At a time when BJP under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has completed its five-year term, it is time to evaluate the government’s performance in the last five years.&nbsp;

Foreign policy has been one of the most talked about aspects of Modi’s tenure. There is no denying the fact that this government has appeared determined to go beyond established foreign policy norms. &nbsp;

The first sign of this was the Modi government’s announcement of its “Neighbourhood First” policy. So, while the Prime Minister visited all other South Asian countries, India settled its long-standing border problem with Bangladesh and ties with Sri Lanka and Nepal marked an encouraging upward trajectory.&nbsp;

The relationship between Bhutan and Afghanistan also touched new heights.&nbsp;

Though India faced a tough time in dealing with Maldives during the tenure of President Mohammed Waheed Hassan, Modi’s calibrated efforts have helped New Delhi in reconnecting historical ties with Male after the coming of the President Ibrahim Solih last year.&nbsp;

As about Pakistan, the Modi government initially adopted the conventional method of fostering working ties. Thus, he invited Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for his government’s swearing-in ceremony in New Delhi in 2014, and later dropped by Lahore for Sharif’s birthday.&nbsp;

Pakistan, however, reciprocated with terrorist attacks against India. But unlike in the past, India under Modi showed the determination to hit back Pakistan proportionately.&nbsp;

It was in this context text that India carried out surgical strikes inside Pakistan territory along the border after the Uri terrorist attack. Later, the IAF went deep inside Pakistan hitting a LeT training ground at Balakot in response to the deadly Pulwama attack.&nbsp;

Terming its air strikes as “non-military pre-emptive” action, the Indian government succeeded in garnering global support. Even China could not openly support Pakistan against India’s action.&nbsp;

India’s successive military and air strikes have called Pakistan’s nuclear bluff. They have shifted India’s Pakistan policy in two ways: first, New Delhi can in future exercise similar options against Pakistan if Islamabad fails to reign-in terrorist organisations operating from its soil against India.&nbsp;

Second, the world community increasingly shares India’s concerns about Pakistan having emerged as the epicentre of terrorism. This is why efforts led by the US have been intensified to designate Hafiz Saeed as a global terrorist.&nbsp;

At a time when ASEAN countries want India to play an active role in the region, the Modi government has brought about a new energy in India’s orientation towards Southeast Asian countries.&nbsp;

India’s Middle East policy under Modi has also undergone a defining shift, with New Delhi finally removing the veil over its ties with Israel. Modi became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit that country.&nbsp;

At the same time, he has left no stone unturned in strengthening ties with the other countries of the region. The success of Modi’s Middle East policy can be gauged from the fact that India was invited to address the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). &nbsp;

The Modi government has been successful in dealing with all the major powers –the US, Russia, China, France, Japan and others.&nbsp;

Displaying astute pragmatism, the Prime Minister has shown his determination to elevate ties with the US by signing several important agreements, including the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) and the Communications, Compatibility, Security Agreement (COMCASA). This has helped in removing long-standing obstacles in realising the potential of defence ties with the US.&nbsp;

Signing the S-400 missile agreement with Russia simultaneously, underscored the Modi government’s effort to maintain India’s strategic autonomy vis-a-vis the US and to effectively checkmate Islamabad’s desire to foster defence ties with Moscow.&nbsp;

With regard to China, while the Modi government continued to promote friendly ties, its strong response to Beijing on the Doklam issue showed India’s readiness to rise to the occasion, when needed. &nbsp; India under Modi has come out of its timid approach to assert its rightful place in international politics.

 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-modi-years-represent-a-paradigm-shift-in-foreign-policy-2736395">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

At a time when BJP under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has completed its five-year term, it is time to evaluate the government’s performance in the last five years.

At a time when BJP under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has completed its five-year term, it is time to evaluate the government’s performance in the last five years. Foreign policy has been one of the most talked about aspects of Modi’s tenure. There is no denying the fact that this government has appeared determined to go beyond established foreign policy norms. The first sign of this was the Modi government’s announcement of its “Neighbourhood First” policy. So, while the Prime Minister visited all other South Asian countries, India settled its long-standing border problem with Bangladesh and ties with Sri Lanka and Nepal marked an encouraging upward trajectory. The relationship between Bhutan and Afghanistan also touched new heights. Though India faced a tough time in dealing with Maldives during the tenure of President Mohammed Waheed Hassan, Modi’s calibrated efforts have helped New Delhi in reconnecting historical ties with Male after the coming of the President Ibrahim Solih last year. As about Pakistan, the Modi government initially adopted the conventional method of fostering working ties. Thus, he invited Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for his government’s swearing-in ceremony in New Delhi in 2014, and later dropped by Lahore for Sharif’s birthday. Pakistan, however, reciprocated with terrorist attacks against India. But unlike in the past, India under Modi showed the determination to hit back Pakistan proportionately. It was in this context text that India carried out surgical strikes inside Pakistan territory along the border after the Uri terrorist attack. Later, the IAF went deep inside Pakistan hitting a LeT training ground at Balakot in response to the deadly Pulwama attack. Terming its air strikes as “non-military pre-emptive” action, the Indian government succeeded in garnering global support. Even China could not openly support Pakistan against India’s action. India’s successive military and air strikes have called Pakistan’s nuclear bluff. They have shifted India’s Pakistan policy in two ways: first, New Delhi can in future exercise similar options against Pakistan if Islamabad fails to reign-in terrorist organisations operating from its soil against India. Second, the world community increasingly shares India’s concerns about Pakistan having emerged as the epicentre of terrorism. This is why efforts led by the US have been intensified to designate Hafiz Saeed as a global terrorist. At a time when ASEAN countries want India to play an active role in the region, the Modi government has brought about a new energy in India’s orientation towards Southeast Asian countries. India’s Middle East policy under Modi has also undergone a defining shift, with New Delhi finally removing the veil over its ties with Israel. Modi became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit that country. At the same time, he has left no stone unturned in strengthening ties with the other countries of the region. The success of Modi’s Middle East policy can be gauged from the fact that India was invited to address the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). The Modi government has been successful in dealing with all the major powers –the US, Russia, China, France, Japan and others. Displaying astute pragmatism, the Prime Minister has shown his determination to elevate ties with the US by signing several important agreements, including the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) and the Communications, Compatibility, Security Agreement (COMCASA). This has helped in removing long-standing obstacles in realising the potential of defence ties with the US. Signing the S-400 missile agreement with Russia simultaneously, underscored the Modi government’s effort to maintain India’s strategic autonomy vis-a-vis the US and to effectively checkmate Islamabad’s desire to foster defence ties with Moscow. With regard to China, while the Modi government continued to promote friendly ties, its strong response to Beijing on the Doklam issue showed India’s readiness to rise to the occasion, when needed. India under Modi has come out of its timid approach to assert its rightful place in international politics. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Narendra Modi government has been successful in dealing with major world powers

Everyone loves elections in India. Especially the vibrant Indian media which lives off elections, seemingly at the cost of all other news. &nbsp;

In the process, television news today has created its own imagery: capturing the pandal, a stage set high above the ground far removed from the people gathered in front; a line-up of leaders in white khadi photographed with arms raised, their hands clasped in a photo-op of solidarity; tinselly crowns, swords, bows, and arrows being presented to a supreme leader. &nbsp;

It is the crowning glory. What takes the cake, rather the crown, is the mukut or tiara itself. Innumerable images, even of Dalit leaders, who have spent lifetimes fighting for equality and constitutional freedoms are on camera juggling uneasily with gold-plated tiaras on their heads. &nbsp;

An accessory befitting a local theatre group enacting Ramayana scenes is now seen occupying pride of place. For upper caste political leaders, the mukut seems just right. &nbsp;

The mukut-dhaaris wear it with a sense of entitlement completely at odds with our democratic polity. The King-like mystique or Goddess-like aura is recreated time and again, reinforcing the image of rulers with their ‘right to rule’ persona. No questions asked. &nbsp;

Now is the time when swords create images. Throughout the Hindi heartland, the talwar or sword held aloft is a metaphor of martial strength sanctified by our caste hierarchies. Leaders are filmed drawing the sword, often shakily, from its scabbard. Undoubtedly, it is a mighty act.&nbsp;

 
Unsheathing the power of the sword, bringing die-hard bravery to the fore and reaffirming their right to fight for democratic rights with such ancient weaponry. &nbsp;

Images of women leaders, conservatively draped in saris, now with a naked sword in hand gets its share of coverage. It is an image of empowerment in this age of gender fluidity, with the clarion calls for Bharat Mata ki Jai in the background. &nbsp;

Next is the imagery of togetherness and leadership. On a dais or a stage way above the ground level, a mass of men and women come together signifying their unity and uniformity. &nbsp;

Seen from a distance, this critical mass of leadership is often indistinguishable. The images captured have flashes of white and red, green and saffron, the dominant colours signifying India. &nbsp;

The leaders’ attire, body language and speeches do make them distinct for a while, as they speak from the rostrum. Speech over, they merge together again. Today’s leadership is about numbers; the more leaders on stage, the more powerful they are perceived to be. Politics and perceptions share shadowy borders. &nbsp;

When there are people, people everywhere, there’s new powerful imagery. Janata or the crowds are packed together. Like a wheat-field packed, filled with ripening stalks. When Elias Canetti used such strong imagery to explain crowds, he visualised homogeneous faceless masses. &nbsp;

Crowds in India seem homogeneous but they are not. Village folk sit, crouch, and stand in similar ways; they lean together and when prompted, cheer in unison. They are the audience, watching political dramas unfold on the stage in front of them. &nbsp;

What they see and what they hear is not what is telecast or broadcast. Leaders often hail this janata as ‘janardan’, likening them to a benevolent God, who always helps. What a turn and twist in this phrase: Janata janardan hai. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The Gandhi cap is still an omnipresent image. But it just doesn’t fit all or anybody! Even though the cap is freely available at all Khadi Bhandar showrooms, stacked in cardboard boxes, it really seems like a limp relic of the past. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Neither the Congressmen and women nor leaders of other political hues have shown the imagination to make capital out of this simple cap. Merely putting the cap on has become a defining moment. Like during the ‘India Against Corruption’ movement at Ramlila grounds of New Delhi. Each leader who donned one was hoping it would create a new image, generate a new aura around them and make history. &nbsp;

The socialists of Uttar Pradesh prefer red instead of white caps. Colours change but the simplicity, austerity of the Gandhi cap continues to be a complete misfit in today’s time and age of consumerism, opulence and fortune-for-the-few. &nbsp;

On TV studio-floors, there’s the taandav of image-making. Television anchors are adept at creating their own imagery, aesthetically designed to pull audiences into a studio-generated illusionary world. &nbsp;

Here colours streak across screens with music rising to a crescendo and merging visuals into words. One TV anchor has made rubbing hands his signature style. It was a gesture rarely seen on TV screens; he created the imagery of an eager auctioneer rubbing his hands in glee. Breaking news made him break the mould. &nbsp;

Other anchors are in throes of self-induced ecstasy, a news-morphine-high, which makes them leap across studio floors, punching the air in front of large studio screens.

The whiplash of their words activates a mass of graphical data, conjuring images of a ringmaster on a circus floor, summoning jokers, who cartwheel and monkeys who ride bicycles. And then suddenly it all fades away…time now for Chyawanprash ads to roll. &nbsp;

These images and performances go on, evening after evening, night after night, when electoral politics are dissected, debated and discussed. Our television studios, newspapers, magazines and news portals are a world of such profound sound and fury, music and graphics. &nbsp;

It signifies our reality: so western, so contemporary, where modern style and substance go together hand in hand. Who said we are stereotypical, regressive, chauvinistic, unimaginative and unconstitutional…? 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-imagery-of-poll-politics-2735806">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Everyone loves elections in India. Especially the vibrant Indian media which lives off elections, seemingly at the cost of all other news. In the process, television news today has created its own imagery: capturing the pandal, a stage set high above the ground far removed from the people gathered in front; a line-up of leaders in white khadi photographed with arms raised, their hands clasped in a photo-op of solidarity; tinselly crowns, swords, bows, and arrows being presented to a supreme leader.

Everyone loves elections in India. Especially the vibrant Indian media which lives off elections, seemingly at the cost of all other news. In the process, television news today has created its own imagery: capturing the pandal, a stage set high above the ground far removed from the people gathered in front; a line-up of leaders in white khadi photographed with arms raised, their hands clasped in a photo-op of solidarity; tinselly crowns, swords, bows, and arrows being presented to a supreme leader. It is the crowning glory. What takes the cake, rather the crown, is the mukut or tiara itself. Innumerable images, even of Dalit leaders, who have spent lifetimes fighting for equality and constitutional freedoms are on camera juggling uneasily with gold-plated tiaras on their heads. An accessory befitting a local theatre group enacting Ramayana scenes is now seen occupying pride of place. For upper caste political leaders, the mukut seems just right. The mukut-dhaaris wear it with a sense of entitlement completely at odds with our democratic polity. The King-like mystique or Goddess-like aura is recreated time and again, reinforcing the image of rulers with their ‘right to rule’ persona. No questions asked. Now is the time when swords create images. Throughout the Hindi heartland, the talwar or sword held aloft is a metaphor of martial strength sanctified by our caste hierarchies. Leaders are filmed drawing the sword, often shakily, from its scabbard. Undoubtedly, it is a mighty act. Unsheathing the power of the sword, bringing die-hard bravery to the fore and reaffirming their right to fight for democratic rights with such ancient weaponry. Images of women leaders, conservatively draped in saris, now with a naked sword in hand gets its share of coverage. It is an image of empowerment in this age of gender fluidity, with the clarion calls for Bharat Mata ki Jai in the background. Next is the imagery of togetherness and leadership. On a dais or a stage way above the ground level, a mass of men and women come together signifying their unity and uniformity. Seen from a distance, this critical mass of leadership is often indistinguishable. The images captured have flashes of white and red, green and saffron, the dominant colours signifying India. The leaders’ attire, body language and speeches do make them distinct for a while, as they speak from the rostrum. Speech over, they merge together again. Today’s leadership is about numbers; the more leaders on stage, the more powerful they are perceived to be. Politics and perceptions share shadowy borders. When there are people, people everywhere, there’s new powerful imagery. Janata or the crowds are packed together. Like a wheat-field packed, filled with ripening stalks. When Elias Canetti used such strong imagery to explain crowds, he visualised homogeneous faceless masses. Crowds in India seem homogeneous but they are not. Village folk sit, crouch, and stand in similar ways; they lean together and when prompted, cheer in unison. They are the audience, watching political dramas unfold on the stage in front of them. What they see and what they hear is not what is telecast or broadcast. Leaders often hail this janata as ‘janardan’, likening them to a benevolent God, who always helps. What a turn and twist in this phrase: Janata janardan hai. The Gandhi cap is still an omnipresent image. But it just doesn’t fit all or anybody! Even though the cap is freely available at all Khadi Bhandar showrooms, stacked in cardboard boxes, it really seems like a limp relic of the past. Neither the Congressmen and women nor leaders of other political hues have shown the imagination to make capital out of this simple cap. Merely putting the cap on has become a defining moment. Like during the ‘India Against Corruption’ movement at Ramlila grounds of New Delhi. Each leader who donned one was hoping it would create a new image, generate a new aura around them and make history. The socialists of Uttar Pradesh prefer red instead of white caps. Colours change but the simplicity, austerity of the Gandhi cap continues to be a complete misfit in today’s time and age of consumerism, opulence and fortune-for-the-few. On TV studio-floors, there’s the taandav of image-making. Television anchors are adept at creating their own imagery, aesthetically designed to pull audiences into a studio-generated illusionary world. Here colours streak across screens with music rising to a crescendo and merging visuals into words. One TV anchor has made rubbing hands his signature style. It was a gesture rarely seen on TV screens; he created the imagery of an eager auctioneer rubbing his hands in glee. Breaking news made him break the mould. Other anchors are in throes of self-induced ecstasy, a news-morphine-high, which makes them leap across studio floors, punching the air in front of large studio screens. The whiplash of their words activates a mass of graphical data, conjuring images of a ringmaster on a circus floor, summoning jokers, who cartwheel and monkeys who ride bicycles. And then suddenly it all fades away…time now for Chyawanprash ads to roll. These images and performances go on, evening after evening, night after night, when electoral politics are dissected, debated and discussed. Our television studios, newspapers, magazines and news portals are a world of such profound sound and fury, music and graphics. It signifies our reality: so western, so contemporary, where modern style and substance go together hand in hand. Who said we are stereotypical, regressive, chauvinistic, unimaginative and unconstitutional…? (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Politics and perceptions: The more leaders on stage, the more powerful they are perceived to be

Has Congress president Rahul Gandhi taken a wrong step forward (or backward) by deciding to contest for the Lok Sabha from Wayanad in Kerala? In principle, this is not so, but in practical detail, I think the answer is yes.

It seems to be that the keenly contested general elections this year has begun to resemble a snakes and ladders game. When the Pulwama attack happened, it seemed like the BJP had hit the mouth of a snake, but when the Balakot strikes happened, Prime Minister Narendra Modi seemed to have converted a potential snake into a ladder as national security became mainstream in the election discourse.

Again, when the Congress president upped the ante for Modi and BJP president Amit Shah by announcing a Rs 6,000-per-month basic income scheme for the poorest Indians to counter the NDA government's PM KISAN scheme that offers a fraction of that to farmers, it seemed Rahul Gandhi had begun climbing a ladder.

However, the Wayanad move has turned out to be a snake for Rahul Gandhi, in my opinion, because it gave Modi a chance to hit out against minority-centric politics. We thought the Congress had begun to avoid the minority-ist tag after Rahul Gandhi declared himself a Shiv bhakt to counter insinuations that he was not for Hindus.

BJP's national-security-plus-Hindutva pitch seems to be working substantially across the Hindi belt, though I would not say that about the regions south of the Vindhyas and east of Patna. In this see-saw, snakes-and-ladders election year, Rahul Gandhi is stronger than what his critics might say but is weaker than what his supporters might think.

The Wayanad gambit invites charges that the Congress needs to avoid if it is to remain a national party because the sentiments whipped up by the BJP are such that even a please-all manifesto of the kind Congress released this week has limitations despite its sense of painstaking detail. The cynic might say speeches matter more than manifestos.

I have also been reading that the anti-incumbency factor in elections has been receding since 2002 in India, and this means Congress needs to go more than that extra mile.

The Wayanad shift by Rahul Gandhi has made the CPM counter the Congress when one thought they were teaming up to beat the BJP. With friends like that, Congress is definitely on a tricky wicket. If you had asked me which seat Rahul G would contest from if the south was a priority, I would have guessed Medak in Telangana because that is the place from where his grandmother Indira Gandhi won in 1980 on her comeback after the Congress suffered a humiliating defeat in the post-Emergency elections in 1977. Of course, this would mean playing ball with K Chandrashekar Rao, the Telangana Chief Minister, who won the seat in 2014 before relinquishing it to become the CM of the newly-carved state. KCR now is pulling his own line as a "Third Front" leader, mocking both the Congress and the BJP.

