Priyanka Chaturvedi had removed the designation "AICC Spokesperson" from her official Twitter bio after Congress reinstated the people who misbehaved with her in September 2018. Watch full video to know more.

Priyanka Chaturvedi removes 'INC Spokesperson' designation from her official Twitter account

<p>BJP president Amit Shah said Friday that his party would abrogate Article 370 of the Constitution which gives a special status to Jammu and Kashmir after getting a majority in both houses of Parliament.</p>

<p>Speaking at a poll rally at Dharampur in Gujarat's Valsad district, he also said the main issue in the ongoing Lok Sabha elections was national security.</p>

<p>"We have already said in our manifesto that we will repeal Article 370 once we get majority in both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha so that Kashmir becomes integral part of India permanently," said Shah.</p>

<p>At present, the BJP does not enjoy a majority in the Upper House of Parliament.</p>

<p>Shah was here to campaign for Dr K C Patel, BJP MP and candidate from Valsad. All 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat will go to the polls on April 23.</p>

<p>"This fight is not just about development. There is no doubt development took place under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The issue this time is national security and only Modi and the BJP can provide that," he said.</p>

<p>"Only Modi can make India a superpower," he added.</p>

<p>Referring to the air strike carried out by the Air Force on a terrorist training camp inside Pakistan after the Pulwama attack, Shah alleged that when the entire country was celebrating, the Congress was mourning.</p>

<p>"We can understand why Pakistan was upset. But why Rahul Gandhi's party was grieving when terrorists were killed?" he asked.</p>


BJP president Amit Shah said Friday that his party would abrogate Article 370 of the Constitution which gives a special status to Jammu and Kashmir after getting a majority in both houses of Parliament.

BJP president Amit Shah said Friday that his party would abrogate Article 370 of the Constitution which gives a special status to Jammu and Kashmir after getting a majority in both houses of Parliament. Speaking at a poll rally at Dharampur in Gujarat's Valsad district, he also said the main issue in the ongoing Lok Sabha elections was national security. "We have already said in our manifesto that we will repeal Article 370 once we get majority in both Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha so that Kashmir becomes integral part of India permanently," said Shah. At present, the BJP does not enjoy a majority in the Upper House of Parliament. Shah was here to campaign for Dr K C Patel, BJP MP and candidate from Valsad. All 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat will go to the polls on April 23. "This fight is not just about development. There is no doubt development took place under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The issue this time is national security and only Modi and the BJP can provide that," he said. "Only Modi can make India a superpower," he added. Referring to the air strike carried out by the Air Force on a terrorist training camp inside Pakistan after the Pulwama attack, Shah alleged that when the entire country was celebrating, the Congress was mourning. "We can understand why Pakistan was upset. But why Rahul Gandhi's party was grieving when terrorists were killed?" he asked.

Will scrap Article 370 once BJP gets majority in Parliament: Amit Shah

In this video, watch all the latest updates related to Lok Sabha Elections 2019 for which people are casting their vote for the second phase today while elections in Vellore have been cancelled over cash seizure. Watch full video to know more.#LokSabhaElections2019, #IndiaVotes, #Election2019

General Election 2019: Elections in Vellore cancelled over cash seizure

<p>As the second phase of the Lok Sabha election started today, actor and politician Kamal Haasan was seen with daughter Shruti as they became early voters in Tamil Nadu.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The father-daughter duo was seen in a queue in the morning today outside a booth in Chennai. Shruti got up pretty early and tweeted to her fans urging them to use their constitutional right and vote today. Read her tweet here:&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Today is the day !! Vote because it matters !</p>
— shruti haasan (@shrutihaasan) <a href="https://twitter.com/shrutihaasan/status/1118671051720810496?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">April 18, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Shruthi and Kamal Sir voted ..... <a href="https://t.co/PjysA4SCXB">pic.twitter.com/PjysA4SCXB</a></p>
— GOKUL BHARATH (@iamgokulbarath) <a href="https://twitter.com/iamgokulbarath/status/1118719001696145408?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">April 18, 2019</a></blockquote>
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<p>The two also featured in her Instagram posts after they exercised their right. In one, Shruti showed her ink stain while in another she posed a pretty picture with father.&nbsp;</p>

<p>See the photos here:</p>

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<p style=" margin:8px 0 0 0; padding:0 4px;"><a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BwYUfMHhHxn/?utm_source=ig_embed&amp;utm_medium=loading" style=" color:#000; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none; word-wrap:break-word;" target="_blank">VOTING DAY !!! Proud of you my dear father @ikamalhaasan 🖤 I’m on my way to vote, are you ? 🔦 #bigday</a></p>

<p style=" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px; margin-bottom:0; margin-top:8px; overflow:hidden; padding:8px 0 7px; text-align:center; text-overflow:ellipsis; white-space:nowrap;">A post shared by @<a href="https://www.instagram.com/shrutzhaasan/?utm_source=ig_embed&amp;utm_medium=loading" style=" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px;" target="_blank"> shrutzhaasan</a> on <time datetime="2019-04-18T02:23:57+00:00" style=" font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px;">Apr 17, 2019 at 7:23pm PDT</time></p>
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<p style=" margin:8px 0 0 0; padding:0 4px;"><a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BwYePR2hJjI/?utm_source=ig_embed&amp;utm_medium=loading" style=" color:#000; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none; word-wrap:break-word;" target="_blank">Vote for the change you want to see ! #everyvotecounts</a></p>

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<p>She wrote: "Vote for the change you want to see!"</p>

<p>Kamal Haasan has entered politics by forming a new party Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) that is debuting in the election. He has put up candidates in all 39 Lok Sabha seats and the bypolls as well, hoping to make a dent in the vote share.</p>

<p>This is the first major election in Tamil Nadu after the death of towering personalities of state politics, DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa.</p>


As the second phase of the Lok Sabha election started today, actor and politician Kamal Haasan was seen with daughter Shruti as they became early voters in Tamil Nadu.

As the second phase of the Lok Sabha election started today, actor and politician Kamal Haasan was seen with daughter Shruti as they became early voters in Tamil Nadu. The father-daughter duo was seen in a queue in the morning today outside a booth in Chennai. Shruti got up pretty early and tweeted to her fans urging them to use their constitutional right and vote today. Read her tweet here: Today is the day !! Vote because it matters ! — shruti haasan (@shrutihaasan) April 18, 2019 × Shruthi and Kamal Sir voted ..... pic.twitter.com/PjysA4SCXB — GOKUL BHARATH (@iamgokulbarath) April 18, 2019 × The two also featured in her Instagram posts after they exercised their right. In one, Shruti showed her ink stain while in another she posed a pretty picture with father. See the photos here: View this post on Instagram VOTING DAY !!! Proud of you my dear father @ikamalhaasan 🖤 I’m on my way to vote, are you ? 🔦 #bigday A post shared by @ shrutzhaasan on Apr 17, 2019 at 7:23pm PDT × View this post on Instagram Vote for the change you want to see ! #everyvotecounts A post shared by @ shrutzhaasan on Apr 17, 2019 at 8:49pm PDT × She wrote: "Vote for the change you want to see!" Kamal Haasan has entered politics by forming a new party Makkal Needhi Maiam (MNM) that is debuting in the election. He has put up candidates in all 39 Lok Sabha seats and the bypolls as well, hoping to make a dent in the vote share. This is the first major election in Tamil Nadu after the death of towering personalities of state politics, DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and AIADMK chief J Jayalalithaa.

Lok Sabha elections: Superstar Kamal Haasan, daughter Shruti pose vote selfies

<p>Good works of mine and that of Prime Minister Narendra Modi led NDA government at the Centre will help me win this Lok Sabha election again, said actor-turned-politician <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wionews.com/india-news/good-works-of-mine-pm-modi-will-help-me-win-lok-sabha-polls-again-says-hema-malini-210135&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjJvNOBhc_hAhVc7HMBHcLGCvIQFggIMAE&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw13CMwgvcwIz8p-HWYGloQ3">Hema Malini </a>on Saturday.</p>

<p>"I am very confident of my win because I have done good works. My government has also done good work. So I am sure people will support us," said Malini in an exclusive interview to ANI.</p>

<p>She also expressed confidence that the next government at the Centre will again be formed by the BJP under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi.</p>

<p>"The whole system is changing. People want development. They want quick decisions to be taken for whatever is happening in the country. People belonging to different castes -- all want PM Modi," she said.</p>

<p>In the last Lok Sabha elections in 2014, Malini, who is also popular among masses as `Basanti` for her stellar role in blockbuster `Sholay,` had defeated the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) leader Jayant Chaudhary by a margin of over three lakh votes.</p>

<p>When asked if SP-BSP-RLD alliance candidate Narendra Singh will queer the pitch for her this time by eating into Jat votes, she said: "I am sure that he will get some votes. But I will get much more votes than him because I have worked for everybody irrespective of his caste. For me, all the people are Brijwasis."</p>

<p>Talking about Union Minister Maneka Gandhi`s controversial speech at Sultanpur, she said: "On the issue of Triple Talaq, many minority community women support us. Even if they do not, you have to help everybody. It does not matter who voted for us and who did not. This kind of feeling does not come to me."</p>

<p>Union Minister Gandhi on Friday, while addressing an election rally at Turab Khani village in Sultanpur from where she is contesting the Lok Sabha poll this time, told Muslims that she was all set to win and that they should vote for her as they would need her help in future.</p>

<p>"I am winning...But if my victory is without support from Muslims, I will not feel that good. Then when a Muslim comes to me for work, I think let it be. How does it matter," Union Minister Gandhi had said.</p>

<p>When asked if being an actor has helped her in politics, said: "People are able to recognise me. They at least listen to me. Other leaders have to work hard to reach out to the people."</p>

<p>In response to the way she was trolled on social media for reaping the wheat crop during her campaign in a village in<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.wionews.com/india-news/i-share-divine-connection-with-mathura-hema-malini-206595&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjJvNOBhc_hAhVc7HMBHcLGCvIQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw2f3RRnlLDvwKQjtEnsi0rp"> Mathura</a>, Hema Malini said: "I felt like doing that and I do not think that there was any problem. I go to the field. I work for my farmers in Mathura and help them so much. I have a right to enter the field. I had gone there just to take a picture. It was a pleasure to have the picture," she said.</p>

<p>Talking about the works done for her constituency in the past five years, Hema Malini said: "I have provided water, electricity facility to all areas in the constituency. I have also got a passport office open in Mathura. Earlier the people had to go to Aligarh or other towns for making passports. Roads have been widened. Connectivity has improved a lot," she said.</p>

<p>Election to Mathura Lok Sabha constituency is slated to be held in the second phase of seven-phased General Elections on April 18. The counting of votes will take place on May 23.<br />
&nbsp;</p>


Good works of mine and that of Prime Minister Narendra Modi led NDA government at the Centre will help me win this Lok Sabha election again, said actor-turned-politician Hema Malini on Saturday.

Good works of mine and that of Prime Minister Narendra Modi led NDA government at the Centre will help me win this Lok Sabha election again, said actor-turned-politician Hema Malini on Saturday. "I am very confident of my win because I have done good works. My government has also done good work. So I am sure people will support us," said Malini in an exclusive interview to ANI. She also expressed confidence that the next government at the Centre will again be formed by the BJP under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi. "The whole system is changing. People want development. They want quick decisions to be taken for whatever is happening in the country. People belonging to different castes -- all want PM Modi," she said. In the last Lok Sabha elections in 2014, Malini, who is also popular among masses as `Basanti` for her stellar role in blockbuster `Sholay,` had defeated the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) leader Jayant Chaudhary by a margin of over three lakh votes. When asked if SP-BSP-RLD alliance candidate Narendra Singh will queer the pitch for her this time by eating into Jat votes, she said: "I am sure that he will get some votes. But I will get much more votes than him because I have worked for everybody irrespective of his caste. For me, all the people are Brijwasis." Talking about Union Minister Maneka Gandhi`s controversial speech at Sultanpur, she said: "On the issue of Triple Talaq, many minority community women support us. Even if they do not, you have to help everybody. It does not matter who voted for us and who did not. This kind of feeling does not come to me." Union Minister Gandhi on Friday, while addressing an election rally at Turab Khani village in Sultanpur from where she is contesting the Lok Sabha poll this time, told Muslims that she was all set to win and that they should vote for her as they would need her help in future. "I am winning...But if my victory is without support from Muslims, I will not feel that good. Then when a Muslim comes to me for work, I think let it be. How does it matter," Union Minister Gandhi had said. When asked if being an actor has helped her in politics, said: "People are able to recognise me. They at least listen to me. Other leaders have to work hard to reach out to the people." In response to the way she was trolled on social media for reaping the wheat crop during her campaign in a village in Mathura, Hema Malini said: "I felt like doing that and I do not think that there was any problem. I go to the field. I work for my farmers in Mathura and help them so much. I have a right to enter the field. I had gone there just to take a picture. It was a pleasure to have the picture," she said. Talking about the works done for her constituency in the past five years, Hema Malini said: "I have provided water, electricity facility to all areas in the constituency. I have also got a passport office open in Mathura. Earlier the people had to go to Aligarh or other towns for making passports. Roads have been widened. Connectivity has improved a lot," she said. Election to Mathura Lok Sabha constituency is slated to be held in the second phase of seven-phased General Elections on April 18. The counting of votes will take place on May 23.

