nehru. Ambedkar fought with Gandhi. All of this had nothing to do with the RSS.

If Congress wants to stand up to the challenge led by RSS-BJP, then it should stay away from drawing discussions on nationalism and political untouchability and remain focused on farm issues which today is BJP's Achilles Heel. Opposition for opposition sake does not work in long run and legitimacy ultimately flow from the electorate.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ZMCL)

The RSS might cloak invitation to Pranab Mukherji as regular interaction, but it is part of their outreach programme.

What will former President Pranab Mukherji say at the RSS function tomorrow is less of a talk, more of a horrified reaction within Congress. It seems that some of the senior leaders, despite the party's loss in 2014 elections, are living in a political cocoon untouched by the transformation Indian politics has gone through. The RSS-BJP combine has electorate's legitimacy, and nothing matters more than it. The touch-me-not posture of some of the leaders comes across as childish and undemocratic. It reminds me of a famous quote: "If popular sentiments globally have become illiberal then liberal response has become undemocratic." Congress has fallen into the same trap. Rather than responding to the situation, the party has reacted and handed over a plate of opportunity to the RSS-BJP combine. It makes RSS looks grand and inclusive and grudging Congressmen as tiny tot intellectuals. There is no doubt that this interaction is part of the hunt for social legitimacy which has been denied to RSS post Mahatma Gandhi's assassination. It remains a sore point for RSS since then. It is this very social and intellectual boycott of RSS which eventually spurned them to erect their own ideation platforms like India Foundation and multiple allied organisations working in various social sectors. The RSS might cloak invitation to Pranab Mukherji as regular interaction, but it is part of their outreach programme. The effort has become intense and expansive after the 2014 victory. The confidence stems from the verdict which gave BJP simple majority and RSS much awaited opportunity to pursue its goals unbridled in cultural and social sphere which was curtailed because of the compulsion of the coalition politics during Atal Bihari Vajpayee. On the other hand, consternation within Congress is neither politically savvy nor grounded in intellectual brilliance. It looks more of a knee jerk reaction to BJP's politically ugly and intolerant campaign of 'Congress Mukt Bharat'. A sensible way of dealing with a former stalwart would have been to make use of the opportunity. Congress should have taken the position that RSS ultimately had to borrow wisdom from a Congressman and they welcome it. They should have said that in all sincerity RSS should listen to wise words of Congressman Pranab Mukherji. They should have said that we hope that RSS shines in Pranab's intellectual glory. The message would have stopped RSS in its track. Today the response looks childish as RSS's hunt for social legitimacy did not begin with Pranab and will neither end there. It is also foolish if someone within the RSS is of the view that Pranab Mukherji's visit is an affirmation of their ideology. Pranab Mukherji's visit must be understood in the Indian cultural context where scholars and religious figures have constantly debated and argued the idea of God with each other. The idea of an ideological enemy is a western import. It is the BJP which pushed this thought electorally when it spoke about Congress Mukt Bharat and Congress should have used this opportunity to expose BJP-RSS double standards. Instead, touch-me-not, elitist attitude of some of the party leaders ended up creating a wrong public impression. Lastly, a letter shot of by one of the former Congress minister shows selective use of history. Though it is the BJP which generally resorts to selective use of history when it comes to freedom struggle and appropriating founding fathers. This time, it has happened from the other side. Ambedkar's differences with Gandhi and Nehru were as acute as his abhorrence for the type of Hinduism advocated by the RSS. Ambedkar quit Congress over difference with Nehru. Ambedkar fought with Gandhi. All of this had nothing to do with the RSS. If Congress wants to stand up to the challenge led by RSS-BJP, then it should stay away from drawing discussions on nationalism and political untouchability and remain focused on farm issues which today is BJP's Achilles Heel. Opposition for opposition sake does not work in long run and legitimacy ultimately flow from the electorate. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Hunt for social legitimacy by RSS and Congress's self-goal

An RSS worker was hacked to death allegedly by CPI (M) activists in Mahe, a district under union territory of Puducherry, adjacent to Kerala’s politically-sensitive Kannur district on Monday night.&nbsp;

“Shamoj was returning home by his autorickshaw when a gang waylaid the vehicle and hacked him. Shamoj, who sustained serious injuries, died while being taken to hospital in Kozhikode,’’ said police.

Police, while launching a manhunt for the killers, have enforced combing operations in the area to see that the situation does not go out of control.

Police sources said that the situation was tense in the district and no new clashes had been reported till midnight.

Earlier in the day, Kannur police had recovered crude bombs from Thillankery village in the district.

&nbsp;

There had been an eerie calm for a few months between the two sides after leaders from both parties participated in peace talks.

An RSS worker was hacked to death allegedly by CPI (M) activists in Mahe, a district under union territory of Puducherry, adjacent to Kerala’s politically-sensitive Kannur district on Monday night. “Shamoj was returning home by his autorickshaw when a gang waylaid the vehicle and hacked him. Shamoj, who sustained serious injuries, died while being taken to hospital in Kozhikode,’’ said police. Police, while launching a manhunt for the killers, have enforced combing operations in the area to see that the situation does not go out of control. Police sources said that the situation was tense in the district and no new clashes had been reported till midnight. Earlier in the day, Kannur police had recovered crude bombs from Thillankery village in the district.

RSS activist hacked to death near Kannur

Two RSS activists were arrested in connection with the alleged attack on a photojournalist of a Malayalam daily at the press club here, police said today.

The two--Dilip Kumar (31) and Shibu (30)--are RSS workers and were arrested last night, police said.

Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan said the government viewed the incident "seriously."

Police have been directed to initiate stringent action against the accused, Vijayan said in a Facebook Post.

The incident occurred when some RSS workers stormed the press club here and allegedly attacked the photographer, Faud Sanea, for having taken a video of their alleged manhandling of a two-wheeler rider during a protest march near here.

"Two persons have been arrested already. Strong action will be taken against the attack on the freedom of the press," Vijayan said.

The two activists have been remanded to judicial custody for 14 days, police said.

A case had been registered against 10 RSS activists under various IPC sections including those related to unlawful assembly and rioting besides the Kerala Public Way Restriction of Assemblies and Procession Act.

The case was registered on a complaint by the photojournalist, who suffered injuries on his legs and had been hospitalised.

Police said trouble broke out when around 150 RSS workers took out the procession protesting the attack on an RSS office in the district a few days ago.

The protesters blocked the road causing traffic snarls.

The two-wheeler rider, on seeing the march, tried to leave the spot but the RSS workers intercepted him and took possession of the vehicle's key, they said.

On seeing Sanea taking some video shots on his mobile phone at that time, a section of the RSS workers barged into the club and allegedly assaulted him and snatched his phone.

Protesting against the RSS action, media personnel in Thiruvanathapuram had taken out a march to the Secretariat last night.

The two--Dilip Kumar (31) and Shibu (30)--are RSS workers and were arrested last night, police said

Two RSS activists were arrested in connection with the alleged attack on a photojournalist of a Malayalam daily at the press club here, police said today. The two--Dilip Kumar (31) and Shibu (30)--are RSS workers and were arrested last night, police said. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan said the government viewed the incident "seriously." Police have been directed to initiate stringent action against the accused, Vijayan said in a Facebook Post. The incident occurred when some RSS workers stormed the press club here and allegedly attacked the photographer, Faud Sanea, for having taken a video of their alleged manhandling of a two-wheeler rider during a protest march near here. "Two persons have been arrested already. Strong action will be taken against the attack on the freedom of the press," Vijayan said. The two activists have been remanded to judicial custody for 14 days, police said. A case had been registered against 10 RSS activists under various IPC sections including those related to unlawful assembly and rioting besides the Kerala Public Way Restriction of Assemblies and Procession Act. The case was registered on a complaint by the photojournalist, who suffered injuries on his legs and had been hospitalised. Police said trouble broke out when around 150 RSS workers took out the procession protesting the attack on an RSS office in the district a few days ago. The protesters blocked the road causing traffic snarls. The two-wheeler rider, on seeing the march, tried to leave the spot but the RSS workers intercepted him and took possession of the vehicle's key, they said. On seeing Sanea taking some video shots on his mobile phone at that time, a section of the RSS workers barged into the club and allegedly assaulted him and snatched his phone. Protesting against the RSS action, media personnel in Thiruvanathapuram had taken out a march to the Secretariat last night.

2 RSS activists arrested, incident 'serious' says chief minister

A Bhiwandi court has asked Congress President Rahul Gandhi to appear before it on June 12 to record his plea in a defamation case filed against him by an RSS functionary.

The court on Wednesday heard arguments on Gandhi's application, seeking a detailed recording of evidence instead of a 'summary trial', and adjourned the matter till June 12.

The court said that on June 12 it would pass an order on the application and would also record the defendant's (Rahul Gandhi) plea, and asked him to remain present on that day.

Rajesh Kunte, a local worker of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, had in 2014 filed the case against Rahul Gandhi after watching his speech in Thane's Bhiwandi township where the Congress leader alleged that the RSS was behind the killing of Mahatma Gandhi.

He filed the case against the Congress president over the latter's alleged statement at an election rally near Bhiwandi on March 6, 2014 that "the RSS people had killed (Mahatma) Gandhi."

Kunte claimed in his case that this statement slandered the reputation of the RSS.

While the trial in such cases are normally held summarily, Rahul Gandhi filed an application last month seeking for it to be conducted as a 'summons trial'.

"A summary trial is short and will be completed with just submitting the written arguments. We have sought for a summons trial which would go into the in-depth recording of the evidence," Rahul Gandhi's lawyer Narayan Iyer said.

"The case relates to historical facts and hence, we need to rely on several documents and would like to record the evidence of experts," he said.

Rahul Gandhi had earlier moved the Supreme Court seeking quashing of the case.

The apex court had in July 2016 said he should not have resorted to "collective denunciation" of an organisation, and would have to face trial if he did not express regret for his remark.

The Congress leader had declined to accept the suggestion and expressed willingness to face the trial.