Now, here is the deal. Mainstream Telugu parties like the YSR Congress and Telugu Desam Party are discredited in Telangana because they staunchly opposed the division of the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh. KCR is enjoying a long political honeymoon thanks to his decades of leadership for the movement that created the state he is ruling. But somewhere, the anti-incumbency factor kicks in, and that would help the Congress. Given that KCR walks the tightrope between the BJP and Muslim groups alike, befriending him would have helped the Congress as a tactical alliance. The Congress is the natural inheritor of the opposition mantle in Telangana, given its support for the formation of the state and its socio-economic platform that helps farmers, Dalits and minorities in the region. Being gracious to KCR's Telangana Rashtra Samiti here now would have fortified Congress in the north while building a beach-head in the south. That would have required Rahul Gandhi to go that extra mile.

But if there is one thing the Congress does not know, it is going that extra mile. Like the Maharajas who sported their royal turbans long after Independence in 1947, the Congress has an identity crisis in which it has to choose between defeating the BJP and retaining its identity.

The Congress is reluctant to live down memories of an overarching, imperious "Grand Old Party" of India. It does not know that winning and keeping allies is an art. Modi won power in 2014 on the BJP's own strength, but his party has been nice to those who stood by him in difficult times and has even kissed and made up with a difficult ally like Nitish Kumar of Janata Dal (United) in Bihar.&nbsp;

Under a fourth-generation PM aspirant, one would have thought Congress would shed its modern maharaja attitude under Rahul Gandhi. There is not enough sign of it so far, though the manifesto he has outlined is a dramatically democratic one. Given that he is coming out with his own ideas and crafting his own set of advisers, his decision to contest from Wayanad is strange because the move smells of the Congress of yore. Habits die hard, it seems.

What all this means on the political chessboard is that by gaining a pawn in Kerala, Congress may be losing a rook and a bishop in Rajasthan or MP. In plain English, Rahul Gandhi may win in Wayanad, but Modi's BJP will win more seats in the north thanks to that.&nbsp;

Ultimately, politics is a game in which when a throw of dice is done well, the board changes from snakes and ladders to chess. That's dicey.

(This article was originally published on The Zee News. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/rahul-gandhis-mistake-congress-may-have-gained-if-he-contested-in-the-north-than-wayanad-2192177.html">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

Has Congress president Rahul Gandhi taken a wrong step forward (or backward) by deciding to contest for the Lok Sabha from Wayanad in Kerala? In principle, this is not so, but in practical detail, I think the answer is yes.

Has Congress president Rahul Gandhi taken a wrong step forward (or backward) by deciding to contest for the Lok Sabha from Wayanad in Kerala? In principle, this is not so, but in practical detail, I think the answer is yes. It seems to be that the keenly contested general elections this year has begun to resemble a snakes and ladders game. When the Pulwama attack happened, it seemed like the BJP had hit the mouth of a snake, but when the Balakot strikes happened, Prime Minister Narendra Modi seemed to have converted a potential snake into a ladder as national security became mainstream in the election discourse. Again, when the Congress president upped the ante for Modi and BJP president Amit Shah by announcing a Rs 6,000-per-month basic income scheme for the poorest Indians to counter the NDA government's PM KISAN scheme that offers a fraction of that to farmers, it seemed Rahul Gandhi had begun climbing a ladder. However, the Wayanad move has turned out to be a snake for Rahul Gandhi, in my opinion, because it gave Modi a chance to hit out against minority-centric politics. We thought the Congress had begun to avoid the minority-ist tag after Rahul Gandhi declared himself a Shiv bhakt to counter insinuations that he was not for Hindus. BJP's national-security-plus-Hindutva pitch seems to be working substantially across the Hindi belt, though I would not say that about the regions south of the Vindhyas and east of Patna. In this see-saw, snakes-and-ladders election year, Rahul Gandhi is stronger than what his critics might say but is weaker than what his supporters might think. The Wayanad gambit invites charges that the Congress needs to avoid if it is to remain a national party because the sentiments whipped up by the BJP are such that even a please-all manifesto of the kind Congress released this week has limitations despite its sense of painstaking detail. The cynic might say speeches matter more than manifestos. I have also been reading that the anti-incumbency factor in elections has been receding since 2002 in India, and this means Congress needs to go more than that extra mile. The Wayanad shift by Rahul Gandhi has made the CPM counter the Congress when one thought they were teaming up to beat the BJP. With friends like that, Congress is definitely on a tricky wicket. If you had asked me which seat Rahul G would contest from if the south was a priority, I would have guessed Medak in Telangana because that is the place from where his grandmother Indira Gandhi won in 1980 on her comeback after the Congress suffered a humiliating defeat in the post-Emergency elections in 1977. Of course, this would mean playing ball with K Chandrashekar Rao, the Telangana Chief Minister, who won the seat in 2014 before relinquishing it to become the CM of the newly-carved state. KCR now is pulling his own line as a "Third Front" leader, mocking both the Congress and the BJP. Now, here is the deal. Mainstream Telugu parties like the YSR Congress and Telugu Desam Party are discredited in Telangana because they staunchly opposed the division of the erstwhile Andhra Pradesh. KCR is enjoying a long political honeymoon thanks to his decades of leadership for the movement that created the state he is ruling. But somewhere, the anti-incumbency factor kicks in, and that would help the Congress. Given that KCR walks the tightrope between the BJP and Muslim groups alike, befriending him would have helped the Congress as a tactical alliance. The Congress is the natural inheritor of the opposition mantle in Telangana, given its support for the formation of the state and its socio-economic platform that helps farmers, Dalits and minorities in the region. Being gracious to KCR's Telangana Rashtra Samiti here now would have fortified Congress in the north while building a beach-head in the south. That would have required Rahul Gandhi to go that extra mile. But if there is one thing the Congress does not know, it is going that extra mile. Like the Maharajas who sported their royal turbans long after Independence in 1947, the Congress has an identity crisis in which it has to choose between defeating the BJP and retaining its identity. The Congress is reluctant to live down memories of an overarching, imperious "Grand Old Party" of India. It does not know that winning and keeping allies is an art. Modi won power in 2014 on the BJP's own strength, but his party has been nice to those who stood by him in difficult times and has even kissed and made up with a difficult ally like Nitish Kumar of Janata Dal (United) in Bihar. Under a fourth-generation PM aspirant, one would have thought Congress would shed its modern maharaja attitude under Rahul Gandhi. There is not enough sign of it so far, though the manifesto he has outlined is a dramatically democratic one. Given that he is coming out with his own ideas and crafting his own set of advisers, his decision to contest from Wayanad is strange because the move smells of the Congress of yore. Habits die hard, it seems. What all this means on the political chessboard is that by gaining a pawn in Kerala, Congress may be losing a rook and a bishop in Rajasthan or MP. In plain English, Rahul Gandhi may win in Wayanad, but Modi's BJP will win more seats in the north thanks to that. Ultimately, politics is a game in which when a throw of dice is done well, the board changes from snakes and ladders to chess. That's dicey. (This article was originally published on The Zee News. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Rahul Gandhi's Wayanad choice could hurt Congress in the North

The general elections 2019 are in full swing. It is hardly surprising that the controversy over the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) is also at its peak.&nbsp;

There is a well-documented history of EVM controversy. After all, every political party has raised doubts about the machines when in opposition. But when they come to power through the same machines, doubts are not put to rest. Only we have new accusers and the controversy continues.&nbsp; 
 
In 2011, the Election Commission (EC) got a rare opportunity to test the relative strength of EVMs and ballot papers. It was to conduct bypolls in 12 seats of Andhra Pradesh assembly. These seats had fallen vacant in the wake of mass resignations in the heat of the Telangana agitation.  Polls were conducted in half the constituencies using ballot papers because of a clever ploy.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Chandrababu Naidu ensured that the number of candidates in a number of constituencies was more than 64 – which is the maximum limit the EVMs could handle. And what was the conclusion? While the results from the machines came out in four hours, the paper ballots took over forty hours. Adding to that, in the seats where polls were conducted with ballot papers, thousands of invalid votes were found. The results from both the systems were exactly the same.&nbsp;

This debate should have ended way back in 2010 when the Commission called an all-party meeting to understand concerns of the political parties on the matter. It was unanimously recommended that VVPATs be adopted as the final remedy, and we promptly accepted it. The two factories which manufacture EVMs were asked to develop VVPATs. An independent committee of professors of five different IITs was requested to monitor every aspect of the process. &nbsp;

&nbsp;A series of trials were held, followed by two full-day election simulations in five cities with varying climatic conditions – namely Cherrapunji, Delhi, Jaisalmer, Leh, Thiruvananthapuram, in July 2011 and again in 2012 in the same month. Only after the VVPATs passed all the rigorous tests of technology and climatic endurance, were they deployed successfully in 20,000 polling booths. As manufacturing progressed, all constituencies were equipped with VVPATs.&nbsp;

In 2013, the Supreme Court lauded the Commission’s decision and directed the government to release adequate funds so that VVPATs can be procured for use in all the booths in the 2019 elections. As the machines kept coming in, these were randomly deployed. Since 2017, all assembly elections are held with EVMs which are attached with VVPATs. As per the present norms, slips generated by one VVPAT in each assembly constituency are counted. Of the 1,500 machines thus counted, not a single mismatch has been found. &nbsp;

The Opposition parties have demanded that half of the total slips should be cross-checked. As many as &nbsp;23 Opposition parties have also moved the Apex Court demanding the same. A group of 73 retired bureaucrats and diplomats have written to the EC on the matter, demanding an appropriate audit of votes cast in the 2019 election. To quote the central premise of the letter, “The real issue today is not about EVMs vs paper ballots, rather it is about EVMs with perfunctory VVPAT audits vs. EVMs with proper VVPAT audit.”&nbsp;

The letter highlighted the urgent need for a statistically sound sample size “With 99.9 per cent reliability, in a suitably defined population.” The &nbsp;EC sought the advice of the Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, on an appropriate sample size that would ensure 99.99 per cent public satisfaction. The much-awaited report has finally been submitted to the EC according to the latest reports and is being examined.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, when the case came up before SC, the Chief Justice asked the Election Commission why the sample size should not be increased. EC has apparently submitted that the experts of ISI have endorsed the current sample of one VVPAT per assembly constituency. On the other hand, the sample size proposed by the political parties would delay the results by six days. All eyes are now on the SC where the case would come up next week. &nbsp; 
 
I would also like to venture a more out of the box alternative. &nbsp;

Let the top two runners up in the constituency choose any two VVPAT machines that they would like to be counted as they have the highest stake in the results. An appropriate analogy is that of the game of cricket in which two referrals are allowed for each team. This is called the Decision Review System, and ever since its introduction, the violent disputes about the controversial decisions taken by the umpire have disappeared. This could serve to do away with a large random sample being demanded at present, as only four machines per assembly would have to be counted to ensure public faith in the system.&nbsp;

EVMs, equipped with VVPATs, are the most dependable arrangement. With only a few weeks to go for the counting, the Commission or the Supreme Court must clinch the debate without any further delay. &nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

The general elections 2019 are in full swing. It is hardly surprising that the controversy over the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) is also at its peak.

The general elections 2019 are in full swing. It is hardly surprising that the controversy over the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) and Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) is also at its peak. There is a well-documented history of EVM controversy. After all, every political party has raised doubts about the machines when in opposition. But when they come to power through the same machines, doubts are not put to rest. Only we have new accusers and the controversy continues. In 2011, the Election Commission (EC) got a rare opportunity to test the relative strength of EVMs and ballot papers. It was to conduct bypolls in 12 seats of Andhra Pradesh assembly. These seats had fallen vacant in the wake of mass resignations in the heat of the Telangana agitation.  Polls were conducted in half the constituencies using ballot papers because of a clever ploy. Chandrababu Naidu ensured that the number of candidates in a number of constituencies was more than 64 – which is the maximum limit the EVMs could handle. And what was the conclusion? While the results from the machines came out in four hours, the paper ballots took over forty hours. Adding to that, in the seats where polls were conducted with ballot papers, thousands of invalid votes were found. The results from both the systems were exactly the same. This debate should have ended way back in 2010 when the Commission called an all-party meeting to understand concerns of the political parties on the matter. It was unanimously recommended that VVPATs be adopted as the final remedy, and we promptly accepted it. The two factories which manufacture EVMs were asked to develop VVPATs. An independent committee of professors of five different IITs was requested to monitor every aspect of the process. A series of trials were held, followed by two full-day election simulations in five cities with varying climatic conditions – namely Cherrapunji, Delhi, Jaisalmer, Leh, Thiruvananthapuram, in July 2011 and again in 2012 in the same month. Only after the VVPATs passed all the rigorous tests of technology and climatic endurance, were they deployed successfully in 20,000 polling booths. As manufacturing progressed, all constituencies were equipped with VVPATs. In 2013, the Supreme Court lauded the Commission’s decision and directed the government to release adequate funds so that VVPATs can be procured for use in all the booths in the 2019 elections. As the machines kept coming in, these were randomly deployed. Since 2017, all assembly elections are held with EVMs which are attached with VVPATs. As per the present norms, slips generated by one VVPAT in each assembly constituency are counted. Of the 1,500 machines thus counted, not a single mismatch has been found. The Opposition parties have demanded that half of the total slips should be cross-checked. As many as 23 Opposition parties have also moved the Apex Court demanding the same. A group of 73 retired bureaucrats and diplomats have written to the EC on the matter, demanding an appropriate audit of votes cast in the 2019 election. To quote the central premise of the letter, “The real issue today is not about EVMs vs paper ballots, rather it is about EVMs with perfunctory VVPAT audits vs. EVMs with proper VVPAT audit.” The letter highlighted the urgent need for a statistically sound sample size “With 99.9 per cent reliability, in a suitably defined population.” The EC sought the advice of the Indian Statistical Institute, Kolkata, on an appropriate sample size that would ensure 99.99 per cent public satisfaction. The much-awaited report has finally been submitted to the EC according to the latest reports and is being examined. Meanwhile, when the case came up before SC, the Chief Justice asked the Election Commission why the sample size should not be increased. EC has apparently submitted that the experts of ISI have endorsed the current sample of one VVPAT per assembly constituency. On the other hand, the sample size proposed by the political parties would delay the results by six days. All eyes are now on the SC where the case would come up next week. I would also like to venture a more out of the box alternative. Let the top two runners up in the constituency choose any two VVPAT machines that they would like to be counted as they have the highest stake in the results. An appropriate analogy is that of the game of cricket in which two referrals are allowed for each team. This is called the Decision Review System, and ever since its introduction, the violent disputes about the controversial decisions taken by the umpire have disappeared. This could serve to do away with a large random sample being demanded at present, as only four machines per assembly would have to be counted to ensure public faith in the system. EVMs, equipped with VVPATs, are the most dependable arrangement. With only a few weeks to go for the counting, the Commission or the Supreme Court must clinch the debate without any further delay. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

VVPAT-equipped EVMs are most dependable arrangement

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/british-mps-vote-against-all-alternative-brexit-options-206122">With Britain's parliament deadlocked over the way forward on Brexit</a>, speculation was growing on Sunday that Prime Minister Theresa May could call a snap election to try and break the impasse.

Last week, after her Brexit deal was rejected by parliament for a third time, May's comment that she feared "we are reaching the limits of this process in this House", was seen by many as a hint she could be moving towards an election.

The Sunday Times reported her media chief, Robbie Gibb, and her political aide Stephen Parkinson were pushing for an election.

But the deputy chair of her Conservatives, James Cleverly said on Sunday the party was not planning for an election, while justice minister David Gauke warned it would not solve the issue over the way forward on Brexit.

In 2017, May lost her party's majority in parliament in an election she did not need to call. It has since been reliant on the support of Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionist Party, which has voted against her Brexit deal all three times.

HOW CAN AN ELECTION BE CALLED?

Britain's next national election is not due to be held until 2022, but there are two ways an earlier vote can be called:

1) Two-thirds of parliament's 650 lawmakers would have to vote in favour of holding an election.

2) If a motion of no confidence in the government is passed by a simple majority of lawmakers and no party can succeed in winning the confidence of the House of Commons over the next 14-days, an election is triggered.

Many of May's Conservatives oppose the idea of an election. If she cannot persuade enough of her party to support an election, May could be forced to back a no-confidence vote in her own government in order to try to trigger one.

WHO WOULD LEAD THE CONSERVATIVES INTO AN ELECTION?

Last week, in a bid to win Conservative lawmakers over to her deal, May promised to step down before the next phase of Brexit negotiations if her deal was approved by parliament. She has previously said she would not contest the 2022 election.

May's deal was rejected for a third time on Friday. Even if she were to agree to go sooner, a Conservative leadership contest is likely to take weeks at a minimum.

On Sunday, Conservative deputy chairman James Cleverly told Sky News it was "the inevitable possibility" that May could have to lead the party in a snap election if one were held.

WHAT WOULD THE CONSERVATIVES' POSITION BE ON BREXIT?

One of the biggest difficulties about an election would be the question of what the Conservative Party's election manifesto would say on Brexit.

The party is deeply divided on the issue. Half of May's lawmakers voted in favour of a 'no deal' Brexit when parliament voted on alternative Brexit options last week, while 34 supported seeking a customs union with the EU and eight backed a confirmatory public vote on any deal.

Many lawmakers are likely to be unhappy standing on a manifesto which pledged to implement May's deal. More than 100 Conservative lawmakers opposed the deal when it was first voted on in January, 75 voted against it at the second try and 34 at the third attempt on Friday.

WHAT DO THE OPINION POLLS SAY?

A poll by Opinium published on Sunday put May's Conservatives and the opposition Labour Party level on 35 percentage points each.

A separate poll by Deltapoll in the Mail on Sunday gave Labour 41 percent, a lead of five percentage points over the Conservatives, who were on 36 percent.

HOW QUICKLY COULD AN ELECTION BE HELD?

Britain is due to leave the EU on April 12 unless it sets out an alternative way forward on Brexit. The government would need to seek a longer delay to the Article 50 negotiating period in order to hold a national election.

It is likely the EU would agree to this, although it is not guaranteed. May has said any longer delay would mean Britain taking place in European Parliament elections.

According to a possible timetable set out by the Institute for Government, an election could be held as soon as mid-late May. If is triggered by a no confidence vote, it would be slightly later due to the 14-day period.

With Britain's parliament deadlocked over the way forward on Brexit, speculation was growing on Sunday that Prime Minister Theresa May could call a snap election to try and break the impasse.