Good works of mine, PM Modi will help me win Lok Sabha poll again, says Hema Malini

<p>Electing a government to govern the nation/states for the next five years by casting vote in a polling booth is an onerous responsibility on shoulders of every voter in a democratic country. Unfortunately, even after seven decades of independence and numerous elections held in the country so far, in spite of extensive appeals by the Election Commission, &nbsp;government and other celebrities, a large number of voters still perceive, voting is an optional luxury enjoying low priority.</p>

<p>Enormous expenses out of taxpayer's revenue, precious time of serving government officials and the quantum of influence that every election result wreaks on everyone's life and future, are almost obscure to them. Electing a government is a democratic activity of utmost significance and voters' indifference to casting vote is a profligacy nation can no more afford.</p>

<p>Owing to burgeoning complexity of governance, high aspiration of the masses, technological advances, intense international pulls and pressures, country's diplomatic status in comity of nations with respect to treaties and agreements, transformation of social values, frequent natural calamities, low intensity wars etc, have rendered it all the more essential rather inevitable for every voter to unhesitatingly exercise his/her right to vote to elect a responsible, accountable and determined government to steer the country forward amidst turbulence of all sorts. Any negligence or indifference towards elections in view of these developments within and outside the country would now amount to an offence against the nation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The idea of making voting compulsory by law has arrived as an idea of national importance. All eligible voters holding valid voter cards must cast their votes compulsorily. In case of those who are unable to visit polling booth for any inevitable reason whatsoever, may be allowed to cast their votes digitally.</p>

<p>Yes, provisions for digital voting must be raised as quite a significant number of voters may not be available on the appointed day of polling at their designated addresses. A national English newspaper had conducted a campaign too, in this regard and response appeared to be fairly positive. A certain penalty may be imposed on those who refuse or fail to cast their votes and the amount may be automatically deducted from their Aadhaar-linked bank accounts invoking Direct Benefit Transfer channels.</p>

<p>After the idea of compulsory voting is successfully implanted, popular opinion must address the menace of legislators qualifying to enter the House with less than 50% of votes polled in a constituency. The root-cause of the menace is hidden in the multiplicity of political parties and a few bogus/non-entities contesting elections, who may well be dubbed mischief-mongers.</p>

<p>History is witness to one common man, J Dharatipakada, who used to contest every Presidential election, forcing full scale polling when opponent happened to be a unanimous candidate who had the support of all recognised political parties. That compelled the government to enforce 'Terms &amp; Conditions' for Presidential contestants. This example may be enlarged to include as many levels of elections as possible. Multiple regional parties came into being as a direct reward of Constitutional high-handedness of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who never cared a damn to regional aspirations or accorded even minimum courtesies to state leaders.</p>

<p>The examples of T Anjaiah from Andhra Pradesh and HN Bahuguna from Uttar Pradesh are too well known to be described. It was Anjaiah's humiliation that prodded NT Rama Rao to float his Telugu Desam Party to reclaim the honour of 'Telugu Bidda'.</p>

<p>As the Indian National Congress vehemently pursued 'Divide, Rule And Destroy Policy' bequeathed by British colonials stoking regionalism all over leading to almost every other state having their own regional political party.</p>

<p>Whenever these 'pocket' versions of parties entered into ramshackle political alliances to claim power at the Centre, they led to 'waiting-room' Prime Ministers with resignation letters in their front pockets and regional satraps demanding their share of flesh, much to the detriment of national interest.</p>

<p>The political scenario has started gradually drifting towards equipoise concurrently with expansion of an all-inclusive BJP across length and breadth of the country. The BJP has been acting as a pain-balm on bruised regional aspirations, self-respect and egos too. I am quite optimistic, in years to come, unfortunate development of narrow-minded regional parties shall be relegated into oblivion and nation shall evolve into a matured democracy with two or three strong nationalistic political parties. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The next issue to be addressed is the weird phenomenon of NOTA. Dr Subramanian Swamy had dubbed it a Naxalite provision with the sole intention to destroy elections and bring in anarchy. The RSS chief too had spoken strongly against NOTA in one of his widely attended and circulated evocations held at Vijnana Bhavan. In the run up to the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, RSS has decided to embark on door-to-door campaign against NOTA. It is a debilitating feature in our election process that allows even criminals to enter legislatures and it must be abolished by law.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The country is not a stranger to the doctrine of compulsory voting. Gujarat Local Authorities Laws (Amendment) Act, 2009, introduced an 'Obligation To Vote' at the municipal and panchayat levels in the state. The Act empowered an election officer to serve notice to a voter on the ground of failure to vote. Such a voter is called upon to submit credible reason(s) within a period of one month failing which the voter would be liable to be declared a "defaulter".</p>

<p>A defaulter-voter enjoys the privilege of challenging the order before a designated appellate officer whose decision shall be final and mandatory. The Act allows exemptions for individuals from voting if incapable due to illness, absence from the state of Gujarat on the day of polling or for other reasons laid down in Rules. Outside India, several countries have introduced compulsory voting for their citizens viz Australia (beginning with Queensland in 1915), Belgium in 1894, Brazil, Ecuador in 1936, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, North Korea (only one candidate appears on the ballot), Nauru in 1965, Peru in 1933, Singapore, Uruguay in 1934, Switzerland in 1974 and Slovakia.&nbsp;</p>

<p>It is for certain, if casting vote is not rendered mandatory by law, sooner than later shall we be compelled to comb for remaining traces of democracy in our country.</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The ZeeNews. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/it-is-time-for-india-to-make-voting-compulsory-2193921.html">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) &nbsp;</em></p>


Electing a government to govern the nation/states for the next five years by casting vote in a polling booth is an onerous responsibility on shoulders of every voter in a democratic country.

Electing a government to govern the nation/states for the next five years by casting vote in a polling booth is an onerous responsibility on shoulders of every voter in a democratic country. Unfortunately, even after seven decades of independence and numerous elections held in the country so far, in spite of extensive appeals by the Election Commission, government and other celebrities, a large number of voters still perceive, voting is an optional luxury enjoying low priority. Enormous expenses out of taxpayer's revenue, precious time of serving government officials and the quantum of influence that every election result wreaks on everyone's life and future, are almost obscure to them. Electing a government is a democratic activity of utmost significance and voters' indifference to casting vote is a profligacy nation can no more afford. Owing to burgeoning complexity of governance, high aspiration of the masses, technological advances, intense international pulls and pressures, country's diplomatic status in comity of nations with respect to treaties and agreements, transformation of social values, frequent natural calamities, low intensity wars etc, have rendered it all the more essential rather inevitable for every voter to unhesitatingly exercise his/her right to vote to elect a responsible, accountable and determined government to steer the country forward amidst turbulence of all sorts. Any negligence or indifference towards elections in view of these developments within and outside the country would now amount to an offence against the nation. The idea of making voting compulsory by law has arrived as an idea of national importance. All eligible voters holding valid voter cards must cast their votes compulsorily. In case of those who are unable to visit polling booth for any inevitable reason whatsoever, may be allowed to cast their votes digitally. Yes, provisions for digital voting must be raised as quite a significant number of voters may not be available on the appointed day of polling at their designated addresses. A national English newspaper had conducted a campaign too, in this regard and response appeared to be fairly positive. A certain penalty may be imposed on those who refuse or fail to cast their votes and the amount may be automatically deducted from their Aadhaar-linked bank accounts invoking Direct Benefit Transfer channels. After the idea of compulsory voting is successfully implanted, popular opinion must address the menace of legislators qualifying to enter the House with less than 50% of votes polled in a constituency. The root-cause of the menace is hidden in the multiplicity of political parties and a few bogus/non-entities contesting elections, who may well be dubbed mischief-mongers. History is witness to one common man, J Dharatipakada, who used to contest every Presidential election, forcing full scale polling when opponent happened to be a unanimous candidate who had the support of all recognised political parties. That compelled the government to enforce 'Terms & Conditions' for Presidential contestants. This example may be enlarged to include as many levels of elections as possible. Multiple regional parties came into being as a direct reward of Constitutional high-handedness of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who never cared a damn to regional aspirations or accorded even minimum courtesies to state leaders. The examples of T Anjaiah from Andhra Pradesh and HN Bahuguna from Uttar Pradesh are too well known to be described. It was Anjaiah's humiliation that prodded NT Rama Rao to float his Telugu Desam Party to reclaim the honour of 'Telugu Bidda'. As the Indian National Congress vehemently pursued 'Divide, Rule And Destroy Policy' bequeathed by British colonials stoking regionalism all over leading to almost every other state having their own regional political party. Whenever these 'pocket' versions of parties entered into ramshackle political alliances to claim power at the Centre, they led to 'waiting-room' Prime Ministers with resignation letters in their front pockets and regional satraps demanding their share of flesh, much to the detriment of national interest. The political scenario has started gradually drifting towards equipoise concurrently with expansion of an all-inclusive BJP across length and breadth of the country. The BJP has been acting as a pain-balm on bruised regional aspirations, self-respect and egos too. I am quite optimistic, in years to come, unfortunate development of narrow-minded regional parties shall be relegated into oblivion and nation shall evolve into a matured democracy with two or three strong nationalistic political parties. The next issue to be addressed is the weird phenomenon of NOTA. Dr Subramanian Swamy had dubbed it a Naxalite provision with the sole intention to destroy elections and bring in anarchy. The RSS chief too had spoken strongly against NOTA in one of his widely attended and circulated evocations held at Vijnana Bhavan. In the run up to the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, RSS has decided to embark on door-to-door campaign against NOTA. It is a debilitating feature in our election process that allows even criminals to enter legislatures and it must be abolished by law. The country is not a stranger to the doctrine of compulsory voting. Gujarat Local Authorities Laws (Amendment) Act, 2009, introduced an 'Obligation To Vote' at the municipal and panchayat levels in the state. The Act empowered an election officer to serve notice to a voter on the ground of failure to vote. Such a voter is called upon to submit credible reason(s) within a period of one month failing which the voter would be liable to be declared a "defaulter". A defaulter-voter enjoys the privilege of challenging the order before a designated appellate officer whose decision shall be final and mandatory. The Act allows exemptions for individuals from voting if incapable due to illness, absence from the state of Gujarat on the day of polling or for other reasons laid down in Rules. Outside India, several countries have introduced compulsory voting for their citizens viz Australia (beginning with Queensland in 1915), Belgium in 1894, Brazil, Ecuador in 1936, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, North Korea (only one candidate appears on the ballot), Nauru in 1965, Peru in 1933, Singapore, Uruguay in 1934, Switzerland in 1974 and Slovakia. It is for certain, if casting vote is not rendered mandatory by law, sooner than later shall we be compelled to comb for remaining traces of democracy in our country. (This article was originally published on The ZeeNews. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: It is time for India to make voting compulsory

