First official report: Crew of Ethiopia jet followed procedures

A <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-calls-for-inquiry-into-faas-approval-boeing-737-max-8-204411">US&nbsp;Senate panel</a> plans a hearing on March 27 on aviation safety after two fatal Boeing 737 MAX 8 <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/lion-air-crash-cockpit-voice-recorder-describes-pilots-frantic-search-for-fix-say-sources-204511">aircraft crashed&nbsp;since October</a>, and said it will also schedule a future hearing with Boeing and other manufacturers, officials said on Wednesday.

The hearing on federal oversight on commercial aviation by the Senate Commerce subcommittee on aviation and space will include the US Federal Aviation Administration’s (FAA) acting administrator Dan Elwell, National Transportation Safety Board chairman Robert Sumwalt and Transportation Department Inspector General Calvin Scovel, the committee confirmed.

Federal prosecutors are investigating the FAA`s certification of the Boeing 737 MAX that was grounded last week by regulators around the world.&nbsp;

The panel chaired by Senator Ted Cruz, a Republican, said that "in light of the recent tragedy in Ethiopia and the subsequent grounding of the Boeing 737 Max aircraft, this hearing will examine challenges to the state of commercial aviation safety, including any specific concerns highlighted by recent accidents."

A second hearing on aviation safety is planned "in the near future to hear from industry stakeholders that would include Boeing, other aviation manufacturers, airline pilots, and other stakeholders," the committee said.

Boeing Co, the world`s biggest planemaker, faces growing obstacles to returning its grounded 737 MAX fleet to the skies, while details emerged of an Indonesian crash last October with potential similarities to the Ethiopian disaster on March 10.

On Tuesday, President Donald Trump said he would nominate Steve Erickson, a former Delta Air Lines executive to head the FAA. Elwell, the deputy administrator, has run the agency on an acting basis for 14 months.

A House panel also is expected to hold hearings in the aftermath of the fatal crashes. Boeing did not immediately comment Wednesday.

Chesley "Sully" Sullenberger, who piloted a flight to land safely on the Hudson River in New York in 2009, said in an op-ed Tuesday the FAA has a "too cozy" relationship with industry.

"In too many cases, FAA employees who rightly called for stricter compliance with safety standards and more rigorous design choices have been overruled by FAA management, often under corporate or political pressure," he wrote.

A US Senate panel plans a hearing on March 27 on aviation safety after two fatal Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft crashed since October, and said it will also schedule a future hearing with Boeing and other manufacturers, officials said on Wednesday.

A US Senate panel plans a hearing on March 27 on aviation safety after two fatal Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft crashed since October, and said it will also schedule a future hearing with Boeing and other manufacturers, officials said on Wednesday. The hearing on federal oversight on commercial aviation by the Senate Commerce subcommittee on aviation and space will include the US Federal Aviation Administration’s (FAA) acting administrator Dan Elwell, National Transportation Safety Board chairman Robert Sumwalt and Transportation Department Inspector General Calvin Scovel, the committee confirmed. Federal prosecutors are investigating the FAA`s certification of the Boeing 737 MAX that was grounded last week by regulators around the world. The panel chaired by Senator Ted Cruz, a Republican, said that "in light of the recent tragedy in Ethiopia and the subsequent grounding of the Boeing 737 Max aircraft, this hearing will examine challenges to the state of commercial aviation safety, including any specific concerns highlighted by recent accidents." A second hearing on aviation safety is planned "in the near future to hear from industry stakeholders that would include Boeing, other aviation manufacturers, airline pilots, and other stakeholders," the committee said. Boeing Co, the world`s biggest planemaker, faces growing obstacles to returning its grounded 737 MAX fleet to the skies, while details emerged of an Indonesian crash last October with potential similarities to the Ethiopian disaster on March 10. On Tuesday, President Donald Trump said he would nominate Steve Erickson, a former Delta Air Lines executive to head the FAA. Elwell, the deputy administrator, has run the agency on an acting basis for 14 months. A House panel also is expected to hold hearings in the aftermath of the fatal crashes. Boeing did not immediately comment Wednesday. Chesley "Sully" Sullenberger, who piloted a flight to land safely on the Hudson River in New York in 2009, said in an op-ed Tuesday the FAA has a "too cozy" relationship with industry. "In too many cases, FAA employees who rightly called for stricter compliance with safety standards and more rigorous design choices have been overruled by FAA management, often under corporate or political pressure," he wrote.

US Senate panel to first grill FAA, then Boeing after fatal crashes

Black box data recovered from an <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ethiopia-crash-probe-advances-reveals-flight-had-unusually-high-speed-after-take-off-203798">Ethiopian Airlines plane that crashed last week</a> show "clear similarities" with a recent crash in Indonesia of the same type of aircraft, Ethiopia's transport minister said on Sunday.

While declining to give details, Dagmawit Moges told journalists the parallels would be the "subject of further study during the investigation," with a preliminary report issued in "30 days".

The announcement came a week after Ethiopian Airlines flight 302 plummeted into a field southeast of Addis Ababa minutes into its flight to Nairobi, killing all 157 people onboard.

The disaster caused the worldwide grounding of the Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft involved after aviation regulators noticed similarities with the October crash of an Indonesian Lion Air 737 MAX 8 that killed all 189 passengers and crew.

Both planes reportedly experienced erratic steep climbs and descents as well as fluctuating airspeeds before crashing shortly after takeoff.&nbsp;

Questions have honed in on an automated anti-stalling system introduced on the 737 MAX 8, designed to automatically point the nose of the plane downward if it is in danger of stalling.&nbsp;

The pilots of Lion Air Flight 610 struggled to control the aircraft as the automated MCAS system repeatedly pushed the plane's nose down following takeoff, according to the flight data recorder.&nbsp;

In the case of the Ethiopian flight, the black boxes have been handed to France's BEA air safety agency, which is working with American and Ethiopian investigators to determine what went wrong.

While the cause remains to be determined, Boeing's CEO Dennis Muilenburg on Sunday said the manufacturer is "finalizing its development of a previously-announced software update and pilot training revision" to address the behaviour of the MCAS "in response to erroneous sensor inputs."

Experts have questioned the US aviation safety certification process after learning that American pilots had lodged serious complaints about MCAS.

On Sunday the regulator, the Federal Aviation Administration, said it followed "standard" procedures, which "have consistently produced safe aircraft designs," &nbsp;in certifying the 737 MAX.

Nothing to bury

The disaster in Ethiopia left families in 35 nations bereaved.

On Sunday, Ethiopians gathered at Holy Trinity Cathedral in the capital Addis Ababa to bury 17 of their citizens killed in the crash, including the eight-person flight crew.

Relatives of the deceased sobbed and held portraits of their loved ones as an Ethiopian Orthodox priest said the last rites.

Wearing a t-shirt bearing a photo of Amma Tesfamariam in her flight attendant uniform, Meselech Petros said her 28-year-old sister was not supposed to work last Sunday, but came in to cover for a friend.

"What I can't forget is that she left an eight-month-old child and didn't come back," Meselech said.

"We are broken and hurting very much. It's very difficult," added Amma's brother Selamsew Mathias, 26.

The funeral ceremony began when caskets draped in the Ethiopian flag were brought to the cathedral in a convoy of black hearses accompanied by hundreds of mourners.

It was unclear what the coffins contained.

Witnesses said the plane had nose-dived into the field, with the force of the impact leaving few bodies intact.&nbsp;

On Thursday, as grieving families and friends visited the area where the plane went down, an AFP correspondent saw them being handed plastic water bottles filled with earth from the site.&nbsp;

Ethiopia's government has said it may take up to six months to identify the remains.

"What makes us very sad is we didn't find any of her remains," said Teshome Legesse, whose 24-year-old niece Ayantu Girma was a flight attendant on the plane.

'Grief belongs to everyone'

Ethiopian Airlines is Africa's largest carrier and in many ways the international face of the nation.

The deaths have shocked Africa's second-most populous country, and the funeral attracted a wide range of mourners.

"We all are children of Adam and Eve, even though our skin colours are different," said Seyoum Kidanu, a retired police officer wearing full dress uniform and a sash in the colours of the Ethiopian flag.&nbsp;

"When one person dies in this world, the grief belongs to everybody."

Black box data recovered from an Ethiopian Airlines plane that crashed last week show "clear similarities" with a recent crash in Indonesia of the same type of aircraft, Ethiopia's transport minister said on Sunday.

Black box data recovered from an Ethiopian Airlines plane that crashed last week show "clear similarities" with a recent crash in Indonesia of the same type of aircraft, Ethiopia's transport minister said on Sunday. While declining to give details, Dagmawit Moges told journalists the parallels would be the "subject of further study during the investigation," with a preliminary report issued in "30 days". The announcement came a week after Ethiopian Airlines flight 302 plummeted into a field southeast of Addis Ababa minutes into its flight to Nairobi, killing all 157 people onboard. The disaster caused the worldwide grounding of the Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft involved after aviation regulators noticed similarities with the October crash of an Indonesian Lion Air 737 MAX 8 that killed all 189 passengers and crew. Both planes reportedly experienced erratic steep climbs and descents as well as fluctuating airspeeds before crashing shortly after takeoff. Questions have honed in on an automated anti-stalling system introduced on the 737 MAX 8, designed to automatically point the nose of the plane downward if it is in danger of stalling. The pilots of Lion Air Flight 610 struggled to control the aircraft as the automated MCAS system repeatedly pushed the plane's nose down following takeoff, according to the flight data recorder. In the case of the Ethiopian flight, the black boxes have been handed to France's BEA air safety agency, which is working with American and Ethiopian investigators to determine what went wrong. While the cause remains to be determined, Boeing's CEO Dennis Muilenburg on Sunday said the manufacturer is "finalizing its development of a previously-announced software update and pilot training revision" to address the behaviour of the MCAS "in response to erroneous sensor inputs." Experts have questioned the US aviation safety certification process after learning that American pilots had lodged serious complaints about MCAS. On Sunday the regulator, the Federal Aviation Administration, said it followed "standard" procedures, which "have consistently produced safe aircraft designs," in certifying the 737 MAX. Nothing to bury The disaster in Ethiopia left families in 35 nations bereaved. On Sunday, Ethiopians gathered at Holy Trinity Cathedral in the capital Addis Ababa to bury 17 of their citizens killed in the crash, including the eight-person flight crew. Relatives of the deceased sobbed and held portraits of their loved ones as an Ethiopian Orthodox priest said the last rites. Wearing a t-shirt bearing a photo of Amma Tesfamariam in her flight attendant uniform, Meselech Petros said her 28-year-old sister was not supposed to work last Sunday, but came in to cover for a friend. "What I can't forget is that she left an eight-month-old child and didn't come back," Meselech said. "We are broken and hurting very much. It's very difficult," added Amma's brother Selamsew Mathias, 26. The funeral ceremony began when caskets draped in the Ethiopian flag were brought to the cathedral in a convoy of black hearses accompanied by hundreds of mourners. It was unclear what the coffins contained. Witnesses said the plane had nose-dived into the field, with the force of the impact leaving few bodies intact. On Thursday, as grieving families and friends visited the area where the plane went down, an AFP correspondent saw them being handed plastic water bottles filled with earth from the site. Ethiopia's government has said it may take up to six months to identify the remains. "What makes us very sad is we didn't find any of her remains," said Teshome Legesse, whose 24-year-old niece Ayantu Girma was a flight attendant on the plane. 'Grief belongs to everyone' Ethiopian Airlines is Africa's largest carrier and in many ways the international face of the nation. The deaths have shocked Africa's second-most populous country, and the funeral attracted a wide range of mourners. "We all are children of Adam and Eve, even though our skin colours are different," said Seyoum Kidanu, a retired police officer wearing full dress uniform and a sash in the colours of the Ethiopian flag. "When one person dies in this world, the grief belongs to everybody."