With Britain's parliament deadlocked over the way forward on Brexit, speculation was growing on Sunday that Prime Minister Theresa May could call a snap election to try and break the impasse. Last week, after her Brexit deal was rejected by parliament for a third time, May's comment that she feared "we are reaching the limits of this process in this House", was seen by many as a hint she could be moving towards an election. The Sunday Times reported her media chief, Robbie Gibb, and her political aide Stephen Parkinson were pushing for an election. But the deputy chair of her Conservatives, James Cleverly said on Sunday the party was not planning for an election, while justice minister David Gauke warned it would not solve the issue over the way forward on Brexit. In 2017, May lost her party's majority in parliament in an election she did not need to call. It has since been reliant on the support of Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionist Party, which has voted against her Brexit deal all three times. HOW CAN AN ELECTION BE CALLED? Britain's next national election is not due to be held until 2022, but there are two ways an earlier vote can be called: 1) Two-thirds of parliament's 650 lawmakers would have to vote in favour of holding an election. 2) If a motion of no confidence in the government is passed by a simple majority of lawmakers and no party can succeed in winning the confidence of the House of Commons over the next 14-days, an election is triggered. Many of May's Conservatives oppose the idea of an election. If she cannot persuade enough of her party to support an election, May could be forced to back a no-confidence vote in her own government in order to try to trigger one. WHO WOULD LEAD THE CONSERVATIVES INTO AN ELECTION? Last week, in a bid to win Conservative lawmakers over to her deal, May promised to step down before the next phase of Brexit negotiations if her deal was approved by parliament. She has previously said she would not contest the 2022 election. May's deal was rejected for a third time on Friday. Even if she were to agree to go sooner, a Conservative leadership contest is likely to take weeks at a minimum. On Sunday, Conservative deputy chairman James Cleverly told Sky News it was "the inevitable possibility" that May could have to lead the party in a snap election if one were held. WHAT WOULD THE CONSERVATIVES' POSITION BE ON BREXIT? One of the biggest difficulties about an election would be the question of what the Conservative Party's election manifesto would say on Brexit. The party is deeply divided on the issue. Half of May's lawmakers voted in favour of a 'no deal' Brexit when parliament voted on alternative Brexit options last week, while 34 supported seeking a customs union with the EU and eight backed a confirmatory public vote on any deal. Many lawmakers are likely to be unhappy standing on a manifesto which pledged to implement May's deal. More than 100 Conservative lawmakers opposed the deal when it was first voted on in January, 75 voted against it at the second try and 34 at the third attempt on Friday. WHAT DO THE OPINION POLLS SAY? A poll by Opinium published on Sunday put May's Conservatives and the opposition Labour Party level on 35 percentage points each. A separate poll by Deltapoll in the Mail on Sunday gave Labour 41 percent, a lead of five percentage points over the Conservatives, who were on 36 percent. HOW QUICKLY COULD AN ELECTION BE HELD? Britain is due to leave the EU on April 12 unless it sets out an alternative way forward on Brexit. The government would need to seek a longer delay to the Article 50 negotiating period in order to hold a national election. It is likely the EU would agree to this, although it is not guaranteed. May has said any longer delay would mean Britain taking place in European Parliament elections. According to a possible timetable set out by the Institute for Government, an election could be held as soon as mid-late May. If is triggered by a no confidence vote, it would be slightly later due to the 14-day period.

With Brexit deadlocked, speculation grows that Britain may be heading for general election

Proscribed Naxal outfit CPI (Maoist) has given a call for Magadh Bandh on April 2 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally at Gaya's Gandhi Maidan.

People of Gaya, the Lok Sabha constituency, which falls in the Magadh division, would vote on April 11 in the first phase along with three other constituencies of Aurangabad, Nawada and Jamui.

Aurangabad, Nawada, Jehanabad and Arwal are also part of the division.

The bandh call has been given to unitedly oppose the operation Green hunt and Mission Samadhan, CPI(Maoist) spokesman Manas said in a leaflet.

When asked about the Naxalites announcement of the bandh, Gaya Senior Superintendent of Police, Rajiv Mishra said that all the guidelines have been strictly followed for Prime Minister's election rally and also for ensuring free, fair and peaceful voting.

The Naxal outfits spokesman also claimed responsibility for blowing up BJP leader and ex-MLC Anuj Kumar Singhs house at Bodhibigaha under the jurisdiction of Dumaria police station area on Wednesday night, police sources said.

The Naxalites had called for the boycott of Lok Sabha election and threatened the villagers (of Bodhibigaha) with dire consequences if they failed to ensure a complete boycott of the general election in the Magadha region.

Proscribed Naxal outfit CPI (Maoist) has given a call for Magadh Bandh on April 2 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally at Gaya's Gandhi Maidan.

Proscribed Naxal outfit CPI (Maoist) has given a call for Magadh Bandh on April 2 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi will address a rally at Gaya's Gandhi Maidan. People of Gaya, the Lok Sabha constituency, which falls in the Magadh division, would vote on April 11 in the first phase along with three other constituencies of Aurangabad, Nawada and Jamui. Aurangabad, Nawada, Jehanabad and Arwal are also part of the division. The bandh call has been given to unitedly oppose the operation Green hunt and Mission Samadhan, CPI(Maoist) spokesman Manas said in a leaflet. When asked about the Naxalites announcement of the bandh, Gaya Senior Superintendent of Police, Rajiv Mishra said that all the guidelines have been strictly followed for Prime Minister's election rally and also for ensuring free, fair and peaceful voting. The Naxal outfits spokesman also claimed responsibility for blowing up BJP leader and ex-MLC Anuj Kumar Singhs house at Bodhibigaha under the jurisdiction of Dumaria police station area on Wednesday night, police sources said. The Naxalites had called for the boycott of Lok Sabha election and threatened the villagers (of Bodhibigaha) with dire consequences if they failed to ensure a complete boycott of the general election in the Magadha region.

Bihar: Naxals call for 'Magadh bandh' on April 2 when PM will Address rally in Gaya

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance.

This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. &nbsp;

Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception?&nbsp;

Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship.&nbsp;

It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. &nbsp;

Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption.&nbsp;

This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct.

One of the new dimensions of 2019 parliamentary elections is that the issues connected with foreign policy and national security have assumed significance. This is evident from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s announcement of the successful test of an anti-satellite missile ahead of Lok Sabha elections, which invited criticism of violation of model code of conduct. Critics have accused the Modi government of politicising the foreign policy. It is, therefore, imperative to evaluate the failure and success of foreign policy under PM Modi with a view that to what extent the issue of “strong leadership”, “muscular foreign policy” and “national security” discourse would influence the electoral outcome of 2019 parliamentary elections. Critics have accused that Modi government could not succeed in ensuring a good relationship with its neighbours, particularly Pakistan, and restoring peace in Jammu and Kashmir. PM Modi’s foreign policy has been criticised for alienating the neighbour countries except Bangladesh. It’s considered that India does not have a good relationship either with Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Afghanistan etc. How true is this perception? Such analysis is based on a traditional understanding of foreign policy and lacks a thorough comprehension of changing the dimension of globalisation and its impact on foreign policy behaviour of the states, at a time when terrorism has become a global agenda and national security has assumed core agenda of foreign policy. Hence, it is futile to expect India behaving in terms of traditional understanding of the interstate relationship. It may be noted here that had India paid attention to national security and developed doctrines of national security, India would not have lost 1962 war. The traditional Indian foreign policy, as fashioned by Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, has been a failure in ensuring India’s great power status in international relation or even curbing Pakistan’s belligerent foreign policy. Under PM Modi, India has achieved a new sense of dignity and status in the international arena, as well as, in the South Asian region. PM Modi has successfully checked the Chinese advancement in Doklam and insulated Bangladesh and Nepal from falling into the hands of China. PM Modi’s great leadership has been acknowledged at world level as evident from Trump’s exemption of India from US sanctions, which would ensure that Indian import of oil from Iran would continue without interruption. This is indeed a major success of PM Modi ’s foreign policy. Thus, in all probability, a 'muscular foreign policy' with assertive Indian nationalism is likely to yield good electoral dividends for PM Modi. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Under PM Narendra Modi's leadership, India has earned significant status in global arena

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time. The saffron party was able to turn the cow into a symbol of political identity successfully.&nbsp;

Today, in 2019, stray cattle are very bane for BJP.&nbsp;

On my way to Amethi, I casually enquired from my driver about this issue, he replied,” Din mein gaari drive karen aur raat bhar khet mein gaiya hanke, to kaam kaise chalega.” The stray cattle problem is an open secret in Uttar Pradesh. Take the case of Kanha Gauvansh Vihar in Rai Bareilly. It has the capacity to house 150-200 animals but today it houses 480 stray cattle.&nbsp;

The facility belongs to a defunct government programme to raise jersey cows. Today, its job is to accommodate the cattle which roam free in the city and rural areas. One of the caretakers told WION that people sometimes bring personal animals and tie them to tree and leave, knowing well that they do not come under the category of stray cattle. As per the 2012 census of livestock, Uttar Pradesh accounted for more than 10 lakh stray cattle.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="e78030ff-8f4a-4911-8e8e-88085f568e47" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle1.jpg" />

 
Ram Shabda, one the medical officer told WION that strays are a big problem in rural areas as they destroy crops. This battle between the bovine and human also had its funny moments. Irritated farmers in many places herded the cattle into primary schools creating a law and order situation.&nbsp;

Another example is of the newly made cattle shelter in Maharjganj. It is built next to a dumping ground. The view is mind-boggling. At one end, you see a brightly painted saffron building in the middle of the green field. When you go nearer, you realise that building has been erected adjacent to a dumping ground used for the city which looks like a sea of white in the middle of nowhere. If this does not shock you then the planning inside the building would.&nbsp; 
 
The cattle shit and piss at the same place where they are tied. On being asked why is this the case, the caretaker said that, ideally, the place should have had a slant so that we could have collected urine and cow dung for processing but now it cannot be done.&nbsp; 
 
<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="94d22363-3d67-46ef-a04e-aac55a743e6e" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle.jpg" /> 
 
This blows in the face of propaganda that cow dung and urine would be productively used to make medicines and agarbattis. Every enclosure has a segregated facility for bulls and cow. Most of the strays belong to the local breed which is unproductive, sick or not as productive as a farmer would like it to be.

What is surprising is that even Opposition in India has stayed away from the issue fearing backlash. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Congress, instead of tackling the issue of rural distress caused by the stray, spoke of building more shelters.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Cattle" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="9fdf8185-7f56-4d50-9549-4c30b163f13a" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/cattle3.jpg" />

The issue of culling livestock remains tangled in the religious and political ego of the Hindu community. It has been strengthened by a belief that the cattle economy does not exist.

India still remains one of the biggest exporters of beef in the world. This schizophrenic approach to cattle economy instead of being resolved has become an issue of identity and other in India. It does not mean that the agrarian sector will boycott Modi as he still enjoys a high level of confidence but it can definitely spoil the party for BJP. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time.

It happens rarely that the best weapon in one’s arsenal turns into a strategic burden. Cow protection is being milked by BJP vigorously from 2014 onwards. Despite the violence in the name of cow, BJP could retain its support base for the first time. The saffron party was able to turn the cow into a symbol of political identity successfully. Today, in 2019, stray cattle are very bane for BJP. On my way to Amethi, I casually enquired from my driver about this issue, he replied,” Din mein gaari drive karen aur raat bhar khet mein gaiya hanke, to kaam kaise chalega.” The stray cattle problem is an open secret in Uttar Pradesh. Take the case of Kanha Gauvansh Vihar in Rai Bareilly. It has the capacity to house 150-200 animals but today it houses 480 stray cattle. The facility belongs to a defunct government programme to raise jersey cows. Today, its job is to accommodate the cattle which roam free in the city and rural areas. One of the caretakers told WION that people sometimes bring personal animals and tie them to tree and leave, knowing well that they do not come under the category of stray cattle. As per the 2012 census of livestock, Uttar Pradesh accounted for more than 10 lakh stray cattle. Ram Shabda, one the medical officer told WION that strays are a big problem in rural areas as they destroy crops. This battle between the bovine and human also had its funny moments. Irritated farmers in many places herded the cattle into primary schools creating a law and order situation. Another example is of the newly made cattle shelter in Maharjganj. It is built next to a dumping ground. The view is mind-boggling. At one end, you see a brightly painted saffron building in the middle of the green field. When you go nearer, you realise that building has been erected adjacent to a dumping ground used for the city which looks like a sea of white in the middle of nowhere. If this does not shock you then the planning inside the building would. The cattle shit and piss at the same place where they are tied. On being asked why is this the case, the caretaker said that, ideally, the place should have had a slant so that we could have collected urine and cow dung for processing but now it cannot be done. This blows in the face of propaganda that cow dung and urine would be productively used to make medicines and agarbattis. Every enclosure has a segregated facility for bulls and cow. Most of the strays belong to the local breed which is unproductive, sick or not as productive as a farmer would like it to be. What is surprising is that even Opposition in India has stayed away from the issue fearing backlash. Even in Madhya Pradesh, Congress, instead of tackling the issue of rural distress caused by the stray, spoke of building more shelters. The issue of culling livestock remains tangled in the religious and political ego of the Hindu community. It has been strengthened by a belief that the cattle economy does not exist. India still remains one of the biggest exporters of beef in the world. This schizophrenic approach to cattle economy instead of being resolved has become an issue of identity and other in India. It does not mean that the agrarian sector will boycott Modi as he still enjoys a high level of confidence but it can definitely spoil the party for BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Blog: Is stray cattle the Achilles Heel of BJP in UP ahead of Lok Sabha elections?

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen.

One is seeing with a deep sense of concern, how a particular breed of politicians, represented by the Congress bandwagon led by Rahul Gandhi, is rapidly following theism of neopatrimonialism and doing everything to usurp and stay riveted to the seats of power.

There is a background to the Congress politics revolving around neopatrimonialism. The Hugo Chavez model of politics (the world is aghast by what's happening in Venezuela today) was followed to a great extent by the previous Manmohan Singh led UPÀ government at the Centre, presided over by the Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi and her band of loyalists.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had crafted the Bolivian Missions focusing on social sectors and his populist policy included "redistribution of wealth". It is now clearly documented that in the early 2000s, when oil production brought rich dividends to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela due to soaring oil prices, the Chavez Government went on a spending spree on social programmes without caring a hoot for future eventualities. The upside of Chavez's Bolivian model was a big drop in inflation and unemployment and the downside, especially linked to the oil price collapse and the US sanctions is the economic turmoil that has gripped Venezuela, especially during the disputed second term of Nicolás Maduro, who succeeded Chavez in March 2013.

The Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, went a step ahead and put itself on the pedestal and all along pretended as if they were the only ones to shape the destiny of Indian people through newly created Acts passed by&nbsp;Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this they also aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering even an iota about its pitfall and the impact it would leave on the middle-class wage earners and the economic growth of the country.

It will be interesting to recall how on the eve of the 2014 Parliamentary election, UPA-II led by Manmohan Singh had launched the ambitious scheme of "direct cash transfer" of subsidy to bank accounts of beneficiaries with the then finance minister P Chidambaram describing the move as a "game changer".

During the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Rahul Gandhi has announced that the poorest families in India will receive Rs. 72,000 per year. “We will wipe out poverty by guaranteeing a minimum income to Rs 5 crore to 20 per cent of the poorest families," he said.

The Congress functionaries are describing this as a historic decision. Addressing media persons at the Madhya Pradesh Congress headquarters in Bhopal on Tuesday, the chief spokesperson of the party for Madhya Pradesh, Shobha Oza, lashed out at the BJP leaders criticising Rahul Gandhi’s decision and dubbed their party as anti-poor.&nbsp;

She was emphatic in pointing out that some front ranking economists have studied the intricacies involved, vetted and validated Rahul Gandhi’s decision for direct cash transfer to the poor. One of her co-spokesperson even came on the sidelines and said that former Reserve Bank Governor Raghuram Rajan and a few other top economists would soon be speaking in support of this policy. &nbsp;

The input by the Congress spokesperson that in next few days some renowned economists are going to openly support the Congress party’s “direct cash transfer” plan to "wipe out poverty" would mean that these economists would be supporting a move that would eat into the vitals of economic growth in India. &nbsp;

It is a move that has nothing to do with channelising resources for building a robust economic infrastructure, improving education and skill development, creating jobs and adding to the purchasing power of the people through multifarious economic activities and thereby improving their quality of life. If the Congress move brings in votes and power, it will benefit immensely the wheeler-dealers and agents in the corridors of power who are not used to living in the wilderness. Let's not talk of crony capitalists. One has seen them flourish everywhere under Congress rule. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen.

Rahul Gandhi's sop of direct money transfer to 50 million poor families in the country as an electoral promise should rattle every right thinking and discerning Indian citizen. One is seeing with a deep sense of concern, how a particular breed of politicians, represented by the Congress bandwagon led by Rahul Gandhi, is rapidly following theism of neopatrimonialism and doing everything to usurp and stay riveted to the seats of power. There is a background to the Congress politics revolving around neopatrimonialism. The Hugo Chavez model of politics (the world is aghast by what's happening in Venezuela today) was followed to a great extent by the previous Manmohan Singh led UPÀ government at the Centre, presided over by the Congress party led by Sonia Gandhi and her band of loyalists. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez had crafted the Bolivian Missions focusing on social sectors and his populist policy included "redistribution of wealth". It is now clearly documented that in the early 2000s, when oil production brought rich dividends to the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela due to soaring oil prices, the Chavez Government went on a spending spree on social programmes without caring a hoot for future eventualities. The upside of Chavez's Bolivian model was a big drop in inflation and unemployment and the downside, especially linked to the oil price collapse and the US sanctions is the economic turmoil that has gripped Venezuela, especially during the disputed second term of Nicolás Maduro, who succeeded Chavez in March 2013. The Congress-led UPA government at the Centre, went a step ahead and put itself on the pedestal and all along pretended as if they were the only ones to shape the destiny of Indian people through newly created Acts passed by Indian Parliament to guarantee jobs, food, and education. While doing this they also aped the cash transfer policy that was being followed in Brazil and Mexico without bothering even an iota about its pitfall and the impact it would leave on the middle-class wage earners and the economic growth of the country. It will be interesting to recall how on the eve of the 2014 Parliamentary election, UPA-II led by Manmohan Singh had launched the ambitious scheme of "direct cash transfer" of subsidy to bank accounts of beneficiaries with the then finance minister P Chidambaram describing the move as a "game changer". During the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha election, Rahul Gandhi has announced that the poorest families in India will receive Rs. 72,000 per year. “We will wipe out poverty by guaranteeing a minimum income to Rs 5 crore to 20 per cent of the poorest families," he said. The Congress functionaries are describing this as a historic decision. Addressing media persons at the Madhya Pradesh Congress headquarters in Bhopal on Tuesday, the chief spokesperson of the party for Madhya Pradesh, Shobha Oza, lashed out at the BJP leaders criticising Rahul Gandhi’s decision and dubbed their party as anti-poor. She was emphatic in pointing out that some front ranking economists have studied the intricacies involved, vetted and validated Rahul Gandhi’s decision for direct cash transfer to the poor. One of her co-spokesperson even came on the sidelines and said that former Reserve Bank Governor Raghuram Rajan and a few other top economists would soon be speaking in support of this policy. The input by the Congress spokesperson that in next few days some renowned economists are going to openly support the Congress party’s “direct cash transfer” plan to "wipe out poverty" would mean that these economists would be supporting a move that would eat into the vitals of economic growth in India. It is a move that has nothing to do with channelising resources for building a robust economic infrastructure, improving education and skill development, creating jobs and adding to the purchasing power of the people through multifarious economic activities and thereby improving their quality of life. If the Congress move brings in votes and power, it will benefit immensely the wheeler-dealers and agents in the corridors of power who are not used to living in the wilderness. Let's not talk of crony capitalists. One has seen them flourish everywhere under Congress rule. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Congress's minimum income plan will eat into the vitals of economic growth

Former Indian cricketer Gautam Gambhir has joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.&nbsp;

The announcement was made in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad.&nbsp;

BJP sources said Gambhir is likely to be fielded from the New Delhi constituency, currently represented by Meenakshi Lekhi.&nbsp;

However, a&nbsp;final decision is yet to be taken, they added.