<p>A&nbsp;great revolution is never the fault of the people, but of the government, the famous German writer JW von Goethe had said. Gurcharan&nbsp;Das, noted Indian author and former head of Proctor and Gamble India, recently pointed out a problem that voters across India may face during the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Disillusioned by a string of factors that form a major chunk of the entire election process, the voter in 2019 might be finally left with only a limited choice. While the NOTA&nbsp;will be an option, the bigger mathematics is who shall rise to power after standard tenets of the median voter theorem are taken care of. As April 11 nears, the question that haunts many citizens is whether the political entrepreneurship stymied and muted in our country.</p>

<p>To start with, the Election Commission of India (ECI) data suggests that currently there are 7 national parties in India. The eligibility to become one is to win at least 2 per cent seats in the Lok Sabha (LS), the upper house of the Indian Parliament. In addition, they have to win at least win four Lok Sabha seats. The national parties also have to get the recognition as a state party in at least four states. While one can debate whether these cut-offs need a revisiting or if these restrictions are prohibitive, seven national parties for a country of 1.33 billion seem less. It immediately suggests that a market power is being exercised by the dominant ones rather than the ones on the fringes. What heightens the curiosity is that 1999, and also the last LS polls, saw the classification of a national party, namely the Nationalist Congress&nbsp;&nbsp;Party.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Since then, we have had 5 national elections and the story gradually turned to state parties. The ECI data suggests that there are&nbsp;55 such parties today, with 14 new entrants from 2010 to 2019. Eight state parties entering in the 2000s, 10 in the 1990s, 7 in the 1980s, 5&nbsp;&nbsp;in the 1970s, 3 in the 1960s, and 3 more post-Independence, the rest&nbsp;&nbsp;pre-1947.&nbsp;</p>

<p>And even without going into their survival probabilities,&nbsp;one can see competition from even the less-recognised bunch of regional parties. Clearly, as we get familiar with the Indian politics which is now highly decentralised, we see the national competition is being substituted by a sub-national flavour.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Another point to take away from here is the potentially average conversion ratio of a state party to a national party, which is declining over the years.</p>

<p>So what explains the trend? The micro-foundations of entrepreneurship and pathways related to politics as a career could provide a starting answer. There are no estimates, but one wonders if it has become costlier to pursue active politics as a&nbsp;&nbsp;career opportunity. In addition, the controversial and fuzzy electoral bonds are perfect instruments as entry barriers for incumbents. Also, with the 1991 liberalisation, India has seen the advent of market forces, such that the role of the state as a social planner has become more corrective in nature (when there are market distortions), rather than being directive.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Yet, since puzzlingly&nbsp;&nbsp;India’s crony capitalism and chaebol point to an unsteady system in existence where marginal returns to becoming a politician, potentially&nbsp;exists within one’s ethical compass on the edge. That may explain entry&nbsp;of criminals and contentious religious leaders, but the successful entry from the average middle class remains a far cry. In fact, India’s growing middle class, predominantly young and aspirations, may no longer be beholden to a behavioural mind set of thinking of the state as the go-to secure fallback for livelihood and even as an influencer of life. They want to move on, and over the years, Infosys or the current&nbsp;&nbsp;Flipkart-generation may prioritise the value of bazaars in guiding life’s satisfaction.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Normatively this may be fine, but one wonders if this comes at the cost of turning the oblivious to inequalities that market forces are bringing forth and the negative externalities created tomorrow even in their private lives with their short-term thinking.&nbsp;&nbsp;For those who are sensitive to these trade-offs, the way to solve India’s ills seem to be becoming agrarian entrepreneurs, embedding oneself in rural India, blending in innovation, technology and new business models to solve the ills afflicting life beyond metros.</p>

<p>One wishes that many of them, indeed, endogenously or exogenous, turn into political entrepreneurs and would advance governance and public policy in India. A final point can be drawn from Imran Khan, the current&nbsp;&nbsp;Pakistani Prime Minister, interviewed last year on the Australian TV&nbsp;&nbsp;programme for 60 minutes.&nbsp;&nbsp;His was an observation that could be equally true for much of South Asia when he noted that maybe Pakistan needs a revolution. Today, with smart phones in their hand and aspirations in their mind, India’s youth may prioritize WhatsApp, malls,&nbsp;&nbsp;Instagram. But if they have the foresight (even selfish ones for that matter are fine), they should also ponder taking their future in their hands.&nbsp;&nbsp;From being amnesiac here, to the death anniversary of Bhagat&nbsp;&nbsp;Singh last week was not exactly a great sign to this regard, but one would like to remain hopeful that tomorrow young India will still be inspired by him and that will spur political competition.</p>

<p>Speaking in recent months to prominent healthcare leaders and entrepreneurs in&nbsp;&nbsp;India, former North American diplomats and faculty colleagues, this idea, as to whether India needs a revolution intriguingly keeps coming back in conversations. But to be substantive about it, it would be wiser to create conditions and incentives guiding Indian youth towards a&nbsp;&nbsp;systematic approach here to foster revolution with national political rivalry. The emergence of a Jignesh Mevani, Alpesh Thakor, Hardik Patel,&nbsp;&nbsp;Kanhaiya Kumar, Sheila Rashid or Shah Faesal is good regionally, but maybe India’s national parties need the animal spirits of competition to stay rooted to their broader social welfare mission. That could give&nbsp;&nbsp;India its newest revolution (with political entrepreneurship), beyond its digital or fin-tech revolution.</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-a-stymied-political-career-2736699">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;&nbsp;</em></p>


A great revolution is never the fault of the people, but of the government, the famous German writer JW von Goethe had said. Gurcharan Das, noted Indian author and former head of Proctor and Gamble India, recently pointed out a problem that voters across India may face during the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.

A great revolution is never the fault of the people, but of the government, the famous German writer JW von Goethe had said. Gurcharan Das, noted Indian author and former head of Proctor and Gamble India, recently pointed out a problem that voters across India may face during the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Disillusioned by a string of factors that form a major chunk of the entire election process, the voter in 2019 might be finally left with only a limited choice. While the NOTA will be an option, the bigger mathematics is who shall rise to power after standard tenets of the median voter theorem are taken care of. As April 11 nears, the question that haunts many citizens is whether the political entrepreneurship stymied and muted in our country. To start with, the Election Commission of India (ECI) data suggests that currently there are 7 national parties in India. The eligibility to become one is to win at least 2 per cent seats in the Lok Sabha (LS), the upper house of the Indian Parliament. In addition, they have to win at least win four Lok Sabha seats. The national parties also have to get the recognition as a state party in at least four states. While one can debate whether these cut-offs need a revisiting or if these restrictions are prohibitive, seven national parties for a country of 1.33 billion seem less. It immediately suggests that a market power is being exercised by the dominant ones rather than the ones on the fringes. What heightens the curiosity is that 1999, and also the last LS polls, saw the classification of a national party, namely the Nationalist Congress Party. Since then, we have had 5 national elections and the story gradually turned to state parties. The ECI data suggests that there are 55 such parties today, with 14 new entrants from 2010 to 2019. Eight state parties entering in the 2000s, 10 in the 1990s, 7 in the 1980s, 5 in the 1970s, 3 in the 1960s, and 3 more post-Independence, the rest pre-1947. And even without going into their survival probabilities, one can see competition from even the less-recognised bunch of regional parties. Clearly, as we get familiar with the Indian politics which is now highly decentralised, we see the national competition is being substituted by a sub-national flavour. Another point to take away from here is the potentially average conversion ratio of a state party to a national party, which is declining over the years. So what explains the trend? The micro-foundations of entrepreneurship and pathways related to politics as a career could provide a starting answer. There are no estimates, but one wonders if it has become costlier to pursue active politics as a career opportunity. In addition, the controversial and fuzzy electoral bonds are perfect instruments as entry barriers for incumbents. Also, with the 1991 liberalisation, India has seen the advent of market forces, such that the role of the state as a social planner has become more corrective in nature (when there are market distortions), rather than being directive. Yet, since puzzlingly India’s crony capitalism and chaebol point to an unsteady system in existence where marginal returns to becoming a politician, potentially exists within one’s ethical compass on the edge. That may explain entry of criminals and contentious religious leaders, but the successful entry from the average middle class remains a far cry. In fact, India’s growing middle class, predominantly young and aspirations, may no longer be beholden to a behavioural mind set of thinking of the state as the go-to secure fallback for livelihood and even as an influencer of life. They want to move on, and over the years, Infosys or the current Flipkart-generation may prioritise the value of bazaars in guiding life’s satisfaction. Normatively this may be fine, but one wonders if this comes at the cost of turning the oblivious to inequalities that market forces are bringing forth and the negative externalities created tomorrow even in their private lives with their short-term thinking. For those who are sensitive to these trade-offs, the way to solve India’s ills seem to be becoming agrarian entrepreneurs, embedding oneself in rural India, blending in innovation, technology and new business models to solve the ills afflicting life beyond metros. One wishes that many of them, indeed, endogenously or exogenous, turn into political entrepreneurs and would advance governance and public policy in India. A final point can be drawn from Imran Khan, the current Pakistani Prime Minister, interviewed last year on the Australian TV programme for 60 minutes. His was an observation that could be equally true for much of South Asia when he noted that maybe Pakistan needs a revolution. Today, with smart phones in their hand and aspirations in their mind, India’s youth may prioritize WhatsApp, malls, Instagram. But if they have the foresight (even selfish ones for that matter are fine), they should also ponder taking their future in their hands. From being amnesiac here, to the death anniversary of Bhagat Singh last week was not exactly a great sign to this regard, but one would like to remain hopeful that tomorrow young India will still be inspired by him and that will spur political competition. Speaking in recent months to prominent healthcare leaders and entrepreneurs in India, former North American diplomats and faculty colleagues, this idea, as to whether India needs a revolution intriguingly keeps coming back in conversations. But to be substantive about it, it would be wiser to create conditions and incentives guiding Indian youth towards a systematic approach here to foster revolution with national political rivalry. The emergence of a Jignesh Mevani, Alpesh Thakor, Hardik Patel, Kanhaiya Kumar, Sheila Rashid or Shah Faesal is good regionally, but maybe India’s national parties need the animal spirits of competition to stay rooted to their broader social welfare mission. That could give India its newest revolution (with political entrepreneurship), beyond its digital or fin-tech revolution. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Voters might be left with only limited choice

<p>Priyanka Gandhi Vadra became the latest member of India's storied Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to enter politics in January, but the boost she brings the opposition campaign may not turn the tide against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, polls show.</p>

<p>After years of speculation, the charismatic Vadra joined Congress to help its leader, her brother Rahul, in general elections that begin next week, pitching the party and regional groups against Modi.</p>

<p>Congress hopes the fourth-generation siblings of a dynasty that ruled India for decades after independence from Britain in 1947 and is still revered by many will help energise its ranks and counter Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).</p>

<p>In the run-up to the election that starts on Thursday, the 47-year-old Vadra has spent hours campaigning in cars, trucks and even a boat, to woo voters in Uttar Pradesh, which sends more lawmakers to parliament than any other Indian state.</p>

<p>Reuters followed her at two roadshows where she smiled, waved, and shook hands, occasionally wading into crowds as her security detail scrambled along. Her father and grandmother, both former prime ministers, were assassinated.</p>

<p>Thousands of people lined the streets for several kilometres, waving Congress flags and chanting her name.</p>

<p>"There is support for Congress because of Priyanka," said Mahesh Gupta, a shopkeeper in the temple town of Ayodhya, where she visited a shrine in late March.</p>

<p>Gupta, who referred to Vadra by her first name, as many Indians do, voted for Modi in the last election, but said he was considering Congress after seeing her campaign.</p>

<p>Vadra, a marquee campaigner for Congress, chose Ayodhya as one of her first tours to take on the BJP in its own bastion.</p>

<p>Even so, in the face of the formidable political machine of the BJP which also rules the state, Congress may be unable to capitalise on her appeal, pollsters and some party leaders said.</p>

<p>Vadra's campaigning was getting attention for Congress it would not have got otherwise, but it did not look like the party was making gains, said Milan Vaishnav, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.</p>

<p>"Many in Congress say the Priyanka play is more about building up the party for 2022 assembly elections and beyond," he said, referring to state elections in Uttar Pradesh.</p>

<p>Last month, polling agencies CVoter and CNX separately estimated Congress would win just 4 of the 80 seats up for grabs in the state, doubling its tally since the last general election in 2014.</p>