Black boxes show 'clear similarities' with Indonesia crash, says Ethiopia

The hunt for the cause of an Ethiopian Airlines plane crash that killed all 157 people on board gathered pace on Saturday when investigators successfully downloaded the cockpit voice recorder and fresh details emerged of the final seconds of the flight.

While <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ethiopia-crash-investigation-needs-considerable-time-minister-203773">experts say it is too soon to know what brought down the Boeing 737 MAX 8</a> on March 10, aviation authorities worldwide have grounded Boeing's 737 MAXs, as concerns over the plane caused the company's share price to tumble.

In Addis Ababa, a source who has listened to the air traffic control recording of the plane's communications said flight 302 had an unusually high speed after take-off before the plane reported problems and asked permission to climb quickly.

A voice from the cockpit of the Boeing BA.N 737 MAX asked to climb to 14,000 feet above sea level — about 6,400 feet above the airport — before urgently asking to return, the source told Reuters on condition of anonymity because the recording is part of an ongoing investigation.

The plane vanished from radar at 10,800 feet.

"He said he had a flight control problem. That is why he wanted to climb," the source said, adding there were no further details given of the exact problem and the voice sounded nervous.

Experts say pilots typically ask to climb when experiencing problems near the ground in order to gain margin for manoeuvre and avoid any difficult terrain. Addis Ababa is surrounded by hills and, immediately to the north, the Entoto Mountains.

In Paris, France's BEA air accident investigation agency said data from the jet's cockpit voice recorder has been successfully downloaded. The French agency said in a tweet it had not listened to the audio files and that the data had been transferred to Ethiopian investigators.

The BEA also issued a photo showing the recorder intact but dented by the impact of the plane's crash into a field minutes after take-off from Addis Ababa.

"We are waiting for the results. We are making all the necessary efforts to identify the cause of the accident," Ethiopian Minister of Transport Dagmawit Moges told reporters in Addis Ababa.

"This kind of investigation needs a considerable amount of time to reach concrete conclusions".

The Ethiopian carrier said DNA testing of the remains of the people on board flight 302 may take up to six months, and it offered bereaved families charred earth from the plane crash site to bury. Passengers from more than 30 nations were aboard.

Dagmawit said temporary death certificate had been given, and a final one would be issued in two weeks time. Collection of DNA samples from relatives had begun.

Victim identification would be done to scientific international standards, and internationally-recognised organisations such as Interpol were going to be involved in the process, she said.

As families await results from the investigation, the airline is planning to hold a service on Sunday in Addis Ababa, at the Kidist Selassie, or Holy Trinity Cathedral, where many of Ethiopia's past rulers are buried under its pink stone spires.

Earth from the crash site

"We were told by the company that we will be given a kilo (of earth) each for burial at Selassie Church for a funeral they will organise," said one family member who asked not to be named.

The return of remains - most of which are charred and fragmented - would take up to six months, the papers said, but in the meantime earth from the crash site would be given.

Around 100 relatives, including the brother and father of pilot Yared Getachew, gathered at a memorial for the victims at the Kenyan embassy.

"His dream was to be a pilot," said Meno Getachew Tessema, 39, Yared's brother. "He was diligent, hardworking, he had a consistent work ethic. I would like to emphasize his record and that he was a rising star at Ethiopian Airlines."

Flight data has already indicated some similarities with a crash by the same model of the plane during a Lion Air flight in October. All 189 people onboard were killed. Both planes crashed within minutes of take off after pilots reported problems.

The grounding of the 737 MAX jets has had no immediate financial impact on airlines using the planes, but it will get painful for the industry the longer they do not fly, companies and analysts said on Friday.

Boeing plans to release upgraded software for the 737 MAX in a week to 10 days, sources familiar with the matter said.

The US&nbsp;planemaker has been working on a software upgrade for an anti-stall system and pilot displays on its fastest-selling jetliner in the wake of the deadly Lion Air crash. 
&nbsp;

The hunt for the cause of an Ethiopian Airlines plane crash that killed all 157 people on board gathered pace on Saturday when investigators successfully downloaded the cockpit voice recorder and fresh details emerged of the final seconds of the flight.

The hunt for the cause of an Ethiopian Airlines plane crash that killed all 157 people on board gathered pace on Saturday when investigators successfully downloaded the cockpit voice recorder and fresh details emerged of the final seconds of the flight. While experts say it is too soon to know what brought down the Boeing 737 MAX 8 on March 10, aviation authorities worldwide have grounded Boeing's 737 MAXs, as concerns over the plane caused the company's share price to tumble. In Addis Ababa, a source who has listened to the air traffic control recording of the plane's communications said flight 302 had an unusually high speed after take-off before the plane reported problems and asked permission to climb quickly. A voice from the cockpit of the Boeing BA.N 737 MAX asked to climb to 14,000 feet above sea level — about 6,400 feet above the airport — before urgently asking to return, the source told Reuters on condition of anonymity because the recording is part of an ongoing investigation. The plane vanished from radar at 10,800 feet. "He said he had a flight control problem. That is why he wanted to climb," the source said, adding there were no further details given of the exact problem and the voice sounded nervous. Experts say pilots typically ask to climb when experiencing problems near the ground in order to gain margin for manoeuvre and avoid any difficult terrain. Addis Ababa is surrounded by hills and, immediately to the north, the Entoto Mountains. In Paris, France's BEA air accident investigation agency said data from the jet's cockpit voice recorder has been successfully downloaded. The French agency said in a tweet it had not listened to the audio files and that the data had been transferred to Ethiopian investigators. The BEA also issued a photo showing the recorder intact but dented by the impact of the plane's crash into a field minutes after take-off from Addis Ababa. "We are waiting for the results. We are making all the necessary efforts to identify the cause of the accident," Ethiopian Minister of Transport Dagmawit Moges told reporters in Addis Ababa. "This kind of investigation needs a considerable amount of time to reach concrete conclusions". The Ethiopian carrier said DNA testing of the remains of the people on board flight 302 may take up to six months, and it offered bereaved families charred earth from the plane crash site to bury. Passengers from more than 30 nations were aboard. Dagmawit said temporary death certificate had been given, and a final one would be issued in two weeks time. Collection of DNA samples from relatives had begun. Victim identification would be done to scientific international standards, and internationally-recognised organisations such as Interpol were going to be involved in the process, she said. As families await results from the investigation, the airline is planning to hold a service on Sunday in Addis Ababa, at the Kidist Selassie, or Holy Trinity Cathedral, where many of Ethiopia's past rulers are buried under its pink stone spires. Earth from the crash site "We were told by the company that we will be given a kilo (of earth) each for burial at Selassie Church for a funeral they will organise," said one family member who asked not to be named. The return of remains - most of which are charred and fragmented - would take up to six months, the papers said, but in the meantime earth from the crash site would be given. Around 100 relatives, including the brother and father of pilot Yared Getachew, gathered at a memorial for the victims at the Kenyan embassy. "His dream was to be a pilot," said Meno Getachew Tessema, 39, Yared's brother. "He was diligent, hardworking, he had a consistent work ethic. I would like to emphasize his record and that he was a rising star at Ethiopian Airlines." Flight data has already indicated some similarities with a crash by the same model of the plane during a Lion Air flight in October. All 189 people onboard were killed. Both planes crashed within minutes of take off after pilots reported problems. The grounding of the 737 MAX jets has had no immediate financial impact on airlines using the planes, but it will get painful for the industry the longer they do not fly, companies and analysts said on Friday. Boeing plans to release upgraded software for the 737 MAX in a week to 10 days, sources familiar with the matter said. The US planemaker has been working on a software upgrade for an anti-stall system and pilot displays on its fastest-selling jetliner in the wake of the deadly Lion Air crash.

Ethiopia crash probe advances, reveals flight had unusually high speed after take-off

Identifying the cause of the deadly Ethiopian Airlines crash that killed 157 people and caused the worldwide grounding of a brand-new Boeing aircraft model will take "considerable time," an Ethiopian government minister said Saturday.

The crash of Flight ET 302 minutes into its flight to Nairobi on March 10 killed all onboard and caused the worldwide grounding of the Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft model involved in the disaster.

"The investigation of such magnitude requires careful analysis and considerable time to come up with something concrete," transport minister Dagmawit Moges told a press conference.

Witnesses said the plane nose-dived into remote farmland southeast of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, reducing the plane to small pieces of debris buried deep in the earth. The victims came from 35 countries.

Dagmawit said it would take up to six months to identify remains, and family members were being encouraged to submit DNA samples in Addis Ababa or at Ethiopian Airlines offices overseas.

Death certificates would be issued in two weeks, she added.

The black boxes from the Ethiopian craft were sent to France's BEA air safety agency this week to determine the cause of the accident.

The data from one of them, the cockpit voice recorder, has already been extracted and handed over to Ethiopian authorities, the BEA said Saturday.

"The work continues" to obtain the data from the flight data recorder, which was badly damaged in the crash, it added.

A relative of one of the crash victims who asked not to named expressed frustration with the wait for remains.

The person said that under the victim's Jewish faith, no funeral could be held until his remains were returned, and the six-month delay was distressing for his family.

"They are in immense pressure and remorse as it is, without waiting half a year," the relative added.

The crash of Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 was the second deadly incidence for the 737 MAX 8 following the October crash of an Indonesian Lion Air jet that killed all 189 passengers and crew.

The Boeing 737 MAX 8 is a brand-new jet. The crash of two of them in the space of just a few months, coupled with similarities in the circumstances, led countries and airlines around the world to ground the plane.

A preliminary report into the Lion Air disaster was published a month after the crash. 
&nbsp;

Identifying the cause of the deadly Ethiopian Airlines crash that killed 157 people and caused the worldwide grounding of a brand-new Boeing aircraft model will take "considerable time," an Ethiopian government minister said Saturday.