After joining the party, Gambhir said, "I am joining this party(BJP) after getting influenced&nbsp;by PM Narendra Modi's vision. I am honoured to get the opportunity to join this platform."&nbsp;

Earlier this month, <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/president-kovind-confers-padma-awards-hs-phoolka-cricketer-gautam-gambhir-bollywood-actor-manoj-bajpayee-receive-padma-shri-203672">Gambhir was honoured with the Padma Shri award</a> for his contribution&nbsp;to the world of cricket.&nbsp;

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Delhi: Former Cricketer Gautam Gambhir joins Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad <a href="https://t.co/EYmhfSSMy7">pic.twitter.com/EYmhfSSMy7</a>
— ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/1108984072062337024?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 22, 2019</a></blockquote>
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In his cricketing career, Gambhir earned 58 Test caps and scored nine centuries and 22 fifties in the Test format.&nbsp;

The left-handed batsman announced his retirement in the year 2018 after completing 10,000 runs in List-A cricket.&nbsp;

Gambhir's performance in the finals of the 2007 T20 World Cup final against Pakistan and the 2011 World Cup final against Sri Lanka helped India win both the titles.&nbsp;

Former Indian cricketer Gautam Gambhir has joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The announcement was made in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad.

Former Indian cricketer Gautam Gambhir has joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The announcement was made in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad. BJP sources said Gambhir is likely to be fielded from the New Delhi constituency, currently represented by Meenakshi Lekhi. However, a final decision is yet to be taken, they added. After joining the party, Gambhir said, "I am joining this party(BJP) after getting influenced by PM Narendra Modi's vision. I am honoured to get the opportunity to join this platform." Earlier this month, Gambhir was honoured with the Padma Shri award for his contribution to the world of cricket. Delhi: Former Cricketer Gautam Gambhir joins Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) in the presence of Union Ministers Arun Jaitley and Ravi Shankar Prasad pic.twitter.com/EYmhfSSMy7 — ANI (@ANI) March 22, 2019 × In his cricketing career, Gambhir earned 58 Test caps and scored nine centuries and 22 fifties in the Test format. The left-handed batsman announced his retirement in the year 2018 after completing 10,000 runs in List-A cricket. Gambhir's performance in the finals of the 2007 T20 World Cup final against Pakistan and the 2011 World Cup final against Sri Lanka helped India win both the titles.

Former cricketer Gautam Gambhir pads up for political innings, joins BJP

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

The move received a major jolt on Tuesday when the Madhya Pradesh high court issued an order staying the Ordinance promulgated by the state Governor earlier this month to almost double the quota for OBCs.

The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance, now under judicial review, was passed on the plea that circumstances existed and since the Legislative Assembly was not in session, it was necessary to take immediate action in this regard.&nbsp;

Tuesday’s High Court order notwithstanding, Chief Minister Kamal Nath is not ready to concede ground. He has responded to queries by media-persons by citing the example of Tamil Nadu and stating that other states too have gone in for reservation exceeding the 50 per cent limit prescribed and mandated by the Supreme Court. &nbsp;

Moving in the same direction as Tamil Nadu, even Maharashtra has chosen to grant 16 per cent reservation in jobs and admissions in academic institutions to the Marathas. The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh joined the bandwagon and soon after assuming office, Kamal Nath also went ahead and announced that OBCs will be given 27 per cent reservation in the state. &nbsp;This announcement, no doubt, was made keeping in view the role to be played by nearly 50 per cent voters belonging to the OBC category in Madya Pradesh.

For immediate gains, political parties scramble for votes. They resort to vote bank politics and take reckless actions. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance for hiking the quota for OBCs is a case in point. After the High Court order has come as a roadblock for Kamal Nath, he has tried to draw sustenance by pointing to other states. The question arises, in the first place, is it proper for states such as Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra to exceed the 50 per cent cap on the reservation and put the same in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to avoid judicial review.

When the Supreme Court has fixed a 50 per cent cap, the thumb rule should be straight and without ambiguity. Political parties, both ruling and in the Opposition, should ensure overall reservation for SCs/STs and OBCs does not exceed 50 &nbsp;per cent as laid down by the Supreme Court of India, and anybody applying for a seat or job under the quota shall not be eligible for general merit seat.

The quota system in its present form is causing reverse social discrimination and it leads to more and more forward communities clamouring for Other Backward Classes (OBC) status and governments succumbing due to electoral pressures.

The anti-quota movement which had picked up great momentum in Madhya Pradesh 2016 onwards, riding on the crest of the popular demand that reservation should be on an economic criterion, was a major factor leading to BJP’s defeat in the 2018 Assembly election. Kamal Nath’s move to hike reservation for OBCs has been seen as a move aimed at wooing the OBCs and diluting people’s upsurge on the reservation issue. But even before the Congress party could take stock of what it was ultimately going to gain by moving in this direction, it has been stopped in its path by the high court but not before it stands completely exposed when it comes to vote bank politics.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections.

The Madhya Pradesh Congress government led by chief minister Kamal Nath has blatantly tried to pursue vote bank politics by raising reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC) from 14 per cent to 27 per cent ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. The move received a major jolt on Tuesday when the Madhya Pradesh high court issued an order staying the Ordinance promulgated by the state Governor earlier this month to almost double the quota for OBCs. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance, now under judicial review, was passed on the plea that circumstances existed and since the Legislative Assembly was not in session, it was necessary to take immediate action in this regard. Tuesday’s High Court order notwithstanding, Chief Minister Kamal Nath is not ready to concede ground. He has responded to queries by media-persons by citing the example of Tamil Nadu and stating that other states too have gone in for reservation exceeding the 50 per cent limit prescribed and mandated by the Supreme Court. Moving in the same direction as Tamil Nadu, even Maharashtra has chosen to grant 16 per cent reservation in jobs and admissions in academic institutions to the Marathas. The Congress government in Madhya Pradesh joined the bandwagon and soon after assuming office, Kamal Nath also went ahead and announced that OBCs will be given 27 per cent reservation in the state. This announcement, no doubt, was made keeping in view the role to be played by nearly 50 per cent voters belonging to the OBC category in Madya Pradesh. For immediate gains, political parties scramble for votes. They resort to vote bank politics and take reckless actions. The Madhya Pradesh Ordinance for hiking the quota for OBCs is a case in point. After the High Court order has come as a roadblock for Kamal Nath, he has tried to draw sustenance by pointing to other states. The question arises, in the first place, is it proper for states such as Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra to exceed the 50 per cent cap on the reservation and put the same in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution to avoid judicial review. When the Supreme Court has fixed a 50 per cent cap, the thumb rule should be straight and without ambiguity. Political parties, both ruling and in the Opposition, should ensure overall reservation for SCs/STs and OBCs does not exceed 50 per cent as laid down by the Supreme Court of India, and anybody applying for a seat or job under the quota shall not be eligible for general merit seat. The quota system in its present form is causing reverse social discrimination and it leads to more and more forward communities clamouring for Other Backward Classes (OBC) status and governments succumbing due to electoral pressures. The anti-quota movement which had picked up great momentum in Madhya Pradesh 2016 onwards, riding on the crest of the popular demand that reservation should be on an economic criterion, was a major factor leading to BJP’s defeat in the 2018 Assembly election. Kamal Nath’s move to hike reservation for OBCs has been seen as a move aimed at wooing the OBCs and diluting people’s upsurge on the reservation issue. But even before the Congress party could take stock of what it was ultimately going to gain by moving in this direction, it has been stopped in its path by the high court but not before it stands completely exposed when it comes to vote bank politics. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Congress stands exposed as it plays OBC card in Madhya Pradesh

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/rafale-review-petition-security-of-state-supersedes-everything-government-tells-supreme-court-203317">Rafale review petition: 'Security of state supersedes everything,' government tells Supreme Court</a>

Attorney General KK Venugopal told the Supreme Court Thursday that the "security of state supersedes everything". The court is hearing a review petition of its earlier judgement in the Rafale case which had said the deal did not need to be investigated for corruption.&nbsp;

The review petition has been filed by former union ministers Arun Shourie and Yashwant Sinha, and the lawyer Prashant Bhushan.&nbsp;

 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/eu-leader-donald-tusk-backs-long-delay-if-britain-rethinks-brexit-203291">EU's Donald Tusk backs 'long' delay if Britain 'rethinks' Brexit</a>

EU leader Donald Tusk said Thursday that European capitals could approve a long delay to Brexit, in a last-ditch push to persuade Prime Minister Theresa May to change her negotiating red lines. &nbsp;&nbsp;

During consultations ahead of next week's EU summit, Tusk said he "will appeal to the EU27 to be open to a long extension if the UK finds it necessary to rethink its Brexit strategy and build consensus around it."

 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/sp-bsp-will-have-joint-rallies-in-uttar-pradesh-says-akhilesh-203316">Lok Sabha polls: SP &amp; BSP will hold joint rallies in Uttar Pradesh, says Akhilesh</a>

In Uttar Pradesh, the SP and BSP will hold joint election rallies during the ensuing Lok Sabha polls, former chief minister Akhilesh Yadav said here on Thursday.&nbsp;

'We have planned joint rallies in Uttar Pradesh,' he told ANI in reply to a question about what transpired in his meeting with BSP president Mayawati on Wednesday.&nbsp;

 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/wing-commander-abhinandans-debiefing-complete-he-will-now-go-on-sick-leave-iaf-sources-203327">Wing Commander Abhinandan's debriefing complete, he will now go on sick leave: IAF sources</a>

Wing Commander Abhinandan Varathaman's debriefing is now complete, Indian Air Force sources said on Thursday.&nbsp;

The news agency ANI quoted the sources as saying Abhinandan will now go on sick leave for a few weeks on the advice of doctors at the army's Research and Referral Hospital in Delhi.&nbsp;

 
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/over-100-malaysian-schools-shut-after-toxic-waste-dump-203324">Over 100 Malaysian schools shut after </a><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/over-100-malaysian-schools-shut-after-toxic-waste-dump-203324">toxic</a><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/over-100-malaysian-schools-shut-after-toxic-waste-dump-203324"> waste dump</a>

Over 100 schools in Malaysia have been closed after the dumping of toxic waste into a river caused hundreds of people to fall ill, including many children, authorities said.

A lorry is believed to have dumped the waste in southern Johor state last week, sending hazardous fumes across a wide area and causing those affected to display symptoms of poisoning such as nausea and vomiting.

Rafale review petition: 'Security of state supersedes everything,' government tells Supreme Court Attorney General KK Venugopal told the Supreme Court Thursday that the "security of state supersedes everything".

Rafale review petition: 'Security of state supersedes everything,' government tells Supreme Court Attorney General KK Venugopal told the Supreme Court Thursday that the "security of state supersedes everything". The court is hearing a review petition of its earlier judgement in the Rafale case which had said the deal did not need to be investigated for corruption. The review petition has been filed by former union ministers Arun Shourie and Yashwant Sinha, and the lawyer Prashant Bhushan. EU's Donald Tusk backs 'long' delay if Britain 'rethinks' Brexit EU leader Donald Tusk said Thursday that European capitals could approve a long delay to Brexit, in a last-ditch push to persuade Prime Minister Theresa May to change her negotiating red lines. During consultations ahead of next week's EU summit, Tusk said he "will appeal to the EU27 to be open to a long extension if the UK finds it necessary to rethink its Brexit strategy and build consensus around it." Lok Sabha polls: SP & BSP will hold joint rallies in Uttar Pradesh, says Akhilesh In Uttar Pradesh, the SP and BSP will hold joint election rallies during the ensuing Lok Sabha polls, former chief minister Akhilesh Yadav said here on Thursday. 'We have planned joint rallies in Uttar Pradesh,' he told ANI in reply to a question about what transpired in his meeting with BSP president Mayawati on Wednesday. Wing Commander Abhinandan's debriefing complete, he will now go on sick leave: IAF sources Wing Commander Abhinandan Varathaman's debriefing is now complete, Indian Air Force sources said on Thursday. The news agency ANI quoted the sources as saying Abhinandan will now go on sick leave for a few weeks on the advice of doctors at the army's Research and Referral Hospital in Delhi. Over 100 Malaysian schools shut after toxic waste dump Over 100 schools in Malaysia have been closed after the dumping of toxic waste into a river caused hundreds of people to fall ill, including many children, authorities said. A lorry is believed to have dumped the waste in southern Johor state last week, sending hazardous fumes across a wide area and causing those affected to display symptoms of poisoning such as nausea and vomiting.

News brief: Big stories of the day

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati on Tuesday reiterated that her party will "not have any alliance with Congress party in any state". Her remarks came just a couple of days after the Election Commission of India announced dates for the Lok Sabha polls next month.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;&nbsp; 
"It has been reiterated once again that Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) will not have any alliance with Congress party in any state, to contest the upcoming elections," Mayawati said.&nbsp;

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BSP Chief Mayawati: It has been reiterated once again that Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) will not have any alliance with Congress party in any state, to contest the upcoming elections. (file pic) <a href="https://t.co/JgPzgrED1c">pic.twitter.com/JgPzgrED1c</a>
— ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANINewsUP/status/1105394979583811584?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 12, 2019</a></blockquote>
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It also means that Mayawati will tie-up with smaller parties in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Chattisgarh.&nbsp;

Congress wanted 15 seats from Uttar Pradesh and was open to the idea of giving seats to the BSP in north Indian states and in Maharashtra.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav on Tuesday said that the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/sp-bsp-give-rld-three-lok-sabha-seats-in-up-akhilesh-says-congress-part-of-mahagatbandhan-201321">Congress was very much part of the '</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/sp-bsp-give-rld-three-lok-sabha-seats-in-up-akhilesh-says-congress-part-of-mahagatbandhan-201321">mahagatbandhan</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/sp-bsp-give-rld-three-lok-sabha-seats-in-up-akhilesh-says-congress-part-of-mahagatbandhan-201321">'</a>.

"We have left two seats (Amethi and Rae Bareli) for the party," he added.

Yadav also stated that the Rashtriya Lok Dal will contest three Lok Sabha seats as part of an alliance with the SP and the BSP, news agency PTI reported.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)&nbsp;

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati on Tuesday reiterated that her party will "not have any alliance with Congress party in any state". Her remarks came just a couple of days after the Election Commission of India announced dates for the Lok Sabha polls next month.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati on Tuesday reiterated that her party will "not have any alliance with Congress party in any state". Her remarks came just a couple of days after the Election Commission of India announced dates for the Lok Sabha polls next month. "It has been reiterated once again that Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) will not have any alliance with Congress party in any state, to contest the upcoming elections," Mayawati said. BSP Chief Mayawati: It has been reiterated once again that Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) will not have any alliance with Congress party in any state, to contest the upcoming elections. (file pic) pic.twitter.com/JgPzgrED1c — ANI UP (@ANINewsUP) March 12, 2019 × It also means that Mayawati will tie-up with smaller parties in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Chattisgarh. Congress wanted 15 seats from Uttar Pradesh and was open to the idea of giving seats to the BSP in north Indian states and in Maharashtra. Meanwhile, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav on Tuesday said that the Congress was very much part of the 'mahagatbandhan'. "We have left two seats (Amethi and Rae Bareli) for the party," he added. Yadav also stated that the Rashtriya Lok Dal will contest three Lok Sabha seats as part of an alliance with the SP and the BSP, news agency PTI reported. (With inputs from agencies)

Lok Sabha polls: No 'grand alliance' in Uttar Pradesh as Mayawati rules out tie-up with Congress in any state

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis.&nbsp;

Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot.&nbsp; 
 
In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest.&nbsp; 
 
In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. &nbsp; 
 
Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi.&nbsp; 
 
Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan.&nbsp;

The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there.&nbsp;

Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes.

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis. Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot. In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest. In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi. Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan. The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there. Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In victory or defeat, BJP responds to electoral outcomes more maturely

The BJP is all set to return to power, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/terrorism-in-jk-needs-to-be-tackled-militarily-first-talks-can-take-place-later-ram-madhav-202644">Ram Madhav told WION</a> on Saturday.&nbsp;

The BJP national general secretary said the BJP has more alliance partners today than the Congress and that the Mahagathbandhan is yet to take shape.&nbsp;

"There is no Grand Alliance in place. They have not been able to forge alliance in Delhi,” Madhav told WION. He added that the SP and BSP have allied because they cannot defeat the BJP in a one-to-one fight. &nbsp;

The biggest achievement of the Narendra Modi administration, Madhav said, has been to provide a corruption-free government. On the other hand, he denied the narrative that the government is over-reliant on nationalism.&nbsp;

On Congress General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra meanwhile, Madhav said her entry into politics is not going to change anything in Uttar Pradesh. “It is her re-entry. Priyanaka has always been around, but we do not take our political opponents lightly," he said. &nbsp;

Madhav however did admit that the Chhattisgarh assembly election result had been a rude surprise for the BJP with the party losing 10 per cent of its vote share in the state.&nbsp;

The BJP is all set to return to power, Ram Madhav told WION on Saturday. The BJP national general secretary said the BJP has more alliance partners today than the Congress and that the Mahagathbandhan is yet to take shape.

The BJP is all set to return to power, Ram Madhav told WION on Saturday. The BJP national general secretary said the BJP has more alliance partners today than the Congress and that the Mahagathbandhan is yet to take shape. "There is no Grand Alliance in place. They have not been able to forge alliance in Delhi,” Madhav told WION. He added that the SP and BSP have allied because they cannot defeat the BJP in a one-to-one fight. The biggest achievement of the Narendra Modi administration, Madhav said, has been to provide a corruption-free government. On the other hand, he denied the narrative that the government is over-reliant on nationalism. On Congress General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra meanwhile, Madhav said her entry into politics is not going to change anything in Uttar Pradesh. “It is her re-entry. Priyanaka has always been around, but we do not take our political opponents lightly," he said. Madhav however did admit that the Chhattisgarh assembly election result had been a rude surprise for the BJP with the party losing 10 per cent of its vote share in the state.