Rajesh Kunte, a local worker of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, had in 2014 filed the case against Rahul Gandhi after watching his speech in Thane's Bhiwandi township where the Congress leader alleged that the RSS was behind the killing of Mahatma Gandhi

A Bhiwandi court has asked Congress President Rahul Gandhi to appear before it on June 12 to record his plea in a defamation case filed against him by an RSS functionary. The court on Wednesday heard arguments on Gandhi's application, seeking a detailed recording of evidence instead of a 'summary trial', and adjourned the matter till June 12. The court said that on June 12 it would pass an order on the application and would also record the defendant's (Rahul Gandhi) plea, and asked him to remain present on that day. Rajesh Kunte, a local worker of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, had in 2014 filed the case against Rahul Gandhi after watching his speech in Thane's Bhiwandi township where the Congress leader alleged that the RSS was behind the killing of Mahatma Gandhi. He filed the case against the Congress president over the latter's alleged statement at an election rally near Bhiwandi on March 6, 2014 that "the RSS people had killed (Mahatma) Gandhi." Kunte claimed in his case that this statement slandered the reputation of the RSS. While the trial in such cases are normally held summarily, Rahul Gandhi filed an application last month seeking for it to be conducted as a 'summons trial'. "A summary trial is short and will be completed with just submitting the written arguments. We have sought for a summons trial which would go into the in-depth recording of the evidence," Rahul Gandhi's lawyer Narayan Iyer said. "The case relates to historical facts and hence, we need to rely on several documents and would like to record the evidence of experts," he said. Rahul Gandhi had earlier moved the Supreme Court seeking quashing of the case. The apex court had in July 2016 said he should not have resorted to "collective denunciation" of an organisation, and would have to face trial if he did not express regret for his remark. The Congress leader had declined to accept the suggestion and expressed willingness to face the trial.

RSS defamation case: Court asks Rahul Gandhi to appear on June 12

The RSS on Sunday said building a consensus on the Ayodhya dispute was not going to be easy but stressed that a Ram Temple &mdash; &quot;and nothing else&quot; &mdash; would be constructed in the Uttar Pradesh town.

Suresh Bhaiyyaji Joshi, who was yesterday re-elected as the RSS General Secretary for the 4th term, stressed that the matter was sub judice and said building a consensus was not going to be easy. &nbsp;

The Sangh&#39;s general secretary is its executive head who looks after the day-to-day affairs of the organisation.

&quot;It is certain that the Ram Temple will be constructed at that place (Ayodhya) and nothing else can be built there, this is also decided, Joshi, told reporters here on the sidelines of the RSS&#39;s all-important Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (ABPS) meeting.

Confident of a favourable judgment from the Supreme Court on the matter, Joshi said the construction of temple would begin after the court&#39;s order and it would be built on the basis of its verdict on the ownership of land.

Replying to a question on spiritual guru Sri Sri Ravishankar&#39;s efforts at developing consensus between the different parties on the issue, Joshi said consensus building was not going to be easy.

We have always maintained that the temple should be constructed with the mutual agreement but our experience tells us that building a consensus on this issue is not easy, Joshi said.

Though the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leader said he welcomed Ravi Shankar&#39;s efforts at negotiations, he pointed out that there were different groups in society with varied outlooks and to build a consensus among them would be difficult.

Joshi was also asked about a demand for a minority religion status for the Lingayat community in Karnataka.

&quot;We do not support that,&quot; he said.

The next hearing in the Ayodhya dispute, to determine ownership of the 2.77-acre Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi disputed land, is to come up before the Supreme Court on March 14.

A three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra and Justices Ashok Bhushan and SA Najeeb is hearing the case.

(With inputs from PTI)

Joshi said the construction of temple would begin after the court's order and it would be built on the basis of its verdict on the ownership of land

The RSS on Sunday said building a consensus on the Ayodhya dispute was not going to be easy but stressed that a Ram Temple — "and nothing else" — would be constructed in the Uttar Pradesh town. Suresh Bhaiyyaji Joshi, who was yesterday re-elected as the RSS General Secretary for the 4th term, stressed that the matter was sub judice and said building a consensus was not going to be easy. The Sangh's general secretary is its executive head who looks after the day-to-day affairs of the organisation. "It is certain that the Ram Temple will be constructed at that place (Ayodhya) and nothing else can be built there, this is also decided, Joshi, told reporters here on the sidelines of the RSS's all-important Akhil Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha (ABPS) meeting. Confident of a favourable judgment from the Supreme Court on the matter, Joshi said the construction of temple would begin after the court's order and it would be built on the basis of its verdict on the ownership of land. Replying to a question on spiritual guru Sri Sri Ravishankar's efforts at developing consensus between the different parties on the issue, Joshi said consensus building was not going to be easy. We have always maintained that the temple should be constructed with the mutual agreement but our experience tells us that building a consensus on this issue is not easy, Joshi said. Though the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leader said he welcomed Ravi Shankar's efforts at negotiations, he pointed out that there were different groups in society with varied outlooks and to build a consensus among them would be difficult. Joshi was also asked about a demand for a minority religion status for the Lingayat community in Karnataka. "We do not support that," he said. The next hearing in the Ayodhya dispute, to determine ownership of the 2.77-acre Babri Masjid-Ram Janmabhoomi disputed land, is to come up before the Supreme Court on March 14. A three-judge bench comprising Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra and Justices Ashok Bhushan and SA Najeeb is hearing the case. (With inputs from PTI)

Consensus on Ayodhya difficult, but temple will be built: RSS

Statues are symbols of politics in many parts of the world. They are associated with cult politics, subversive politics, authoritarian regime, religion and change both from above and below. Statues stand as symbols of power, as an embodiment of certain philosophy.&nbsp;

With the imposition of colonial rule in the subcontinent, the metropolises, such as Chennai and Mumbai and, particularly, Kolkata, witnessed a plethora of statutes being set up at crucial public places. Maidan, the largest green space of Kolkata which separated the British part of the city from the native quarters, boasted statutes of British governor generals and other eminent personalities of the British Raj, including Lord Curzon, Kitchener, Roberts, Minto, Northbrook and Canning.

While men are mortal, statues are there to stay. For the colonialists, this was the best way to ingrain in the public memory of its subjects the face of its rulers. These statues inspired awe and reverence for the British rule beyond the clutch of draconian laws of the colonial masters.&nbsp;

When eventually the colony struck back at the heart of the empire, a role reversal happened. Not only were some of these vestiges of colonial rule removed but many new statues came up after independence, commemorating the &#39;makers of modern India&#39;. Gandhi, Subhash Chandra Bose, Nehru and statues of women freedom fighters, such as Matangini Hazra was there for us to see and celebrate.&nbsp;

The independent nation-state used these nationalist icons to assert an ideological continuity in the imagination of its citizens.&nbsp;

Thus, while the putting up and taking down of statutes were very much part of the political landscape of modern India, what was absent was the violence and the compulsion of electoral politics. That is something that emerged in more recent times as communities and political groups jostled to remake and redefine, through statutory politics, the political narrative of the country.&nbsp;

We, and the statues that we have built, have come a long way from representing the Indian &#39;us&#39; from British &#39;them&#39;. It has fragmented and splintered into multiple variants of regional political assertion. Consequently, new statues are not simply being built to take the place of the old but political aggression is finding expression in the form of defacement of statues of people who do not fall within our preferred political ambit.&nbsp;

In India, it is not the first time statues have been defaced. Statues of Ambedkar routinely got defaced in Uttar Pradesh. Upper caste saw these as the ugly assertion of Dalit politics. Some saw them as a land grab exercise but statues did not go away. Mayawati went even a step further. She got her statues erected under her supervision only.

More recently, similar incidents of defacing and disfiguring of statues have happened in Tripura, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu. In all these cases, there have been forms of physical acts of removal, violence and indecency. The similarity, however, ends here. The violence associated with Lenin, Shyama Prasad Mukherji and Periyar is related to coming of the RSS-BJP combine as the sole national party and their civilizational worldview. It is the same distinction which RSS draws between Gandhi family and the Congress Party. Indian philosophy and western influences. Though the organisation of RSS itself has been modern, the state of Tripura has put on the table the ideological frontier of the RSS-BJP.

&nbsp;It is not about Lenin only. It is about communism&rsquo;s take on religion, internationalism which put the Left in a dock when China invaded India and about a value system which with pro-labour ideas also threatened the cultural vision of India which RSS has. It is for this reason that BJP&rsquo;s engagement with protests in JNU acquired an ideological angle which was pinned to nationalism, commitment to India&rsquo;s border and sense of being &lsquo;true&rsquo; Indian.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Periyar, on the other hand, is the father of Dravidian politics in India. His rationalist thoughts challenged the idea of religion and its hierarchies. It made Tamil Nadu&rsquo;s politics very different from the rest of India. Despite, places of high Hinduism&nbsp;associated with Tamil Nadu, it was Periyar&rsquo;s politics which reshaped the cultural map. He did not believe in God but his supporters made him a God like icon of him.

Though BJP is trying to give Tripura incident a spin of upsurge, we should not forget that Left was not a dictatorship and won elections. Tripura was neither Iraq nor USSR where democracy had a chequered history.

Statues in India, as well as outside, are, primarily, an expression of power and preservation of memories. Most political parties have their leaders enshrined in the form of statues in the Parliament. Every nook and corner of Parliament is littered with them. The present controversy is an expression of the contested idea of India which includes the debate on inclusiveness, nationalism, modernity, tolerance and individual expression.&nbsp;

The violence that has come to surround politics of statues in India can create problems for BJP. Tamil Nadu is one area where BJP wants to have a regional partner. What may benefit them in the North East may hurt them in some other parts of India. The only problem is for Congress which will have to pick sides. The Congress is in no position to argue against the politics of statuary because it has done the same when in power. It ensured that country was littered with statues of Indira and Rajiv. Congress does not belong to the Left but cannot be seen not taking a position against violence.&nbsp;

The statues of politicians or ideologues are here to say. These statues are just like idols; one may not understand the ambiguous philosophical aspect of religion but will bow down in respect to a &#39;murti&#39; of god and goddess. Similarly, in lieu of proper political education, political parties will continue using larger and grandiose statues of their leaders to impress the electorates. Statues, any day, will work more effectively, than political leaflet, particularly in a country like India where the literacy rate is low. But while we accept statutory politics, it is imperative that in a democratic polity, instead of vandalising opposing political insignia, it will serve the interests of the citizens better if we can accommodate statues representing different positions of a political spectrum.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

New statues are not simply being built to take the place of the old but political aggression is finding expression in the form of defacement of statues of people who do not fall within our preferred political ambit.