Identifying the cause of the deadly Ethiopian Airlines crash that killed 157 people and caused the worldwide grounding of a brand-new Boeing aircraft model will take "considerable time," an Ethiopian government minister said Saturday. The crash of Flight ET 302 minutes into its flight to Nairobi on March 10 killed all onboard and caused the worldwide grounding of the Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft model involved in the disaster. "The investigation of such magnitude requires careful analysis and considerable time to come up with something concrete," transport minister Dagmawit Moges told a press conference. Witnesses said the plane nose-dived into remote farmland southeast of the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, reducing the plane to small pieces of debris buried deep in the earth. The victims came from 35 countries. Dagmawit said it would take up to six months to identify remains, and family members were being encouraged to submit DNA samples in Addis Ababa or at Ethiopian Airlines offices overseas. Death certificates would be issued in two weeks, she added. The black boxes from the Ethiopian craft were sent to France's BEA air safety agency this week to determine the cause of the accident. The data from one of them, the cockpit voice recorder, has already been extracted and handed over to Ethiopian authorities, the BEA said Saturday. "The work continues" to obtain the data from the flight data recorder, which was badly damaged in the crash, it added. A relative of one of the crash victims who asked not to named expressed frustration with the wait for remains. The person said that under the victim's Jewish faith, no funeral could be held until his remains were returned, and the six-month delay was distressing for his family. "They are in immense pressure and remorse as it is, without waiting half a year," the relative added. The crash of Ethiopian Airlines Flight 302 was the second deadly incidence for the 737 MAX 8 following the October crash of an Indonesian Lion Air jet that killed all 189 passengers and crew. The Boeing 737 MAX 8 is a brand-new jet. The crash of two of them in the space of just a few months, coupled with similarities in the circumstances, led countries and airlines around the world to ground the plane. A preliminary report into the Lion Air disaster was published a month after the crash.

Ethiopia crash investigation needs 'considerable' time: Minister

Joining a host of countries which have blocked the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/boeing-to-upgrade-software-in-737-max-8-fleet-in-weeks-202738">Boeing 737 MAX planes</a> from their airspace after the deadly crash, Australia on Tuesday barred the&nbsp;model of the&nbsp;Ethiopian Airlines crash that killed&nbsp;all 157 aboard on Sunday.

"This is a temporary suspension while we wait for more information to review the safety risks of continued operations of the Boeing 737 MAX to and from Australia," Shane Carmody, CEO of Australia's Civil Aviation Safety Authority, said in a statement. "CASA regrets any inconvenience to passengers but believes it is important to always put safety first."

Fiji Airlines is the only 737 MAX operator affected by the Australian ban, according to CASA. Singapore-based SilkAir used the planes for flights to Australia, but those were already suspended after the city-state barred the model from its airspace.&nbsp;

South Korea on Tuesday became the latest country to suspend operations of Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft, the model involved in the Ethiopian Airlines crash.

"We have advised Eastar Jet, the only South Korean airline that owns the B737-8 (two aircraft) -- the same model involved in the Ethiopian Airlines crash -- to ground them," the land, infrastructure and transport ministry said.

"Eastar Jet has agreed to do so, and told us it will suspend the aircraft's operations starting Wednesday," it said in a statement.&nbsp;

<iframe allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/1nGDiy4634k" width="560"></iframe>

A number of countries (China, Indonesia, Singapore and Mongolia) had earlier grounded Boeing's 737 MAX 8 medium-haul workhorse jet in response to the airline&nbsp;crash.

The Nairobi-bound plane was the same type as the Indonesian Lion Air jet that crashed in October, killing 189 passengers and crew -- with some detecting similarities between the two accidents.

There are some 350 of the 737 MAX 8 planes currently in service around the world and while some countries and airlines have opted to ground the planes, others are continuing to fly the aircraft pending an investigation into the crash and possible guidance from Boeing itself.

Boeing&nbsp;Co confirmed late on Monday that it will deploy a software upgrade to the 737 MAX 8, a few hours after the Federal Aviation Administration said it would mandate "<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/boeing-737-max-8-airworthy-but-it-will-make-design-changes-us-202724">design changes</a>" in the aircraft by April.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Joining a host of countries which have blocked the Boeing 737 MAX planes from their airspace after the deadly crash, Australia on Tuesday barred the model of the Ethiopian Airlines crash that killed all 157 aboard on Sunday.

Joining a host of countries which have blocked the Boeing 737 MAX planes from their airspace after the deadly crash, Australia on Tuesday barred the model of the Ethiopian Airlines crash that killed all 157 aboard on Sunday. "This is a temporary suspension while we wait for more information to review the safety risks of continued operations of the Boeing 737 MAX to and from Australia," Shane Carmody, CEO of Australia's Civil Aviation Safety Authority, said in a statement. "CASA regrets any inconvenience to passengers but believes it is important to always put safety first." Fiji Airlines is the only 737 MAX operator affected by the Australian ban, according to CASA. Singapore-based SilkAir used the planes for flights to Australia, but those were already suspended after the city-state barred the model from its airspace. South Korea on Tuesday became the latest country to suspend operations of Boeing 737 MAX 8 aircraft, the model involved in the Ethiopian Airlines crash. "We have advised Eastar Jet, the only South Korean airline that owns the B737-8 (two aircraft) -- the same model involved in the Ethiopian Airlines crash -- to ground them," the land, infrastructure and transport ministry said. "Eastar Jet has agreed to do so, and told us it will suspend the aircraft's operations starting Wednesday," it said in a statement. A number of countries (China, Indonesia, Singapore and Mongolia) had earlier grounded Boeing's 737 MAX 8 medium-haul workhorse jet in response to the airline crash. The Nairobi-bound plane was the same type as the Indonesian Lion Air jet that crashed in October, killing 189 passengers and crew -- with some detecting similarities between the two accidents. There are some 350 of the 737 MAX 8 planes currently in service around the world and while some countries and airlines have opted to ground the planes, others are continuing to fly the aircraft pending an investigation into the crash and possible guidance from Boeing itself. Boeing Co confirmed late on Monday that it will deploy a software upgrade to the 737 MAX 8, a few hours after the Federal Aviation Administration said it would mandate "design changes" in the aircraft by April.

Now, Australia & South Korea bar Boeing's 737 MAX from flying

For the second time in less than six months, a Boeing 737 MAX 8 has crashed minutes after takeoff and killed everyone on board, raising fresh questions about the safety of a model that is crucial to the US giant's future plans.

On Sunday, the 157 passengers and crew members of a 737 MAX operated by Ethiopian Airlines were killed. It was the same model as the plane that crashed in Indonesia in October, claiming the lives of the 189 people it carried.

Aviation regulator DGCA will seek information from Boeing as well as Jet Airways and SpiceJet operating Boeing 737 MAX aircraft in the wake of the plane crash in Ethiopia, according to a senior official.

The Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) would seek information from plane maker Boeing and Indian carriers operating Boeing 737 MAX planes in India, according to the official.

Jet Airways and SpiceJet fly Boeing 737 MAX planes.

China's aviation regulator has also ordered Chinese airlines to suspend their Boeing Co 737 MAX aircraft operations by 6 pm following a deadly crash of a 737 MAX 8 operated by Ethiopian Airlines.

It was the second crash of the 737 MAX, the latest version of Boeing's workhorse narrowbody jet that first entered service in 2017.

For the second time in less than six months, a Boeing 737 MAX 8 has crashed minutes after takeoff and killed everyone on board, raising fresh questions about the safety of a model that is crucial to the US giant's future plans.

For the second time in less than six months, a Boeing 737 MAX 8 has crashed minutes after takeoff and killed everyone on board, raising fresh questions about the safety of a model that is crucial to the US giant's future plans. On Sunday, the 157 passengers and crew members of a 737 MAX operated by Ethiopian Airlines were killed. It was the same model as the plane that crashed in Indonesia in October, claiming the lives of the 189 people it carried. Aviation regulator DGCA will seek information from Boeing as well as Jet Airways and SpiceJet operating Boeing 737 MAX aircraft in the wake of the plane crash in Ethiopia, according to a senior official. The Directorate General of Civil Aviation (DGCA) would seek information from plane maker Boeing and Indian carriers operating Boeing 737 MAX planes in India, according to the official. Jet Airways and SpiceJet fly Boeing 737 MAX planes. China's aviation regulator has also ordered Chinese airlines to suspend their Boeing Co 737 MAX aircraft operations by 6 pm following a deadly crash of a 737 MAX 8 operated by Ethiopian Airlines. It was the second crash of the 737 MAX, the latest version of Boeing's workhorse narrowbody jet that first entered service in 2017.

Jet Airways, SpiceJet to be questioned on Boeing B737 MAX planes after Ethiopian crash

All <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/ethiopian-airlines-plane-crashes-with-157-on-board-no-survivors-says-state-media-202350">157 people aboard an Ethiopian Airlines flight</a> on route to Nairobi from Addis Ababa that crashed early Sunday have died, a spokesperson for the airline confirmed.

The spokesperson told Ethiopian state television EBC that people from 33 nationalities were on board flight ET 302, which crashed near the town of Bishoftu, 45 kilometres (27 miles) southeast of the Ethiopian capital.

The airline's CEO, Tewolde Gebre Mariam, told members of the press that 32 Kenyans, 18 Canadians, nine Ethiopians, eight Italians, eight Chinese, eight people from the United States, seven from France, seven people from the United Kingdom and six Egyptians were among the dead.

Gebre Mariam added there were also five people from the Netherlands, four Indians, four Slovakians, three Austrians, three Swedes, three Russians, two Moroccans, two Spaniards, two Poles, one Belgian, one Norwegian and four others holding United Nations passports who died travelling on the fatal crash.&nbsp;

The CEO expressed his condolences to the families of the victims, adding that Ethiopian authorities were in contact with the embassies of the deceased.

The office of the Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, confirmed the crash on social media shortly after the accident tweeting:

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Accident Bulletin no. 2 
Issued on march 10, 2019 at 01:46 PM <a href="https://t.co/KFKX6h2mxJ">pic.twitter.com/KFKX6h2mxJ</a>
— Ethiopian Airlines (@flyethiopian) <a href="https://twitter.com/flyethiopian/status/1104702003924619264?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 10, 2019</a></blockquote>
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"The Office of the PM, on behalf of the Government and people of Ethiopia, would like to express its deepest condolences to the families of those that have lost their loved ones on Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 737 on a regularly scheduled flight to Nairobi, Kenya this morning."

The Boeing 737, with 149 passengers and eight crew members aboard, took off at 8:38 am from Bole International Airport and lost contact a few minutes later, the airline said in an earlier statement.

The passenger jet was scheduled to land at Nairobi's Jomo Kenyatta International Airport at 10:25 am.

The cause of the crash remained unknown, Ethiopian Airlines said, one of Africa's largest air travel companies.

The accident has taken place less than five months after a Lion Air Boeing 737 MAX 8 crashed in Indonesia 12 minutes after take-off killing 189 people.

Ethiopian Airlines, which has a good reputation for air safety, operates international flights as well as several destinations within the African continent.

In January 2010, an Ethiopian passenger plane heading for Addis Ababa crashed into the Mediterranean Sea after taking off from Beirut International Airport, killing all 83 passengers and seven crew members on board.