Lok Sabha polls: BJP all set to return to power, says Ram Madhav

The BJP parliamentary board met here Friday to finalise the party's strategy for the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Lok+Sabha+polls">Lok Sabha polls</a> with its top leaders, including Prime Minister <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Narendra+Modi">Narendra Modi</a> and president Amit Shah, brainstorming for close to three hours.

There was no official statement on what transpired in the meeting.

Asked from where Modi will contest, sources said that it was already decided that he will fight from Varanasi, the constituency he represents in the current Lok Sabha.

The party is yet to take a call on whether he will contest from any other seat or not. Modi has fought and won from two seats in 2014 polls.&nbsp;

There has been speculation that the party is considering introducing certain criteria, including age bar, for candidates, but there has been no official word on this.&nbsp;

A party leader said "winability" will be the key consideration in selecting candidates.

Following the meeting, BJP general secretary Bhupendra Yadav announced a tie-up with All Jharkhand Students Union in Jharkhand.

The AJSU is already a partner in the BJP-led government in the state.&nbsp;Yadav said the BJP will contest 13 of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in the state and the AJSU one.&nbsp;

The BJP parliamentary board met here Friday to finalise the party's strategy for the Lok Sabha polls with its top leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and president Amit Shah, brainstorming for close to three hours.

The BJP parliamentary board met here Friday to finalise the party's strategy for the Lok Sabha polls with its top leaders, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and president Amit Shah, brainstorming for close to three hours. There was no official statement on what transpired in the meeting. Asked from where Modi will contest, sources said that it was already decided that he will fight from Varanasi, the constituency he represents in the current Lok Sabha. The party is yet to take a call on whether he will contest from any other seat or not. Modi has fought and won from two seats in 2014 polls. There has been speculation that the party is considering introducing certain criteria, including age bar, for candidates, but there has been no official word on this. A party leader said "winability" will be the key consideration in selecting candidates. Following the meeting, BJP general secretary Bhupendra Yadav announced a tie-up with All Jharkhand Students Union in Jharkhand. The AJSU is already a partner in the BJP-led government in the state. Yadav said the BJP will contest 13 of the 14 Lok Sabha seats in the state and the AJSU one.

BJP parliamentary board meets to strategise on Lok Sabha polls

At what cost the BJP should be stopped is the question which confronts Congress Party today. Should Congress Party sacrifice itself on the altar of secularism to prevent BJP coming to power or should it fight the elections to expand itself both electorally and organisationally?&nbsp;

Ideally, this question should have been settled two years back, but the party continues to vacillate on the issue of alliance and organisation. Congress today stands split between two types of groups. One group wants to stop Prime Minister Narendra Modi at any cost, and hence, wants Congress to sacrifice and accommodate regional parties in form of a broader alliance.&nbsp;

The other group wants to contest the Lok Sabha elections with smaller partners who add strength to the Congress. This group has been resenting party’s tryst with SP-BSP in Uttar Pradesh and with AAP in Delhi. What is surprising is despite resistance from the local leadership, the idea to stich an alliance continues to flow from the top leaders in the Congress. Even in the case of Uttar Pradesh, a big section within the Congress desires to become the part of the umbrella alliance in Uttar Pradesh.

The desire exists understanding fully well that it would damage the reputation and standing of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. With an alliance in place, the question would arise,” Why did you get Priyanka when Congress only wanted to fight on 10 odd seats.”

Where does this fear stems from? Does it stem from the fact that Congress has accepted that it cannot match vote consolidation of the BJP all across India? The answer lies somewhere else. It lies within the culture of Congress post 1970s.

Over a period of time, ideological debate on issues and individuals died in the Congress. This is not to say that great debates are taking place under Modi’s BJP, but RSS makes up for it by pursuing dialogues internally. Lack of this exercise creates an atmosphere which subsequently reduces idealism in the party. Idealism is a glue which kept Left and Right alive during lean times. Congress on the other hand either falls back on charisma of the Gandhi’s or power to stay together. With reduced charisma of Gandhis in national politics, the glue which holds the Congress together today is power hence the pressure from senior leadership to ensure Modi loses at any cost, even at the cost of the Congress Party?

This thinking needs to be seriously reversed for the health of democracy. Congress is the only national party after BJP. It is down but not out. It needs to get into a smart alliance with smaller parties and ensure that narrative remains around jobs and economy. Congress mishandled Pulwama terror attack and BJP stole the thunder right under its nose. Congress needs to reset the narrative which it had after winning three Hindi heartland states. If it fails, Congress will again be reduced to two digits in Lok Sabha.&nbsp;

Congress needs to regain the lost confidence too with the message that it will remain in business for the next 100 years. RSS was banned thrice and faced the stigma of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination but still survived to ensure that it had its government with a simple majority in power in 2014. This tenacity to stay relevant should be a learning curve for Congress.&nbsp;

This tenacity can be reached if Congress recreates a robust ideological culture inside the party which would recreate new ideals for the Congress.&nbsp;

Side by side, it should be ensured that the organisation is not compromised for the sake of keeping Modi out of power. It never worked for the Socialists. There rabid anti-Congress attitude was devoid of ideology and ultimately led to their own demise. Their governments were short lived. Same should not happen to Congress as it cannot afford to become Rishi Dadhichi who gave up his life so that his bones could be used to make an Astra to kill a demon.&nbsp;

In today’s context, Congress as a national party is required as a bulwark against hegemonic BJP. In the interest of democracy, it should focus on its own health rather than following the single point agenda of keeping Modi out.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

At what cost the BJP should be stopped is the question which confronts Congress Party today. Should Congress Party sacrifice itself on the altar of secularism to prevent BJP coming to power or should it fight the elections to expand itself both electorally and organisationally?

At what cost the BJP should be stopped is the question which confronts Congress Party today. Should Congress Party sacrifice itself on the altar of secularism to prevent BJP coming to power or should it fight the elections to expand itself both electorally and organisationally? Ideally, this question should have been settled two years back, but the party continues to vacillate on the issue of alliance and organisation. Congress today stands split between two types of groups. One group wants to stop Prime Minister Narendra Modi at any cost, and hence, wants Congress to sacrifice and accommodate regional parties in form of a broader alliance. The other group wants to contest the Lok Sabha elections with smaller partners who add strength to the Congress. This group has been resenting party’s tryst with SP-BSP in Uttar Pradesh and with AAP in Delhi. What is surprising is despite resistance from the local leadership, the idea to stich an alliance continues to flow from the top leaders in the Congress. Even in the case of Uttar Pradesh, a big section within the Congress desires to become the part of the umbrella alliance in Uttar Pradesh. The desire exists understanding fully well that it would damage the reputation and standing of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. With an alliance in place, the question would arise,” Why did you get Priyanka when Congress only wanted to fight on 10 odd seats.” Where does this fear stems from? Does it stem from the fact that Congress has accepted that it cannot match vote consolidation of the BJP all across India? The answer lies somewhere else. It lies within the culture of Congress post 1970s. Over a period of time, ideological debate on issues and individuals died in the Congress. This is not to say that great debates are taking place under Modi’s BJP, but RSS makes up for it by pursuing dialogues internally. Lack of this exercise creates an atmosphere which subsequently reduces idealism in the party. Idealism is a glue which kept Left and Right alive during lean times. Congress on the other hand either falls back on charisma of the Gandhi’s or power to stay together. With reduced charisma of Gandhis in national politics, the glue which holds the Congress together today is power hence the pressure from senior leadership to ensure Modi loses at any cost, even at the cost of the Congress Party? This thinking needs to be seriously reversed for the health of democracy. Congress is the only national party after BJP. It is down but not out. It needs to get into a smart alliance with smaller parties and ensure that narrative remains around jobs and economy. Congress mishandled Pulwama terror attack and BJP stole the thunder right under its nose. Congress needs to reset the narrative which it had after winning three Hindi heartland states. If it fails, Congress will again be reduced to two digits in Lok Sabha. Congress needs to regain the lost confidence too with the message that it will remain in business for the next 100 years. RSS was banned thrice and faced the stigma of Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination but still survived to ensure that it had its government with a simple majority in power in 2014. This tenacity to stay relevant should be a learning curve for Congress. This tenacity can be reached if Congress recreates a robust ideological culture inside the party which would recreate new ideals for the Congress. Side by side, it should be ensured that the organisation is not compromised for the sake of keeping Modi out of power. It never worked for the Socialists. There rabid anti-Congress attitude was devoid of ideology and ultimately led to their own demise. Their governments were short lived. Same should not happen to Congress as it cannot afford to become Rishi Dadhichi who gave up his life so that his bones could be used to make an Astra to kill a demon. In today’s context, Congress as a national party is required as a bulwark against hegemonic BJP. In the interest of democracy, it should focus on its own health rather than following the single point agenda of keeping Modi out. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Should Congress sacrifice itself to keep Narendra Modi out?

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this &nbsp;— ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead.

With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government.

The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance.

Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha.

In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir.

UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution.

On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep.

Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it.

There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party.

These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few.

Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections.

These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses.

Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party.

These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here.

These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected.

Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA.

Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public.

Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions.

To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla&nbsp;over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-55-years-versus-55-months-2724414">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
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As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government). Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead. With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government. The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance. Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha. In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir. UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution. On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep. Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it. There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party. These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few. Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections. These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses. Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party. These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here. These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected. Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA. Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public. Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions. To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Differences among opposition parties strengthen NDA's chances of coming back to power

The Congress in general — and Rahul Gandhi in particular — is trying to keep the Rafale deal as a major poll plank in the absence of a topic that can create a narrative against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Congress has not been able to dig up any scam. No evidence of any kickbacks has been brought in the public domain by the Congress chief, though he persistently and quite unabashedly keeps abusing the PM. The CAG, the Supreme Court, and the French government have pronounced that there was no wrongdoing and that the deal is in India’s benefit.

The deal is worth only Rs 58,000 crore. But, Rahul keeps saying that due to the PM, Anil Ambani benefitted to the tune of Rs 30,000 crore, which is absurd on the face of it. The Congress has to answer why it delayed the deal for 10 years when the Air Force was in dire need of medium combat aircraft since 2004. Modi did a great service to the nation by reducing the number of aircraft from 126 to 36 as it would have become obsolete by the time the entire 126 would be delivered. By reducing the number to just two squadrons Modi saved a large amount of foreign exchange. If the idea was to make shady deals as Rahul Gandhi had alleged, then, the government would have gone ahead with a larger order package.

For about a year, Rahul was making unsubstantiated allegations. The Rafale deal is a project of the UPA. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a 100 per cent escalation in its price. Then, in the new deal, the government has asked for technology upgradation, additional features and transfer of technology. If the Modi government wanted, it could have scrapped the deal and gone for a new global tender. Rafale was selected in January 2012 when Dr Manmohan Singh was Prime Minister. Reliance came into the picture the same year, under UPA. In February 2012, Reliance Industries and France’s Dassault Aviation signed a pact for partnering in the defence and homeland security sector in India. The accord came less than two weeks after Dassault’s Rafale warplanes emerged as the preferred bidder in a $15 billion-contest to supply India with 126 fighter jets.

The partnership provided Dassault with a substantial opportunity to fulfil its offset obligations under the contract. Dassault wanted RIL to be the main partner. Under the offset clause, a foreign supplier must award contracts worth a chunk of the deal value to Indian companies in return.

The opposition’s furore over Rafale seems to be an attempt to starve the Indian Air Force of combat aircrafts of international standards. A demand for a Joint Parliamentary Committee will put the entire procurement and ‘Make in India’ programme in cold storage for years. As for Reliance not having past experience, it was again the French company which found it useful.

If having Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries on board was okay in February 2012, then how does getting Anil Ambani’s Reliance Defence in the deal become cronyism and scam in 2016? Is it only because it happened under Modi? About the price, Rahul Gandhi is quoting the price of 2008 in 2018. Can he get even a razor for the same price today as it was in 2008? In a joint venture, the partner has to invest money and Rafale will only be transferring technology. How can Reliance make money here? Rather, they have to put in money. The French government has said that choosing the Indian partner was the job of Dassault Aviation. The French company has said they chose the Indian partner. How can Rahul blame Modi for this? He is either being vicious or ill-informed or has, as usual, got only half-baked information.

Each time Rahul was providing different figures as the Reliance’s gain and the prices at which the deal was signed by the UPA and the NDA. In the first place, the UPA never signed any deal with Dassault (Aviation). It was only negotiating, and different prices were quoted. The price finally agreed by the UPA was Rs 737 crore per aircraft, and with additional fittings and capabilities the price agreed was Rs 2,000 crore per piece. The deal was, however, never signed. The deal signed by the NDA is for Rs 670 crore per aircraft, and with additional capacity it comes to Rs 1,600 crore per aircraft. The NDA has ordered for 36 aircraft whereas UPA was planning to buy 126.

The Indian Air Force in 2001 projected a desperate need for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) and the process of selecting the same concluded in 2007 under the UPA. The two aircraft shortlisted were Rafale and Eurofighter, which was number two. When the Modi government came to power, Eurofighter was hopeful of getting the deal as it felt the one selected by the UPA could be replaced. They lobbied hard with support from the British government.

The UPA had selected a middleman, who was to get a 10 per cent cut. The deal finally was not signed also perhaps because of this. Although the IAF was desperate, then Defence Minister AK Antony refused to sign any paper. Then, it was said that the UPA had no money; it was decided to postpone the purchase until the next government assumed power. The NDA has entered into a government-to-government deal, so there is neither any middleman nor commission agent.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-rafale-and-rahul-s-fiction-2722971">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

The Congress in general — and Rahul Gandhi in particular — is trying to keep the Rafale deal as a major poll plank in the absence of a topic that can create a narrative against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Congress in general — and Rahul Gandhi in particular — is trying to keep the Rafale deal as a major poll plank in the absence of a topic that can create a narrative against Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The Congress has not been able to dig up any scam. No evidence of any kickbacks has been brought in the public domain by the Congress chief, though he persistently and quite unabashedly keeps abusing the PM. The CAG, the Supreme Court, and the French government have pronounced that there was no wrongdoing and that the deal is in India’s benefit. The deal is worth only Rs 58,000 crore. But, Rahul keeps saying that due to the PM, Anil Ambani benefitted to the tune of Rs 30,000 crore, which is absurd on the face of it. The Congress has to answer why it delayed the deal for 10 years when the Air Force was in dire need of medium combat aircraft since 2004. Modi did a great service to the nation by reducing the number of aircraft from 126 to 36 as it would have become obsolete by the time the entire 126 would be delivered. By reducing the number to just two squadrons Modi saved a large amount of foreign exchange. If the idea was to make shady deals as Rahul Gandhi had alleged, then, the government would have gone ahead with a larger order package. For about a year, Rahul was making unsubstantiated allegations. The Rafale deal is a project of the UPA. Between 2012 and 2014, there was a 100 per cent escalation in its price. Then, in the new deal, the government has asked for technology upgradation, additional features and transfer of technology. If the Modi government wanted, it could have scrapped the deal and gone for a new global tender. Rafale was selected in January 2012 when Dr Manmohan Singh was Prime Minister. Reliance came into the picture the same year, under UPA. In February 2012, Reliance Industries and France’s Dassault Aviation signed a pact for partnering in the defence and homeland security sector in India. The accord came less than two weeks after Dassault’s Rafale warplanes emerged as the preferred bidder in a $15 billion-contest to supply India with 126 fighter jets. The partnership provided Dassault with a substantial opportunity to fulfil its offset obligations under the contract. Dassault wanted RIL to be the main partner. Under the offset clause, a foreign supplier must award contracts worth a chunk of the deal value to Indian companies in return. The opposition’s furore over Rafale seems to be an attempt to starve the Indian Air Force of combat aircrafts of international standards. A demand for a Joint Parliamentary Committee will put the entire procurement and ‘Make in India’ programme in cold storage for years. As for Reliance not having past experience, it was again the French company which found it useful. If having Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries on board was okay in February 2012, then how does getting Anil Ambani’s Reliance Defence in the deal become cronyism and scam in 2016? Is it only because it happened under Modi? About the price, Rahul Gandhi is quoting the price of 2008 in 2018. Can he get even a razor for the same price today as it was in 2008? In a joint venture, the partner has to invest money and Rafale will only be transferring technology. How can Reliance make money here? Rather, they have to put in money. The French government has said that choosing the Indian partner was the job of Dassault Aviation. The French company has said they chose the Indian partner. How can Rahul blame Modi for this? He is either being vicious or ill-informed or has, as usual, got only half-baked information. Each time Rahul was providing different figures as the Reliance’s gain and the prices at which the deal was signed by the UPA and the NDA. In the first place, the UPA never signed any deal with Dassault (Aviation). It was only negotiating, and different prices were quoted. The price finally agreed by the UPA was Rs 737 crore per aircraft, and with additional fittings and capabilities the price agreed was Rs 2,000 crore per piece. The deal was, however, never signed. The deal signed by the NDA is for Rs 670 crore per aircraft, and with additional capacity it comes to Rs 1,600 crore per aircraft. The NDA has ordered for 36 aircraft whereas UPA was planning to buy 126. The Indian Air Force in 2001 projected a desperate need for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) and the process of selecting the same concluded in 2007 under the UPA. The two aircraft shortlisted were Rafale and Eurofighter, which was number two. When the Modi government came to power, Eurofighter was hopeful of getting the deal as it felt the one selected by the UPA could be replaced. They lobbied hard with support from the British government. The UPA had selected a middleman, who was to get a 10 per cent cut. The deal finally was not signed also perhaps because of this. Although the IAF was desperate, then Defence Minister AK Antony refused to sign any paper. Then, it was said that the UPA had no money; it was decided to postpone the purchase until the next government assumed power. The NDA has entered into a government-to-government deal, so there is neither any middleman nor commission agent. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Rahul Gandhi’s fiction: Congress trying to keep Rafael a major poll plank

BJP president Amit Shah on Sunday said, his party will include Citizenship Amendment Bill in its 2019 general elections' manifesto.

The Citizenship Amendment Bill provides Indian citizenship to non-Muslims from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Addressing a public gathering at Assam BJP State office in Guwahati, Shah said, "Assam cannot prosper without Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB). We passed it in the Lok Sabha but the Centre failed to table it in the Rajya Sabha. The CAB will be added in our manifesto of the Lok Sabha elections and we are committed to take the Bill to the far reaches of Assam."