Statues are symbols of politics in many parts of the world. They are associated with cult politics, subversive politics, authoritarian regime, religion and change both from above and below. Statues stand as symbols of power, as an embodiment of certain philosophy. With the imposition of colonial rule in the subcontinent, the metropolises, such as Chennai and Mumbai and, particularly, Kolkata, witnessed a plethora of statutes being set up at crucial public places. Maidan, the largest green space of Kolkata which separated the British part of the city from the native quarters, boasted statutes of British governor generals and other eminent personalities of the British Raj, including Lord Curzon, Kitchener, Roberts, Minto, Northbrook and Canning. While men are mortal, statues are there to stay. For the colonialists, this was the best way to ingrain in the public memory of its subjects the face of its rulers. These statues inspired awe and reverence for the British rule beyond the clutch of draconian laws of the colonial masters. When eventually the colony struck back at the heart of the empire, a role reversal happened. Not only were some of these vestiges of colonial rule removed but many new statues came up after independence, commemorating the 'makers of modern India'. Gandhi, Subhash Chandra Bose, Nehru and statues of women freedom fighters, such as Matangini Hazra was there for us to see and celebrate. The independent nation-state used these nationalist icons to assert an ideological continuity in the imagination of its citizens. Thus, while the putting up and taking down of statutes were very much part of the political landscape of modern India, what was absent was the violence and the compulsion of electoral politics. That is something that emerged in more recent times as communities and political groups jostled to remake and redefine, through statutory politics, the political narrative of the country. We, and the statues that we have built, have come a long way from representing the Indian 'us' from British 'them'. It has fragmented and splintered into multiple variants of regional political assertion. Consequently, new statues are not simply being built to take the place of the old but political aggression is finding expression in the form of defacement of statues of people who do not fall within our preferred political ambit. In India, it is not the first time statues have been defaced. Statues of Ambedkar routinely got defaced in Uttar Pradesh. Upper caste saw these as the ugly assertion of Dalit politics. Some saw them as a land grab exercise but statues did not go away. Mayawati went even a step further. She got her statues erected under her supervision only. More recently, similar incidents of defacing and disfiguring of statues have happened in Tripura, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu. In all these cases, there have been forms of physical acts of removal, violence and indecency. The similarity, however, ends here. The violence associated with Lenin, Shyama Prasad Mukherji and Periyar is related to coming of the RSS-BJP combine as the sole national party and their civilizational worldview. It is the same distinction which RSS draws between Gandhi family and the Congress Party. Indian philosophy and western influences. Though the organisation of RSS itself has been modern, the state of Tripura has put on the table the ideological frontier of the RSS-BJP. It is not about Lenin only. It is about communism’s take on religion, internationalism which put the Left in a dock when China invaded India and about a value system which with pro-labour ideas also threatened the cultural vision of India which RSS has. It is for this reason that BJP’s engagement with protests in JNU acquired an ideological angle which was pinned to nationalism, commitment to India’s border and sense of being ‘true’ Indian. Periyar, on the other hand, is the father of Dravidian politics in India. His rationalist thoughts challenged the idea of religion and its hierarchies. It made Tamil Nadu’s politics very different from the rest of India. Despite, places of high Hinduism associated with Tamil Nadu, it was Periyar’s politics which reshaped the cultural map. He did not believe in God but his supporters made him a God like icon of him. Though BJP is trying to give Tripura incident a spin of upsurge, we should not forget that Left was not a dictatorship and won elections. Tripura was neither Iraq nor USSR where democracy had a chequered history. Statues in India, as well as outside, are, primarily, an expression of power and preservation of memories. Most political parties have their leaders enshrined in the form of statues in the Parliament. Every nook and corner of Parliament is littered with them. The present controversy is an expression of the contested idea of India which includes the debate on inclusiveness, nationalism, modernity, tolerance and individual expression. The violence that has come to surround politics of statues in India can create problems for BJP. Tamil Nadu is one area where BJP wants to have a regional partner. What may benefit them in the North East may hurt them in some other parts of India. The only problem is for Congress which will have to pick sides. The Congress is in no position to argue against the politics of statuary because it has done the same when in power. It ensured that country was littered with statues of Indira and Rajiv. Congress does not belong to the Left but cannot be seen not taking a position against violence. The statues of politicians or ideologues are here to say. These statues are just like idols; one may not understand the ambiguous philosophical aspect of religion but will bow down in respect to a 'murti' of god and goddess. Similarly, in lieu of proper political education, political parties will continue using larger and grandiose statues of their leaders to impress the electorates. Statues, any day, will work more effectively, than political leaflet, particularly in a country like India where the literacy rate is low. But while we accept statutory politics, it is imperative that in a democratic polity, instead of vandalising opposing political insignia, it will serve the interests of the citizens better if we can accommodate statues representing different positions of a political spectrum. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Why Indians are waging war over statues of Lenin, Periyar, Syama Prasad

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/rss-has-power-to-form-army-within-3-days-rss-chief-mohan-bhagwat-32530" target="_blank">RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat</a> on Sunday said that only India can show the right path to the world and everyone should work together for the unity of the country.

Addressing the &#39;Rashtroday Sammelan&#39; in western Uttar Pradesh Meerut, Bhagwat said everyone will have to unite for the country.

He said there had been and there will be conspiracies against India&#39;s unity, but everyone will have to remain united.

Union ministers from western Uttar Pradesh Mahesh Sharma, Gen V K Singh, Satyapal Singh, and state ministers Chetan Chauhan and Dharam Singh Saini were present at the programme.

&quot;All Hindus are one, say with pride we&#39;re one. Hindus must unite, this is our duty,&quot; Bhagwat said, stressing that if the country remains united, &quot;we can cut through a lot of barriers.&quot;

&quot;If we don&#39;t remain united, the whole world can take advantage of that,&quot; the RSS chief said.

Praising RSS workers, he said more than 1,70,000 volunteers are doing social service and they are willing to lay down their lives in the service of the nation.&nbsp;

He said there had been and there will be conspiracies against India's unity, but everyone will have to remain united

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said that only India can show the right path to the world and everyone should work together for the unity of the country. Addressing the 'Rashtroday Sammelan' in western Uttar Pradesh Meerut, Bhagwat said everyone will have to unite for the country. He said there had been and there will be conspiracies against India's unity, but everyone will have to remain united. Union ministers from western Uttar Pradesh Mahesh Sharma, Gen V K Singh, Satyapal Singh, and state ministers Chetan Chauhan and Dharam Singh Saini were present at the programme. "All Hindus are one, say with pride we're one. Hindus must unite, this is our duty," Bhagwat said, stressing that if the country remains united, "we can cut through a lot of barriers." "If we don't remain united, the whole world can take advantage of that," the RSS chief said. Praising RSS workers, he said more than 1,70,000 volunteers are doing social service and they are willing to lay down their lives in the service of the nation.

Only India can show right path to world: Bhagwat

Even a year ago, it would have been outlandish to suggest that the Bharatiya Janata Party had any prospect in the Tripura. The State has been a Left stronghold where the communists have been ruling for more than two decades. The only other major party, the Congress, has been pushed to the margins. Besides, its general demographic does not lend itself to the kind of political ideology the BJP pursues. However, the situation has changed dramatically over the last few months, and the BJP now senses a real chance at toppling the Left regime. Even those political observers who are doubtful of a BJP win in the State, concede that the party will emerge as a strong force in the Assembly election.

&nbsp;

What has brought about this change?&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The anti-incumbency factor is certainly one reason. In the absence of a viable opposition, the Left had a clear field and it made most of it in the last 20 years. With the BJP&rsquo;s emergence, the ground situation has altered. The second reason is the BJP&rsquo;s relentless focus on the North-East &mdash; politically and otherwise. Its victory in the Assam Assembly election, where it demolished the ruling Congress, had set the tone for its push in the region. It managed to form the Government in Arunachal Pradesh through deft manoeuvrings, and then in Manipur where it was not even the single largest party, when it outfoxed the Congress by stitching an alliance in double quick time.

&nbsp;

The third reason is that the BJP has shown remarkable flexibility in dealing with ground realities in the region. For instance, while it aggressively pursues the cow agenda across the country, it has toned down the rhetoric in the North-East, saying that it does not want to interfere in the eating habits of the people there. The party has also been prompt in having an understanding with regional outfits that wield influence over tribes and communities specific to the region. And so, while it was at the helm of the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) which it formed a couple of years ago, the real players are the regional parties. The BJP realises that it cannot make an impact on its own in many parts of the region.

&nbsp;

The BJP&rsquo;s pre-poll surge in Tripura is even more remarkable when one looks back at its past performance. In the 2013 Assembly election, the party had less than two per cent of the vote-share. There was a significant improvement in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, when the party gained a six per cent share. But even that was less than half of the Congress&rsquo;s 16 per cent and the Left&rsquo;s overwhelming 65 per cent. Going by these figures, the BJP ought to have conceded the present contest even before it began. But the change in the public mood &mdash; at least the one gleans through media reports from the ground &mdash; has been so remarkable that the old numbers don&rsquo;t count.

&nbsp;

As has been its habit, the BJP has gone for the kill. Party president Amit Shah has camped in Tripura for long periods, overseeing the election campaign and, in his characteristic style, delving into the micro-management of the process. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invested politically too, addressing far more rallies than would be normally necessary for a small State such as this. The BJP in charge of the North-East, Ram Madhav, virtually resides in Tripura. Everybody understands that, for public sentiment against the Left regime to be converted into votes for the BJP, the party&rsquo;s poll machinery has to work without tripping &mdash; more so at the last moment.

&nbsp;

The BJP is dependending heavily on the 30 per cent of the tribal votes, and keeping that in mind, is pushing the development agenda call. The tribal regions are among the most affected by non-development. It has tied up with a regional outfit, the Indigenous People&rsquo;s Front of Tripura, that commands some standing among the tribals. But the party is not ignoring the other voters, reminding them that decades of Left rule had pushed the State back while BJP-ruled parts of the country had surged ahead in the last four years of the NDA rule.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The Left understands the challenge, and it has fallen back on the tried and tested formula of &lsquo;communism versus communalism&rsquo; narrative. The communists have warned the voters against the dangers of social unrest and communal strife that could come along with a BJP win. They have highlighted the various pro-poor measures that the Manik Sarkar Government has taken over the years. The Left&rsquo;s desperation to retain Tripura is understandable. It has lost its earlier citadel, West Bengal, and rules only in Kerala &mdash; and even there the BJP has begun breathing down its neck, although the Congress still remains the main opposition.

&nbsp;

The Left&rsquo;s track record of development in Tripura is being severely tested. Both the plains and hills have their own sets of problems. Unemployment, lack of road and rail connectivity, poor industrial development, and lack of avenues of opportunities for tribals to improve their living, are some of the major issues. But the communists have some positives going for them. Chief Minister Manik Sarkar enjoys a clean personal image. He has steered Tripura to political stability and has ensured that basic social indices remain decent. No major scandal has hit his regime in the two decades of its rule. Besides, the Left has a strong cadre in the State and its supporters have seeped into nearly every institution, and have the capacity to turn things around.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

On the personality front, the BJP is banking on Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s charisma, while the Left has its old warhorse and Chief Minister Sarkar. Left leaders on the national scene, such as Sitaram Yechury and Prakash Karat, hardly have any sway in Tripura. The BJP-led Government at the Centre has gone all out by way of its own contribution to the party&rsquo;s fortunes in the region. For instance, the Union Ministry of Textiles has planned a big push to textile manufacturing in the North-East, which would naturally include Tripura. Other Central ministries have promised loads of development work to the region. Underlying all these assurances is the thrust that a BJP regime in Tripura can gel better with the BJP-led Government at the Centre and, thus, expedite development.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

If the Left can stave off this new and unexpected challenge, it will not just retain power but also perhaps cause a dent in the BJP&rsquo;s drive to politically secure the North-East.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

In the upcoming Tripura election, BJP's trump card is development while Manik Sarkar's is that of a scandal-free clean image.