One of the airline's deadliest incidents was in November 1996, when a flight from Addis Ababa to Nairobi ran out of fuel and crashed into the Indian Ocean near the Comoros islands after it was hijacked by three men who demanded the pilot take them to Australia, leaving 125 of the 175 people on board dead.

All 157 people aboard an Ethiopian Airlines flight on route to Nairobi from Addis Ababa that crashed early Sunday have died, a spokesperson for the airline confirmed.

All 157 people aboard an Ethiopian Airlines flight on route to Nairobi from Addis Ababa that crashed early Sunday have died, a spokesperson for the airline confirmed. The spokesperson told Ethiopian state television EBC that people from 33 nationalities were on board flight ET 302, which crashed near the town of Bishoftu, 45 kilometres (27 miles) southeast of the Ethiopian capital. The airline's CEO, Tewolde Gebre Mariam, told members of the press that 32 Kenyans, 18 Canadians, nine Ethiopians, eight Italians, eight Chinese, eight people from the United States, seven from France, seven people from the United Kingdom and six Egyptians were among the dead. Gebre Mariam added there were also five people from the Netherlands, four Indians, four Slovakians, three Austrians, three Swedes, three Russians, two Moroccans, two Spaniards, two Poles, one Belgian, one Norwegian and four others holding United Nations passports who died travelling on the fatal crash. The CEO expressed his condolences to the families of the victims, adding that Ethiopian authorities were in contact with the embassies of the deceased. The office of the Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, confirmed the crash on social media shortly after the accident tweeting: Accident Bulletin no. 2 Issued on march 10, 2019 at 01:46 PM pic.twitter.com/KFKX6h2mxJ — Ethiopian Airlines (@flyethiopian) March 10, 2019 × "The Office of the PM, on behalf of the Government and people of Ethiopia, would like to express its deepest condolences to the families of those that have lost their loved ones on Ethiopian Airlines Boeing 737 on a regularly scheduled flight to Nairobi, Kenya this morning." The Boeing 737, with 149 passengers and eight crew members aboard, took off at 8:38 am from Bole International Airport and lost contact a few minutes later, the airline said in an earlier statement. The passenger jet was scheduled to land at Nairobi's Jomo Kenyatta International Airport at 10:25 am. The cause of the crash remained unknown, Ethiopian Airlines said, one of Africa's largest air travel companies. The accident has taken place less than five months after a Lion Air Boeing 737 MAX 8 crashed in Indonesia 12 minutes after take-off killing 189 people. Ethiopian Airlines, which has a good reputation for air safety, operates international flights as well as several destinations within the African continent. In January 2010, an Ethiopian passenger plane heading for Addis Ababa crashed into the Mediterranean Sea after taking off from Beirut International Airport, killing all 83 passengers and seven crew members on board. One of the airline's deadliest incidents was in November 1996, when a flight from Addis Ababa to Nairobi ran out of fuel and crashed into the Indian Ocean near the Comoros islands after it was hijacked by three men who demanded the pilot take them to Australia, leaving 125 of the 175 people on board dead.

Ethiopian Airlines crash: Four Indians among 157 dead

By Nick Megoran

Border disputes have recently taken on renewed importance, threatening political crisis in the UK, US and EU. Yet 2018 saw positive steps towards resolving some of the world’s most difficult border conflicts, between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan and Ethiopia and Eritrea. What lessons can be drawn from these examples?

International boundaries are not the same as international borders. Boundaries are invisible vertical planes extending upwards into airspace and downwards into the subsoil, marking the legal limit of states. Borders, on the other hand, are the practices associated with managing movement over boundaries, such as customs checkpoints, passport controls, and fences. Although literally at the edge of states, they can symbolically figure at the heart of a nation’s politics.

This was amply demonstrated in 2018. In the UK, the “Irish backstop” question plunged the country into an unprecedented political crisis. In the Mediterranean, meanwhile, over 2,200 migrants died attempting to evade the EU’s draconian border controls. At the same time, political gains have been made by parties of the right who regard the EU’s border-control policies as not draconian enough.

Across the Atlantic, meanwhile, US President Donald Trump’s tub-thumping over a “caravan” of Central American migrants supposedly threatening the US border made 2017’s hotly-contested midterm elections even uglier. Tussles with lawmakers over funding a border wall with Mexico have now led to a government shutdown.

All this is a long way away from the “borderless world” that 1990s globalisation theorists such as Kenichi Ohmae predicted would follow the end of the Cold War. Instead, we are seeing a “rebordering” of the world, the physical and symbolic reinforcement of what historian Timothy Synder has called “the wall around the West”.

But the Western perspective isn’t the only one. Indeed, 2018 saw a number of hopeful and instructive developments in Asia and Africa.

Central Asia

Created in the 1920s by the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan became independent states in 1991. Their mutual boundary was an internal division within the Soviet Union, and was never intended to be an international boundary. Consequently, when the two states became independent, there were numerous disputes about its precise course. Villages, ethnic groups, families, farms, transport links and utility provision crisscrossed the borderlands.

Nonetheless, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the authoritarian president of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, imposed unilateral border controls. Visas were demanded, crossborder bridges demolished, roads blocked, and bus routes terminated. Villages that straddled the boundary were demolished and residents forcibly moved elsewhere. Barbed wire fences were erected, unmarked mine fields laid, and soldiers deployed to the border frequently used violence on petty traders and other borderlanders. A boundary commission was established, but its work stalled as relations between the two states deteriorated.

Populists in Kyrgyzstan reacted furiously, alleging that Uzbekistan was invading them. Inter-ethnic dynamics within Kyrgyzstan worsened, culminating in 2010 with pogroms against the country’s Uzbek minority.

Karimov died in 2016 and was succeeded by his protege, Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Mirziyoyev prioritised rebuilding regional relations, kick-starting delimitation negotiations and in late 2017 unilaterally reopened many border crossings.

In 2018, I visited the border and saw crowds of people crossing for trade and to visit family members, many of whom they had not seen for a decade and a half. Ethnic and interstate relations have improved as a result.

Ethiopia-Eritrea

An even more striking example from 2018 was the ending of the Ethiopian-Eritrean border conflict. As with Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, this boundary was a colonial legacy that artificially divided populations – and between 1998 and 2000, the two countries fought a bitter border war during which some 70,000 people died. The disputed territories were relatively small and of little economic value, but became heavily politicised by the militaristic governments of both countries.

The Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) was established under a 2000 peace agreement to end the war. It rendered its decision in 2002 and planned to oversee demarcation in 2003. Although previously agreeing that the ruling would be binding, Ethiopia took the highly unusual position of refusing to accept it. Despite pressure from the UN Security Council, troops continued to occupy disputed territory, refugees remained in camps, and crossborder contact was minimal. The threat of renewed war continued.

But in April 2018, the relatively youthful Abiy Ahmed took over as Ethiopian prime minister. He moved rapidly to improve relations with Eritrea, accepting the EEBC ruling and pulling troops back from disputed areas. A mere three months after taking office, he signed a peace accord with his Eritrean counterpart, formally ending the war. This was accompanied by joyful scenes of families reunited after two decades.

How to make good borders

Good borders are not about technical lines on a map, but political will. Changes in leadership in Uzbekistan and Ethiopia were crucial in restarting boundary delimitation and border management processes that had become deadlocked. As a result, families have been reunited, ethnic tensions reduced, and trade opportunities increased.

There are broader lessons here. The impasses created by the Irish border question in the Brexit negotiations and Trump’s border wall have created a political crisis, poisoned politics, and fanned xenophobia. More migrants die each year because of the EU’s militarised border controls than at any other border on Earth. These outcomes are not inevitable; they are political choices.

The EU, UK and US like to see themselves as moral standard-bearers in the international community. When it comes to border politics, however, they could do a lot worse than look to Uzbekistan and Ethiopia in 2019.

(Nick Megoran is Reader in Political Geography, Newcastle University)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/need-to-solve-a-border-dispute-look-to-ethiopia-and-uzbekistan-109149">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

By Nick Megoran Border disputes have recently taken on renewed importance, threatening political crisis in the UK, US and EU. Yet 2018 saw positive steps towards resolving some of the world’s most difficult border conflicts, between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan and Ethiopia and Eritrea.

By Nick Megoran Border disputes have recently taken on renewed importance, threatening political crisis in the UK, US and EU. Yet 2018 saw positive steps towards resolving some of the world’s most difficult border conflicts, between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan and Ethiopia and Eritrea. What lessons can be drawn from these examples? International boundaries are not the same as international borders. Boundaries are invisible vertical planes extending upwards into airspace and downwards into the subsoil, marking the legal limit of states. Borders, on the other hand, are the practices associated with managing movement over boundaries, such as customs checkpoints, passport controls, and fences. Although literally at the edge of states, they can symbolically figure at the heart of a nation’s politics. This was amply demonstrated in 2018. In the UK, the “Irish backstop” question plunged the country into an unprecedented political crisis. In the Mediterranean, meanwhile, over 2,200 migrants died attempting to evade the EU’s draconian border controls. At the same time, political gains have been made by parties of the right who regard the EU’s border-control policies as not draconian enough. Across the Atlantic, meanwhile, US President Donald Trump’s tub-thumping over a “caravan” of Central American migrants supposedly threatening the US border made 2017’s hotly-contested midterm elections even uglier. Tussles with lawmakers over funding a border wall with Mexico have now led to a government shutdown. All this is a long way away from the “borderless world” that 1990s globalisation theorists such as Kenichi Ohmae predicted would follow the end of the Cold War. Instead, we are seeing a “rebordering” of the world, the physical and symbolic reinforcement of what historian Timothy Synder has called “the wall around the West”. But the Western perspective isn’t the only one. Indeed, 2018 saw a number of hopeful and instructive developments in Asia and Africa. Central Asia Created in the 1920s by the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan became independent states in 1991. Their mutual boundary was an internal division within the Soviet Union, and was never intended to be an international boundary. Consequently, when the two states became independent, there were numerous disputes about its precise course. Villages, ethnic groups, families, farms, transport links and utility provision crisscrossed the borderlands. Nonetheless, in the late 1990s and early 2000s, the authoritarian president of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, imposed unilateral border controls. Visas were demanded, crossborder bridges demolished, roads blocked, and bus routes terminated. Villages that straddled the boundary were demolished and residents forcibly moved elsewhere. Barbed wire fences were erected, unmarked mine fields laid, and soldiers deployed to the border frequently used violence on petty traders and other borderlanders. A boundary commission was established, but its work stalled as relations between the two states deteriorated. Populists in Kyrgyzstan reacted furiously, alleging that Uzbekistan was invading them. Inter-ethnic dynamics within Kyrgyzstan worsened, culminating in 2010 with pogroms against the country’s Uzbek minority. Karimov died in 2016 and was succeeded by his protege, Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Mirziyoyev prioritised rebuilding regional relations, kick-starting delimitation negotiations and in late 2017 unilaterally reopened many border crossings. In 2018, I visited the border and saw crowds of people crossing for trade and to visit family members, many of whom they had not seen for a decade and a half. Ethnic and interstate relations have improved as a result. Ethiopia-Eritrea An even more striking example from 2018 was the ending of the Ethiopian-Eritrean border conflict. As with Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, this boundary was a colonial legacy that artificially divided populations – and between 1998 and 2000, the two countries fought a bitter border war during which some 70,000 people died. The disputed territories were relatively small and of little economic value, but became heavily politicised by the militaristic governments of both countries. The Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) was established under a 2000 peace agreement to end the war. It rendered its decision in 2002 and planned to oversee demarcation in 2003. Although previously agreeing that the ruling would be binding, Ethiopia took the highly unusual position of refusing to accept it. Despite pressure from the UN Security Council, troops continued to occupy disputed territory, refugees remained in camps, and crossborder contact was minimal. The threat of renewed war continued. But in April 2018, the relatively youthful Abiy Ahmed took over as Ethiopian prime minister. He moved rapidly to improve relations with Eritrea, accepting the EEBC ruling and pulling troops back from disputed areas. A mere three months after taking office, he signed a peace accord with his Eritrean counterpart, formally ending the war. This was accompanied by joyful scenes of families reunited after two decades. How to make good borders Good borders are not about technical lines on a map, but political will. Changes in leadership in Uzbekistan and Ethiopia were crucial in restarting boundary delimitation and border management processes that had become deadlocked. As a result, families have been reunited, ethnic tensions reduced, and trade opportunities increased. There are broader lessons here. The impasses created by the Irish border question in the Brexit negotiations and Trump’s border wall have created a political crisis, poisoned politics, and fanned xenophobia. More migrants die each year because of the EU’s militarised border controls than at any other border on Earth. These outcomes are not inevitable; they are political choices. The EU, UK and US like to see themselves as moral standard-bearers in the international community. When it comes to border politics, however, they could do a lot worse than look to Uzbekistan and Ethiopia in 2019. (Nick Megoran is Reader in Political Geography, Newcastle University) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Need to solve a border dispute? Look to Ethiopia and Uzbekistan