The BJP chief further took a dig at Congress president Rahul Gandhi and said, "The BJP is a not regional party, it's a party based on ideology, spreading its wings from Kamrup to Kutch and Kashmir to Kanyakumari. The party follows the Constitution and maintains democracy. There are parties which gradually became parties of families. And even if the son (Rahul Gandhi) of the party leader is brainless, he has to join politics and become a president of that party. Now, he even wants to become the Prime Minister."

"Parties without internal democracy cannot strengthen democracy of the nation. Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Sanjay Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, the future name in this row is still left," Shah added.

Comparing the BJP with the Congress party, Shah asserted, "Internal democracy is quite strong in the BJP because elections are held periodically for all internal positions. The BJP is not the party of any family, it’s a party of karyakartas."

"The Northeast contribution was 20 per cent after independence but it came to 2.3 under the rule of Congress. It was Prime Minister Narendra Modi under whose leadership, Northeast was given special credit and all the sectors starting from roads, railways and education sector, the state witnessed immense development. We brought Ayushman Bharat scheme, provided free electricity, gas connections and toilets to crores of people across the country. Most importantly, we provided security and peace to the Northeast region."

"Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership, people in Northeast are living in peace without fear of any bomb blast or terror attack," he added.

Praising the efforts of BJP Karyakartas in Northeast, Shah said, "BJP karyakartas are working day and night to see more development in Assam. We brought NRC (National Register of Citizens) and soon we have also formed a committee for Schedule 6, which will be implemented by the next Modi government."

Earlier in the day, Shah also addressed a public rally at Lakhimpur in Assam, where he said, “We will not allow Assam to become another Kashmir. That is why we have brought NRC. We will deport each and every infiltrator with the help of NRC. We are committed to that.”

BJP president Amit Shah on Sunday said, his party will include Citizenship Amendment Bill in its 2019 general elections' manifesto. The Citizenship Amendment Bill provides Indian citizenship to non-Muslims from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan.

BJP president Amit Shah on Sunday said, his party will include Citizenship Amendment Bill in its 2019 general elections' manifesto. The Citizenship Amendment Bill provides Indian citizenship to non-Muslims from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Addressing a public gathering at Assam BJP State office in Guwahati, Shah said, "Assam cannot prosper without Citizenship Amendment Bill (CAB). We passed it in the Lok Sabha but the Centre failed to table it in the Rajya Sabha. The CAB will be added in our manifesto of the Lok Sabha elections and we are committed to take the Bill to the far reaches of Assam." The BJP chief further took a dig at Congress president Rahul Gandhi and said, "The BJP is a not regional party, it's a party based on ideology, spreading its wings from Kamrup to Kutch and Kashmir to Kanyakumari. The party follows the Constitution and maintains democracy. There are parties which gradually became parties of families. And even if the son (Rahul Gandhi) of the party leader is brainless, he has to join politics and become a president of that party. Now, he even wants to become the Prime Minister." "Parties without internal democracy cannot strengthen democracy of the nation. Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Sanjay Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, the future name in this row is still left," Shah added. Comparing the BJP with the Congress party, Shah asserted, "Internal democracy is quite strong in the BJP because elections are held periodically for all internal positions. The BJP is not the party of any family, it’s a party of karyakartas." "The Northeast contribution was 20 per cent after independence but it came to 2.3 under the rule of Congress. It was Prime Minister Narendra Modi under whose leadership, Northeast was given special credit and all the sectors starting from roads, railways and education sector, the state witnessed immense development. We brought Ayushman Bharat scheme, provided free electricity, gas connections and toilets to crores of people across the country. Most importantly, we provided security and peace to the Northeast region." "Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership, people in Northeast are living in peace without fear of any bomb blast or terror attack," he added. Praising the efforts of BJP Karyakartas in Northeast, Shah said, "BJP karyakartas are working day and night to see more development in Assam. We brought NRC (National Register of Citizens) and soon we have also formed a committee for Schedule 6, which will be implemented by the next Modi government." Earlier in the day, Shah also addressed a public rally at Lakhimpur in Assam, where he said, “We will not allow Assam to become another Kashmir. That is why we have brought NRC. We will deport each and every infiltrator with the help of NRC. We are committed to that.”

BJP will include Citizenship Amendment Bill in its 2019 poll manifesto: Amit Shah

PM Narendra Modi's last Lok Sabha speech before general election

Mayawati and Akhilesh have sealed the deal for the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) which sends the highest number of Members to Parliament. BJP swept the state in 2014 riding on Modi wave and its development agenda trumping caste politics. Opinion polls predict heavy losses for BJP in the state. In this article, we look at eleven key factors which will determine the results of UP in 2019.

Transfer of votes without leakages: The success of any alliance depends upon the ability of partners to transfer their votes to each other with limited leakages. While in Bihar in 2015, a similar Mahagathbandhan (MGB) of Lalu, Nitish and Congress succeeded in doing so, in UP, alliance of SP-Congress failed to shift votes to each other in 2017. An informal alliance of SP and BSP for three bypolls succeeded vote transfer in bypolls last year.&nbsp;

Management of rebels: SP and BSP contested separately in 2014 and on an aggregate fielded 158 candidates. Almost half of these candidates (82 out of 158) will be denied tickets this time due to an alliance. Both parties will have to put in a lot of efforts to quell rebellion and reduce the impact to minimum levels. Uncle Shivpal’s party and even Congress could accommodate such rebels.

Ram Mandir &amp; reverse polarisation: The Mandir issue is hot currently with RSS and other Hindu organisations. UP CM Yogi Adityanath has many times reiterated that bhavya Ram mandir will be built in Ayodhya. In such an environment, any attempts to consolidate the minority vote by MGB in their favour could be counter-productive and unify the Hindu votes towards BJP.

Voting preference of non-Jatavs: The prime reason for decline in BSP’s influence in UP has been that it is losing support of its core vote bank of Dalits. They account for 21 per cent of the population; Jatavs (Mayawati’s caste is 12-14 per cent) and non-Jatavs (7-9 per cent). The support of non-Jatavs which was 64 per cent for party in 2009 declined to 30 per cent in 2014. BJP emerged as the choice for 45 per cent of non-Jatavs in 2014 as they were unhappy with Jatavisation/ Brahmanisation of BSP.&nbsp;

Voting preference of non-Yadav OBCs: OBCs account for 40 per cent of the state’s population. Yadavs (10 per cent) have been backing the SP while non-Yadavs (29 per cent), including Kurmis, Lodhis, Patels mostly supported the BJP till the time Kalyan Singh was there in the party. After his exit in 1999, the party lost the NYOBC votes to SP-BSP. From 43 per cent in 2002, support of Kurmis/ Koeris for BJP declined to 20 per cent in 2009. The fact that Modi belongs to the OBC community, strategic alliance entered with Apna Dal and disenchantment of non-Yadavs with SP due to their neglect led to massive consolidation in favour of BJP (60 per cent) in 2014.

How many sitting MPs are denied tickets? Modi and Shah follow a unique model to curb anti-incumbency. Today there is BJP government at the Centre, in the state and in many local bodies. So, the party has to face what I call triple anti-incumbency. To negate the impact of this, the party usually denies tickets to 30-40 per cent of its existing MPs/ MLAs. In the three state elections held recently, the number was between 25-30 per cent. In MCD elections, all corporators of BJP were denied tickets.

How seriously Congress fights in UP &amp; Priyanka factor: After being snubbed, the Congress has declared it will contest all 80 seats and has made Priyanka in-charge of East UP. She is expected to contest from Rae Bareli. This has enthused the party cadre. The Congress bagged 7.5 per cent vote share in 2014 in peak Modi wave, winning two and finishing second in seats. It also has influence in urban areas and enjoys support from section of upper castes, Muslims and Dalits in the state. If SP, BSP, Congress and RLD had contested together they would have won 57 seats in 2014 instead of 41 if only SP and BSP contested together.&nbsp;

Impact of smaller parties: Smaller parties have traditionally recorded 10-15 per cent vote share in UP. They are community-specific parties like RLD (Jats), Apna Dal (Patel’s), SBSP (Rajbhar), Nishad Party (Mallah) etc. BJP entered into strategic alliances with Apna Dal and SBSP in central and state polls to get the community votes and make inroads. Both allies are unhappy with BJP and posturing for more tickets this time around. Nishad Party is likely to get two seats from MGB quota.&nbsp;

Voting pattern of first-time voters: First-time voters play a crucial role in every election. These young voters mostly do not carry any baggage of ideology and vote on issues/ development. A media survey in 2014 said that almost half of 15 crore first-time voters in the 2014 general election, wanted to see Modi as PM. BJP made good inroads into young Yadav and Dalit voters in UP. As per reports, there are 12.7 crore first-time voters in 2019 out of which 2.2 crores are in UP.

Ability of MGB to manage contradictions in its vote blocks: It will be difficult for a section of SP and BSP cadre to accept each other as allies forgetting their bitter past. Many Dalits have borne the brunt of violence/torture by powerful OBCs.

How does development vs caste politics pan out? In 2014, BJP was able to convert the caste-ridden politics of the state into a narrative of nation-building and got support from all caste/class groups. As AK Verma opines in NES 2014, “This victory signalled a paradigm shift in voter behaviour, with a preference for good governance and development pushing out the identity politics of caste and community.” Whether MGB takes it back to caste politics, remains to be seen!

To sum up, in 2019, voters of UP will evaluate the performance of the Modi government. MGB will try to convert this battle into an ‘agadey vs pichadey’ fight. An interesting battle on the cards with many layers.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-uttar-pradesh-a-cakewalk-for-none-2718126">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Mayawati and Akhilesh have sealed the deal for the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) which sends the highest number of Members to Parliament. BJP swept the state in 2014 riding on Modi wave and its development agenda trumping caste politics.

Mayawati and Akhilesh have sealed the deal for the state of Uttar Pradesh (UP) which sends the highest number of Members to Parliament. BJP swept the state in 2014 riding on Modi wave and its development agenda trumping caste politics. Opinion polls predict heavy losses for BJP in the state. In this article, we look at eleven key factors which will determine the results of UP in 2019. Transfer of votes without leakages: The success of any alliance depends upon the ability of partners to transfer their votes to each other with limited leakages. While in Bihar in 2015, a similar Mahagathbandhan (MGB) of Lalu, Nitish and Congress succeeded in doing so, in UP, alliance of SP-Congress failed to shift votes to each other in 2017. An informal alliance of SP and BSP for three bypolls succeeded vote transfer in bypolls last year. Management of rebels: SP and BSP contested separately in 2014 and on an aggregate fielded 158 candidates. Almost half of these candidates (82 out of 158) will be denied tickets this time due to an alliance. Both parties will have to put in a lot of efforts to quell rebellion and reduce the impact to minimum levels. Uncle Shivpal’s party and even Congress could accommodate such rebels. Ram Mandir & reverse polarisation: The Mandir issue is hot currently with RSS and other Hindu organisations. UP CM Yogi Adityanath has many times reiterated that bhavya Ram mandir will be built in Ayodhya. In such an environment, any attempts to consolidate the minority vote by MGB in their favour could be counter-productive and unify the Hindu votes towards BJP. Voting preference of non-Jatavs: The prime reason for decline in BSP’s influence in UP has been that it is losing support of its core vote bank of Dalits. They account for 21 per cent of the population; Jatavs (Mayawati’s caste is 12-14 per cent) and non-Jatavs (7-9 per cent). The support of non-Jatavs which was 64 per cent for party in 2009 declined to 30 per cent in 2014. BJP emerged as the choice for 45 per cent of non-Jatavs in 2014 as they were unhappy with Jatavisation/ Brahmanisation of BSP. Voting preference of non-Yadav OBCs: OBCs account for 40 per cent of the state’s population. Yadavs (10 per cent) have been backing the SP while non-Yadavs (29 per cent), including Kurmis, Lodhis, Patels mostly supported the BJP till the time Kalyan Singh was there in the party. After his exit in 1999, the party lost the NYOBC votes to SP-BSP. From 43 per cent in 2002, support of Kurmis/ Koeris for BJP declined to 20 per cent in 2009. The fact that Modi belongs to the OBC community, strategic alliance entered with Apna Dal and disenchantment of non-Yadavs with SP due to their neglect led to massive consolidation in favour of BJP (60 per cent) in 2014. How many sitting MPs are denied tickets? Modi and Shah follow a unique model to curb anti-incumbency. Today there is BJP government at the Centre, in the state and in many local bodies. So, the party has to face what I call triple anti-incumbency. To negate the impact of this, the party usually denies tickets to 30-40 per cent of its existing MPs/ MLAs. In the three state elections held recently, the number was between 25-30 per cent. In MCD elections, all corporators of BJP were denied tickets. How seriously Congress fights in UP & Priyanka factor: After being snubbed, the Congress has declared it will contest all 80 seats and has made Priyanka in-charge of East UP. She is expected to contest from Rae Bareli. This has enthused the party cadre. The Congress bagged 7.5 per cent vote share in 2014 in peak Modi wave, winning two and finishing second in seats. It also has influence in urban areas and enjoys support from section of upper castes, Muslims and Dalits in the state. If SP, BSP, Congress and RLD had contested together they would have won 57 seats in 2014 instead of 41 if only SP and BSP contested together. Impact of smaller parties: Smaller parties have traditionally recorded 10-15 per cent vote share in UP. They are community-specific parties like RLD (Jats), Apna Dal (Patel’s), SBSP (Rajbhar), Nishad Party (Mallah) etc. BJP entered into strategic alliances with Apna Dal and SBSP in central and state polls to get the community votes and make inroads. Both allies are unhappy with BJP and posturing for more tickets this time around. Nishad Party is likely to get two seats from MGB quota. Voting pattern of first-time voters: First-time voters play a crucial role in every election. These young voters mostly do not carry any baggage of ideology and vote on issues/ development. A media survey in 2014 said that almost half of 15 crore first-time voters in the 2014 general election, wanted to see Modi as PM. BJP made good inroads into young Yadav and Dalit voters in UP. As per reports, there are 12.7 crore first-time voters in 2019 out of which 2.2 crores are in UP. Ability of MGB to manage contradictions in its vote blocks: It will be difficult for a section of SP and BSP cadre to accept each other as allies forgetting their bitter past. Many Dalits have borne the brunt of violence/torture by powerful OBCs. How does development vs caste politics pan out? In 2014, BJP was able to convert the caste-ridden politics of the state into a narrative of nation-building and got support from all caste/class groups. As AK Verma opines in NES 2014, “This victory signalled a paradigm shift in voter behaviour, with a preference for good governance and development pushing out the identity politics of caste and community.” Whether MGB takes it back to caste politics, remains to be seen! To sum up, in 2019, voters of UP will evaluate the performance of the Modi government. MGB will try to convert this battle into an ‘agadey vs pichadey’ fight. An interesting battle on the cards with many layers. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Uttar Pradesh: A cakewalk for none

One wonders why Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made the Congress party’s general secretary in-charge for western Uttar Pradesh for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He doesn’t bring any special understanding of the region to the table, nor is he a charismatic figure there.

Also, although technically on a footing equal with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who too has been appointed general secretary but in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh, Scindia cannot hope to match her profile or stature within the party even with the new assignment. One can, therefore, only speculate on the reasons.&nbsp;

Here’s speculation number one. The appointment is Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s way of keeping him away from the politics of Madhya Pradesh, where Kamal Nath is ensconced as chief minister. Scindia had been a formidable candidate to take over the reins of the government after the Congress displaced a Bharatiya Janata Party regime in the state recently.&nbsp;

He was both popular and close to Rahul Gandhi. When the Congress high command decided in Kamal Nath’s favour, it reportedly offered Scindia the deputy chief minister’s post, which was declined. Since then, the party felt it is prudent to avoid situations of direct conflict between Scindia and Kamal Nath, and thus, shifted the young leader out.&nbsp;

Speculation number two: The appointment is a way to cut Scindia down to size. His refusal to accept the deputy’s position was seen as a snub to the high command and to the Kamal Nath-Digvijaya Singh lobby. He was, thus, given charge of a region where the Congress stands little chance of doing well and can be made a scapegoat after the Congress fails in the region. Only days prior to his appointment, Scindia&nbsp;had a long meeting with senior BJP leader and former chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan with whom he is said to share a good rapport. That may have rankled the high command too.&nbsp; 
 
And speculation number three is that Scindia will be used a foil in the post-result scenario for comparison with Priyanka’s performance in eastern Uttar Pradesh, where the Congress has a fighting chance to win a fistful of seats — at least two to four. This may be nothing to talk about, but it’s still better than zero, which is what many analysts believe the Congress will get in the western parts of the state.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Admittedly, all this is speculation. What is not speculation but a fact is that the Congress is weak and anaemic in western Uttar Pradesh. It could not do well even in the 2017 Assembly elections when most analysts had predicted trouble for the BJP there for a variety of factors. The Jats, comprising some 17 per cent of the population, are a dominant factor. 
 
They were supposedly angry with the BJP for having made a non-Jat the chief minister of neighbouring Haryana. Besides, they were said to have been a spanner in the works of the BJP’s larger Hindu consolidation drive. The Muslims, another important segment in the region, were upset with the BJP too. Ajit Singh’s party, the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), was tipped to spoil the BJP’s party and thus help others such as the Congress to gain a foothold in the region. And yet, nothing of these happened. The Congress failed miserably and the BJP romped home.&nbsp;

The situation is perhaps worse for the Congress this coming Lok Sabha polls. Not only is it pitted against the BJP but it has to also counter the combined might of the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party- RLD. If the Jats are indeed so upset with the BJP that they have decided to vote against it, they will in probability go with the new alliance. The Muslims will not waste their votes on the Congress if they sense that the party is on a weak footing. Which voter segment is the Congress banking on?&nbsp;

Western Uttar Pradesh is also communally sensitive. The Muzaffarnagar riots during the Samajwadi party rule had led to a Hindu-Muslim polarisation of sorts, which benefitted the BJP in the last Assembly polls and brought no gains to the Congress which was unsure of its stand. The new grand alliance has the Dalit-Muslim plan up its sleeve this time to neutralise a possible Hindu re-consolidation. 
 
In the 2017 polls, the RLD had tied up with the Congress but gained little out of that alliance. Many believed that the Congress had pulled down Ajit Singh’s party, which is why the RLD has dumped the Congress for the 2019 elections.

Look at it any which way, Scindia’s official foray into western Uttar Pradesh’s politics is fraught with danger.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

One wonders why Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made the Congress party’s general secretary in-charge for western Uttar Pradesh for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He doesn’t bring any special understanding of the region to the table, nor is he a charismatic figure there.