<p>That year's sweep of 71 seats for the BJP paved the way for Modi's clear majority in India’s 545-member Lok Sabha.</p>

<p>A broader poll published by a newspaper on Friday showed Modi's approval ratings across India were higher even than in 2014 when he was making a bid for power.</p>

<p>The poll, by the newspaper CSDS-Lokniti, showed 43 per cent of respondents wanted Modi as the next prime minister, with 24 per cent for Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.</p>

<p><strong>Vote wisely</strong></p>

<p>For years, Vadra helped manage elections for her brother and mother, former Congress president Sonia Gandhi, in their own constituencies, but was reluctant to get into politics herself.</p>

<p>A mother of two, she is married to businessman Robert Vadra and has long been seen as a natural politician with strong speaking skills and an ability to easily connect with people.</p>

<p>One afternoon last week, her 12-car convoy sped past lush fields and small settlements, kicking up a cloud of dust before stopping at the village of Atka in the Ayodhya district.</p>

<p>The saree-clad Vadra jumped out of her car and settled down on the ground surrounded by a group of women, many veiled and others smiling.</p>

<p>"If someone doesn’t work for you, how will you teach them a lesson?" she asked, imploring them to vote wisely. "Vote for those who want to work for you."</p>

<p>CVoter, which has run a daily opinion poll since January, said Congress support in Uttar Pradesh has dropped off after jumping 10 percentage points in the days following the news that Vadra had taken a party post.</p>

<p>Late in March, about 8.9 per cent of state voters backed Congress, a far cry from the 43.4 per cent supporting the BJP and the 44 per cent behind an alliance of two major regional parties.</p>

<p>However, even with Vadra's hectic campaigning, Congress is struggling to get its message of welfare to voters, party officials said.</p>

<p>Six voters in Uttar Pradesh said they had not heard of a Congress election promise for a programme to give India's poorest families monthly handouts of 6,000 rupees.</p>

<p>"They brought her in at a very wrong time," said one Congress official, who declined to be identified because he was not authorised to speak formally to media.</p>

<p>A better time would have been December, just days after Congress won power in three key states, giving her more time to prepare, he added. Others in the party have said it should have been years earlier.</p>

<p>The BJP has dismissed Vadra's formal entry into politics as inconsequential and Modi said it only showed that for some "the family is the party".</p>

<p>Vadra's office did not respond to a request from Reuters for an interview.</p>

<p>But Congress will seize on momentum building against the BJP, said Kamal Nath, a top Congress leader and chief minister of Madhya Pradesh.</p>

<p>"You have to time everything," he told Reuters. "You don't want to peak out too fast."</p>


Priyanka Gandhi Vadra became the latest member of India's storied Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to enter politics in January, but the boost she brings the opposition campaign may not turn the tide against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, polls show.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra became the latest member of India's storied Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to enter politics in January, but the boost she brings the opposition campaign may not turn the tide against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, polls show. After years of speculation, the charismatic Vadra joined Congress to help its leader, her brother Rahul, in general elections that begin next week, pitching the party and regional groups against Modi. Congress hopes the fourth-generation siblings of a dynasty that ruled India for decades after independence from Britain in 1947 and is still revered by many will help energise its ranks and counter Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the run-up to the election that starts on Thursday, the 47-year-old Vadra has spent hours campaigning in cars, trucks and even a boat, to woo voters in Uttar Pradesh, which sends more lawmakers to parliament than any other Indian state. Reuters followed her at two roadshows where she smiled, waved, and shook hands, occasionally wading into crowds as her security detail scrambled along. Her father and grandmother, both former prime ministers, were assassinated. Thousands of people lined the streets for several kilometres, waving Congress flags and chanting her name. "There is support for Congress because of Priyanka," said Mahesh Gupta, a shopkeeper in the temple town of Ayodhya, where she visited a shrine in late March. Gupta, who referred to Vadra by her first name, as many Indians do, voted for Modi in the last election, but said he was considering Congress after seeing her campaign. Vadra, a marquee campaigner for Congress, chose Ayodhya as one of her first tours to take on the BJP in its own bastion. Even so, in the face of the formidable political machine of the BJP which also rules the state, Congress may be unable to capitalise on her appeal, pollsters and some party leaders said. Vadra's campaigning was getting attention for Congress it would not have got otherwise, but it did not look like the party was making gains, said Milan Vaishnav, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "Many in Congress say the Priyanka play is more about building up the party for 2022 assembly elections and beyond," he said, referring to state elections in Uttar Pradesh. Last month, polling agencies CVoter and CNX separately estimated Congress would win just 4 of the 80 seats up for grabs in the state, doubling its tally since the last general election in 2014. That year's sweep of 71 seats for the BJP paved the way for Modi's clear majority in India’s 545-member Lok Sabha. A broader poll published by a newspaper on Friday showed Modi's approval ratings across India were higher even than in 2014 when he was making a bid for power. The poll, by the newspaper CSDS-Lokniti, showed 43 per cent of respondents wanted Modi as the next prime minister, with 24 per cent for Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. Vote wisely For years, Vadra helped manage elections for her brother and mother, former Congress president Sonia Gandhi, in their own constituencies, but was reluctant to get into politics herself. A mother of two, she is married to businessman Robert Vadra and has long been seen as a natural politician with strong speaking skills and an ability to easily connect with people. One afternoon last week, her 12-car convoy sped past lush fields and small settlements, kicking up a cloud of dust before stopping at the village of Atka in the Ayodhya district. The saree-clad Vadra jumped out of her car and settled down on the ground surrounded by a group of women, many veiled and others smiling. "If someone doesn’t work for you, how will you teach them a lesson?" she asked, imploring them to vote wisely. "Vote for those who want to work for you." CVoter, which has run a daily opinion poll since January, said Congress support in Uttar Pradesh has dropped off after jumping 10 percentage points in the days following the news that Vadra had taken a party post. Late in March, about 8.9 per cent of state voters backed Congress, a far cry from the 43.4 per cent supporting the BJP and the 44 per cent behind an alliance of two major regional parties. However, even with Vadra's hectic campaigning, Congress is struggling to get its message of welfare to voters, party officials said. Six voters in Uttar Pradesh said they had not heard of a Congress election promise for a programme to give India's poorest families monthly handouts of 6,000 rupees. "They brought her in at a very wrong time," said one Congress official, who declined to be identified because he was not authorised to speak formally to media. A better time would have been December, just days after Congress won power in three key states, giving her more time to prepare, he added. Others in the party have said it should have been years earlier. The BJP has dismissed Vadra's formal entry into politics as inconsequential and Modi said it only showed that for some "the family is the party". Vadra's office did not respond to a request from Reuters for an interview. But Congress will seize on momentum building against the BJP, said Kamal Nath, a top Congress leader and chief minister of Madhya Pradesh. "You have to time everything," he told Reuters. "You don't want to peak out too fast."

Priyanka Gandhi in uphill battle against BJP in eastern Uttar Pradesh

<p>Messaging service WhatsApp, which has over 200 million active users in India, on Tuesday said that it has launched a tip line for Indians to submit rumours and uncertain information, in the latest step to combat false news in India during the national election.</p>

<p>Facebook-owned WhatsApp said in a statement it was working with an Indian startup called Proto that will help to classify messages sent by users as true, false, misleading or disputed, news agency Reuters reported.</p>

<p>India is WhatsApp's biggest market in the world.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The platform has over 1.5 billion users globally.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(With inputs from Reuters)</em></p>


Messaging service WhatsApp, which has over 200 million active users in India, on Tuesday said that it has launched a tip line for Indians to submit rumours and uncertain information, in the latest step to combat false news in India during the national election.

Messaging service WhatsApp, which has over 200 million active users in India, on Tuesday said that it has launched a tip line for Indians to submit rumours and uncertain information, in the latest step to combat false news in India during the national election. Facebook-owned WhatsApp said in a statement it was working with an Indian startup called Proto that will help to classify messages sent by users as true, false, misleading or disputed, news agency Reuters reported. India is WhatsApp's biggest market in the world. The platform has over 1.5 billion users globally. (With inputs from Reuters)

WhatsApp launches India tip line to curb fake news during Lok Sabha polls 

<p>Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election. The Congress suffered its greatest electoral defeat. Its seat tally in the Lok Sabha dwindled to a mere 44 out of 543 seats.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the years that followed, Congress continued to suffer electoral defeats. Nevertheless, from the brink of a political abyss, the party pulled back; last December, it won assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. After playing a secondary role for some years, Priyanka has waded into direct political activity.<br />
<br />
The Congress hopes that her political campaigns and active involvement in organisational work will not only help Rahul Gandhi but also revive the Congress’s political fortunes. &nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>Her focus is on Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 LS seats. Any party or alliance that wins maximum seats in the state will have a powerful say in government formation at the Centre. In 2014, the BJP-led NDA swept the state, bagging 71 seats. &nbsp;</p>

<p>However, the state was a former bastion of the Congress party and the Nehru-Gandhi family. Over the years, the party has witnessed steady erosion of support base to the SP, the BSP and more recently, to the BJP. At present, apart from the two constituencies of Amethi and Rae Bareli, the Congress’ political heft in UP is very limited.&nbsp;</p>

<p>To ensure that anti-BJP votes do not split to the disadvantage of BJP’s political opponents, several parties have tried to form alliances. The Congress, at present, is a relatively emaciated, but it’s still a national party. Though it does not carry enough political weight to secure a dominant position in anti-BJP alliance formations across most states, its trying to position itself as a presiding political entity within the context of the power structure in New Delhi.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Even then, however, it is being challenged by regional parties such as the SP, BSP and West Bengal’s TMC. Successfully navigating the political terrain of UP is a challenge. Since the 1990s, it has been observed that broader the ambit, including community and caste identities, apart from the core vote of a political party, the greater its political expediency. The BSP has been typically supported by the Yadav-led vote bank, while SP’s support derives from a consolidated Yadav vote bloc. The BJP’s vote base was traditionally confined to so-called upper castes. But of late, through an increasing narrative of development, good governance and non-appeasement, it has been successful in accruing a percentage of votes across the board. The aftermath: BJP rode to massive victory in the last state assembly elections.</p>

<p>The Congress has not wielded much influence in the state, circa 1990. Its former winning coalition constituents, the Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, have drifted to vote other political parties. The changed political scenario, absence of appropriate policies, and lack of concerted leadership to the UP unit of the party have collectively contributed to its decline. Today, it is struggling to recover lost ground. But would it be relatively easier than otherwise?</p>

<p>The SP and the BSP have built their respective political identities around anti-Congress, anti-BJP rhetoric. BSP leader Mayawati and SP President Akhilesh Yadav have explicitly refused to strike any electoral alliance with the Congress. They are confident of their own alliance against the BJP-led NDA. Currently, they are prepared to extend only surface courtesies to Congress.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Priyanka Gandhi has embarked on a boat journey across eastern UP to increase adherence for the Congress. She accuses the BJP of agrarian distress, stressed employment rates, and divisive politics. Whether the amiable reception she receives across the banks of the Ganges would translate to votes for Congress candidates is moot.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Meanwhile, in an interview, the BJP Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, has insisted on the relative improvement of law and order in the state, implementation of certain welfare schemes, and non-discriminatory policies of his government. His work will strike a chord with some sections of the electorate. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The way ahead for the Congress seems to be tortuous.</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-congress-will-find-up-to-be-a-tough-political-terrain-2733552">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em><br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election.