Heavy fighting between ethnic groups in southern Ethiopia has killed at least 21 people and wounded 61, its state news agency said on Saturday, amid escalating violence that has sent hundreds fleeing across the border to neighbouring Kenya.

Outbreaks of violence in the south between the Oromo and other groups have escalated since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed - the first leader from the Oromo ethnic group in Ethiopia's modern history - came to office in March.

Fighting broke out between Somalis and Oromos in Moyale, a town bordering Kenya, on Thursday and Friday, the Ethiopia News Agency said, citing Suraw Mohammed, deputy spokesman of Somalia Regional State.&nbsp;

He said some of the displaced had fled to Kenya, while those who had stayed in Ethiopia were receiving humanitarian aid.

The two groups have been engaged in a prolonged conflict which has however intensified in recent months.

Early this year at least 5,000 Ethiopians were forced to seek refuge in Kenya after several civilians were killed in what the Ethiopian military said was a botched security operation targeting militants in the country's south.

"People have been killed, business premises bombed and torched, houses have also been set ablaze in the fight between Oromo and Somali Garre fighters," said Wario Sora, a human rights activist from Moyale on the Kenyan side.

Patrick Mumali, Moyale sub-county deputy commissioner, confirmed late on Friday that hundreds of Ethiopians have crossed the border to Kenya.

An internal UN&nbsp;report dated Dec. 13 and reviewed by Reuters also confirmed the fighting, with heavy artillery being used, and said there was likelihood the conflict could spill over into Kenya.

An Ethiopian source in the capital in touch with people in Moyale said at least several dozen people had so far died in the fighting, which was more intense than previous clashes in the same area earlier in the year.

In the Oromiya region, the largest in the country and home to the largest ethnic group, the Oromo, there are at least four separate conflicts along ethnic lines in addition to a border dispute that risks erupting into new violence, aid groups say.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Heavy fighting between ethnic groups in southern Ethiopia has killed at least 21 people and wounded 61, its state news agency said on Saturday, amid escalating violence that has sent hundreds fleeing across the border to neighbouring Kenya.

Heavy fighting between ethnic groups in southern Ethiopia has killed at least 21 people and wounded 61, its state news agency said on Saturday, amid escalating violence that has sent hundreds fleeing across the border to neighbouring Kenya. Outbreaks of violence in the south between the Oromo and other groups have escalated since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed - the first leader from the Oromo ethnic group in Ethiopia's modern history - came to office in March. Fighting broke out between Somalis and Oromos in Moyale, a town bordering Kenya, on Thursday and Friday, the Ethiopia News Agency said, citing Suraw Mohammed, deputy spokesman of Somalia Regional State. He said some of the displaced had fled to Kenya, while those who had stayed in Ethiopia were receiving humanitarian aid. The two groups have been engaged in a prolonged conflict which has however intensified in recent months. Early this year at least 5,000 Ethiopians were forced to seek refuge in Kenya after several civilians were killed in what the Ethiopian military said was a botched security operation targeting militants in the country's south. "People have been killed, business premises bombed and torched, houses have also been set ablaze in the fight between Oromo and Somali Garre fighters," said Wario Sora, a human rights activist from Moyale on the Kenyan side. Patrick Mumali, Moyale sub-county deputy commissioner, confirmed late on Friday that hundreds of Ethiopians have crossed the border to Kenya. An internal UN report dated Dec. 13 and reviewed by Reuters also confirmed the fighting, with heavy artillery being used, and said there was likelihood the conflict could spill over into Kenya. An Ethiopian source in the capital in touch with people in Moyale said at least several dozen people had so far died in the fighting, which was more intense than previous clashes in the same area earlier in the year. In the Oromiya region, the largest in the country and home to the largest ethnic group, the Oromo, there are at least four separate conflicts along ethnic lines in addition to a border dispute that risks erupting into new violence, aid groups say.

Ethnic violence in southern Ethiopia kills 21, wounds 61: State media

Employees of Indian company Infrastructure Leasing &amp; Financial Services (IL&amp;FS) taken hostage by local staff in Ethiopia fear for their safety, with some being confined to a company campus north of the African nation's capital Addis Ababa.

India has asked Ethiopian authorities to investigate and help the seven IL&amp;FS employees who say they are being held by local staff due to non-payment of salaries by the debt-laden firm, an Indian government official said on Saturday.

A group of four employees has not been allowed to leave an IL&amp;FS campus in Bure town, 400 km (250 miles) north from Addis Ababa, since November 24, said store manager Nagaraju Bishnu, one of the employees held hostage.

Two other IL&amp;FS employees were held hostage by local staff in the town of Woliso and one in Nekemte town, both of which are west of the Ethiopian capital, Bishnu said on telephone.

"The main gate is locked, they are observing our movement," said 26-year-old Bishnu, speaking of the situation at Bure.

"They've told us until they get their salaries, we can't move from here ... We are facing sleepless nights."

The Indian government took control of IL&amp;FS in October after it defaulted on some of its debt, triggering wider concerns about the risk to the country's financial system.

The infrastructure financing and development company had over the years developed roads, townships and water-treatment projects in India and abroad.

An official at India's foreign ministry said the government was discussing the matter "on priority" with Ethiopian authorities and the management of IL&amp;FS.

"We are doing our best to ensure a settlement of this matter," said the official, who declined to be identified.

An IL&amp;FS spokesman in India, Sharad Goel, declined to comment. Ethiopian government officials in Addis Ababa could not be reached for comment.

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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/SOS?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#SOS</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/rashtrapatibhvn?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@rashtrapatibhvn</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/GRamnathkovind?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@GRamnathkovind</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@narendramodi</a> Sir we seven people are hostage by locals in Ethiopia, due to non payments of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ILFS?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ILFS</a> What is employee's fault sir.even we didn't get salary from last 5 months all worked in Ethiopia for <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ILFS?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ILFS</a> help please b4 it's 2late <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/sos?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#sos</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Help?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Help</a>
— neeraj raghuwanshi (@chota86) <a href="https://twitter.com/chota86/status/1068198818842324998?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 29, 2018</a></blockquote>
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LOW ON WATER SUPPLIES

With the ordeal widely reported by media, Bishnu said he feared the local staff would take away their mobile phones or cut online access to restrict them from talking to colleagues or communicating via e-mails and social media.

For now, Bishnu said, he has been speaking with the IL&amp;FS employees held hostage in different areas, and the movement of employees within the camp has not been restricted.

The employees are cooking their own food, eating potatoes and rice, although drinking water supplies are running low.

"After tomorrow, there will be no drinking water," he said.

Some of the seven employees being held have been posting messages on social media website Twitter, asking Indian politicians including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the foreign minister to intervene.

Neeraj Raghuwanshi, who said he was one of the seven, late on Friday wrote an "SOS" message on Twitter saying: "Situations are beyond our control, please #help before mishappening."

Employees of Indian company Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services (IL&FS) taken hostage by local staff in Ethiopia fear for their safety, with some being confined to a company campus north of the African nation's capital Addis Ababa.

Employees of Indian company Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services (IL&FS) taken hostage by local staff in Ethiopia fear for their safety, with some being confined to a company campus north of the African nation's capital Addis Ababa. India has asked Ethiopian authorities to investigate and help the seven IL&FS employees who say they are being held by local staff due to non-payment of salaries by the debt-laden firm, an Indian government official said on Saturday. A group of four employees has not been allowed to leave an IL&FS campus in Bure town, 400 km (250 miles) north from Addis Ababa, since November 24, said store manager Nagaraju Bishnu, one of the employees held hostage. Two other IL&FS employees were held hostage by local staff in the town of Woliso and one in Nekemte town, both of which are west of the Ethiopian capital, Bishnu said on telephone. "The main gate is locked, they are observing our movement," said 26-year-old Bishnu, speaking of the situation at Bure. "They've told us until they get their salaries, we can't move from here ... We are facing sleepless nights." The Indian government took control of IL&FS in October after it defaulted on some of its debt, triggering wider concerns about the risk to the country's financial system. The infrastructure financing and development company had over the years developed roads, townships and water-treatment projects in India and abroad. An official at India's foreign ministry said the government was discussing the matter "on priority" with Ethiopian authorities and the management of IL&FS. "We are doing our best to ensure a settlement of this matter," said the official, who declined to be identified. An IL&FS spokesman in India, Sharad Goel, declined to comment. Ethiopian government officials in Addis Ababa could not be reached for comment. #SOS @rashtrapatibhvn @GRamnathkovind @narendramodi Sir we seven people are hostage by locals in Ethiopia, due to non payments of #ILFS What is employee's fault sir.even we didn't get salary from last 5 months all worked in Ethiopia for #ILFS help please b4 it's 2late #sos #Help — neeraj raghuwanshi (@chota86) November 29, 2018 × LOW ON WATER SUPPLIES With the ordeal widely reported by media, Bishnu said he feared the local staff would take away their mobile phones or cut online access to restrict them from talking to colleagues or communicating via e-mails and social media. For now, Bishnu said, he has been speaking with the IL&FS employees held hostage in different areas, and the movement of employees within the camp has not been restricted. The employees are cooking their own food, eating potatoes and rice, although drinking water supplies are running low. "After tomorrow, there will be no drinking water," he said. Some of the seven employees being held have been posting messages on social media website Twitter, asking Indian politicians including Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the foreign minister to intervene. Neeraj Raghuwanshi, who said he was one of the seven, late on Friday wrote an "SOS" message on Twitter saying: "Situations are beyond our control, please #help before mishappening."