Even a year ago, it would have been outlandish to suggest that the Bharatiya Janata Party had any prospect in the Tripura. The State has been a Left stronghold where the communists have been ruling for more than two decades. The only other major party, the Congress, has been pushed to the margins. Besides, its general demographic does not lend itself to the kind of political ideology the BJP pursues. However, the situation has changed dramatically over the last few months, and the BJP now senses a real chance at toppling the Left regime. Even those political observers who are doubtful of a BJP win in the State, concede that the party will emerge as a strong force in the Assembly election. What has brought about this change? The anti-incumbency factor is certainly one reason. In the absence of a viable opposition, the Left had a clear field and it made most of it in the last 20 years. With the BJP’s emergence, the ground situation has altered. The second reason is the BJP’s relentless focus on the North-East — politically and otherwise. Its victory in the Assam Assembly election, where it demolished the ruling Congress, had set the tone for its push in the region. It managed to form the Government in Arunachal Pradesh through deft manoeuvrings, and then in Manipur where it was not even the single largest party, when it outfoxed the Congress by stitching an alliance in double quick time. The third reason is that the BJP has shown remarkable flexibility in dealing with ground realities in the region. For instance, while it aggressively pursues the cow agenda across the country, it has toned down the rhetoric in the North-East, saying that it does not want to interfere in the eating habits of the people there. The party has also been prompt in having an understanding with regional outfits that wield influence over tribes and communities specific to the region. And so, while it was at the helm of the North East Democratic Alliance (NEDA) which it formed a couple of years ago, the real players are the regional parties. The BJP realises that it cannot make an impact on its own in many parts of the region. The BJP’s pre-poll surge in Tripura is even more remarkable when one looks back at its past performance. In the 2013 Assembly election, the party had less than two per cent of the vote-share. There was a significant improvement in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, when the party gained a six per cent share. But even that was less than half of the Congress’s 16 per cent and the Left’s overwhelming 65 per cent. Going by these figures, the BJP ought to have conceded the present contest even before it began. But the change in the public mood — at least the one gleans through media reports from the ground — has been so remarkable that the old numbers don’t count. As has been its habit, the BJP has gone for the kill. Party president Amit Shah has camped in Tripura for long periods, overseeing the election campaign and, in his characteristic style, delving into the micro-management of the process. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invested politically too, addressing far more rallies than would be normally necessary for a small State such as this. The BJP in charge of the North-East, Ram Madhav, virtually resides in Tripura. Everybody understands that, for public sentiment against the Left regime to be converted into votes for the BJP, the party’s poll machinery has to work without tripping — more so at the last moment. The BJP is dependending heavily on the 30 per cent of the tribal votes, and keeping that in mind, is pushing the development agenda call. The tribal regions are among the most affected by non-development. It has tied up with a regional outfit, the Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura, that commands some standing among the tribals. But the party is not ignoring the other voters, reminding them that decades of Left rule had pushed the State back while BJP-ruled parts of the country had surged ahead in the last four years of the NDA rule. The Left understands the challenge, and it has fallen back on the tried and tested formula of ‘communism versus communalism’ narrative. The communists have warned the voters against the dangers of social unrest and communal strife that could come along with a BJP win. They have highlighted the various pro-poor measures that the Manik Sarkar Government has taken over the years. The Left’s desperation to retain Tripura is understandable. It has lost its earlier citadel, West Bengal, and rules only in Kerala — and even there the BJP has begun breathing down its neck, although the Congress still remains the main opposition. The Left’s track record of development in Tripura is being severely tested. Both the plains and hills have their own sets of problems. Unemployment, lack of road and rail connectivity, poor industrial development, and lack of avenues of opportunities for tribals to improve their living, are some of the major issues. But the communists have some positives going for them. Chief Minister Manik Sarkar enjoys a clean personal image. He has steered Tripura to political stability and has ensured that basic social indices remain decent. No major scandal has hit his regime in the two decades of its rule. Besides, the Left has a strong cadre in the State and its supporters have seeped into nearly every institution, and have the capacity to turn things around. On the personality front, the BJP is banking on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s charisma, while the Left has its old warhorse and Chief Minister Sarkar. Left leaders on the national scene, such as Sitaram Yechury and Prakash Karat, hardly have any sway in Tripura. The BJP-led Government at the Centre has gone all out by way of its own contribution to the party’s fortunes in the region. For instance, the Union Ministry of Textiles has planned a big push to textile manufacturing in the North-East, which would naturally include Tripura. Other Central ministries have promised loads of development work to the region. Underlying all these assurances is the thrust that a BJP regime in Tripura can gel better with the BJP-led Government at the Centre and, thus, expedite development. If the Left can stave off this new and unexpected challenge, it will not just retain power but also perhaps cause a dent in the BJP’s drive to politically secure the North-East. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Modi vs Manik Sarkar battle about to start in Tripura

An Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) worker was hacked to death in Kannur on Friday, the Peravoor police said.&nbsp;

As per the police, the man was hacked to death by a gang of masked men who stopped him mid-way while he was on his bike on Friday evening.&nbsp;

The victim has been identified as Shyam Prasad, 24, who was studying at the Industrial Training Institute in Kakkayangad. He was the mukhya sikshak of a local RSS shakha.&nbsp;

Reports say that Prasad tried to escape and run away but the attackers chased him down.&nbsp;

As per media reports, Prasad was heading home to Chittaruparamb from Kankkayangad when he was attacked.&nbsp;

Four Social Democratic Party of India (<a href="https://www.aninews.in/search?query=%3Ca%20href=" search="">SDPI</a>)&nbsp;activists have been arrested by police in Kannur in connection with Prasad&#39;s murder.

After the news of the incident broke out, the BJP in the district has called for a dawn to dusk hartal on Saturday. The party has stated that vehicles will be exempted from the hartal.

The police said he the doctors declared him brought dead.

&nbsp;

As per the police, the man was hacked to death by a gang of masked men who stopped him mid-way while he was on his bike on Friday evening

An Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) worker was hacked to death in Kannur on Friday, the Peravoor police said. As per the police, the man was hacked to death by a gang of masked men who stopped him mid-way while he was on his bike on Friday evening. The victim has been identified as Shyam Prasad, 24, who was studying at the Industrial Training Institute in Kakkayangad. He was the mukhya sikshak of a local RSS shakha. Reports say that Prasad tried to escape and run away but the attackers chased him down. As per media reports, Prasad was heading home to Chittaruparamb from Kankkayangad when he was attacked. Four Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) activists have been arrested by police in Kannur in connection with Prasad's murder. After the news of the incident broke out, the BJP in the district has called for a dawn to dusk hartal on Saturday. The party has stated that vehicles will be exempted from the hartal. The police said he the doctors declared him brought dead.

ABVP worker hacked to death in Kerala, four activists arrested

Following the backlash received over Mohan Bhagwat`s alleged disrespectful statement against the Indian army, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on Monday said that his speech was being misrepresented.

Also read:<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/rahul-gandhi-hits-out-at-rss-chief-for-insulting-army-32572"> Rahul Gandhi hits out at RSS chief for &#39;insulting&#39; army</a>

A statement issued by Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh, Manmohan Vaidya, read, &quot;Bhagwat ji had said that if situation arises and the Constitution permits, Indian army would take six months to prepare the society whereas Sangh Swayamsevaks can be trained in three days, as Swayamsevaks practise discipline regularly.&quot;

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<h5>Bhagwat ji had said that if situation arises and the Constitution permits, Indian army would take six months to prepare the society whereas Sangh Swayamsevaks can be trained in three days, as Swayamsevaks practise discipline regularly&#39;</h5>
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To this effect, Vaidya added, the statement was not a comparison between the Indian army and the Sangh Swayamsevaks, but a comparison between general society and swayamsevaks, when given the opportunity to be trained by the Indian Army.

Bhagwat`s statement sparked an outrage on social media following his speech in Bihar`s Muzaffarpur where he was reported to have said that RSS was capable of preparing military personnel in three days for which the Indian Army would take six to seven months.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The RSS said Bhagwat's statement was not a comparison between the Indian Army and swayamsevaks but a comparison between society and swayamsevaks

Following the backlash received over Mohan Bhagwat`s alleged disrespectful statement against the Indian army, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) on Monday said that his speech was being misrepresented. Also read: Rahul Gandhi hits out at RSS chief for 'insulting' army A statement issued by Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh, Manmohan Vaidya, read, "Bhagwat ji had said that if situation arises and the Constitution permits, Indian army would take six months to prepare the society whereas Sangh Swayamsevaks can be trained in three days, as Swayamsevaks practise discipline regularly." Bhagwat ji had said that if situation arises and the Constitution permits, Indian army would take six months to prepare the society whereas Sangh Swayamsevaks can be trained in three days, as Swayamsevaks practise discipline regularly' × To this effect, Vaidya added, the statement was not a comparison between the Indian army and the Sangh Swayamsevaks, but a comparison between general society and swayamsevaks, when given the opportunity to be trained by the Indian Army. Bhagwat`s statement sparked an outrage on social media following his speech in Bihar`s Muzaffarpur where he was reported to have said that RSS was capable of preparing military personnel in three days for which the Indian Army would take six to seven months.

Bhagwat's speech being misrepresented: RSS

Congress President Rahul Gandhi hit out at <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bhawagts-statement-was-misrepresented-clarifies-rss-32571" target="_blank">RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat</a> for his latest speech on forming an army within three days.&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi tweeted saying that the comment was an insult to every Indian, flag, and soldier.&nbsp;

Gandhi has also asked&nbsp;Bhagwat to apologise for his statements.

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The RSS Chief&#39;s speech is an insult to every Indian, because it disrespects those who have died for our nation. 
 
It is an insult to our flag because it insults every soldier who ever saluted it. 
 
Shame on you Mr Bhagwat, for disrespecting our martyrs and our Army. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ApologiseRSS?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ApologiseRSS</a> <a href="https://t.co/Gh7t4Ghgon">pic.twitter.com/Gh7t4Ghgon</a>
&mdash; Office of RG (@OfficeOfRG) <a href="https://twitter.com/OfficeOfRG/status/962915922498412545?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">February 12, 2018</a></blockquote>
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While addressing an RSS organisation in Muzaffarpur&#39;s districts school RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has claimed that the organisation has the power to form an army within three days while the army will take about six-seven months in preparing.