Just before the last parliamentary elections in 2014, some senior Congress leaders indicated that Priyanka Gandhi Vadra could enter active politics, especially if the Congress party suffered a rout in that election. The Congress suffered its greatest electoral defeat. Its seat tally in the Lok Sabha dwindled to a mere 44 out of 543 seats. In the years that followed, Congress continued to suffer electoral defeats. Nevertheless, from the brink of a political abyss, the party pulled back; last December, it won assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. After playing a secondary role for some years, Priyanka has waded into direct political activity. The Congress hopes that her political campaigns and active involvement in organisational work will not only help Rahul Gandhi but also revive the Congress’s political fortunes. Her focus is on Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 LS seats. Any party or alliance that wins maximum seats in the state will have a powerful say in government formation at the Centre. In 2014, the BJP-led NDA swept the state, bagging 71 seats. However, the state was a former bastion of the Congress party and the Nehru-Gandhi family. Over the years, the party has witnessed steady erosion of support base to the SP, the BSP and more recently, to the BJP. At present, apart from the two constituencies of Amethi and Rae Bareli, the Congress’ political heft in UP is very limited. To ensure that anti-BJP votes do not split to the disadvantage of BJP’s political opponents, several parties have tried to form alliances. The Congress, at present, is a relatively emaciated, but it’s still a national party. Though it does not carry enough political weight to secure a dominant position in anti-BJP alliance formations across most states, its trying to position itself as a presiding political entity within the context of the power structure in New Delhi. Even then, however, it is being challenged by regional parties such as the SP, BSP and West Bengal’s TMC. Successfully navigating the political terrain of UP is a challenge. Since the 1990s, it has been observed that broader the ambit, including community and caste identities, apart from the core vote of a political party, the greater its political expediency. The BSP has been typically supported by the Yadav-led vote bank, while SP’s support derives from a consolidated Yadav vote bloc. The BJP’s vote base was traditionally confined to so-called upper castes. But of late, through an increasing narrative of development, good governance and non-appeasement, it has been successful in accruing a percentage of votes across the board. The aftermath: BJP rode to massive victory in the last state assembly elections. The Congress has not wielded much influence in the state, circa 1990. Its former winning coalition constituents, the Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, have drifted to vote other political parties. The changed political scenario, absence of appropriate policies, and lack of concerted leadership to the UP unit of the party have collectively contributed to its decline. Today, it is struggling to recover lost ground. But would it be relatively easier than otherwise? The SP and the BSP have built their respective political identities around anti-Congress, anti-BJP rhetoric. BSP leader Mayawati and SP President Akhilesh Yadav have explicitly refused to strike any electoral alliance with the Congress. They are confident of their own alliance against the BJP-led NDA. Currently, they are prepared to extend only surface courtesies to Congress. Priyanka Gandhi has embarked on a boat journey across eastern UP to increase adherence for the Congress. She accuses the BJP of agrarian distress, stressed employment rates, and divisive politics. Whether the amiable reception she receives across the banks of the Ganges would translate to votes for Congress candidates is moot. Meanwhile, in an interview, the BJP Chief Minister of UP, Yogi Adityanath, has insisted on the relative improvement of law and order in the state, implementation of certain welfare schemes, and non-discriminatory policies of his government. His work will strike a chord with some sections of the electorate. The way ahead for the Congress seems to be tortuous. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Congress will find UP to be a tough political terrain

<p>The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.</p>

<p>The move received a major jolt on Tuesday when the Madhya Pradesh high court issued an order staying the Ordinance promulgated by the state Governor earlier this month to almost double the quota for OBCs.</p>

<p>The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance, now under judicial review, was passed on the plea that circumstances existed and since the Legislative Assembly was not in session, it was necessary to take immediate action in this regard.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Tuesday’s High Court order notwithstanding, Chief Minister Kamal Nath is not ready to concede ground. He has responded to queries by media-persons by citing the example of Tamil Nadu and stating that other states too have gone in for reservation exceeding the 50 per cent limit prescribed and mandated by the Supreme Court. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Moving in the same direction as Tamil Nadu, even Maharashtra has chosen to grant 16 per cent reservation in jobs and admissions in academic institutions to the Marathas. The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh joined the bandwagon and soon after assuming office, Kamal Nath also went ahead and announced that OBCs will be given 27 per cent reservation in the state. &nbsp;This announcement, no doubt, was made keeping in view the role to be played by nearly 50 per cent voters belonging to the OBC category in Madya Pradesh.</p>

<p>For immediate gains, political parties scramble for votes. They resort to vote bank politics and take reckless actions. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance for hiking the quota for OBCs is a case in point. After the High Court order has come as a roadblock for Kamal Nath, he has tried to draw sustenance by pointing to other states. The question arises, in the first place, is it proper for states such as Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra to exceed the 50 per cent cap on the reservation and put the same in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to avoid judicial review.</p>

<p>When the Supreme Court has fixed a 50 per cent cap, the thumb rule should be straight and without ambiguity. Political parties, both ruling and in the Opposition, should ensure overall reservation for SCs/STs and OBCs does not exceed 50 &nbsp;per cent as laid down by the Supreme Court of India, and anybody applying for a seat or job under the quota shall not be eligible for general merit seat.</p>

<p>The quota system in its present form is causing reverse social discrimination and it leads to more and more forward communities clamouring for Other Backward Classes (OBC) status and governments succumbing due to electoral pressures.</p>

<p>The anti-quota movement which had picked up great momentum in Madhya Pradesh 2016 onwards, riding on the crest of the popular demand that reservation should be on an economic criterion, was a major factor leading to BJP’s defeat in the 2018 Assembly election. Kamal Nath’s move to hike reservation for OBCs has been seen as a move aimed at wooing the OBCs and diluting people’s upsurge on the reservation issue. But even before the Congress party could take stock of what it was ultimately going to gain by moving in this direction, it has been stopped in its path by the high court but not before it stands completely exposed when it comes to vote bank politics.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em></p>


The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The move received a major jolt on Tuesday when the Madhya Pradesh high court issued an order staying the Ordinance promulgated by the state Governor earlier this month to almost double the quota for OBCs. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance, now under judicial review, was passed on the plea that circumstances existed and since the Legislative Assembly was not in session, it was necessary to take immediate action in this regard. Tuesday’s High Court order notwithstanding, Chief Minister Kamal Nath is not ready to concede ground. He has responded to queries by media-persons by citing the example of Tamil Nadu and stating that other states too have gone in for reservation exceeding the 50 per cent limit prescribed and mandated by the Supreme Court. Moving in the same direction as Tamil Nadu, even Maharashtra has chosen to grant 16 per cent reservation in jobs and admissions in academic institutions to the Marathas. The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh joined the bandwagon and soon after assuming office, Kamal Nath also went ahead and announced that OBCs will be given 27 per cent reservation in the state. This announcement, no doubt, was made keeping in view the role to be played by nearly 50 per cent voters belonging to the OBC category in Madya Pradesh. For immediate gains, political parties scramble for votes. They resort to vote bank politics and take reckless actions. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance for hiking the quota for OBCs is a case in point. After the High Court order has come as a roadblock for Kamal Nath, he has tried to draw sustenance by pointing to other states. The question arises, in the first place, is it proper for states such as Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra to exceed the 50 per cent cap on the reservation and put the same in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to avoid judicial review. When the Supreme Court has fixed a 50 per cent cap, the thumb rule should be straight and without ambiguity. Political parties, both ruling and in the Opposition, should ensure overall reservation for SCs/STs and OBCs does not exceed 50 per cent as laid down by the Supreme Court of India, and anybody applying for a seat or job under the quota shall not be eligible for general merit seat. The quota system in its present form is causing reverse social discrimination and it leads to more and more forward communities clamouring for Other Backward Classes (OBC) status and governments succumbing due to electoral pressures. The anti-quota movement which had picked up great momentum in Madhya Pradesh 2016 onwards, riding on the crest of the popular demand that reservation should be on an economic criterion, was a major factor leading to BJP’s defeat in the 2018 Assembly election. Kamal Nath’s move to hike reservation for OBCs has been seen as a move aimed at wooing the OBCs and diluting people’s upsurge on the reservation issue. But even before the Congress party could take stock of what it was ultimately going to gain by moving in this direction, it has been stopped in its path by the high court but not before it stands completely exposed when it comes to vote bank politics. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Congress stands exposed as it plays OBC card in Madhya Pradesh

<p>There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest. The second has leaders who have been long-time rebels waiting for the right occasion to jump ship. The third group consists of politicians that latch on to current developments other than purely political as a reason to leave their parties, even though politics remains a consideration.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In the present context, the first classification would feature a host of figures from all sides — for instance, sitting BJP Member of Parliament Shyama Charan Gupta, who crossed over to the Samajwadi Party after he realised that he would not get the ticket from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The second group has the likes of Kirti Azad, who for months as a sitting MP from the BJP, had criticised the party and its leadership on a variety of issues; and ‘Jay’ Panda, who came over to the BJP from the Biju Janata Dal after spending several months condemning his original party while remaining there.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Prominent in the third category is Tom Vadakkan, until recently a senior Congress leader, a one-time aide to Sonia Gandhi and vociferous supporter of the dynasty. He recently joined the BJP, saying he had been deeply upset by the Congress’s response to the Pulwama attack and the air strikes which were conducted inside Pakistani territory. This group also boasts of politicians from the Trinamool Congress who have migrated to the BJP, angry with West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee over her politics and the manner she has responded to issues of national security.&nbsp;</p>

<p>But there is a fourth classification too, which is unique in the sense that, so far, there is only one person in this list. A few days ago, senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader Danish Ali quit his party and joined the Bahujan Samaj Party. What makes the switchover stand out is his claim that he had the blessing of the senior-most JD (S) leaders, HD Deve Gowda and Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy, for his action. It is difficult to digest this contention, not just because it is unbelievable that the leadership of a party he quits would consent to his joining a different party.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Kumaraswamy’s remark that Danish Ali’s move was a “thoughtful political decision taken by JD (S) and BSP to win more seats in the Lok Sabha election” must be taken with a pinch of salt.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Only a few weeks ago, the BSP had pulled out of the coalition regime in Karnataka led by the JD(S), causing embarrassment to the JD(S). How will it help the party if Danish Ali works to expand the BSP’s based in the state where the JD(S) is already struggling to keep the alliance with the Congress going? As JD(S) leader, Danish Ali had played a significant role in getting his party and the Congress together to foil the BJP’s chances of forming a government in Karnataka after the last election had resulted in a hung Assembly. Only days before he announced his departure from the JD(S), he had met Congress president Rahul Gandhi to sort out the alliance frictions. &nbsp;</p>

<p>The fact is that, despite these optics, Danish Ali had begun to nurse misgivings about the Congress. He must have been as frustrated as the senior JD(S) leadership with the conduct of the senior alliance partner. HD Kumaraswamy may have reconciled to drinking the “poison” of the alliance, but Danish Ali perhaps felt choked enough to not endure the situation any further. His decision to join the BSP was more out of compulsion than choice. He could obviously not go to the Congress, and he would have been a misfit in the BJP. The Samajwadi Party had even a smaller presence in Karnataka than the BSP. Moreover, unlike the BSP, the SP was more inclined in favour of Congress. &nbsp;<br />
<br />
It is being said by him and his supporters that the development should be seen as Danish Ali’s attempt to strengthen the hands of anti-Narendra Modi forces. It is difficult to understand this line of reasoning. He brings nothing on the table for the BSP in Karnataka, not to speak of Uttar Pradesh. He is a lightweight politician in any case, and for BSP chief Mayawati, he would have mere optical value. It is possible that Danish Ali is now looking for a new place of work — Uttar Pradesh, which he has suddenly remembered is his birthplace. There is speculation that the BSP could offer him the ticket from one of the ’safer’ constituencies in the state, possibly Amroha. If that is the case, it more honestly explains Danish Ali’s decision.&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em></p>


There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest.