Seven Indian IL&FS employees held hostage by local staff in Ethiopia

India has asked Ethiopian authorities to investigate a report that employees of an Indian company, Infrastructure Leasing and Financial Services (IL&amp;FS), have been taken hostage by staff in Ethiopia, an Indian government source said on Saturday.

Seven Indian employees of the debt-laden IL&amp;FS company have been held hostage by Ethiopian staff because of non-payment of salaries, according to messages posted on Twitter by those saying they were being held.

An Indian foreign ministry official said India was discussing the matter "on priority" with Ethiopian authorities and the management of IL&amp;FS.

"We are doing our best to ensure a settlement of this matter," said the official, who declined to be identified. An IL&amp;FS spokesman in India declined to comment.

The Indian government took control of IL&amp;FS last month after it defaulted on some of its debt, triggering wider concerns about risk in the country's financial system.&nbsp;

The infrastructure financing and development company had over the years developed road, township and water-treatment projects in India and abroad.

Neeraj Raghuwanshi, who said he was one of the seven employees held hostage, has been calling for help on Twitter since November 27.

"Situations are beyond our control, please #help before mishappening," Raghuwanshi said late on Friday in a tweet, calling Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the foreign minister to intervene.

Raghuwanshi said the seven IL&amp;FS employees were held in three different locations in Ethiopia, following delayed salaries to staff and non-payment of local government taxes.

Another IL&amp;FS member of staff who said he was being hostage, Khurram Imam, wrote on Twitter they were facing "lots of problems like foods, water, electricity".

Reuters could not independently verify the authenticity of the tweets or claims made by people saying they were held hostage.&nbsp;

Raghuwanshi did not respond to an email seeking comment while Imam could not be reached for a comment. 
&nbsp;

India has asked Ethiopian authorities to investigate a report that employees of an Indian company, Infrastructure Leasing and Financial Services (IL&FS), have been taken hostage by staff in Ethiopia, an Indian government source said on Saturday.

India has asked Ethiopian authorities to investigate a report that employees of an Indian company, Infrastructure Leasing and Financial Services (IL&FS), have been taken hostage by staff in Ethiopia, an Indian government source said on Saturday. Seven Indian employees of the debt-laden IL&FS company have been held hostage by Ethiopian staff because of non-payment of salaries, according to messages posted on Twitter by those saying they were being held. An Indian foreign ministry official said India was discussing the matter "on priority" with Ethiopian authorities and the management of IL&FS. "We are doing our best to ensure a settlement of this matter," said the official, who declined to be identified. An IL&FS spokesman in India declined to comment. The Indian government took control of IL&FS last month after it defaulted on some of its debt, triggering wider concerns about risk in the country's financial system. The infrastructure financing and development company had over the years developed road, township and water-treatment projects in India and abroad. Neeraj Raghuwanshi, who said he was one of the seven employees held hostage, has been calling for help on Twitter since November 27. "Situations are beyond our control, please #help before mishappening," Raghuwanshi said late on Friday in a tweet, calling Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the foreign minister to intervene. Raghuwanshi said the seven IL&FS employees were held in three different locations in Ethiopia, following delayed salaries to staff and non-payment of local government taxes. Another IL&FS member of staff who said he was being hostage, Khurram Imam, wrote on Twitter they were facing "lots of problems like foods, water, electricity". Reuters could not independently verify the authenticity of the tweets or claims made by people saying they were held hostage. Raghuwanshi did not respond to an email seeking comment while Imam could not be reached for a comment.

India checking report IL&FS employees held hostage by staff in Ethiopia

Eighteen civilians were killed and others injured on Saturday when an army truck crashed into a minibus in northern Ethiopia, local media reported.

The accident in Amhara state happened in the morning, the state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate said.

Despite having one of the world's lowest per capita car ownership rates, deadly accidents are common in Ethiopia and often blamed on poor road and car maintenance and lax enforcement of safety rules.

More around 4,500 people died in the 12 months up to July this year, according to government statistics.

Eighteen civilians were killed and others injured on Saturday when an army truck crashed into a minibus in northern Ethiopia, local media reported. The accident in Amhara state happened in the morning, the state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate said.

Eighteen civilians were killed and others injured on Saturday when an army truck crashed into a minibus in northern Ethiopia, local media reported. The accident in Amhara state happened in the morning, the state-affiliated Fana Broadcasting Corporate said. Despite having one of the world's lowest per capita car ownership rates, deadly accidents are common in Ethiopia and often blamed on poor road and car maintenance and lax enforcement of safety rules. More around 4,500 people died in the 12 months up to July this year, according to government statistics.

18 killed as Ethiopian army truck collides with bus

Several Indian companies and some Indians have been barred by the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/not-educating-girls-costs-15-30-trillion-world-bank-150969">World Bank</a> from its various projects across the globe, the multilateral lending agency said in its first report on its efforts to fight corruption and safeguard donor resources.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/world-bank-endorses-plan-india-transition-higher-middle-income-country-166894">Also read: World Bank endorses </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/world-bank-endorses-plan-india-transition-higher-middle-income-country-166894">plan</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/world-bank-endorses-plan-india-transition-higher-middle-income-country-166894"> for India to transition to higher middle-income country</a>

The World bank Group Sanctions System Annual Report for the year 2018 said Olive Health Care and Jay Modi from India have been debarred from for their fraudulent and corrupt practices. They were working on a World Bank project in Bangladesh.&nbsp;

While Olive Health has been debarred for 10 years and six months, Modi has been debarred for seven years and six months, the report said.

In all 78 companies and individuals have been debarred by the World Bank.&nbsp;

The inaugural report, the bank said, is the result of efforts by the Integrity Vice Presidency (INT), the Office of Suspension and Debarment (OSD) and the Sanctions Board to prepare a joint overview of the Bank Group Sanctions System and its activities over the past year.

India-based Angelique International Limited has been debarred by the World Bank for four years and six months for their fraudulent and corrupt practices. The company had a World Bank project in Ethiopia and Nepal.

Family Care from India too has been debarred by the World Bank for four years on similar grounds. They had projects in Argentina and Bangladesh.

For fraudulent practices, Madhucon Projects Ltd from India has been debarred by the World Bank for two years. It had World Bank projects in India. R KD Construction Pvt Ltd has been debarred for one year and six months for the same reason. It has projects in India.

Among other Indian companies debarred by the World Bank for less than a year are Tatve Global Environment Pvt Ltd, SMEC (India) Pvt Ltd, and Macleods Pharmaceuticals Ltd.

In addition to the 78 debarments, five firms were sanctioned with conditional non-debarment, which means they remain eligible to participate in World Bank-financed projects but will be debarred if they do not meet certain agreed-upon conditions.

Each of the sanctions related to a finding that the firm or individual engaged in one of the institution's five sanctionable practices - fraud, corruption, collusion, coercion or obstruction - while participating in a Bank Group-funded project, the bank said.

The institution also recognised 73 cross-debarments from other multilateral development banks.

In addition to evaluating allegations of fraud and corruption, INT works to prevent corruption in ongoing Bank Group projects. INT staff identified and worked to mitigate integrity risks in 390 projects, steps that made progress in safeguarding the equivalent of USD 2.2 billion in project commitments, it said.&nbsp;

Several Indian companies and some Indians have been barred by the World Bank from its various projects across the globe, the multilateral lending agency said in its first report on its efforts to fight corruption and safeguard donor resources.

Several Indian companies and some Indians have been barred by the World Bank from its various projects across the globe, the multilateral lending agency said in its first report on its efforts to fight corruption and safeguard donor resources. Also read: World Bank endorses plan for India to transition to higher middle-income country The World bank Group Sanctions System Annual Report for the year 2018 said Olive Health Care and Jay Modi from India have been debarred from for their fraudulent and corrupt practices. They were working on a World Bank project in Bangladesh. While Olive Health has been debarred for 10 years and six months, Modi has been debarred for seven years and six months, the report said. In all 78 companies and individuals have been debarred by the World Bank. The inaugural report, the bank said, is the result of efforts by the Integrity Vice Presidency (INT), the Office of Suspension and Debarment (OSD) and the Sanctions Board to prepare a joint overview of the Bank Group Sanctions System and its activities over the past year. India-based Angelique International Limited has been debarred by the World Bank for four years and six months for their fraudulent and corrupt practices. The company had a World Bank project in Ethiopia and Nepal. Family Care from India too has been debarred by the World Bank for four years on similar grounds. They had projects in Argentina and Bangladesh. For fraudulent practices, Madhucon Projects Ltd from India has been debarred by the World Bank for two years. It had World Bank projects in India. R KD Construction Pvt Ltd has been debarred for one year and six months for the same reason. It has projects in India. Among other Indian companies debarred by the World Bank for less than a year are Tatve Global Environment Pvt Ltd, SMEC (India) Pvt Ltd, and Macleods Pharmaceuticals Ltd. In addition to the 78 debarments, five firms were sanctioned with conditional non-debarment, which means they remain eligible to participate in World Bank-financed projects but will be debarred if they do not meet certain agreed-upon conditions. Each of the sanctions related to a finding that the firm or individual engaged in one of the institution's five sanctionable practices - fraud, corruption, collusion, coercion or obstruction - while participating in a Bank Group-funded project, the bank said. The institution also recognised 73 cross-debarments from other multilateral development banks. In addition to evaluating allegations of fraud and corruption, INT works to prevent corruption in ongoing Bank Group projects. INT staff identified and worked to mitigate integrity risks in 390 projects, steps that made progress in safeguarding the equivalent of USD 2.2 billion in project commitments, it said.

Several Indian companies barred by World Bank in 2018

Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed replaced the heads of two branches of the security services as he presses ahead with wide-ranging political and economic reforms.

Sworn in as premier of the Horn of Africa country in April, Abiy has pledged to push through reforms in response to demands from protesters during waves of unrest that began in 2015, when security forces killed hundreds of people.

He named Seare Mekonnen as head of the armed forces in place of Samora Yunis, Abiy's Chief of Staff Fitsum Arega said in a Twitter post late on Thursday.

Samora had served in Ethiopia's military for four decades.

The premier also named air force head Adem Mohamed to head the NISS security service, replacing Getachew Assefa, the Ethiopian News Agency said. It quoted a statement from the prime minister's office.