One wonders why Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made the Congress party’s general secretary in-charge for western Uttar Pradesh for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He doesn’t bring any special understanding of the region to the table, nor is he a charismatic figure there. Also, although technically on a footing equal with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who too has been appointed general secretary but in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh, Scindia cannot hope to match her profile or stature within the party even with the new assignment. One can, therefore, only speculate on the reasons. Here’s speculation number one. The appointment is Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s way of keeping him away from the politics of Madhya Pradesh, where Kamal Nath is ensconced as chief minister. Scindia had been a formidable candidate to take over the reins of the government after the Congress displaced a Bharatiya Janata Party regime in the state recently. He was both popular and close to Rahul Gandhi. When the Congress high command decided in Kamal Nath’s favour, it reportedly offered Scindia the deputy chief minister’s post, which was declined. Since then, the party felt it is prudent to avoid situations of direct conflict between Scindia and Kamal Nath, and thus, shifted the young leader out. Speculation number two: The appointment is a way to cut Scindia down to size. His refusal to accept the deputy’s position was seen as a snub to the high command and to the Kamal Nath-Digvijaya Singh lobby. He was, thus, given charge of a region where the Congress stands little chance of doing well and can be made a scapegoat after the Congress fails in the region. Only days prior to his appointment, Scindia had a long meeting with senior BJP leader and former chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan with whom he is said to share a good rapport. That may have rankled the high command too. And speculation number three is that Scindia will be used a foil in the post-result scenario for comparison with Priyanka’s performance in eastern Uttar Pradesh, where the Congress has a fighting chance to win a fistful of seats — at least two to four. This may be nothing to talk about, but it’s still better than zero, which is what many analysts believe the Congress will get in the western parts of the state. Admittedly, all this is speculation. What is not speculation but a fact is that the Congress is weak and anaemic in western Uttar Pradesh. It could not do well even in the 2017 Assembly elections when most analysts had predicted trouble for the BJP there for a variety of factors. The Jats, comprising some 17 per cent of the population, are a dominant factor. They were supposedly angry with the BJP for having made a non-Jat the chief minister of neighbouring Haryana. Besides, they were said to have been a spanner in the works of the BJP’s larger Hindu consolidation drive. The Muslims, another important segment in the region, were upset with the BJP too. Ajit Singh’s party, the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), was tipped to spoil the BJP’s party and thus help others such as the Congress to gain a foothold in the region. And yet, nothing of these happened. The Congress failed miserably and the BJP romped home. The situation is perhaps worse for the Congress this coming Lok Sabha polls. Not only is it pitted against the BJP but it has to also counter the combined might of the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party- RLD. If the Jats are indeed so upset with the BJP that they have decided to vote against it, they will in probability go with the new alliance. The Muslims will not waste their votes on the Congress if they sense that the party is on a weak footing. Which voter segment is the Congress banking on? Western Uttar Pradesh is also communally sensitive. The Muzaffarnagar riots during the Samajwadi party rule had led to a Hindu-Muslim polarisation of sorts, which benefitted the BJP in the last Assembly polls and brought no gains to the Congress which was unsure of its stand. The new grand alliance has the Dalit-Muslim plan up its sleeve this time to neutralise a possible Hindu re-consolidation. In the 2017 polls, the RLD had tied up with the Congress but gained little out of that alliance. Many believed that the Congress had pulled down Ajit Singh’s party, which is why the RLD has dumped the Congress for the 2019 elections. Look at it any which way, Scindia’s official foray into western Uttar Pradesh’s politics is fraught with danger. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Is Congress trying to keep Jyotiraditya Scindia away from MP?

Facebook Inc is toughening up the rules governing <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/hackers-gain-access-to-120-miilion-facebook-users-private-messages-report-175285">political advertisements</a> in India to create more transparency ahead of the country's general elections due before May, the social media giant said late on Thursday.

Users will see political advertisements with "published by" and "paid by" disclaimers, the Menlo Park, California-headquartered company said in a statement.

The move comes weeks after Facebook told it would extend some of its political advertising rules and tools for curbing election interference to India, Nigeria, Ukraine and the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/facebook-accused-of-allowing-anti-brexit-fake-news-on-its-platform-191338">European Union</a> before significant votes in these places in the next few months.

Users will be able to access a library that allows them to search and find out more about political advertisements such as how much is spent on them and the demographics of advertising views, Facebook said.

People will soon also be able to see country locations of users who manage Facebook pages that carry political ads.

"By increasing transparency around ads and pages on Facebook, we hope to increase accountability for advertisers, help people assess the content they're seeing and prevent future abuse in elections," Facebook said.

The new features and policy become effective February&nbsp;21.

The moves are part of Facebook's attempts to reshape its public image which took a beating last year after a privacy scandal involving British data consultancy Cambridge Analytica.

The company has also faced intense pressure from India, one of the world's biggest Internet markets, to curb the spread of misinformation through its WhatsApp messenger that has lead to a spate of killings.

Facebook said it is also making it tougher to run a page using a fake account by introducing two-factor authentication and by asking for page administrators' primary country location.

In the&nbsp;past few years, Facebook has effectively been used globally by politicians and their adversaries to distribute fake news and other propaganda.

Ads on Facebook can widen the reach of such material, but some of those influence efforts may violate election rules and the company's policies. Under intense global public scrutiny, Facebook last year introduced several initiatives to increase oversight of political ads.

Facebook Inc is toughening up the rules governing political advertisements in India to create more transparency ahead of the country's general elections due before May, the social media giant said late on Thursday.

Facebook Inc is toughening up the rules governing political advertisements in India to create more transparency ahead of the country's general elections due before May, the social media giant said late on Thursday. Users will see political advertisements with "published by" and "paid by" disclaimers, the Menlo Park, California-headquartered company said in a statement. The move comes weeks after Facebook told it would extend some of its political advertising rules and tools for curbing election interference to India, Nigeria, Ukraine and the European Union before significant votes in these places in the next few months. Users will be able to access a library that allows them to search and find out more about political advertisements such as how much is spent on them and the demographics of advertising views, Facebook said. People will soon also be able to see country locations of users who manage Facebook pages that carry political ads. "By increasing transparency around ads and pages on Facebook, we hope to increase accountability for advertisers, help people assess the content they're seeing and prevent future abuse in elections," Facebook said. The new features and policy become effective February 21. The moves are part of Facebook's attempts to reshape its public image which took a beating last year after a privacy scandal involving British data consultancy Cambridge Analytica. The company has also faced intense pressure from India, one of the world's biggest Internet markets, to curb the spread of misinformation through its WhatsApp messenger that has lead to a spate of killings. Facebook said it is also making it tougher to run a page using a fake account by introducing two-factor authentication and by asking for page administrators' primary country location. In the past few years, Facebook has effectively been used globally by politicians and their adversaries to distribute fake news and other propaganda. Ads on Facebook can widen the reach of such material, but some of those influence efforts may violate election rules and the company's policies. Under intense global public scrutiny, Facebook last year introduced several initiatives to increase oversight of political ads.

Now, Facebook toughens political ad policies in India ahead of general election

Internet users in the country are more likely to encounter fake news online than the global average and social circles are increasingly spreading risks, says a global survey.

The Microsoft survey, covering 22 countries and coming a few months ahead of the general elections, shows that as many as 64 per cent of the Indians surveyed has encountered fake news as against the global average of 57 per cent.

The country is ahead of the global average on Internet hoaxes with 54 per cent of those surveyed reporting so and also instances of phishing or spoofing at 42 per cent, Microsoft said in a statement Tuesday.

Interestingly, the survey finds that there have been a sharp 9 percentage points increase in family and friends spreading online risks to 29 per cent.

"Social circles became riskier in India," the survey said, adding the jump to 29 per cent has taken the country a little over the global average.

Indians are also higher than the global average when it comes to reporting of severe pain from online risks, with 52 per cent saying so as against the global average of 28 per cent.

In what only complicates the matter, the country saw increased consequences from risks and little positive action taken following an online risk exposure, the survey said.

"Indians match the worldwide trend for consequences and were more likely to say that they were stressed and lost sleep in the latest year versus the previous year's study," the survey said.

India also showed a drop in positive actions taken following online risk exposure and are less likely to pause before replying to someone whom they disagreed with online.

Millennials and teenagers are the hardest hit by online risks and also sought help online, it said.

Internet users in the country are more likely to encounter fake news online than the global average and social circles are increasingly spreading risks, says a global survey.

Internet users in the country are more likely to encounter fake news online than the global average and social circles are increasingly spreading risks, says a global survey. The Microsoft survey, covering 22 countries and coming a few months ahead of the general elections, shows that as many as 64 per cent of the Indians surveyed has encountered fake news as against the global average of 57 per cent. The country is ahead of the global average on Internet hoaxes with 54 per cent of those surveyed reporting so and also instances of phishing or spoofing at 42 per cent, Microsoft said in a statement Tuesday. Interestingly, the survey finds that there have been a sharp 9 percentage points increase in family and friends spreading online risks to 29 per cent. "Social circles became riskier in India," the survey said, adding the jump to 29 per cent has taken the country a little over the global average. Indians are also higher than the global average when it comes to reporting of severe pain from online risks, with 52 per cent saying so as against the global average of 28 per cent. In what only complicates the matter, the country saw increased consequences from risks and little positive action taken following an online risk exposure, the survey said. "Indians match the worldwide trend for consequences and were more likely to say that they were stressed and lost sleep in the latest year versus the previous year's study," the survey said. India also showed a drop in positive actions taken following online risk exposure and are less likely to pause before replying to someone whom they disagreed with online. Millennials and teenagers are the hardest hit by online risks and also sought help online, it said.

India topping fake news menace globally, may increase ahead of general elections: Microsoft survey

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. 
 
Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power.

Days before the arch-rivals BSP-SP joined hands and entered into a pre-poll alliance for the Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. The two parties decided to fight elections on an equal number of seats leaving the two Congress bastion.

Exhibiting another showcase of unity, around 25 leaders from over 20 political parties held out a "united rally" in Kolkata on January 19. 
 
Led by Mamata Banerjee the rally was attended by leaders from across the country. The "United Front" saw the presence of Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah from the National Conference, HD Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy from the JD(S), TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu, DMK's MK Stalin, AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, SP leader Akhilesh Yadav, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav and many others including Mallikarjun Kharge from the Congress. Former NDA stalwart Arun Shourie, Yashwant Sinha, and BJP rebel Shatrughan Sinha also participated in the event along with NCP leader Sharad Pawar, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, Dalit leader Jignesh Mewani.

Joining hands on the dais the opposition hit out at the Modi government over demonetisation, GST, Rafale deal and the alleged "rising intolerance" in the country.

The "United opposition" against the current government shows a repeat of the opposition unity of 1977 which had successfully dethroned the first ever Congress government out of power. Fighting under the slogan "Indira hatao, desh bachao", the opposition had defeated Indira Gandhi and formed the first ever non-Congress government in India in 1977. 
 
Morarji Desai who became the fourth prime minister of the country, however, could not complete his tenure in the office. His government had to end its term midway due to the unsuccessful coalition. 
 
The next government formed under the leadership of Charan Singh also held an unsuccessful term in the office due to the rising conflict in the coalition. Singh could not complete his term after Indira Gandhi led Congress government suspended its support.

The country could never have a successful coalition government until 1998. The first ever non-Congress and coalition government that completed its full term in the country was headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Prior to Vajpayee's government, HD Deve Gowda, the eleventh prime minister of the country, also held an unsuccessful term and was removed from power within a year. Deve Gowda, the kingmaker of the 1996 general elections played a significant role in the formation of the government by extending support to the Congress party which had secured the second highest votes in the elections. BJP which won the highest votes remained out of power and was the main opposition in the parliament.

The current political situation of the country also foresees the rise of yet another Deve Gowda. While the entire opposition is fighting the 2019 elections against the BJP, the country may see the emergence of a new Deve Gowda if the results throw a hung assembly after the Lok Sabha polls.

Mamata Banerjee's slogan in the rally was "Badal do, Badal do, Dilli mei sarkar badal do". The front, however, does not have a prime ministerial face to replace the "Sarkar in Dilli".

While the BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh has clarified that the next prime minister of the country will be from UP, Mamata Banerjee is also seen as a strong contender to lead the Front in the next Lok Sabha.

Playing a masterstroke just days before the elections, the Congress appointed Priyanka Gandhi as the party general secretary in-charge of Uttar Pradesh East. The move is seen as an answer to rival parties' constant questioning of Rahul Gandhi's calibre in representing the party.&nbsp;

Thus while the opposition has united against the common power, keeping aside its ideological differences, the absence of strong leadership in the Front may affect the coalition even after its victory.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power.

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power. Days before the arch-rivals BSP-SP joined hands and entered into a pre-poll alliance for the Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. The two parties decided to fight elections on an equal number of seats leaving the two Congress bastion. Exhibiting another showcase of unity, around 25 leaders from over 20 political parties held out a "united rally" in Kolkata on January 19. Led by Mamata Banerjee the rally was attended by leaders from across the country. The "United Front" saw the presence of Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah from the National Conference, HD Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy from the JD(S), TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu, DMK's MK Stalin, AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, SP leader Akhilesh Yadav, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav and many others including Mallikarjun Kharge from the Congress. Former NDA stalwart Arun Shourie, Yashwant Sinha, and BJP rebel Shatrughan Sinha also participated in the event along with NCP leader Sharad Pawar, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, Dalit leader Jignesh Mewani. Joining hands on the dais the opposition hit out at the Modi government over demonetisation, GST, Rafale deal and the alleged "rising intolerance" in the country. The "United opposition" against the current government shows a repeat of the opposition unity of 1977 which had successfully dethroned the first ever Congress government out of power. Fighting under the slogan "Indira hatao, desh bachao", the opposition had defeated Indira Gandhi and formed the first ever non-Congress government in India in 1977. Morarji Desai who became the fourth prime minister of the country, however, could not complete his tenure in the office. His government had to end its term midway due to the unsuccessful coalition. The next government formed under the leadership of Charan Singh also held an unsuccessful term in the office due to the rising conflict in the coalition. Singh could not complete his term after Indira Gandhi led Congress government suspended its support. The country could never have a successful coalition government until 1998. The first ever non-Congress and coalition government that completed its full term in the country was headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Prior to Vajpayee's government, HD Deve Gowda, the eleventh prime minister of the country, also held an unsuccessful term and was removed from power within a year. Deve Gowda, the kingmaker of the 1996 general elections played a significant role in the formation of the government by extending support to the Congress party which had secured the second highest votes in the elections. BJP which won the highest votes remained out of power and was the main opposition in the parliament. The current political situation of the country also foresees the rise of yet another Deve Gowda. While the entire opposition is fighting the 2019 elections against the BJP, the country may see the emergence of a new Deve Gowda if the results throw a hung assembly after the Lok Sabha polls. Mamata Banerjee's slogan in the rally was "Badal do, Badal do, Dilli mei sarkar badal do". The front, however, does not have a prime ministerial face to replace the "Sarkar in Dilli". While the BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh has clarified that the next prime minister of the country will be from UP, Mamata Banerjee is also seen as a strong contender to lead the Front in the next Lok Sabha. Playing a masterstroke just days before the elections, the Congress appointed Priyanka Gandhi as the party general secretary in-charge of Uttar Pradesh East. The move is seen as an answer to rival parties' constant questioning of Rahul Gandhi's calibre in representing the party. Thus while the opposition has united against the common power, keeping aside its ideological differences, the absence of strong leadership in the Front may affect the coalition even after its victory. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

How far will the united opposition go without prime ministerial face?

Thailand will hold a general election to restore civilian rule on March 24, the election commission (EC) said on Wednesday, reported news agency Reuters.&nbsp;

The EC announced the new date for the often postponed election, which will be the first since a 2014 military coup.

The commission in December said that elections would be held on February 24, but the military government had expressed concern that election-related events would clash with early preparations for the coronation of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, scheduled for May 4-6.

Last month, the military government lifted a ban on political activities to allow parties to campaign.

(With inputs from Reuters)

Thailand will hold a general election to restore civilian rule on March 24, the election commission (EC) said on Wednesday, reported news agency Reuters. The EC announced the new date for the often postponed election, which will be the first since a 2014 military coup.

Thailand will hold a general election to restore civilian rule on March 24, the election commission (EC) said on Wednesday, reported news agency Reuters. The EC announced the new date for the often postponed election, which will be the first since a 2014 military coup. The commission in December said that elections would be held on February 24, but the military government had expressed concern that election-related events would clash with early preparations for the coronation of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, scheduled for May 4-6. Last month, the military government lifted a ban on political activities to allow parties to campaign. (With inputs from Reuters)

Thailand to hold first general election since coup on March 24

Bangladesh ODI skipper <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Mashrafe+Mortaza">Mashrafe Mortaza</a>, who was contesting in Bangladesh's eleventh parliamentary elections, has registered a landslide victory from his Narail 2 constituency.

The Awami League candidate got 274,418 votes in the election as compared to his competitor Jatiya Oikya Front candidate AZM Fariduzzaman who received 8,006 votes. Mortaza, who was making his debut in the general elections, received around 96 per cent of the total votes cast in the constituency, Dhaka Tribune reported.

Also Read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/bangladesh-pm-hasinas-party-registers-landslide-victory-in-parliamentary-polls-187416">Bangladesh PM Hasina's party registers landslide victory in parliamentary polls</a>

With the victory, the bowling all-rounder has become the second national cricket team captain, after Naimur Rahman Durjoy, to be a Member of Parliament. Moreover, Mortaza is the first active cricketer to get the position.

The polling began early morning on Sunday around 8 am and continued till 4 pm in the evening. The capital city of Dhaka, however, witnessed peaceful voting, while several parts of the nation were engulfed in raging violence during voting. Police have arrested as many as eight people in connection with the clashes.

&nbsp;The official declaration with regards to election results is yet to be made. The local media, however, have reported that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina led Bangladesh Awami League is likely to make the government in the country for the third consecutive term.

Bangladesh ODI skipper Mashrafe Mortaza, who was contesting in Bangladesh's eleventh parliamentary elections, has registered a landslide victory from his Narail 2 constituency.

Bangladesh ODI skipper Mashrafe Mortaza, who was contesting in Bangladesh's eleventh parliamentary elections, has registered a landslide victory from his Narail 2 constituency. The Awami League candidate got 274,418 votes in the election as compared to his competitor Jatiya Oikya Front candidate AZM Fariduzzaman who received 8,006 votes. Mortaza, who was making his debut in the general elections, received around 96 per cent of the total votes cast in the constituency, Dhaka Tribune reported. Also Read: Bangladesh PM Hasina's party registers landslide victory in parliamentary polls With the victory, the bowling all-rounder has become the second national cricket team captain, after Naimur Rahman Durjoy, to be a Member of Parliament. Moreover, Mortaza is the first active cricketer to get the position. The polling began early morning on Sunday around 8 am and continued till 4 pm in the evening. The capital city of Dhaka, however, witnessed peaceful voting, while several parts of the nation were engulfed in raging violence during voting. Police have arrested as many as eight people in connection with the clashes. The official declaration with regards to election results is yet to be made. The local media, however, have reported that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina led Bangladesh Awami League is likely to make the government in the country for the third consecutive term.