There are broadly three categories of political migrants during the election season. The first comprises leaders that have been denied tickets by their respective parties and thus switch over to a rival camp which offers them the chance to contest. The second has leaders who have been long-time rebels waiting for the right occasion to jump ship. The third group consists of politicians that latch on to current developments other than purely political as a reason to leave their parties, even though politics remains a consideration. In the present context, the first classification would feature a host of figures from all sides — for instance, sitting BJP Member of Parliament Shyama Charan Gupta, who crossed over to the Samajwadi Party after he realised that he would not get the ticket from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The second group has the likes of Kirti Azad, who for months as a sitting MP from the BJP, had criticised the party and its leadership on a variety of issues; and ‘Jay’ Panda, who came over to the BJP from the Biju Janata Dal after spending several months condemning his original party while remaining there. Prominent in the third category is Tom Vadakkan, until recently a senior Congress leader, a one-time aide to Sonia Gandhi and vociferous supporter of the dynasty. He recently joined the BJP, saying he had been deeply upset by the Congress’s response to the Pulwama attack and the air strikes which were conducted inside Pakistani territory. This group also boasts of politicians from the Trinamool Congress who have migrated to the BJP, angry with West Bengal chief minister and Trinamool supremo Mamata Banerjee over her politics and the manner she has responded to issues of national security. But there is a fourth classification too, which is unique in the sense that, so far, there is only one person in this list. A few days ago, senior Janata Dal (Secular) leader Danish Ali quit his party and joined the Bahujan Samaj Party. What makes the switchover stand out is his claim that he had the blessing of the senior-most JD (S) leaders, HD Deve Gowda and Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy, for his action. It is difficult to digest this contention, not just because it is unbelievable that the leadership of a party he quits would consent to his joining a different party. Kumaraswamy’s remark that Danish Ali’s move was a “thoughtful political decision taken by JD (S) and BSP to win more seats in the Lok Sabha election” must be taken with a pinch of salt. Only a few weeks ago, the BSP had pulled out of the coalition regime in Karnataka led by the JD(S), causing embarrassment to the JD(S). How will it help the party if Danish Ali works to expand the BSP’s based in the state where the JD(S) is already struggling to keep the alliance with the Congress going? As JD(S) leader, Danish Ali had played a significant role in getting his party and the Congress together to foil the BJP’s chances of forming a government in Karnataka after the last election had resulted in a hung Assembly. Only days before he announced his departure from the JD(S), he had met Congress president Rahul Gandhi to sort out the alliance frictions. The fact is that, despite these optics, Danish Ali had begun to nurse misgivings about the Congress. He must have been as frustrated as the senior JD(S) leadership with the conduct of the senior alliance partner. HD Kumaraswamy may have reconciled to drinking the “poison” of the alliance, but Danish Ali perhaps felt choked enough to not endure the situation any further. His decision to join the BSP was more out of compulsion than choice. He could obviously not go to the Congress, and he would have been a misfit in the BJP. The Samajwadi Party had even a smaller presence in Karnataka than the BSP. Moreover, unlike the BSP, the SP was more inclined in favour of Congress. It is being said by him and his supporters that the development should be seen as Danish Ali’s attempt to strengthen the hands of anti-Narendra Modi forces. It is difficult to understand this line of reasoning. He brings nothing on the table for the BSP in Karnataka, not to speak of Uttar Pradesh. He is a lightweight politician in any case, and for BSP chief Mayawati, he would have mere optical value. It is possible that Danish Ali is now looking for a new place of work — Uttar Pradesh, which he has suddenly remembered is his birthplace. There is speculation that the BSP could offer him the ticket from one of the ’safer’ constituencies in the state, possibly Amroha. If that is the case, it more honestly explains Danish Ali’s decision. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: The curious case of political switchovers

<p>The BJP parliamentary board met here Friday to finalise the party's strategy for the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Lok+Sabha+polls">Lok Sabha polls</a> with its top leaders, including Prime Minister <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Narendra+Modi">Narendra Modi</a> and president Amit Shah, brainstorming for close to three hours.</p>

<p>There was no official statement on what transpired in the meeting.</p>

<p>Asked from where Modi will contest, sources said that it was already decided that he will fight from Varanasi, the constituency he represents in the current Lok Sabha.</p>

<p>The party is yet to take a call on whether he will contest from any other seat or not. Modi has fought and won from two seats in 2014 polls.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There has been speculation that the party is considering introducing certain criteria, including age bar, for candidates, but there has been no official word on this.&nbsp;</p>

<p>A party leader said "winability" will be the key consideration in selecting candidates.</p>

<p>Following the meeting, BJP general secretary Bhupendra Yadav announced a tie-up with All Jharkhand Students Union in Jharkhand.</p>

<p>The AJSU is already a partner in the BJP-led government in the state.&nbsp;Yadav said the BJP will contest 13 of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in the state and the AJSU one.&nbsp;</p>


The BJP parliamentary board met here Friday to finalise the party's strategy for the Lok Sabha polls with its top leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and president Amit Shah, brainstorming for close to three hours.

The BJP parliamentary board met here Friday to finalise the party's strategy for the Lok Sabha polls with its top leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and president Amit Shah, brainstorming for close to three hours. There was no official statement on what transpired in the meeting. Asked from where Modi will contest, sources said that it was already decided that he will fight from Varanasi, the constituency he represents in the current Lok Sabha. The party is yet to take a call on whether he will contest from any other seat or not. Modi has fought and won from two seats in 2014 polls. There has been speculation that the party is considering introducing certain criteria, including age bar, for candidates, but there has been no official word on this. A party leader said "winability" will be the key consideration in selecting candidates. Following the meeting, BJP general secretary Bhupendra Yadav announced a tie-up with All Jharkhand Students Union in Jharkhand. The AJSU is already a partner in the BJP-led government in the state. Yadav said the BJP will contest 13 of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in the state and the AJSU one.

BJP parliamentary board meets to strategise on Lok Sabha polls

<p>The Cabinet Thursday cleared an ordinance on reservation mechanism for appointment of faculties in universities, Union minister Arun Jaitley said.</p>

<p>Earlier this week, Human Resource Development Minister Prakash Javadekar said the Centre was committed to restoring the reservation roster in educational institutions following a series of protests over the issue by various students' and teachers' organisations.</p>

<p>They had been urging the government to bring an ordinance to restore the 200-point roster taking college or university as a unit for reservation in teaching posts.</p>

<p>The University Grants Commission had announced in March last year that an individual department should be considered as the base unit to calculate the number of teaching posts to be reserved for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes candidates, following an order by the Allahabad High Court in April 2017.</p>

<p>The Supreme Court had last month dismissed a review petition filed by the HRD Ministry after its special leave petition against the court order was rejected by the apex court.<br />
Javadekar had said in the Lok Sabha on February 11 that the government can "bring an ordinance if its review petition filed in the top court is rejected".&nbsp;</p>


The Cabinet Thursday cleared an ordinance on reservation mechanism for appointment of faculties in universities, Union minister Arun Jaitley said. Earlier this week, Human Resource Development Minister Prakash Javadekar said the Centre was committed to restoring the reservation roster in educational institutions following a series of protests over the issue by various students' and teachers' organisations.

The Cabinet Thursday cleared an ordinance on reservation mechanism for appointment of faculties in universities, Union minister Arun Jaitley said. Earlier this week, Human Resource Development Minister Prakash Javadekar said the Centre was committed to restoring the reservation roster in educational institutions following a series of protests over the issue by various students' and teachers' organisations. They had been urging the government to bring an ordinance to restore the 200-point roster taking college or university as a unit for reservation in teaching posts. The University Grants Commission had announced in March last year that an individual department should be considered as the base unit to calculate the number of teaching posts to be reserved for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes candidates, following an order by the Allahabad High Court in April 2017. The Supreme Court had last month dismissed a review petition filed by the HRD Ministry after its special leave petition against the court order was rejected by the apex court. Javadekar had said in the Lok Sabha on February 11 that the government can "bring an ordinance if its review petition filed in the top court is rejected".

Cabinet clears ordinance on reservation roster for faculty positions in varsities

<p>At what cost the BJP should be stopped is the question which confronts Congress Party today. Should Congress Party sacrifice itself on the altar of secularism to prevent BJP coming to power or should it fight the elections to expand itself both electorally and organisationally?&nbsp;</p>

<p>Ideally, this question should have been settled two years back, but the party continues to vacillate on the issue of alliance and organisation. Congress today stands split between two types of groups. One group wants to stop Prime Minister Narendra Modi at any cost, and hence, wants Congress to sacrifice and accommodate regional parties in form of a broader alliance.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The other group wants to contest the Lok Sabha elections with smaller partners who add strength to the Congress. This group has been resenting party’s tryst with SP-BSP in Uttar Pradesh and with AAP in Delhi. What is surprising is despite resistance from the local leadership, the idea to stich an alliance continues to flow from the top leaders in the Congress. Even in the case of Uttar Pradesh, a big section within the Congress desires to become the part of the umbrella alliance in Uttar Pradesh.</p>

<p>The desire exists understanding fully well that it would damage the reputation and standing of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. With an alliance in place, the question would arise,” Why did you get Priyanka when Congress only wanted to fight on 10 odd seats.”</p>

<p>Where does this fear stems from? Does it stem from the fact that Congress has accepted that it cannot match vote consolidation of the BJP all across India? The answer lies somewhere else. It lies within the culture of Congress post 1970s.</p>

<p>Over a period of time, ideological debate on issues and individuals died in the Congress. This is not to say that great debates are taking place under Modi’s BJP, but RSS makes up for it by pursuing dialogues internally. Lack of this exercise creates an atmosphere which subsequently reduces idealism in the party. Idealism is a glue which kept Left and Right alive during lean times. Congress on the other hand either falls back on charisma of the Gandhi’s or power to stay together. With reduced charisma of Gandhis in national politics, the glue which holds the Congress together today is power hence the pressure from senior leadership to ensure Modi loses at any cost, even at the cost of the Congress Party?</p>

<p>This thinking needs to be seriously reversed for the health of democracy. Congress is the only national party after BJP. It is down but not out. It needs to get into a smart alliance with smaller parties and ensure that narrative remains around jobs and economy. Congress mishandled Pulwama terror attack and BJP stole the thunder right under its nose. Congress needs to reset the narrative which it had after winning three Hindi heartland states. If it fails, Congress will again be reduced to two digits in Lok Sabha.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Congress needs to regain the lost confidence too with the message that it will remain in business for the next 100 years. RSS was banned thrice and faced the stigma of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination but still survived to ensure that it had its government with a simple majority in power in 2014. This tenacity to stay relevant should be a learning curve for Congress.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This tenacity can be reached if Congress recreates a robust ideological culture inside the party which would recreate new ideals for the Congress.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Side by side, it should be ensured that the organisation is not compromised for the sake of keeping Modi out of power. It never worked for the Socialists. There rabid anti-Congress attitude was devoid of ideology and ultimately led to their own demise. Their governments were short lived. Same should not happen to Congress as it cannot afford to become <em>Rishi Dadhichi</em> who gave up his life so that his bones could be used to make an Astra to kill a demon.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In today’s context, Congress as a national party is required as a bulwark against hegemonic BJP. In the interest of democracy, it should focus on its own health rather than following the single point agenda of keeping Modi out.&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;</em></p>


At what cost the BJP should be stopped is the question which confronts Congress Party today. Should Congress Party sacrifice itself on the altar of secularism to prevent BJP coming to power or should it fight the elections to expand itself both electorally and organisationally?

At what cost the BJP should be stopped is the question which confronts Congress Party today. Should Congress Party sacrifice itself on the altar of secularism to prevent BJP coming to power or should it fight the elections to expand itself both electorally and organisationally? Ideally, this question should have been settled two years back, but the party continues to vacillate on the issue of alliance and organisation. Congress today stands split between two types of groups. One group wants to stop Prime Minister Narendra Modi at any cost, and hence, wants Congress to sacrifice and accommodate regional parties in form of a broader alliance. The other group wants to contest the Lok Sabha elections with smaller partners who add strength to the Congress. This group has been resenting party’s tryst with SP-BSP in Uttar Pradesh and with AAP in Delhi. What is surprising is despite resistance from the local leadership, the idea to stich an alliance continues to flow from the top leaders in the Congress. Even in the case of Uttar Pradesh, a big section within the Congress desires to become the part of the umbrella alliance in Uttar Pradesh. The desire exists understanding fully well that it would damage the reputation and standing of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. With an alliance in place, the question would arise,” Why did you get Priyanka when Congress only wanted to fight on 10 odd seats.” Where does this fear stems from? Does it stem from the fact that Congress has accepted that it cannot match vote consolidation of the BJP all across India? The answer lies somewhere else. It lies within the culture of Congress post 1970s. Over a period of time, ideological debate on issues and individuals died in the Congress. This is not to say that great debates are taking place under Modi’s BJP, but RSS makes up for it by pursuing dialogues internally. Lack of this exercise creates an atmosphere which subsequently reduces idealism in the party. Idealism is a glue which kept Left and Right alive during lean times. Congress on the other hand either falls back on charisma of the Gandhi’s or power to stay together. With reduced charisma of Gandhis in national politics, the glue which holds the Congress together today is power hence the pressure from senior leadership to ensure Modi loses at any cost, even at the cost of the Congress Party? This thinking needs to be seriously reversed for the health of democracy. Congress is the only national party after BJP. It is down but not out. It needs to get into a smart alliance with smaller parties and ensure that narrative remains around jobs and economy. Congress mishandled Pulwama terror attack and BJP stole the thunder right under its nose. Congress needs to reset the narrative which it had after winning three Hindi heartland states. If it fails, Congress will again be reduced to two digits in Lok Sabha. Congress needs to regain the lost confidence too with the message that it will remain in business for the next 100 years. RSS was banned thrice and faced the stigma of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination but still survived to ensure that it had its government with a simple majority in power in 2014. This tenacity to stay relevant should be a learning curve for Congress. This tenacity can be reached if Congress recreates a robust ideological culture inside the party which would recreate new ideals for the Congress. Side by side, it should be ensured that the organisation is not compromised for the sake of keeping Modi out of power. It never worked for the Socialists. There rabid anti-Congress attitude was devoid of ideology and ultimately led to their own demise. Their governments were short lived. Same should not happen to Congress as it cannot afford to become Rishi Dadhichi who gave up his life so that his bones could be used to make an Astra to kill a demon. In today’s context, Congress as a national party is required as a bulwark against hegemonic BJP. In the interest of democracy, it should focus on its own health rather than following the single point agenda of keeping Modi out. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Should Congress sacrifice itself to keep Narendra Modi out?