The reasons for the changes were not disclosed, but both Samora and Getachew are senior members of the TPLF, the party that has dominated Ethiopian politics since 1991.

"This certainly indicates a weakening of the TPLF," said a university lecturer in the capital Addis Ababa who declined to give his name.

The TPLF is dominated by ethnic Tigrayans, while Abiy is an ethnic Oromos.

Samora had served in Ethiopia's military for four decades

Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed replaced the heads of two branches of the security services as he presses ahead with wide-ranging political and economic reforms. Sworn in as premier of the Horn of Africa country in April, Abiy has pledged to push through reforms in response to demands from protesters during waves of unrest that began in 2015, when security forces killed hundreds of people. He named Seare Mekonnen as head of the armed forces in place of Samora Yunis, Abiy's Chief of Staff Fitsum Arega said in a Twitter post late on Thursday. Samora had served in Ethiopia's military for four decades. The premier also named air force head Adem Mohamed to head the NISS security service, replacing Getachew Assefa, the Ethiopian News Agency said. It quoted a statement from the prime minister's office. The reasons for the changes were not disclosed, but both Samora and Getachew are senior members of the TPLF, the party that has dominated Ethiopian politics since 1991. "This certainly indicates a weakening of the TPLF," said a university lecturer in the capital Addis Ababa who declined to give his name. The TPLF is dominated by ethnic Tigrayans, while Abiy is an ethnic Oromos.

Ethiopia's prime minister replaces commanders in security reshuffle

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya.&nbsp;

According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet.

Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents.

The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse.

News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects.

The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity.

However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years.

The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner.

Families living around has fled the area.&nbsp;

&nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the RIft valley of South-western Kenya

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya. According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet. Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents. The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse. News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects. The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity. However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years. The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner. Families living around has fled the area.

Africa one day could split into two continents!

More than 1,100 people have been arrested in Ethiopia since the nation declared a state of emergency following the prime minister's resignation last month, state media reported today.

Hailemariam Desalegn's surprise resignation came after more than two years of anti-government protests and increasing divisions in the ruling party.

The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has for the first time picked an ethnic Oromo, Abiy Ahmed, to be its new leader.

He is set to be sworn in as prime minister early next week.

The state-affiliated Fana Broadcast Corporate said 1,107 people have been detained for violating the emergency decree, which suspends the constitution and allows police to hold people without trial.

"They were detained for killing peaceful civilians and security forces, setting houses and financial institutions ablaze, illicit movement of firearms, destroying government and public institutions (and) blocking roads," Fana reported, citing Tadesse

Hordofa, chairman of a board overseeing the decree.

Ethiopia spiralled into crisis in late 2015 when the country's largest ethnicity the Oromo began protesting a plan to expand the borders of the capital Addis Ababa into the surrounding Oromia region.

A 10-month state of emergency declared in October 2016 quelled the unrest but only after hundreds of deaths and tens of thousands of arrests.

The arrests under the latest state of emergency were mainly in Oromia, but also in the Amhara region, where anti-government sentiment is also strong, the broadcaster reported.&nbsp

Hailemariam Desalegn's surprise resignation came after more than two years of anti-government protests and increasing divisions in the ruling party

More than 1,100 people have been arrested in Ethiopia since the nation declared a state of emergency following the prime minister's resignation last month, state media reported today. Hailemariam Desalegn's surprise resignation came after more than two years of anti-government protests and increasing divisions in the ruling party. The Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has for the first time picked an ethnic Oromo, Abiy Ahmed, to be its new leader. He is set to be sworn in as prime minister early next week. The state-affiliated Fana Broadcast Corporate said 1,107 people have been detained for violating the emergency decree, which suspends the constitution and allows police to hold people without trial. "They were detained for killing peaceful civilians and security forces, setting houses and financial institutions ablaze, illicit movement of firearms, destroying government and public institutions (and) blocking roads," Fana reported, citing Tadesse Hordofa, chairman of a board overseeing the decree. Ethiopia spiralled into crisis in late 2015 when the country's largest ethnicity the Oromo began protesting a plan to expand the borders of the capital Addis Ababa into the surrounding Oromia region. A 10-month state of emergency declared in October 2016 quelled the unrest but only after hundreds of deaths and tens of thousands of arrests. The arrests under the latest state of emergency were mainly in Oromia, but also in the Amhara region, where anti-government sentiment is also strong, the broadcaster reported.

Over 1,100 arrested under Ethiopia state of emergency

By&nbspBrendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter

When Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Ethiopia became landlocked and therefore dependent on its neighbours – especially Djibouti – for access to international markets. This dependency has hampered Ethiopia’s aspiration to emerge as the uncontested regional power in the Horn of Africa.

Recently, however, the ground has been shifting. As we point out in a recent article, Ethiopia has attempted to take advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States in the Horn of Africa’s coastal zone to reduce its dependency on Djibouti’s port. The port currently accounts for 95% of Ethiopia’s imports and exports. It has done so by actively trying to interest partners in the refurbishment and development of other ports in the region: Port Sudan in Sudan, Berbera in the Somaliland region of Somalia, and Mombasa in Kenya.

But it is Berbera, in particular, that will prove the most radical in terms of challenging regional power dynamics as well as international law. This is because a port deal involving Somaliland will challenge Djibouti’s virtual monopoly over maritime trade. In addition, it may entrench the de-facto Balkanization of Somalia and increase the prospects of Ethiopia becoming the regional hegemon.

Ethiopia’s regional policy

Ethiopia’s interest in Berbera certainly makes sense from a strategic perspective. It is closest to Ethiopia and will connect the eastern, primarily Somali region of Ethiopia to Addis Ababa. It will also provide a much needed outlet for trade, particularly the export of livestock and agriculture.

The development and expansion of the port at Berbera supports two primary pillars of Ethiopia’s regional policy. The first is maintaining Eritrea’s isolation. The aim would be to weaken it to the point that it implodes and is formally reunited to Ethiopia. Or it becomes a pliant, client state.

The second pillar rests on maintaining the status quo in post-civil war Somalia. Simply put, a weak and fractured Somalia enables Ethiopia to focus on quelling persistent internal security difficulties. It also keeps up pressure on Eritrea.&nbsp

Ethiopia’s ambitions for Berbera have been hampered by two problems. Firstly the Republic of Somaliland – a de-facto independent state since 1991 – still isn’t recognised internationally. This makes engagement a political and legal headache. Secondly, Ethiopia, doesn’t have the critical resources needed to invest and build a port.

Ethiopia had been trying to get Abu Dhabi and Dubai interested in the Berbera Port for years. It’s latest push was assisted by a number of factors. These included a shift in the UAE’s military focus in Yemen and Ethiopian assurances of more trade and some financing to upgrade the port.

Ethiopia’s diplomatic push – which coincided with developments across the Gulf of Aden – finally got it the result it craved. In May 2016, DP World, a global mega-ports operator, signed an agreement to develop and manage Berbera Port for 30 years.

The Berbera Port deal

It is unlikely that DP World would have signed the deal if it didn’t see some long-term commercial benefit. The deal also includes economic, military and political dimensions.

Economically, for example, there will be investments in Somaliland’s fisheries, transportation and hospitality industry. The UAE will also establish a military installation in Berbera. The base is intended to help the UAE tighten its blockade against Yemen and stop weapons being smuggled from Iran.

Politically, the Berbera Port deal has provoked mixed reactions in Somaliland. There has been some popular anger aimed at Somaliland’s former president, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud aka “Silanyo”, and his family who reportedly benefited personally from it. Anger also stems from inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry over land, particularly in the Berbera area.

But the anger in Somaliland pales in comparison to the reaction in Mogadishu. This is because the Somaliland government has remained largely isolated internationally – until the port deal.

Somalia Federal Government ministers have publicly challenged the right of Somaliland to enter into official agreements with any country. The Ethiopian-driven deal means that Mogadishu’s claims over the breakaway territory have weakened substantially. The deal means that Somaliland has partially broken the glass ceiling of international recognition by entering into substantive deals with viable business partners and states operating on the global stage. Mogadishu can no longer pretend it controls the government in Somaliland’s capital Hargeisa.

Ethiopia’s wins

The bottom line is that Ethiopia has engineered access to another port and enhanced its security and strategic economic interests. With the growth in annual volumes of transit cargo, Ethiopia has, for a long time, needed alternative routes from Djibouti.

In addition, Ethiopia has ensured its presence in the running of the port by acquiring a 19% share in the deal.

And by wangling a legally binding agreement between Somaliland and another state, Ethiopia has potentially paved the way for eventual international recognition of Hargeisa.

Ethiopia has also further cemented its hold over Somaliland through a combination of pressure and material incentives. By bringing significant outside investment and recognition, Ethiopia can also increasingly meddle in its internal affairs. This is a conundrum for Hargeisa. It finds itself increasingly emboldened to act independently. Yet it remains constrained by the need to get Addis Ababa’s approval.

As Ethiopia begins to move increasing amounts of goods and services on Somaliland’s new highway to the refurbished port of Berbera, Hargeisa may begin to question key aspects of the port deal.

But one aspect will not be in question: Ethiopia’s rising power and influence over the entire region.&nbsp

&nbsp

*Brendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter are Assistant Professor in International Security, Department of Humanities & Social Science at Khalifa University of Science & Technology&nbsp

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Ethiopia has attempted to take advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States in the Horn of Africa’s coastal zone to reduce its dependency on Djibouti’s port