He said, &quot; If the Constitution allows and if any need arises the&nbsp;organisation will form an army in three days&quot;.&nbsp;

Bhagwat said the youth gets the required inspiration and physical power after joining the RSS, where they are taught to devote themselves to the motherland and also adhere to Indian values.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi tweeted saying that the comment made by the RSS chief was an insult to every Indian, flag, and soldier

Congress President Rahul Gandhi hit out at RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat for his latest speech on forming an army within three days. Rahul Gandhi tweeted saying that the comment was an insult to every Indian, flag, and soldier. Gandhi has also asked Bhagwat to apologise for his statements. The RSS Chief's speech is an insult to every Indian, because it disrespects those who have died for our nation. It is an insult to our flag because it insults every soldier who ever saluted it. Shame on you Mr Bhagwat, for disrespecting our martyrs and our Army. #ApologiseRSS pic.twitter.com/Gh7t4Ghgon — Office of RG (@OfficeOfRG) February 12, 2018 × While addressing an RSS organisation in Muzaffarpur's districts school RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has claimed that the organisation has the power to form an army within three days while the army will take about six-seven months in preparing. He said, " If the Constitution allows and if any need arises the organisation will form an army in three days". Bhagwat said the youth gets the required inspiration and physical power after joining the RSS, where they are taught to devote themselves to the motherland and also adhere to Indian values.

Rahul Gandhi hits out at RSS chief for 'insulting' army

While addressing the RSS organisation in Muzaffarpur&#39;s districts school RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has claimed that the&nbsp;organisation has the power to form an army within three days.&nbsp;

He said, &quot; If the Constitution allows and if any need arises the&nbsp;organisation will form an army in three days&quot;.&nbsp;

Bhagwat said the youth gets the required inspiration and physical power after joining the RSS, where they are taught to devote themselves to the motherland and also adhere to Indian values.&nbsp;

While referring to India China war he said that the RSS was guarding the border until the Indian forces arrived in the Sikkim&#39;s Tejpur border.&nbsp;

He was addressing the last day of his six-day visit to Muzzafarnagar.

He said, 'If the Constitution allows and if any need arises his organisation will form an army in three days'

While addressing the RSS organisation in Muzaffarpur's districts school RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has claimed that the organisation has the power to form an army within three days. He said, " If the Constitution allows and if any need arises the organisation will form an army in three days". Bhagwat said the youth gets the required inspiration and physical power after joining the RSS, where they are taught to devote themselves to the motherland and also adhere to Indian values. While referring to India China war he said that the RSS was guarding the border until the Indian forces arrived in the Sikkim's Tejpur border. He was addressing the last day of his six-day visit to Muzzafarnagar.

RSS has power to form army within 3 days: RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat

Six RSS activists were arrested today for allegedly threatening a noted Malayalam poet, who had reportedly attacked Hindutva forces over a &quot;caste wall&quot; on public land in Kochi even as Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan warned that such incidents would not be tolerated.

The incident took place at Kotttukkal near Kollam when Kureepuzha Sreekumar was returning after addressing a function last night, police said.

He was stopped by a group of RSS activists as he was getting into his car and allegedly threatened, they said.

Sreekumar, while addressing the function, had reportedly attacked Hindutva forces over their stand regarding the controversy over construction of the &quot;caste wall&quot; at Vadayampady near Kochi.

Tension had been prevailing in the area since the past 10 months over the alleged wall constructed by the Nair Service Society (NSS) on land adjacent to a local Temple.

While local NSS leadership has claimed that the wall was constructed on temple land, dalit organisations have challenged the claim.

Dalit outfits said they have been protesting against the alleged &quot;caste wall&quot; adjacent to the Bhajana Madom Devi temple.

On the basis of the poet&#39;s complaint, a case was registered against the RSS workers.

BJP files complaint against Poet

However, BJP state president Kummanam Rajasekharan said neither RSS nor BJP workers were responsible for the incident.

The BJP has also filed a complaint with police demanding legal action against the poet for allegedly attempting to trigger communal violence &quot;by destroying the peaceful atmosphere in the area.&quot;

In the complaint, BJP said Sreekumar in his speech had made &quot;provocative comments&quot; about sangh parivar outfits, portrayed Hindu gods in a bad light and tried to harm the communal equilibrium in the society. 
&nbsp;

Well-planned attack, says Poet

Reacting to the incident, the poet today said the attack against him was &quot;well planned&quot; and Kerala was going back to the dark ages.

&quot;The upsurge of extreme communal terror, prevailing in parts of north India, has come to Kerala also...It is horrifying. Otherwise they would not have hurled abusive comments at me,&quot; he said.

Kollam Rural Superintendent of Police B Asokan said that a case was registered against 15 RSS workers, of whom six were arrested.

Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan&#39;s office has directed the police to take stringent action and launch a thorough probe into the incident.

Meanwhile, the issue also cropped up in the state assembly with the chief minister stating that a group of 15 RSS/BJP workers led by a panchayat member, Dipu were behind the incident.

A case has been registered against 15 persons and six persons have been arrested so far, he said.

There has been an increase in attacks on the freedom of expression in the country since the past few years, Vijayan said, adding that M M Kalburgi, Govind Pansare and Gauri Lankesh had lost their lives due to such intolerance.

In Kerala also renowned writer M T Vasudevan Nair and filmmaker Kamal were among those who had been threatened. Such incidents would be dealt with sternly and will not be allowed to be repeated, he said.

The government will provide necessary protection to ensure that everyone has the right to freedom of expression, Vijayan said.

Kerala stands out as an island of hope when attacks on freedom of expression are taking place elsewhere in the country, the chief minister added.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

The Malayalam poet, had reportedly attacked Hindutva forces over a 'caste wall' on public land in Kochi even as Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan warned that such incidents would not be tolerated

Six RSS activists were arrested today for allegedly threatening a noted Malayalam poet, who had reportedly attacked Hindutva forces over a "caste wall" on public land in Kochi even as Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan warned that such incidents would not be tolerated. The incident took place at Kotttukkal near Kollam when Kureepuzha Sreekumar was returning after addressing a function last night, police said. He was stopped by a group of RSS activists as he was getting into his car and allegedly threatened, they said. Sreekumar, while addressing the function, had reportedly attacked Hindutva forces over their stand regarding the controversy over construction of the "caste wall" at Vadayampady near Kochi. Tension had been prevailing in the area since the past 10 months over the alleged wall constructed by the Nair Service Society (NSS) on land adjacent to a local Temple. While local NSS leadership has claimed that the wall was constructed on temple land, dalit organisations have challenged the claim. Dalit outfits said they have been protesting against the alleged "caste wall" adjacent to the Bhajana Madom Devi temple. On the basis of the poet's complaint, a case was registered against the RSS workers. BJP files complaint against Poet However, BJP state president Kummanam Rajasekharan said neither RSS nor BJP workers were responsible for the incident. The BJP has also filed a complaint with police demanding legal action against the poet for allegedly attempting to trigger communal violence "by destroying the peaceful atmosphere in the area." In the complaint, BJP said Sreekumar in his speech had made "provocative comments" about sangh parivar outfits, portrayed Hindu gods in a bad light and tried to harm the communal equilibrium in the society. Well-planned attack, says Poet Reacting to the incident, the poet today said the attack against him was "well planned" and Kerala was going back to the dark ages. "The upsurge of extreme communal terror, prevailing in parts of north India, has come to Kerala also...It is horrifying. Otherwise they would not have hurled abusive comments at me," he said. Kollam Rural Superintendent of Police B Asokan said that a case was registered against 15 RSS workers, of whom six were arrested. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan's office has directed the police to take stringent action and launch a thorough probe into the incident. Meanwhile, the issue also cropped up in the state assembly with the chief minister stating that a group of 15 RSS/BJP workers led by a panchayat member, Dipu were behind the incident. A case has been registered against 15 persons and six persons have been arrested so far, he said. There has been an increase in attacks on the freedom of expression in the country since the past few years, Vijayan said, adding that M M Kalburgi, Govind Pansare and Gauri Lankesh had lost their lives due to such intolerance. In Kerala also renowned writer M T Vasudevan Nair and filmmaker Kamal were among those who had been threatened. Such incidents would be dealt with sternly and will not be allowed to be repeated, he said. The government will provide necessary protection to ensure that everyone has the right to freedom of expression, Vijayan said. Kerala stands out as an island of hope when attacks on freedom of expression are taking place elsewhere in the country, the chief minister added.

Kerala: Six arrested for threatening poet

The hard work done by RSS in the civil society continues to pay dividends to BJP across the country. The best example of it is the marriage of civil society interests and political ambition in North East where RSS has been working from the 1970s.&nbsp;

It is because of this investment of time with civil society issues by RSS, that BJP has been able to build a political network in areas which is culturally and socially different to the ideological thinking of the RSS.&nbsp;

It is the confluence of social and cultural networking of RSS with BJP&rsquo;s political and electoral machine which explains the rise of BJP as an important party in the North East.

A similar investment was made by the Congress Party during the freedom struggle. The political action was only one part of the Congress activity, the party was involved in hundreds of other civil society issues. From nation building to character building, the Congress worked on a myriad of issues, almost crafting the mindset of the Indians. It is this mental world which has been challenged by the RSS-BJP combine in the last 50 years.

To understand the success, it is important to understand the work done by the RSS in North East. To start with Arunachal Pradesh, RSS runs Arunachal Vikas Parishad in Arunachal Pradesh which in other states is known as Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. It runs schools and maintains hostels for the students. There are thousands of RSS affiliated schools in the state alone.&nbsp;

The RSS runs National Integration programmes which allow students from the North East to stay with different families in different parts of India. Apart from the BJP, more than 4000 trained &lsquo;sevaks&rsquo; work in Arunachal Pradesh who run Shakhas and other programmes which works at the level of social but impact the political mood. Apart from it, affiliated organisations run Civil Service Orientation Services.

There are programmes dedicated to students who require engineering coaching. On top of it, new Yoga Centres have also come up which focus on individual character building. Additional to this is the massive network of Bal Bari schools. Though RSS insists that it has nothing to do with the BJP but the fact is that RSS, unquestionably, has laid the ground for BJP in the North East. Central to this social action are the faceless pracharaks who devote their lives to an ideology that also ends up shaping civil society sentiments on a number of political issues.

The special focus is imparting lessons on cultural nationalism (which is debatable) and national integration which provides an alternative discourse to the civil society.&nbsp;

Unlike Congress of the 50&rsquo;s and 60&rsquo;s which was then the sole repository of nationalism, the RSS-BJP combine has shifted the axis by claiming nationalism as its own domain. Today, they claim to be the sole repository of nationalism. It has allowed them to combine culturally and socially different voices into one, like pre-colonial Congress. Congress refashioned the dominant discourse of the nation into its own image. It started before independence but was institutionalised after independence.

&nbsp;Earlier, the RSS-BJP too wanted to refashion the discourse of nationalism into its own image but only succeeded in the last 25 years. It is this shift which is finding an imprint in our electoral history cutting across regions. It is this worldview, aided by rapid urbanisation and consolidation of a larger Indian national identity, that is emerging as the main opposition to highly volatile, violent, dominant and majoritarian global Islam.