<p>The ruling AIADMK Tuesday announced a poll alliance with the Pattali Makkal Katchi and allotted seven Lok Sabha seats to it for the forthcoming Parliamentary elections.</p>

<p>Announcing the deal in the presence of Chief Minister K Palaniswami, AIADMK coordinator and Deputy Chief Minister O Panneerselvam said it has also been decided that the PMK will be allocated a Rajya Sabha seat.</p>

<p>Under the deal, The PMK will be supporting the AIADMK in the bypolls expected to 21 Assembly constituencies in Tamil Nadu, he said.</p>

<p>A formal agreement in this regard was signed between the leadership of&nbsp;<br />
the two parties in a city hotel.</p>

<p>PMK founder leader S Ramadoss described the coalition as "an alliance for people's welfare, a mega-coalition and a victorious alliance."</p>

<p>"To retrieve the rights of Tamil Nadu people, we have made a 10-point charter of demands," Ramadoss said.</p>

<p>The demands include declaring the Cauvery delta districts as a protected farm region, a caste-wise census be held in Tamil Nadu and seven Rajiv case convicts be set free.</p>

<p>"This coalition will be successful in all the 40 constituencies in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry," he said.</p>

<p>The rationale for aligning with the AIADMK will be explained by his son and former Union Health Minister Dr Anbumani Ramadoss later, he said.&nbsp;</p>


The ruling AIADMK Tuesday announced a poll alliance with the Pattali Makkal Katchi and allotted seven Lok Sabha seats to it for the forthcoming Parliamentary elections.

The ruling AIADMK Tuesday announced a poll alliance with the Pattali Makkal Katchi and allotted seven Lok Sabha seats to it for the forthcoming Parliamentary elections. Announcing the deal in the presence of Chief Minister K Palaniswami, AIADMK coordinator and Deputy Chief Minister O Panneerselvam said it has also been decided that the PMK will be allocated a Rajya Sabha seat. Under the deal, The PMK will be supporting the AIADMK in the bypolls expected to 21 Assembly constituencies in Tamil Nadu, he said. A formal agreement in this regard was signed between the leadership of the two parties in a city hotel. PMK founder leader S Ramadoss described the coalition as "an alliance for people's welfare, a mega-coalition and a victorious alliance." "To retrieve the rights of Tamil Nadu people, we have made a 10-point charter of demands," Ramadoss said. The demands include declaring the Cauvery delta districts as a protected farm region, a caste-wise census be held in Tamil Nadu and seven Rajiv case convicts be set free. "This coalition will be successful in all the 40 constituencies in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry," he said. The rationale for aligning with the AIADMK will be explained by his son and former Union Health Minister Dr Anbumani Ramadoss later, he said.

AIADMK announces poll alliance deal with PMK ahead of Lok Sabha elections

<p>Mayawati and Akhilesh have sealed the deal for the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) which sends the highest number of Members to Parliament. BJP swept the state in 2014 riding on Modi wave and its development agenda trumping caste politics. Opinion polls predict heavy losses for BJP in the state. In this article, we look at eleven key factors which will determine the results of UP in 2019.</p>

<p>Transfer of votes without leakages: The success of any alliance depends upon the ability of partners to transfer their votes to each other with limited leakages. While in Bihar in 2015, a similar Mahagathbandhan (MGB) of Lalu, Nitish and Congress succeeded in doing so, in UP, alliance of SP-Congress failed to shift votes to each other in 2017. An informal alliance of SP and BSP for three bypolls succeeded vote transfer in bypolls last year.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Management of rebels: SP and BSP contested separately in 2014 and on an aggregate fielded 158 candidates. Almost half of these candidates (82 out of 158) will be denied tickets this time due to an alliance. Both parties will have to put in a lot of efforts to quell rebellion and reduce the impact to minimum levels. Uncle Shivpal’s party and even Congress could accommodate such rebels.</p>

<p>Ram Mandir &amp; reverse polarisation: The Mandir issue is hot currently with RSS and other Hindu organisations. UP CM Yogi Adityanath has many times reiterated that bhavya Ram mandir will be built in Ayodhya. In such an environment, any attempts to consolidate the minority vote by MGB in their favour could be counter-productive and unify the Hindu votes towards BJP.</p>

<p>Voting preference of non-Jatavs: The prime reason for decline in BSP’s influence in UP has been that it is losing support of its core vote bank of Dalits. They account for 21 per cent of the population; Jatavs (Mayawati’s caste is 12-14 per cent) and non-Jatavs (7-9 per cent). The support of non-Jatavs which was 64 per cent for party in 2009 declined to 30 per cent in 2014. BJP emerged as the choice for 45 per cent of non-Jatavs in 2014 as they were unhappy with Jatavisation/ Brahmanisation of BSP.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Voting preference of non-Yadav OBCs: OBCs account for 40 per cent of the state’s population. Yadavs (10 per cent) have been backing the SP while non-Yadavs (29 per cent), including Kurmis, Lodhis, Patels mostly supported the BJP till the time Kalyan Singh was there in the party. After his exit in 1999, the party lost the NYOBC votes to SP-BSP. From 43 per cent in 2002, support of Kurmis/ Koeris for BJP declined to 20 per cent in 2009. The fact that Modi belongs to the OBC community, strategic alliance entered with Apna Dal and disenchantment of non-Yadavs with SP due to their neglect led to massive consolidation in favour of BJP (60 per cent) in 2014.</p>

<p>How many sitting MPs are denied tickets? Modi and Shah follow a unique model to curb anti-incumbency. Today there is BJP government at the Centre, in the state and in many local bodies. So, the party has to face what I call triple anti-incumbency. To negate the impact of this, the party usually denies tickets to 30-40 per cent of its existing MPs/ MLAs. In the three state elections held recently, the number was between 25-30 per cent. In MCD elections, all corporators of BJP were denied tickets.</p>

<p>How seriously Congress fights in UP &amp; Priyanka factor: After being snubbed, the Congress has declared it will contest all 80 seats and has made Priyanka in-charge of East UP. She is expected to contest from Rae Bareli. This has enthused the party cadre. The Congress bagged 7.5 per cent vote share in 2014 in peak Modi wave, winning two and finishing second in seats. It also has influence in urban areas and enjoys support from section of upper castes, Muslims and Dalits in the state. If SP, BSP, Congress and RLD had contested together they would have won 57 seats in 2014 instead of 41 if only SP and BSP contested together.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Impact of smaller parties: Smaller parties have traditionally recorded 10-15 per cent vote share in UP. They are community-specific parties like RLD (Jats), Apna Dal (Patel’s), SBSP (Rajbhar), Nishad Party (Mallah) etc. BJP entered into strategic alliances with Apna Dal and SBSP in central and state polls to get the community votes and make inroads. Both allies are unhappy with BJP and posturing for more tickets this time around. Nishad Party is likely to get two seats from MGB quota.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Voting pattern of first-time voters: First-time voters play a crucial role in every election. These young voters mostly do not carry any baggage of ideology and vote on issues/ development. A media survey in 2014 said that almost half of 15 crore first-time voters in the 2014 general election, wanted to see Modi as PM. BJP made good inroads into young Yadav and Dalit voters in UP. As per reports, there are 12.7 crore first-time voters in 2019 out of which 2.2 crores are in UP.</p>

<p>Ability of MGB to manage contradictions in its vote blocks: It will be difficult for a section of SP and BSP cadre to accept each other as allies forgetting their bitter past. Many Dalits have borne the brunt of violence/torture by powerful OBCs.</p>

<p>How does development vs caste politics pan out? In 2014, BJP was able to convert the caste-ridden politics of the state into a narrative of nation-building and got support from all caste/class groups. As AK Verma opines in NES 2014, “This victory signalled a paradigm shift in voter behaviour, with a preference for good governance and development pushing out the identity politics of caste and community.” Whether MGB takes it back to caste politics, remains to be seen!</p>

<p>To sum up, in 2019, voters of UP will evaluate the performance of the Modi government. MGB will try to convert this battle into an ‘agadey vs pichadey’ fight. An interesting battle on the cards with many layers.</p>

<p><em>(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-uttar-pradesh-a-cakewalk-for-none-2718126">original article</a>)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)</em></p>


Mayawati and Akhilesh have sealed the deal for the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) which sends the highest number of Members to Parliament. BJP swept the state in 2014 riding on Modi wave and its development agenda trumping caste politics.