Cricketer Mashrafe Mortaza registers landslide win in Bangladesh elections

Regional parties have played a key role in government formation at the Centre since the advent of the coalition era in 1989. BJP’s loss in three Hindi heartland states have given them hope of a hung Parliament in 2019 where they could again play the role of a kingmaker. Many such parties are discussing with Congress to form the mahagathbandhan (MGB) to take on the BJP. Alliances in key states of UP, Bihar, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, which account for 207 seats, out of which NDA won 150 in 2014, will decide the course of 2019.&nbsp;

Uttar Pradesh: The entire premise that BJP will have a tough time in 2019 is built on the alliance between Samajwadi Party (SP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in UP. It was tested in bypolls to three seats earlier this year where BJP recorded big losses. BSP and SP have a solid vote base of Dalits, Muslims and Yadavs accounting for 44 per cent of the population. The alliance has proved it can seamlessly transfer votes in bypolls. Both parties are known for their anti-BJP stance. They are toying with the idea of joining MGB. Though, Congress is well past its prime in the Hindi heartland and is confined to two family-stronghold seats, it can be a game-changer in 13 seats.

Strategists in both parties feel while they will be able to transfer votes to Congress, the reciprocity is unlikely to happen like in 1996 (BSP-INC alliance) and 2017 (SP-INC alliance). There’s not much value which Congress brings to the table in UP. Both these parties may not want to tie their fate to MGB, and &nbsp;instead join the Third Front and wait for results.&nbsp;

Bihar: The fight is veering towards a bipolar contest in Bihar. BJP-led NDA consisting of JDU and LJP vs RJD-led UPA consisting of Congress, Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha and Sharad Yadav. BJP inducted Kushwaha before 2014, to make a dent in Nitish Kumar’s Kurmi/Koeri vote bank which accounts for 12 per cent of population. After JDU’s ghar wapsi, BJP faced the problem of plenty. It eased out Kushwaha and retained Paswan who has considerable clout among Dalits (6 per cent of population). He will also act as NDA’s counter to Manjhi who is a leader of Mahadalits (10 per cent of population). Both alliances have almost equal support, NDA of upper caste, Kurmi / Koeri and Dalits while UPA of Muslims and Yadavs. Mahadalits and Most Backward Classes (24 per cent) hold the keys to success in Bihar. RJD hopes to encash on the double &nbsp; anti-incumbency, against Modi’s 5-year and Nitish’s 13-year rule. Paswan who is a political bellwether has decided to stay with NDA. The problem of plenty has now shifted to UPA, so one can expect a big tussle on ticket distribution there.

Maharashtra: BJP almost won the state elections contesting independently held six months after Lok Sabha polls. It did partner with Shiv Sena to form the government, but their relationship strained forever. Shiv Sena which was the bigger brother in the state found itself to be the junior partner. It is playing the role of opposition within the NDA, sharply critical of Modi and has announced plans to contest 2019 elections alone. On the other hand, NCP and Congress have sealed a 24-24 formula for elections. Congress has adopted an accommodative approach for bigger goal of defeating BJP. Shiv Sena is adopting ‘hum to doobenge sanam tumko bhi le doobenge’ strategy.&nbsp;

As per my analysis, Shiv Sena could be routed and get 2-3 seats (current 18) while BJP may not suffer much with loss of 4-5 seats (current 23), based on 2014 numbers. UPA could gain 20-odd seats. Uddhav is making noise to extract his pound of flesh from BJP. Both parties need each other and will come to the table soon.&nbsp;

Tamil Nadu: All allies of BJP in state (PMK, DMDK, MDMK, PT) have left NDA. The political landscape has changed with Jaya’s death, split in AIADMK and entry of superstars Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan in politics. DMK stays with UPA and could play a crucial role in 2019 as state exhibits a strong trend of AIADMK and DMK alternately sweeping the state in central elections. BJP initially hoped to ally with AIADMK however, split of TTK, has forced a rethink. It needs to bag few seats here to negate losses in North and West where it has maxed out. It has also sent feelers to Rajini. Rajini could join NDA and Kamal UPA in my opinion.&nbsp;

Apart from these, other key players are AITC, BJD, TRS and CPM: AITC is facing the heat from BJP in West Bengal. It needs support of Congress to thwart attempts of BJP. However, Congress doesn’t gain much from the alliance as Mamata Banerjee doesn’t have any votes outside Bengal. Mamata is averse to joining any Third Front as the leadership issue has become complicated.

<img alt="Federal clout at power centre" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="d8be145a-44d2-423d-8c16-0e3f8cc26349" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/771140-tally-in.jpg" />

Naveen Patnaik has maintained an equidistance approach from BJP and Congress. He is not keen on joining UPA as Congress is the principal opposition party in Odisha. BJP is also gaining strength there and his joining NDA will help BJP piggyback on BJD’s vote bank.

TRS can’t join UPA as Congress is the principal opposition party in Telangana. War of words between Modi and KCR during state polls have ensured he can’t join NDA immediately. He is floating the idea of Third Front to make a rainbow coalition of regional parties. Akhilesh has shown interest while Mamata and Naveen have been non-committal.&nbsp;

CPM can’t join MGB, as it is left with sizeable presence only in Kerala and Bengal. If it joins MGB it risks losing space to Congress in Kerala. It can under no circumstances join hands with Mamata in Bengal.&nbsp;

All regional parties have a common wish: a hung Parliament. The elections circus has just begun.

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-federal-clout-at-power-centre-2701542">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Regional parties have played a key role in government formation at the Centre since the advent of the coalition era in 1989. BJP’s loss in three Hindi heartland states have given them hope of a hung Parliament in 2019 where they could again play the role of a kingmaker.

Regional parties have played a key role in government formation at the Centre since the advent of the coalition era in 1989. BJP’s loss in three Hindi heartland states have given them hope of a hung Parliament in 2019 where they could again play the role of a kingmaker. Many such parties are discussing with Congress to form the mahagathbandhan (MGB) to take on the BJP. Alliances in key states of UP, Bihar, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, which account for 207 seats, out of which NDA won 150 in 2014, will decide the course of 2019. Uttar Pradesh: The entire premise that BJP will have a tough time in 2019 is built on the alliance between Samajwadi Party (SP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in UP. It was tested in bypolls to three seats earlier this year where BJP recorded big losses. BSP and SP have a solid vote base of Dalits, Muslims and Yadavs accounting for 44 per cent of the population. The alliance has proved it can seamlessly transfer votes in bypolls. Both parties are known for their anti-BJP stance. They are toying with the idea of joining MGB. Though, Congress is well past its prime in the Hindi heartland and is confined to two family-stronghold seats, it can be a game-changer in 13 seats. Strategists in both parties feel while they will be able to transfer votes to Congress, the reciprocity is unlikely to happen like in 1996 (BSP-INC alliance) and 2017 (SP-INC alliance). There’s not much value which Congress brings to the table in UP. Both these parties may not want to tie their fate to MGB, and instead join the Third Front and wait for results. Bihar: The fight is veering towards a bipolar contest in Bihar. BJP-led NDA consisting of JDU and LJP vs RJD-led UPA consisting of Congress, Jitan Ram Manjhi, Upendra Kushwaha and Sharad Yadav. BJP inducted Kushwaha before 2014, to make a dent in Nitish Kumar’s Kurmi/Koeri vote bank which accounts for 12 per cent of population. After JDU’s ghar wapsi, BJP faced the problem of plenty. It eased out Kushwaha and retained Paswan who has considerable clout among Dalits (6 per cent of population). He will also act as NDA’s counter to Manjhi who is a leader of Mahadalits (10 per cent of population). Both alliances have almost equal support, NDA of upper caste, Kurmi / Koeri and Dalits while UPA of Muslims and Yadavs. Mahadalits and Most Backward Classes (24 per cent) hold the keys to success in Bihar. RJD hopes to encash on the double anti-incumbency, against Modi’s 5-year and Nitish’s 13-year rule. Paswan who is a political bellwether has decided to stay with NDA. The problem of plenty has now shifted to UPA, so one can expect a big tussle on ticket distribution there. Maharashtra: BJP almost won the state elections contesting independently held six months after Lok Sabha polls. It did partner with Shiv Sena to form the government, but their relationship strained forever. Shiv Sena which was the bigger brother in the state found itself to be the junior partner. It is playing the role of opposition within the NDA, sharply critical of Modi and has announced plans to contest 2019 elections alone. On the other hand, NCP and Congress have sealed a 24-24 formula for elections. Congress has adopted an accommodative approach for bigger goal of defeating BJP. Shiv Sena is adopting ‘hum to doobenge sanam tumko bhi le doobenge’ strategy. As per my analysis, Shiv Sena could be routed and get 2-3 seats (current 18) while BJP may not suffer much with loss of 4-5 seats (current 23), based on 2014 numbers. UPA could gain 20-odd seats. Uddhav is making noise to extract his pound of flesh from BJP. Both parties need each other and will come to the table soon. Tamil Nadu: All allies of BJP in state (PMK, DMDK, MDMK, PT) have left NDA. The political landscape has changed with Jaya’s death, split in AIADMK and entry of superstars Rajinikanth, Kamal Haasan in politics. DMK stays with UPA and could play a crucial role in 2019 as state exhibits a strong trend of AIADMK and DMK alternately sweeping the state in central elections. BJP initially hoped to ally with AIADMK however, split of TTK, has forced a rethink. It needs to bag few seats here to negate losses in North and West where it has maxed out. It has also sent feelers to Rajini. Rajini could join NDA and Kamal UPA in my opinion. Apart from these, other key players are AITC, BJD, TRS and CPM: AITC is facing the heat from BJP in West Bengal. It needs support of Congress to thwart attempts of BJP. However, Congress doesn’t gain much from the alliance as Mamata Banerjee doesn’t have any votes outside Bengal. Mamata is averse to joining any Third Front as the leadership issue has become complicated. Naveen Patnaik has maintained an equidistance approach from BJP and Congress. He is not keen on joining UPA as Congress is the principal opposition party in Odisha. BJP is also gaining strength there and his joining NDA will help BJP piggyback on BJD’s vote bank. TRS can’t join UPA as Congress is the principal opposition party in Telangana. War of words between Modi and KCR during state polls have ensured he can’t join NDA immediately. He is floating the idea of Third Front to make a rainbow coalition of regional parties. Akhilesh has shown interest while Mamata and Naveen have been non-committal. CPM can’t join MGB, as it is left with sizeable presence only in Kerala and Bengal. If it joins MGB it risks losing space to Congress in Kerala. It can under no circumstances join hands with Mamata in Bengal. All regional parties have a common wish: a hung Parliament. The elections circus has just begun. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Regional parties could play key role in 2019

Bangladesh's one-day international captain <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Mashrafe+Mortaza">Mashrafe Mortaza</a> will stand in next month's election, the ruling party announced Monday, after Prime Minister <a href="http://www.wionews.com/search?q=Sheikh+Hasina">Sheikh Hasina</a> endorsed the superstar's foray into politics.

A photograph of 35-year-old Mashrafe, who enjoys rockstar status in cricket-mad Bangladesh, alongside Hasina ran on the front pages of many newspapers in the South Asian nation of 160 million.

A spokesman for Hasina's Awami League said Mashrafe had been given the "green light" from the prime minister, who is seeking a third consecutive term in office on December 30.

"He plans to contest from Narail," said spokesman Mahbubul Alam Hanif, referring to Mashrafe's hometown district in western Bangladesh.

Mashrafe has not commented publicly on his running for the Awami League.

Cricketing authorities said there was no prohibition on active players trying their hand at politics.

"To run in an election is his constitutional right. If he wants to exercise these rights, we have no issue," Bangladesh Cricket Board spokesman Jalal Yunus told AFP.

"We expect him to keep the balance between his playing career and politics."

An alliance of opposition parties led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) will contest the election, despite their leader and thousands of supporters locked behind bars.

Cricketers moving into politics is nothing new in South Asia, where star players command god-like devotion from millions of fans. However it is rare for a sitting player to make the change.&nbsp;

Mashrafe is widely expected to retire after the World Cup in 2019.

He has already retired from Twenty20 international cricket and has not played a Test match since 2009.

Some fans welcomed his decision but others worried it would tarnish his reputation.

"I may be wrong, but this is the worst decision of his life," one fan, Omar Faruq, wrote on Mashrafe's fan page on Facebook.

Bangladesh's one-day international captain Mashrafe Mortaza will stand in next month's election, the ruling party announced Monday, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina endorsed the superstar's foray into politics.

Bangladesh's one-day international captain Mashrafe Mortaza will stand in next month's election, the ruling party announced Monday, after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina endorsed the superstar's foray into politics. A photograph of 35-year-old Mashrafe, who enjoys rockstar status in cricket-mad Bangladesh, alongside Hasina ran on the front pages of many newspapers in the South Asian nation of 160 million. A spokesman for Hasina's Awami League said Mashrafe had been given the "green light" from the prime minister, who is seeking a third consecutive term in office on December 30. "He plans to contest from Narail," said spokesman Mahbubul Alam Hanif, referring to Mashrafe's hometown district in western Bangladesh. Mashrafe has not commented publicly on his running for the Awami League. Cricketing authorities said there was no prohibition on active players trying their hand at politics. "To run in an election is his constitutional right. If he wants to exercise these rights, we have no issue," Bangladesh Cricket Board spokesman Jalal Yunus told AFP. "We expect him to keep the balance between his playing career and politics." An alliance of opposition parties led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) will contest the election, despite their leader and thousands of supporters locked behind bars. Cricketers moving into politics is nothing new in South Asia, where star players command god-like devotion from millions of fans. However it is rare for a sitting player to make the change. Mashrafe is widely expected to retire after the World Cup in 2019. He has already retired from Twenty20 international cricket and has not played a Test match since 2009. Some fans welcomed his decision but others worried it would tarnish his reputation. "I may be wrong, but this is the worst decision of his life," one fan, Omar Faruq, wrote on Mashrafe's fan page on Facebook.

Bangladesh ODI captain Mashrafe Mortaza to contest country's general elections

The Congress has issued its third list of 13 candidates for the November 28 assembly polls in Madhya Pradesh, which mainly comprises new faces.

The party has dropped Pandhurna Member of Legislative Assembly or MLA Jatan Uikey and replaced him with Neelesh Uikey.

Loyalists of Madhya Pradesh Congress president Kamal Nath and Guna Member of Parliament or MP Jyotiraditya Scindia also found place on the list.

Both Scindia and Nath, the sitting lawmaker from Chhindwara seat, are believed to be the top contenders for the chief minister's post from the Congress.

With the latest list issued Monday night, the Congress has so far announced 184 nominees for the total 230 assembly constituencies.

The announcement for the remaining 46 candidates is awaited as only three days are left for filing nominations.

The Congress has been out of power in Madhya Pradesh since 2003. The incumbent Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government is seeking a fourth straight term.

Among the 13 candidates, the Congress has fielded former state minister Deepak Saxena, a close confidante of Kamal Nath, from Chhindwara seat.

Another prominent nominee is Mahendra Singh Sisodiya, a loyalist of state Congress campaign committee chief Jyotiraditya Scindia, who has been re-nominated from Bamori in Guna district.

The Congress seems to have reposed faith in the first-timers in its latest list.

Among the new nominees are Sunil Uikey from Junnardeo and Sujit Choudhary from Chourai assembly seat in Chhindwara district.

The Congress has also fielded Manoj Choudhary, a first-timer, from Hatpipalya in Dewas district.

Other candidates who would be contesting the polls as first-time Congress nominees are Shrikant Chaturvedi (Maihar) and Ramshankar Payasi (Rampur Baghelan) in Satna district.

Babita Saket who switched over to the Congress from BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party) was allotted ticket from Mangavan seat in Rewa district.

The Congress has fielded Tilak Raj Singh and Sammati Prakash Saini from Manpur in Umaria district and Panagar in Jabalpur district respectively.

Jaipal Singh Jajji, who had lost the 2013 polls from Ashok Nagar seat, has been nominated from the same seat.

Arif Masood, who had lost from Bhopal Central constituency last time, has also been given a ticket.

The Congress announced its first list of 155 candidates on November 3 in which it re-nominated 46 lawmakers. A day after, it announced the second list of 16 candidates.

In the 230-member house, the Congress has 57 Members of Legislative Assembly.

The Congress has issued its third list of 13 candidates for the November 28 assembly polls in Madhya Pradesh, which mainly comprises new faces. The party has dropped Pandhurna Member of Legislative Assembly or MLA Jatan Uikey and replaced him with Neelesh Uikey.

The Congress has issued its third list of 13 candidates for the November 28 assembly polls in Madhya Pradesh, which mainly comprises new faces. The party has dropped Pandhurna Member of Legislative Assembly or MLA Jatan Uikey and replaced him with Neelesh Uikey. Loyalists of Madhya Pradesh Congress president Kamal Nath and Guna Member of Parliament or MP Jyotiraditya Scindia also found place on the list. Both Scindia and Nath, the sitting lawmaker from Chhindwara seat, are believed to be the top contenders for the chief minister's post from the Congress. With the latest list issued Monday night, the Congress has so far announced 184 nominees for the total 230 assembly constituencies. The announcement for the remaining 46 candidates is awaited as only three days are left for filing nominations. The Congress has been out of power in Madhya Pradesh since 2003. The incumbent Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) government is seeking a fourth straight term. Among the 13 candidates, the Congress has fielded former state minister Deepak Saxena, a close confidante of Kamal Nath, from Chhindwara seat. Another prominent nominee is Mahendra Singh Sisodiya, a loyalist of state Congress campaign committee chief Jyotiraditya Scindia, who has been re-nominated from Bamori in Guna district. The Congress seems to have reposed faith in the first-timers in its latest list. Among the new nominees are Sunil Uikey from Junnardeo and Sujit Choudhary from Chourai assembly seat in Chhindwara district. The Congress has also fielded Manoj Choudhary, a first-timer, from Hatpipalya in Dewas district. Other candidates who would be contesting the polls as first-time Congress nominees are Shrikant Chaturvedi (Maihar) and Ramshankar Payasi (Rampur Baghelan) in Satna district. Babita Saket who switched over to the Congress from BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party) was allotted ticket from Mangavan seat in Rewa district. The Congress has fielded Tilak Raj Singh and Sammati Prakash Saini from Manpur in Umaria district and Panagar in Jabalpur district respectively. Jaipal Singh Jajji, who had lost the 2013 polls from Ashok Nagar seat, has been nominated from the same seat. Arif Masood, who had lost from Bhopal Central constituency last time, has also been given a ticket. The Congress announced its first list of 155 candidates on November 3 in which it re-nominated 46 lawmakers. A day after, it announced the second list of 16 candidates. In the 230-member house, the Congress has 57 Members of Legislative Assembly.

New faces dominate Congress' third list of candidates for Madhya Pradesh

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