RSS-BJP&rsquo;s intensive interaction with the civil society has also succeeded in underlining its role as the only party which unites and keep India united.&nbsp;

Assam result broke this very myth of geographical and ideological limitations of BJP. It made them local and national at the same time.

Such has been the impact of the effort that the issue of food habit has been kept aside in the North East, and prayer houses have been built for local communities who worship elements of nature in the state.

&nbsp;Despite having an acrimonious relationship with Christian Missionary establishment all across India, RSS has worked both ends in the North East. It has organised non-Christian communities in their cultural realm preventing conversions and also engaged the existing non-Hindu religious establishment by sharing political space with them.

The North East also remains one of the few states where the RSS ensured that most of the pracharaks have a local tribal background. Arun Anand, a scholar who has worked on the RSS says, &quot;RSS has helped BJP identify local issues. It is for this that BJP does not look alien to the people and senior leaders go a mile to accommodate local junior leaders.&rdquo;

Speaking to WION, Sunil Mohanty, the RSS in charge of Arunachal Pradesh said, &quot;What we are worried about is the dilution of the living boundary. Tribals living near the border are migrating to the district headquarter for lack of amenities which is not good. Living boundary is as important as the physical boundary.&rdquo;

Such has been the compulsion borne out of this interaction, that the BJP had to work out suitable state-related issues against various parties.

&nbsp;It created space in states, such as Tripura where Congress has not been able to unseat the Left for past 15 years. The BJP also hijacked the issue of illegal migration and consolidated votes in Assam on this issue, making minority votes irrelevant. For Congress to come back today, it cannot harp on the issue of alienism of BJP.&nbsp;

BJP has become as indigenous as Congress in the North East. RSS-BJP combine might rest on national integrity, focusing on local issues and threat which it faces from migrant populations which can change the local political axis.

Though Congress recently started a Professional Congress, it still needs people who can create a daily ritual of interaction between the worker, leader and civil society. It is through this interaction that social opinion in conjunction with political action translates into mass politics. Most of its departments are defunct today and have not functioned properly for years.

Various frontal organisations of the Congress have an episodic and politico-electoral relationship with the civil society where intimate bond with the organisation is missing. The absence of this bond further dilutes ideological underpinning of an individual. It should worry the Congress. It is for this reason that despite a massive anti-incumbency, BJP was able to retain Gujarat by a thin margin. At the end, personal bond infused with ideology does work.

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

It is the confluence of social and cultural networking of RSS with BJP?s political and electoral machine which explains the rise of BJP as an important party in the North East.

The hard work done by RSS in the civil society continues to pay dividends to BJP across the country. The best example of it is the marriage of civil society interests and political ambition in North East where RSS has been working from the 1970s. It is because of this investment of time with civil society issues by RSS, that BJP has been able to build a political network in areas which is culturally and socially different to the ideological thinking of the RSS. It is the confluence of social and cultural networking of RSS with BJP’s political and electoral machine which explains the rise of BJP as an important party in the North East. A similar investment was made by the Congress Party during the freedom struggle. The political action was only one part of the Congress activity, the party was involved in hundreds of other civil society issues. From nation building to character building, the Congress worked on a myriad of issues, almost crafting the mindset of the Indians. It is this mental world which has been challenged by the RSS-BJP combine in the last 50 years. To understand the success, it is important to understand the work done by the RSS in North East. To start with Arunachal Pradesh, RSS runs Arunachal Vikas Parishad in Arunachal Pradesh which in other states is known as Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. It runs schools and maintains hostels for the students. There are thousands of RSS affiliated schools in the state alone. The RSS runs National Integration programmes which allow students from the North East to stay with different families in different parts of India. Apart from the BJP, more than 4000 trained ‘sevaks’ work in Arunachal Pradesh who run Shakhas and other programmes which works at the level of social but impact the political mood. Apart from it, affiliated organisations run Civil Service Orientation Services. There are programmes dedicated to students who require engineering coaching. On top of it, new Yoga Centres have also come up which focus on individual character building. Additional to this is the massive network of Bal Bari schools. Though RSS insists that it has nothing to do with the BJP but the fact is that RSS, unquestionably, has laid the ground for BJP in the North East. Central to this social action are the faceless pracharaks who devote their lives to an ideology that also ends up shaping civil society sentiments on a number of political issues. The special focus is imparting lessons on cultural nationalism (which is debatable) and national integration which provides an alternative discourse to the civil society. Unlike Congress of the 50’s and 60’s which was then the sole repository of nationalism, the RSS-BJP combine has shifted the axis by claiming nationalism as its own domain. Today, they claim to be the sole repository of nationalism. It has allowed them to combine culturally and socially different voices into one, like pre-colonial Congress. Congress refashioned the dominant discourse of the nation into its own image. It started before independence but was institutionalised after independence. Earlier, the RSS-BJP too wanted to refashion the discourse of nationalism into its own image but only succeeded in the last 25 years. It is this shift which is finding an imprint in our electoral history cutting across regions. It is this worldview, aided by rapid urbanisation and consolidation of a larger Indian national identity, that is emerging as the main opposition to highly volatile, violent, dominant and majoritarian global Islam. RSS-BJP’s intensive interaction with the civil society has also succeeded in underlining its role as the only party which unites and keep India united. Assam result broke this very myth of geographical and ideological limitations of BJP. It made them local and national at the same time. Such has been the impact of the effort that the issue of food habit has been kept aside in the North East, and prayer houses have been built for local communities who worship elements of nature in the state. Despite having an acrimonious relationship with Christian Missionary establishment all across India, RSS has worked both ends in the North East. It has organised non-Christian communities in their cultural realm preventing conversions and also engaged the existing non-Hindu religious establishment by sharing political space with them. The North East also remains one of the few states where the RSS ensured that most of the pracharaks have a local tribal background. Arun Anand, a scholar who has worked on the RSS says, "RSS has helped BJP identify local issues. It is for this that BJP does not look alien to the people and senior leaders go a mile to accommodate local junior leaders.” Speaking to WION, Sunil Mohanty, the RSS in charge of Arunachal Pradesh said, "What we are worried about is the dilution of the living boundary. Tribals living near the border are migrating to the district headquarter for lack of amenities which is not good. Living boundary is as important as the physical boundary.” Such has been the compulsion borne out of this interaction, that the BJP had to work out suitable state-related issues against various parties. It created space in states, such as Tripura where Congress has not been able to unseat the Left for past 15 years. The BJP also hijacked the issue of illegal migration and consolidated votes in Assam on this issue, making minority votes irrelevant. For Congress to come back today, it cannot harp on the issue of alienism of BJP. BJP has become as indigenous as Congress in the North East. RSS-BJP combine might rest on national integrity, focusing on local issues and threat which it faces from migrant populations which can change the local political axis. Though Congress recently started a Professional Congress, it still needs people who can create a daily ritual of interaction between the worker, leader and civil society. It is through this interaction that social opinion in conjunction with political action translates into mass politics. Most of its departments are defunct today and have not functioned properly for years. Various frontal organisations of the Congress have an episodic and politico-electoral relationship with the civil society where intimate bond with the organisation is missing. The absence of this bond further dilutes ideological underpinning of an individual. It should worry the Congress. It is for this reason that despite a massive anti-incumbency, BJP was able to retain Gujarat by a thin margin. At the end, personal bond infused with ideology does work. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

Opinion: How RSS helped BJP to win India's North East

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/rupani-sworn-in-as-gujarat-chief-minister-modi-shah-in-attendance-27723">Vijay Rupani&nbsp;</a>is back in the chief minister&#39;s chair after having survived the incumbency factor and a violent quota stir by the Patidars.

Born in Rangoon (now Yangon, Myanmar) Rupani, 61, joined an RSS shakha as a schoolboy, before graduating to the BJP via the Sangh&#39;s students wing--the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP).

Though Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the BJP&#39;s face in the high-octane election campaign in his home state, Rupani, belonging to the relatively small Jain community, steered the party machinery in Gujarat, neutralising the incumbency factor against his government and surviving quota stir by the Patidar community, the bedrock of the party&#39;s support base.

Also read:<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/know-the-gujarat-ministers-who-took-oath-along-with-vijay-rupani-today-27731"> Know the Gujarat ministers who took oath along with Vijay Rupani today</a>

Rupani also successfully contained disenchantment with the government over farm distress in some parts of the state, and economic slowdown due to demonetisation and roll out of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), also stood him in good stead.

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/newly-elected-gujarat-cabinet-to-hold-first-meeting-tomorrow-27747">Newly-elected Gujarat cabinet to hold first meeting tomorrow</a>

Despite the BJP&#39;s tally falling below 100 in a long time, Rupani&#39;s selection also suggested that the top party leadership wanted continuity before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls.

Though only a second-time MLA, he made a mark as an able administrator.

Rupani, who worked mostly in the party organisation in Gujarat, fought his first Assembly election in 2014, winning a bypoll from Rajkot West. This time he won from the same seat with an impressive margin of over 53,000 votes.

A bachelor of law, Rupani was a Rajya Sabha member between 2006 and 2012.

It was under him as chairman of the Gujarat Tourism Development Corporation in 2006 that the hugely successful advertisement campaign &#39;Khushboo Gujarat Ki&#39;, featuring megastar Amitabh&nbsp;Bachchan, was launched to promote the state as a tourism hotspot.

He was also the chairman of the Gujarat Municipal Finance Board in 2013.

When the Rajkot West seat fell vacant in October 2014 after Speaker of the Assembly Vajubhai Vala was appointed the Karnataka Governor, Rupani won the bypoll.

On February 19, 2016 he was appointed the chief of the Gujarat BJP. It was seen as a victory for the Amit Shah camp in the state unit.

When the state&#39;s first and only woman chief minister Anandiben Patel resigned in August 2016 following allegations of inept handling of the Patidar and Dalit agitations, Rupani was catapulted to the hot seat.

Rupani honed his political skills in the crucible of the Gujarat Navnirman agitation, a socio-political movement in 1974 by students and the middle-class against economic crisis and corruption in public life.

It soon spread elsewhere, particularly in Bihar, where socialist legend Jayaprakash Narayan gave a call for &#39;Total Revolution&#39;.

The movement finally led to the fall of Indira Gandhi government and installation of the first non-Congress dispensation at the centre under Morarji Desai.

Rupani, who was then with the ABVP, was jailed for nearly a year during Emergency.

As the mayor of Rajkot in 1996-97, he endeared himself to people of the city with his initiatives for improvement of the civic infrastructure.

Rupani&#39;s mettle as a politician will be tested again in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls when Modi bids for a second shot at power.