Mayawati and Akhilesh have sealed the deal for the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) which sends the highest number of Members to Parliament. BJP swept the state in 2014 riding on Modi wave and its development agenda trumping caste politics. Opinion polls predict heavy losses for BJP in the state. In this article, we look at eleven key factors which will determine the results of UP in 2019. Transfer of votes without leakages: The success of any alliance depends upon the ability of partners to transfer their votes to each other with limited leakages. While in Bihar in 2015, a similar Mahagathbandhan (MGB) of Lalu, Nitish and Congress succeeded in doing so, in UP, alliance of SP-Congress failed to shift votes to each other in 2017. An informal alliance of SP and BSP for three bypolls succeeded vote transfer in bypolls last year. Management of rebels: SP and BSP contested separately in 2014 and on an aggregate fielded 158 candidates. Almost half of these candidates (82 out of 158) will be denied tickets this time due to an alliance. Both parties will have to put in a lot of efforts to quell rebellion and reduce the impact to minimum levels. Uncle Shivpal’s party and even Congress could accommodate such rebels. Ram Mandir & reverse polarisation: The Mandir issue is hot currently with RSS and other Hindu organisations. UP CM Yogi Adityanath has many times reiterated that bhavya Ram mandir will be built in Ayodhya. In such an environment, any attempts to consolidate the minority vote by MGB in their favour could be counter-productive and unify the Hindu votes towards BJP. Voting preference of non-Jatavs: The prime reason for decline in BSP’s influence in UP has been that it is losing support of its core vote bank of Dalits. They account for 21 per cent of the population; Jatavs (Mayawati’s caste is 12-14 per cent) and non-Jatavs (7-9 per cent). The support of non-Jatavs which was 64 per cent for party in 2009 declined to 30 per cent in 2014. BJP emerged as the choice for 45 per cent of non-Jatavs in 2014 as they were unhappy with Jatavisation/ Brahmanisation of BSP. Voting preference of non-Yadav OBCs: OBCs account for 40 per cent of the state’s population. Yadavs (10 per cent) have been backing the SP while non-Yadavs (29 per cent), including Kurmis, Lodhis, Patels mostly supported the BJP till the time Kalyan Singh was there in the party. After his exit in 1999, the party lost the NYOBC votes to SP-BSP. From 43 per cent in 2002, support of Kurmis/ Koeris for BJP declined to 20 per cent in 2009. The fact that Modi belongs to the OBC community, strategic alliance entered with Apna Dal and disenchantment of non-Yadavs with SP due to their neglect led to massive consolidation in favour of BJP (60 per cent) in 2014. How many sitting MPs are denied tickets? Modi and Shah follow a unique model to curb anti-incumbency. Today there is BJP government at the Centre, in the state and in many local bodies. So, the party has to face what I call triple anti-incumbency. To negate the impact of this, the party usually denies tickets to 30-40 per cent of its existing MPs/ MLAs. In the three state elections held recently, the number was between 25-30 per cent. In MCD elections, all corporators of BJP were denied tickets. How seriously Congress fights in UP & Priyanka factor: After being snubbed, the Congress has declared it will contest all 80 seats and has made Priyanka in-charge of East UP. She is expected to contest from Rae Bareli. This has enthused the party cadre. The Congress bagged 7.5 per cent vote share in 2014 in peak Modi wave, winning two and finishing second in seats. It also has influence in urban areas and enjoys support from section of upper castes, Muslims and Dalits in the state. If SP, BSP, Congress and RLD had contested together they would have won 57 seats in 2014 instead of 41 if only SP and BSP contested together. Impact of smaller parties: Smaller parties have traditionally recorded 10-15 per cent vote share in UP. They are community-specific parties like RLD (Jats), Apna Dal (Patel’s), SBSP (Rajbhar), Nishad Party (Mallah) etc. BJP entered into strategic alliances with Apna Dal and SBSP in central and state polls to get the community votes and make inroads. Both allies are unhappy with BJP and posturing for more tickets this time around. Nishad Party is likely to get two seats from MGB quota. Voting pattern of first-time voters: First-time voters play a crucial role in every election. These young voters mostly do not carry any baggage of ideology and vote on issues/ development. A media survey in 2014 said that almost half of 15 crore first-time voters in the 2014 general election, wanted to see Modi as PM. BJP made good inroads into young Yadav and Dalit voters in UP. As per reports, there are 12.7 crore first-time voters in 2019 out of which 2.2 crores are in UP. Ability of MGB to manage contradictions in its vote blocks: It will be difficult for a section of SP and BSP cadre to accept each other as allies forgetting their bitter past. Many Dalits have borne the brunt of violence/torture by powerful OBCs. How does development vs caste politics pan out? In 2014, BJP was able to convert the caste-ridden politics of the state into a narrative of nation-building and got support from all caste/class groups. As AK Verma opines in NES 2014, “This victory signalled a paradigm shift in voter behaviour, with a preference for good governance and development pushing out the identity politics of caste and community.” Whether MGB takes it back to caste politics, remains to be seen! To sum up, in 2019, voters of UP will evaluate the performance of the Modi government. MGB will try to convert this battle into an ‘agadey vs pichadey’ fight. An interesting battle on the cards with many layers. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Uttar Pradesh: A cakewalk for none

<p>BJP president <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/opinion-how-ruthless-pm-modi-amit-shah-lost-the-numbers-game-in-karnataka-137369">Amit Shah</a> announced on Sunday that his party would contest 17 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, while the Janata Dal (United) would fight from an equal number of seats.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Lok Jantantrik Party (LJP), led by union minister Ram Vilas Paswan, meanwhile will fight from six seats.</p>

<p>Talking to media persons, Shah said that the alliance would contest the coming Lok Sabha polls under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He also said that there was no difference of any kind within the NDA in Bihar.</p>

<p>The BJP president further said seat allocation would be decided in the coming days.</p>

<p>Growing discontentment among the NDA allies in Bihar came out in the open when LJP’s Chirag Paswan told the media that the BJP had digressed to ‘non-issues’ like the Ram temple and had demanded urgent steps to return to the ‘real issue’ of development.</p>

<p>Chirag had also expressed unhappiness over the sharing of seats in the state.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, RLSP chief Upendra Kushwaha, after pulling out of the NDA on December 10 over the issue of seat allocation for 2019 Lok Sabha elections, joined the UPA on December 20 to be a part of the grand alliance.</p>

<p>JD-U had contested the last Assembly elections in alliance with the RJD against the BJP and even formed the government, but later defected to the NDA and formed the government with the BJP’s support in the state.</p>


BJP president Amit Shah announced on Sunday that his party would contest 17 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, while the Janata Dal (United) would fight from an equal number of seats.

BJP president Amit Shah announced on Sunday that his party would contest 17 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar, while the Janata Dal (United) would fight from an equal number of seats. The Lok Jantantrik Party (LJP), led by union minister Ram Vilas Paswan, meanwhile will fight from six seats. Talking to media persons, Shah said that the alliance would contest the coming Lok Sabha polls under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He also said that there was no difference of any kind within the NDA in Bihar. The BJP president further said seat allocation would be decided in the coming days. Growing discontentment among the NDA allies in Bihar came out in the open when LJP’s Chirag Paswan told the media that the BJP had digressed to ‘non-issues’ like the Ram temple and had demanded urgent steps to return to the ‘real issue’ of development. Chirag had also expressed unhappiness over the sharing of seats in the state. Meanwhile, RLSP chief Upendra Kushwaha, after pulling out of the NDA on December 10 over the issue of seat allocation for 2019 Lok Sabha elections, joined the UPA on December 20 to be a part of the grand alliance. JD-U had contested the last Assembly elections in alliance with the RJD against the BJP and even formed the government, but later defected to the NDA and formed the government with the BJP’s support in the state.

2019 polls: BJP, JD(U) to contest 17 seats each in Bihar, LJP to fight from remaining 6

<p>Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) youth young, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) will be organising a three-day national convention in Hyderabad from October 26 to 28.The convention will be inaugurated by Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh.</p>

<p>BJP president Amit Shah is also expected to attend the convention along with several other national leaders from the party.</p>

<p>Around two lakh people are expected to take part in a three-day long programme.</p>

<p>Speaking to ANI about the convention, BJYM national president Poonam Mahajan said, "This is a one-of-its-kind convention. The most important part of the convention is that we will be having 70,000 office bearers participating in it. Home Minister Rajnath Singh will be inaugurating the event and we have Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers who will come here and tell us on what can be done more to reach out to the people of this country. The concluding session will be attended by Amit Shah and after we have large Yuva rally and a public meeting at the Parade ground."</p>

<p>The opposition Congress, however, raised objection over the convention and said that the Election Commission (EC) should not permit such political meetings in the poll-bound state.</p>

<p>"I believe it is organised totally against the model of conduct. The Election Commission should not permit such political meetings. It`s a gross misuse of power by the central government. We condemn this act by the central government," Congress leader G Narayan Reddy told ANI.</p>

<p>The Telangana Legislative Assembly Elections is scheduled to be held on December 7, 2018, to elect members from 119 constituencies.&nbsp;</p>


Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) youth young, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) will be organising a three-day national convention in Hyderabad from October 26 to 28.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) youth young, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) will be organising a three-day national convention in Hyderabad from October 26 to 28.The convention will be inaugurated by Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh. BJP president Amit Shah is also expected to attend the convention along with several other national leaders from the party. Around two lakh people are expected to take part in a three-day long programme. Speaking to ANI about the convention, BJYM national president Poonam Mahajan said, "This is a one-of-its-kind convention. The most important part of the convention is that we will be having 70,000 office bearers participating in it. Home Minister Rajnath Singh will be inaugurating the event and we have Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers who will come here and tell us on what can be done more to reach out to the people of this country. The concluding session will be attended by Amit Shah and after we have large Yuva rally and a public meeting at the Parade ground." The opposition Congress, however, raised objection over the convention and said that the Election Commission (EC) should not permit such political meetings in the poll-bound state. "I believe it is organised totally against the model of conduct. The Election Commission should not permit such political meetings. It`s a gross misuse of power by the central government. We condemn this act by the central government," Congress leader G Narayan Reddy told ANI. The Telangana Legislative Assembly Elections is scheduled to be held on December 7, 2018, to elect members from 119 constituencies.

BJP youth wing to organise national convention in poll-bound Telangana

<p>Karnataka BJP president&nbsp;B S Yeddyurappa Monday rubbished reports that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be contesting the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from the state, terming it "far from the truth".</p>

<p>He said the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidates for the November 3 assembly and parliamentary by-polls in the state will be finalised at the party's core committee meeting on Wednesday.</p>

<p>"All this is far from the truth, unnecessarily such news is being spread. There is no substance in it," the former chief minister told reporters in response to a question about Modi contesting from Karnataka.</p>

<p>There were reports in certain sections of the local media that with an aim to increase BJP's influence in the South, Modi was likely to contest from one of the southern states, most probably from Karnataka along with Varanasi, the seat that he currently represents.</p>

<p>BJP is presently not in power in any of the south Indian states.</p>

<p>Karnataka is the only state where the party has considerable presence and has had its government in the past.</p>

<p>Yeddyurappa, who has been meeting several party leaders regarding finalising candidates for the Lok Sabha and assembly by-election, ssaid it would be finalised by Wednesday.</p>

<p>"Day after tomorrow (Wednesday) evening, we have called a core committee meeting where we will finalise our candidates for the three Lok Sabha constituencies and two Vidhan Sabha constituencies and send it to our national president for approval," he said.</p>

<p>Discussions have taken place about candidates for almost all constituencies that would go for the by-polls, the BJP leader said, adding, "We will hold further discussions today and tomorrow before finalising the names".&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Election Commission on Saturday had announced the bye-elections in three Lok Sabha constituencies (Shivamogga, Ballari and Mandya) and two assembly constituencies (Ramanagara and Jamkhandi). The elections will be held on November 3 and counting of votes will take place on November 6.</p>

<p>The by-elections had been necessitated after BJPs B S Yeddyurappa (Shivamogga) and B Sriramalu (Ballari), and C S Puttaraju of JD(S) (Mandya) resigned as MPs on their election to the assembly in May last.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Bypolls to Jamkhandi assembly seat was necessitated following the death of Congress MLA Siddu Nyamagouda, while Ramanagara fell vacant as Chief Minister H D</p>

<p>Kumaraswamy gave up the seat and retained Channapatna, the other segment won by him in the assembly elections.&nbsp;</p>


Karnataka BJP president B S Yeddyurappa Monday rubbished reports that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be contesting the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from the state, terming it "far from the truth".

Karnataka BJP president B S Yeddyurappa Monday rubbished reports that Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be contesting the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from the state, terming it "far from the truth". He said the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidates for the November 3 assembly and parliamentary by-polls in the state will be finalised at the party's core committee meeting on Wednesday. "All this is far from the truth, unnecessarily such news is being spread. There is no substance in it," the former chief minister told reporters in response to a question about Modi contesting from Karnataka. There were reports in certain sections of the local media that with an aim to increase BJP's influence in the South, Modi was likely to contest from one of the southern states, most probably from Karnataka along with Varanasi, the seat that he currently represents. BJP is presently not in power in any of the south Indian states. Karnataka is the only state where the party has considerable presence and has had its government in the past. Yeddyurappa, who has been meeting several party leaders regarding finalising candidates for the Lok Sabha and assembly by-election, ssaid it would be finalised by Wednesday. "Day after tomorrow (Wednesday) evening, we have called a core committee meeting where we will finalise our candidates for the three Lok Sabha constituencies and two Vidhan Sabha constituencies and send it to our national president for approval," he said. Discussions have taken place about candidates for almost all constituencies that would go for the by-polls, the BJP leader said, adding, "We will hold further discussions today and tomorrow before finalising the names". The Election Commission on Saturday had announced the bye-elections in three Lok Sabha constituencies (Shivamogga, Ballari and Mandya) and two assembly constituencies (Ramanagara and Jamkhandi). The elections will be held on November 3 and counting of votes will take place on November 6. The by-elections had been necessitated after BJPs B S Yeddyurappa (Shivamogga) and B Sriramalu (Ballari), and C S Puttaraju of JD(S) (Mandya) resigned as MPs on their election to the assembly in May last. Bypolls to Jamkhandi assembly seat was necessitated following the death of Congress MLA Siddu Nyamagouda, while Ramanagara fell vacant as Chief Minister H D Kumaraswamy gave up the seat and retained Channapatna, the other segment won by him in the assembly elections.

Yeddyurappa rubbishes reports of Modi contesting LS polls from Karnataka

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