Delivering Gujarat to the BJP is the least he would expect from Amit Shah&#39;s man in Gandhinagar.&nbsp;

Born in Rangoon (now Yangon, Myanmar) Rupani joined an RSS shakha as a schoolboy

Vijay Rupani is back in the chief minister's chair after having survived the incumbency factor and a violent quota stir by the Patidars. Born in Rangoon (now Yangon, Myanmar) Rupani, 61, joined an RSS shakha as a schoolboy, before graduating to the BJP via the Sangh's students wing--the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). Though Prime Minister Narendra Modi was the BJP's face in the high-octane election campaign in his home state, Rupani, belonging to the relatively small Jain community, steered the party machinery in Gujarat, neutralising the incumbency factor against his government and surviving quota stir by the Patidar community, the bedrock of the party's support base. Also read: Know the Gujarat ministers who took oath along with Vijay Rupani today Rupani also successfully contained disenchantment with the government over farm distress in some parts of the state, and economic slowdown due to demonetisation and roll out of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), also stood him in good stead. Also read: Newly-elected Gujarat cabinet to hold first meeting tomorrow Despite the BJP's tally falling below 100 in a long time, Rupani's selection also suggested that the top party leadership wanted continuity before the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. Though only a second-time MLA, he made a mark as an able administrator. Rupani, who worked mostly in the party organisation in Gujarat, fought his first Assembly election in 2014, winning a bypoll from Rajkot West. This time he won from the same seat with an impressive margin of over 53,000 votes. A bachelor of law, Rupani was a Rajya Sabha member between 2006 and 2012. It was under him as chairman of the Gujarat Tourism Development Corporation in 2006 that the hugely successful advertisement campaign 'Khushboo Gujarat Ki', featuring megastar Amitabh Bachchan, was launched to promote the state as a tourism hotspot. He was also the chairman of the Gujarat Municipal Finance Board in 2013. When the Rajkot West seat fell vacant in October 2014 after Speaker of the Assembly Vajubhai Vala was appointed the Karnataka Governor, Rupani won the bypoll. On February 19, 2016 he was appointed the chief of the Gujarat BJP. It was seen as a victory for the Amit Shah camp in the state unit. When the state's first and only woman chief minister Anandiben Patel resigned in August 2016 following allegations of inept handling of the Patidar and Dalit agitations, Rupani was catapulted to the hot seat. Rupani honed his political skills in the crucible of the Gujarat Navnirman agitation, a socio-political movement in 1974 by students and the middle-class against economic crisis and corruption in public life. It soon spread elsewhere, particularly in Bihar, where socialist legend Jayaprakash Narayan gave a call for 'Total Revolution'. The movement finally led to the fall of Indira Gandhi government and installation of the first non-Congress dispensation at the centre under Morarji Desai. Rupani, who was then with the ABVP, was jailed for nearly a year during Emergency. As the mayor of Rajkot in 1996-97, he endeared himself to people of the city with his initiatives for improvement of the civic infrastructure. Rupani's mettle as a politician will be tested again in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls when Modi bids for a second shot at power. Delivering Gujarat to the BJP is the least he would expect from Amit Shah's man in Gandhinagar.

Vijay Rupani back as Gujarat's CM: The man who beat incumbency factor and Patidar stir

Chotu Bhai Vasava has been in the Gujarat Assembly for a record six times in a row. About to be elected for the seventh time, the sitting MLA from the Jhagadia constituency in Bharuch District of Gujarat is no ordinary person. Running his entire campaign from his village house where even cell phones don&rsquo;t work, Vasava never feels tired talking on his landline.

As a tribal leader of the state, Vasava is a strong advocate of Bhilistan, a state comprising of tribal areas of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra. No matter which party he represents, Chotu Bhai Vasava is a winner because of sheer support of tribal votes which have the capacity to influence the results in 27 of the 182 Seat assembly.

Tribals have an important say in Assembly elections as they have a strong 15 per cent vote share in the state. Traditionally, the tribals have been a loyal voter of the BJP. However, in the last assembly elections, Congress took a significant share and claimed 16 of the 27 seats in the tribal belt. The most important reason for this win was the tie-up with Chotu Bhai Vasava who was contesting on a JD (U) ticket. Similar to the last Assembly election, the Congress left 5 of these 27 seats at the discretion of Chotu Bhai Vasava so that they get the support of tribals in all 27 seats.

During the current split in the JD (U), Chotu Bhai Vasava chose to be with Mr Sharad Yadav instead of Nitish Kumar and, hence, was disqualified to contest on the JD (U) ticket. Vasava is not a man to take this lying down, he, therefore, floated his own party, the &ldquo;Bhartiya Tribal Party&rdquo;.

For BJP,&nbsp; the votes of the tribal community were important and, hence, much before the party started its election campaign, the RSS started campaigning in various tribal areas to create Hindutva awareness. Even the RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat conducted a programme in heart of the tribal belt. The number of Hanuman temples in the tribal belt have swelled up many times in last few years, reflecting RSS inroads in this belt.

As far as the BJP is concerned, the Chief Minister Mr Vijay Rupani also flagged off an Adivasi Vikas Gaurav Yatra in February 2017 to influence the tribals so that the loss of 2012 can be recovered. BJP knew that the Patidar votes are going away and, hence, regaining the tribal vote bank is of utmost importance.

Meanwhile, in his home in Jhagadia, a man is sitting unnerved. He is confident of his win despite being the candidate with the highest number of criminal cases against him. His slogan is simple:

&ldquo;Sirf Naam hi Kaafi Hai&rdquo;

&ldquo;Sir Ek Hi Sarkar&rdquo;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP knew that the Patidar votes are going away and, hence, regaining the tribal vote bank is of utmost importance.

Chotu Bhai Vasava has been in the Gujarat Assembly for a record six times in a row. About to be elected for the seventh time, the sitting MLA from the Jhagadia constituency in Bharuch District of Gujarat is no ordinary person. Running his entire campaign from his village house where even cell phones don’t work, Vasava never feels tired talking on his landline. As a tribal leader of the state, Vasava is a strong advocate of Bhilistan, a state comprising of tribal areas of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra. No matter which party he represents, Chotu Bhai Vasava is a winner because of sheer support of tribal votes which have the capacity to influence the results in 27 of the 182 Seat assembly. Tribals have an important say in Assembly elections as they have a strong 15 per cent vote share in the state. Traditionally, the tribals have been a loyal voter of the BJP. However, in the last assembly elections, Congress took a significant share and claimed 16 of the 27 seats in the tribal belt. The most important reason for this win was the tie-up with Chotu Bhai Vasava who was contesting on a JD (U) ticket. Similar to the last Assembly election, the Congress left 5 of these 27 seats at the discretion of Chotu Bhai Vasava so that they get the support of tribals in all 27 seats. During the current split in the JD (U), Chotu Bhai Vasava chose to be with Mr Sharad Yadav instead of Nitish Kumar and, hence, was disqualified to contest on the JD (U) ticket. Vasava is not a man to take this lying down, he, therefore, floated his own party, the “Bhartiya Tribal Party”. For BJP, the votes of the tribal community were important and, hence, much before the party started its election campaign, the RSS started campaigning in various tribal areas to create Hindutva awareness. Even the RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat conducted a programme in heart of the tribal belt. The number of Hanuman temples in the tribal belt have swelled up many times in last few years, reflecting RSS inroads in this belt. As far as the BJP is concerned, the Chief Minister Mr Vijay Rupani also flagged off an Adivasi Vikas Gaurav Yatra in February 2017 to influence the tribals so that the loss of 2012 can be recovered. BJP knew that the Patidar votes are going away and, hence, regaining the tribal vote bank is of utmost importance. Meanwhile, in his home in Jhagadia, a man is sitting unnerved. He is confident of his win despite being the candidate with the highest number of criminal cases against him. His slogan is simple: “Sirf Naam hi Kaafi Hai” “Sir Ek Hi Sarkar” (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Chotu Bhai Vasava stopped BJP's victory march

The official spokesperson of Bharatiya Janata Party, Sambit Patra on Sunday tweeted a picture of alleged Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) poster featuring a picture of Kim Jong-un in Kerala.

Sambit Patra also wrote, &quot;Hope the left is not planning to launch missiles at the RSS, BJP offices as their next gruesome agenda.&quot;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Kim Jong-un finds place in CPM&rsquo;s posters in Kerala!! 
No wonder they have converted Kerala into Killing fields for their opponents! 
Hope the left is not planning to launch ?? missiles at the RSS,BJP offices as their next gruesome agenda! <a href="https://t.co/6LHf1dVtAy">pic.twitter.com/6LHf1dVtAy</a>
&mdash; Sambit Patra (@sambitswaraj) <a href="https://twitter.com/sambitswaraj/status/942236295517978625?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 17, 2017</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

According to media reports, the poster is an invite to all CPI-M cadres to attend the party meet in Nedumkandam.

Media quoted CPI-M&#39;s district secretary as saying that the poster must be a mistake made by the party&#39;s local group.&nbsp;

The poster is being removed.

Patra&#39;s tweet was referring to the killing of BJP and RSS members in the state.

In October, an RSS activist, Nenmini Anand was hacked to death by an unknown person.

BJP President Amit Shah also reacted to the incident alleging that CPI-M workers were behind the attack.

The CPI-M has also accused the RSS of causing a communal tension in the state.

According to a report released by CPI-M in October, from 2000 to 2017, 85 CPI-M workers and 65 RSS workers were killed.

Kim Jong Un has also said in the past that he would nuke the United States with missiles.

 
&nbsp;

The official spokesperson of Bharatiya Janata Party, Sambit Patra on Sunday tweeted a picture of alleged Communist Party of India-Marxist poster featuring a picture of Kim Jong-un in Kerala

The official spokesperson of Bharatiya Janata Party, Sambit Patra on Sunday tweeted a picture of alleged Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) poster featuring a picture of Kim Jong-un in Kerala. Sambit Patra also wrote, "Hope the left is not planning to launch missiles at the RSS, BJP offices as their next gruesome agenda." Kim Jong-un finds place in CPM’s posters in Kerala!! No wonder they have converted Kerala into Killing fields for their opponents! Hope the left is not planning to launch ?? missiles at the RSS,BJP offices as their next gruesome agenda! pic.twitter.com/6LHf1dVtAy — Sambit Patra (@sambitswaraj) December 17, 2017 × According to media reports, the poster is an invite to all CPI-M cadres to attend the party meet in Nedumkandam. Media quoted CPI-M's district secretary as saying that the poster must be a mistake made by the party's local group. The poster is being removed. Patra's tweet was referring to the killing of BJP and RSS members in the state. In October, an RSS activist, Nenmini Anand was hacked to death by an unknown person. BJP President Amit Shah also reacted to the incident alleging that CPI-M workers were behind the attack. The CPI-M has also accused the RSS of causing a communal tension in the state. According to a report released by CPI-M in October, from 2000 to 2017, 85 CPI-M workers and 65 RSS workers were killed. Kim Jong Un has also said in the past that he would nuke the United States with missiles.

Kim Jong Un on CPI-M poster in Kerala

The demolition of the Babri Masjid proves that the idea of India remains contested, and that the RSS wants to alter the character of the nation in its own image.

Ayodhya was the first successful experiment whereby Muslim votes became electorally irrelevant as a consolidated Hindu vote propelled the BJP to power under Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Ayodhya is also a reminder of the fact that accountability in politics is a faraway dream.

As of today, there has been no legal conclusion as how the conspiracy to bring down the disputed structure was hatched.

Ayodhya is also the first case where faith got the better of the constitutional imagination of the country. The violence which broke out 25 years ago challenged, irrevocably, the separation of state and religion. Religion has seeped into the political arena and mainstreamed a style of politics under which Muslims can live side-by-side with Hindus but will be politically disempowered.

Twenty-five years down the line, it has become okay to say the minority vote does not matter. This is not to say the Congress did not pamper minorities politically and created a rift at the grassroots level. In fact, Ayodhya should also be seen in the context of the Shah Bano judgement, and the subsequent intervention by Rajiv Gandhi which sent home the message that the mainstream parties discriminated against Hindus.

This was coupled with the Mandal agitation which, in the name of social justice, lifted opportunistic politicians into the chairs of power. It was this tension between Mandal and Kamandal politics that allowed Ayodhya to evolve into a political project. 
&nbsp; 
Ayodhya further changed the character of Hinduism. Ayodhya is an attempt to build the identity of the Indian state around one sampradaya (sect) of Hinduism. Hinduism, unlike other religions, has a plethora of gods. Shakta and Saiva are two of the hundreds of sampradayas which exist in India.

Ayodhya also injected an element of &lsquo;true to faith&rsquo; into Hinduism.

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Ayodhya is a challenge to Indian multiculturalism which is being belittled in the name of secularism and liberalism. Ayodhya is being used as a cure for casteism on which Hinduism rests. The idea is to dissolve internal deficits by creating a crisis of identity and future. Ayodhya was an attempt to redefine the concept of a nation&nbsp;around shared religious belief that would take us beyond the caste-based divisions of Hindu society. 
&nbsp; 
The only worry is that 25 years down the line, Ayodhya is not a contested idea anymore. There is a temple in Ayodhya and no sane person will consider removing it. So, the discussion is not about title, culpability, or where a temple should be built. The debate has boiled down to how and when. Through consensus or judicial process?

I don&rsquo;t call Ayodhya a wound either from the Muslim or the Hindu perspective. It is not an unresolved project. Ayodhya is the beginning of a bigger project which blends a crude majoritarianism and nationalism that is always trying to search for the &quot;other&quot;&nbsp;to validate itself. 
&nbsp; 
The process is helped by the country&#39;s undemocratic liberal elites who fail to take into account how modernity is reshaping Hinduism in the country. They failed to see the crassness and corruption of the so-called social justice calls of the caste-based parties that only ended up perpetuating dynasties.

The liberal elites felt that they would be the solution to illiberal and majoritarian politics. That was not to be. In turn, the Sankritisation of OBCs created Hindu mascots out of them, further squeezing out the liberal elites who failed to understand that India had started to consider them as outsiders and the political project of Hinduism is the real thing. Today, Ayodhya is not about the birthplace of Ram, it is about Hindu vanity.

It is about a sense of power. It is about a sense of assertion. It is not about renunciation, which Ram did at the drop of a&nbsp;hat when asked to leave the throne for Bharat. There is no maryada either. Afterall&nbsp;Ram has been known as the&nbsp;maryadapurushottam Ram. Maryada was crossed when one political class wanted to bring down the mosque and the other wanted to cooperate so that the problem would get resolved. 
&nbsp; 
The nation cannot retrace its steps. That is not possible, although we are coming close to the horrible and morbid politics of Pakistan which differentiates between its own people.

It is a choice which India will have to make. The truth is that the temple will stand in Ayodhya forever, but the challenge is what we make of it.

Can we come together and pray that similar violence in the name of God never takes place. It will require sanity from both sides. It will require forgiveness from both sides.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Ayodhya is the beginning of a bigger project which blends a crude majoritarianism and nationalism that is always trying to search for the 'other'?to validate itself

The demolition of the Babri Masjid proves that the idea of India remains contested, and that the RSS wants to alter the character of the nation in its own image. Ayodhya was the first successful experiment whereby Muslim votes became electorally irrelevant as a consolidated Hindu vote propelled the BJP to power under Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Ayodhya is also a reminder of the fact that accountability in politics is a faraway dream. As of today, there has been no legal conclusion as how the conspiracy to bring down the disputed structure was hatched. Ayodhya is also the first case where faith got the better of the constitutional imagination of the country. The violence which broke out 25 years ago challenged, irrevocably, the separation of state and religion. Religion has seeped into the political arena and mainstreamed a style of politics under which Muslims can live side-by-side with Hindus but will be politically disempowered. Twenty-five years down the line, it has become okay to say the minority vote does not matter. This is not to say the Congress did not pamper minorities politically and created a rift at the grassroots level. In fact, Ayodhya should also be seen in the context of the Shah Bano judgement, and the subsequent intervention by Rajiv Gandhi which sent home the message that the mainstream parties discriminated against Hindus. This was coupled with the Mandal agitation which, in the name of social justice, lifted opportunistic politicians into the chairs of power. It was this tension between Mandal and Kamandal politics that allowed Ayodhya to evolve into a political project. Ayodhya further changed the character of Hinduism. Ayodhya is an attempt to build the identity of the Indian state around one sampradaya (sect) of Hinduism. Hinduism, unlike other religions, has a plethora of gods. Shakta and Saiva are two of the hundreds of sampradayas which exist in India. Ayodhya also injected an element of ‘true to faith’ into Hinduism. Ayodhya was an attempt to redefine the concept of a national around shared religious belief that would take us beyond caste-based divisions of the Hindu society. × Ayodhya is a challenge to Indian multiculturalism which is being belittled in the name of secularism and liberalism. Ayodhya is being used as a cure for casteism on which Hinduism rests. The idea is to dissolve internal deficits by creating a crisis of identity and future. Ayodhya was an attempt to redefine the concept of a nation around shared religious belief that would take us beyond the caste-based divisions of Hindu society. The only worry is that 25 years down the line, Ayodhya is not a contested idea anymore. There is a temple in Ayodhya and no sane person will consider removing it. So, the discussion is not about title, culpability, or where a temple should be built. The debate has boiled down to how and when. Through consensus or judicial process? I don’t call Ayodhya a wound either from the Muslim or the Hindu perspective. It is not an unresolved project. Ayodhya is the beginning of a bigger project which blends a crude majoritarianism and nationalism that is always trying to search for the "other" to validate itself. The process is helped by the country's undemocratic liberal elites who fail to take into account how modernity is reshaping Hinduism in the country. They failed to see the crassness and corruption of the so-called social justice calls of the caste-based parties that only ended up perpetuating dynasties. The liberal elites felt that they would be the solution to illiberal and majoritarian politics. That was not to be. In turn, the Sankritisation of OBCs created Hindu mascots out of them, further squeezing out the liberal elites who failed to understand that India had started to consider them as outsiders and the political project of Hinduism is the real thing. Today, Ayodhya is not about the birthplace of Ram, it is about Hindu vanity. It is about a sense of power. It is about a sense of assertion. It is not about renunciation, which Ram did at the drop of a hat when asked to leave the throne for Bharat. There is no maryada either. Afterall Ram has been known as the maryadapurushottam Ram. Maryada was crossed when one political class wanted to bring down the mosque and the other wanted to cooperate so that the problem would get resolved. The nation cannot retrace its steps. That is not possible, although we are coming close to the horrible and morbid politics of Pakistan which differentiates between its own people. It is a choice which India will have to make. The truth is that the temple will stand in Ayodhya forever, but the challenge is what we make of it. Can we come together and pray that similar violence in the name of God never takes place. It will require sanity from both sides. It will require forgiveness from both sides. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Demolition of Babri Masjid proves idea of India remains contested

Art of Living founder Sri Sri Ravishankar, who has offered to mediate in the Ayodhya dispute, said he is meeting people and discussing the issue with them to find a solution.

The spiritual leader is in Pune to attend &#39;Swar Sammohini&#39;, a programme by RSS&#39; musical troupe. During the event, the spiritual leader shared the dais with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat.

After the event, when he was asked whether he held talks with Bhagwat over the Ayodhya issue, he told reporters, &quot;I came to attend the programme.&quot;

On finding an amicable solution to the Ram temple dispute, Ravishankar said, &quot;See all this does not happen immediately. We are meeting people and holding talks with them. We will see what happens.&quot;

Ravishankar is in the city as part of the three-day &#39;Anta Ranga&#39; programme organised by the Art of Living.

The spiritual leader&#39;s offer for mediating in the dispute has received a tepid and sceptical response from stakeholders on both sides, with the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) voicing reservations about his role.

A day before visiting Ayodhya earlier this week, Ravishankar met Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath but said he had no proposal yet to discuss with the stakeholders.

In 2010, the Allahabad High Court had ruled a three-way division of the disputed 2.77-acre area at Ayodhya among Sunni Waqf Board, Nirmohi Akhara and Lord Ram Lalla.

The Supreme Court will hear the case on December 5, the eve the 25th anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition.&nbsp;

The spiritual leader is in Pune to attend 'Swar Sammohini', a programme by RSS' musical troupe. During the event, the spiritual leader shared the dais with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat

Art of Living founder Sri Sri Ravishankar, who has offered to mediate in the Ayodhya dispute, said he is meeting people and discussing the issue with them to find a solution. The spiritual leader is in Pune to attend 'Swar Sammohini', a programme by RSS' musical troupe. During the event, the spiritual leader shared the dais with RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat. After the event, when he was asked whether he held talks with Bhagwat over the Ayodhya issue, he told reporters, "I came to attend the programme." On finding an amicable solution to the Ram temple dispute, Ravishankar said, "See all this does not happen immediately. We are meeting people and holding talks with them. We will see what happens." Ravishankar is in the city as part of the three-day 'Anta Ranga' programme organised by the Art of Living. The spiritual leader's offer for mediating in the dispute has received a tepid and sceptical response from stakeholders on both sides, with the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) voicing reservations about his role. A day before visiting Ayodhya earlier this week, Ravishankar met Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath but said he had no proposal yet to discuss with the stakeholders. In 2010, the Allahabad High Court had ruled a three-way division of the disputed 2.77-acre area at Ayodhya among Sunni Waqf Board, Nirmohi Akhara and Lord Ram Lalla. The Supreme Court will hear the case on December 5, the eve the 25th anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition.

Meeting people and holding talks: Ravi Shankar on Ayodhya issue

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