By&nbspBrendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter When Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Ethiopia became landlocked and therefore dependent on its neighbours – especially Djibouti – for access to international markets. This dependency has hampered Ethiopia’s aspiration to emerge as the uncontested regional power in the Horn of Africa. Recently, however, the ground has been shifting. As we point out in a recent article, Ethiopia has attempted to take advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States in the Horn of Africa’s coastal zone to reduce its dependency on Djibouti’s port. The port currently accounts for 95% of Ethiopia’s imports and exports. It has done so by actively trying to interest partners in the refurbishment and development of other ports in the region: Port Sudan in Sudan, Berbera in the Somaliland region of Somalia, and Mombasa in Kenya. But it is Berbera, in particular, that will prove the most radical in terms of challenging regional power dynamics as well as international law. This is because a port deal involving Somaliland will challenge Djibouti’s virtual monopoly over maritime trade. In addition, it may entrench the de-facto Balkanization of Somalia and increase the prospects of Ethiopia becoming the regional hegemon. Ethiopia’s regional policy Ethiopia’s interest in Berbera certainly makes sense from a strategic perspective. It is closest to Ethiopia and will connect the eastern, primarily Somali region of Ethiopia to Addis Ababa. It will also provide a much needed outlet for trade, particularly the export of livestock and agriculture. The development and expansion of the port at Berbera supports two primary pillars of Ethiopia’s regional policy. The first is maintaining Eritrea’s isolation. The aim would be to weaken it to the point that it implodes and is formally reunited to Ethiopia. Or it becomes a pliant, client state. The second pillar rests on maintaining the status quo in post-civil war Somalia. Simply put, a weak and fractured Somalia enables Ethiopia to focus on quelling persistent internal security difficulties. It also keeps up pressure on Eritrea. Ethiopia’s ambitions for Berbera have been hampered by two problems. Firstly the Republic of Somaliland – a de-facto independent state since 1991 – still isn’t recognised internationally. This makes engagement a political and legal headache. Secondly, Ethiopia, doesn’t have the critical resources needed to invest and build a port. Ethiopia had been trying to get Abu Dhabi and Dubai interested in the Berbera Port for years. It’s latest push was assisted by a number of factors. These included a shift in the UAE’s military focus in Yemen and Ethiopian assurances of more trade and some financing to upgrade the port. Ethiopia’s diplomatic push – which coincided with developments across the Gulf of Aden – finally got it the result it craved. In May 2016, DP World, a global mega-ports operator, signed an agreement to develop and manage Berbera Port for 30 years. The Berbera Port deal It is unlikely that DP World would have signed the deal if it didn’t see some long-term commercial benefit. The deal also includes economic, military and political dimensions. Economically, for example, there will be investments in Somaliland’s fisheries, transportation and hospitality industry. The UAE will also establish a military installation in Berbera. The base is intended to help the UAE tighten its blockade against Yemen and stop weapons being smuggled from Iran. Politically, the Berbera Port deal has provoked mixed reactions in Somaliland. There has been some popular anger aimed at Somaliland’s former president, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud aka “Silanyo”, and his family who reportedly benefited personally from it. Anger also stems from inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry over land, particularly in the Berbera area. But the anger in Somaliland pales in comparison to the reaction in Mogadishu. This is because the Somaliland government has remained largely isolated internationally – until the port deal. Somalia Federal Government ministers have publicly challenged the right of Somaliland to enter into official agreements with any country. The Ethiopian-driven deal means that Mogadishu’s claims over the breakaway territory have weakened substantially. The deal means that Somaliland has partially broken the glass ceiling of international recognition by entering into substantive deals with viable business partners and states operating on the global stage. Mogadishu can no longer pretend it controls the government in Somaliland’s capital Hargeisa. Ethiopia’s wins The bottom line is that Ethiopia has engineered access to another port and enhanced its security and strategic economic interests. With the growth in annual volumes of transit cargo, Ethiopia has, for a long time, needed alternative routes from Djibouti. In addition, Ethiopia has ensured its presence in the running of the port by acquiring a 19% share in the deal. And by wangling a legally binding agreement between Somaliland and another state, Ethiopia has potentially paved the way for eventual international recognition of Hargeisa. Ethiopia has also further cemented its hold over Somaliland through a combination of pressure and material incentives. By bringing significant outside investment and recognition, Ethiopia can also increasingly meddle in its internal affairs. This is a conundrum for Hargeisa. It finds itself increasingly emboldened to act independently. Yet it remains constrained by the need to get Addis Ababa’s approval. As Ethiopia begins to move increasing amounts of goods and services on Somaliland’s new highway to the refurbished port of Berbera, Hargeisa may begin to question key aspects of the port deal. But one aspect will not be in question: Ethiopia’s rising power and influence over the entire region. *Brendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter are Assistant Professor in International Security, Department of Humanities & Social Science at Khalifa University of Science & Technology (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: How an Ethiopia-backed port is changing power dynamics in the Horn of Africa

By&nbspYohannes Gedamu*

Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn sent shock waves through the region when he abruptly tendered his resignation.

Desalegn said that he had made the decision to facilitate efforts towards political reforms which started with the release of political &nbspprisoners. But rather than pursue a reform agenda, the Ethiopian government followed his announcement by declaring a state of emergency. This not only jeopardises the regime’s apparent intent to institute democratic reforms, it also pits citizens against the security forces. And it’s already led to more violence, not stability.

The state of emergency is being defied in a number of regions. Citizens have protested in Gondar, which is in the opposition Amhara region, as well as the opposition stronghold of Nekemte which is in Oromia. Much of the Oromia region is also defying the emergency measures.

As a result, the regime has targeted the Oromia region, and its protesting youths who are collectively known as Qeerro in the Oromo language.

Despite the release of thousands of political prisoners and talk of reforms, the political climate remains more uncertain than ever. It’s now feared that any government measures to suppress ensuing chaos could result in more violence, and deaths.

Instability in Ethiopia could have repercussions across the region. Unrest in the country could have a domino effect in what is an already volatile part of the continent. It could also affect regional peace efforts because instability in one corner of the Horn of Africa could spread and destabilise the entire region. This is especially the case because Ethiopia is home to so many cross border communities.

Implications for the region

Ethiopia is influential in the region and across the continent. It is the second most populous country in Africa and one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It also hosts the African Union’s headquarters in its capital, Addis Ababa.

But its standing has been diminished by the political turmoil of the last few years when two of its largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amhara both started demanding political and economic equality. The ruling coalition’s responses to these demands has highlighted the fact that it isn’t committed to democratisation.

The risks for the region are significant. Unless the regime acts on political reforms to entrench democracy, equal distribution of resources and freedom of the press, Ethiopia – with more than 100 million citizens – could emerge as the largest politically unstable nation in an already volatile region.

An unstable Ethiopia could also affect peace efforts in neighbouring countries. For example, it’s role as a long standing mediator in the South Sudanese peace talks could suffer a setback.

And its army is also the only peacekeeping force in Abiye, an oil rich region that has been at the centre of the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan since 2011.

In addition, Ethiopia is second only to Bangladesh in the number of its troops involved in international peacekeeping. Across its South Eastern borders, it also maintains thousands of troops inside Somalia.

And although its role in Somalia has drawn criticism Ethiopia remains a critical ally to the US’s counter terrorism strategy in the region. Instability could also create a power vacuum that could affect the US-led anti-terror strategy.

Ultimately, an internal crisis in Ethiopia will affect the power balance with its arch rival Eritrea. After the Ethiopia-Eritrea war which ended in 2000, the two countries have remained engaged in a proxy war by supporting each others’ political opposition groups.

Cross-border communities

Most African states share cross-border societies. The Horn of Africa is no different. The Oromo for instance are a majority ethnic group in Ethiopia and also a minority in Kenya. The Nuer are South Sudan’s second largest ethnic group and also a minority in Ethiopia’s western Gambella region.

There are also Somalis in Ethiopia. They maintain strong ties with their clansmen in Somali, Djibouti and Kenya. The Afar ethnic group in Ethiopia are also minorities in Eritrea, and Djibouti.

A new influx of Ethiopian refuges into Kenya due to the recent massacre in Moyale town underscores the fact that problems in the country are starting to affect cross border societies in the region. In fact, authorities and analysts in neighbouring Kenya are deeply concerned about the situation.

Instability could also affect refugees in Ethiopia itself. The country hosts the second highest number of refugees in Africa. Asylum seekers from Eritrea, South Sudan and Somalia often seek refuge within its borders.

Next steps

There is still room to resuscitate democratic reforms and to create space for national dialogue and reconciliation. Given the potential ramifications of prolonged unrest in Ethiopia, it should be in the interests of the international community to promote peace and stability. To do this it must pressure the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front to suspend the state of emergency.

The international community must also stress that the regime needs to open its doors to the opposition and pave the way for a transitional government. In my opinion this is the only way the ruling coalition can play a critical role in pacifying the country and the region. And the only way it can have a political legacy worthy of praise.&nbsp&nbsp

*Yohannes Gedamu is lecturer of Political Science at Georgia Gwinnett College’s School of Liberal Arts.&nbsp

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Despite the release of thousands of political prisoners and talk of reforms, the political climate remains more uncertain than ever. It’s now feared that any government measures to suppress ensuing chaos could result in more violence, and deaths.

By&nbspYohannes Gedamu* Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn sent shock waves through the region when he abruptly tendered his resignation. Desalegn said that he had made the decision to facilitate efforts towards political reforms which started with the release of political &nbspprisoners. But rather than pursue a reform agenda, the Ethiopian government followed his announcement by declaring a state of emergency. This not only jeopardises the regime’s apparent intent to institute democratic reforms, it also pits citizens against the security forces. And it’s already led to more violence, not stability. The state of emergency is being defied in a number of regions. Citizens have protested in Gondar, which is in the opposition Amhara region, as well as the opposition stronghold of Nekemte which is in Oromia. Much of the Oromia region is also defying the emergency measures. As a result, the regime has targeted the Oromia region, and its protesting youths who are collectively known as Qeerro in the Oromo language. Despite the release of thousands of political prisoners and talk of reforms, the political climate remains more uncertain than ever. It’s now feared that any government measures to suppress ensuing chaos could result in more violence, and deaths. Instability in Ethiopia could have repercussions across the region. Unrest in the country could have a domino effect in what is an already volatile part of the continent. It could also affect regional peace efforts because instability in one corner of the Horn of Africa could spread and destabilise the entire region. This is especially the case because Ethiopia is home to so many cross border communities. Implications for the region Ethiopia is influential in the region and across the continent. It is the second most populous country in Africa and one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It also hosts the African Union’s headquarters in its capital, Addis Ababa. But its standing has been diminished by the political turmoil of the last few years when two of its largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amhara both started demanding political and economic equality. The ruling coalition’s responses to these demands has highlighted the fact that it isn’t committed to democratisation. The risks for the region are significant. Unless the regime acts on political reforms to entrench democracy, equal distribution of resources and freedom of the press, Ethiopia – with more than 100 million citizens – could emerge as the largest politically unstable nation in an already volatile region. An unstable Ethiopia could also affect peace efforts in neighbouring countries. For example, it’s role as a long standing mediator in the South Sudanese peace talks could suffer a setback. And its army is also the only peacekeeping force in Abiye, an oil rich region that has been at the centre of the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan since 2011. In addition, Ethiopia is second only to Bangladesh in the number of its troops involved in international peacekeeping. Across its South Eastern borders, it also maintains thousands of troops inside Somalia. And although its role in Somalia has drawn criticism Ethiopia remains a critical ally to the US’s counter terrorism strategy in the region. Instability could also create a power vacuum that could affect the US-led anti-terror strategy. Ultimately, an internal crisis in Ethiopia will affect the power balance with its arch rival Eritrea. After the Ethiopia-Eritrea war which ended in 2000, the two countries have remained engaged in a proxy war by supporting each others’ political opposition groups. Cross-border communities Most African states share cross-border societies. The Horn of Africa is no different. The Oromo for instance are a majority ethnic group in Ethiopia and also a minority in Kenya. The Nuer are South Sudan’s second largest ethnic group and also a minority in Ethiopia’s western Gambella region. There are also Somalis in Ethiopia. They maintain strong ties with their clansmen in Somali, Djibouti and Kenya. The Afar ethnic group in Ethiopia are also minorities in Eritrea, and Djibouti. A new influx of Ethiopian refuges into Kenya due to the recent massacre in Moyale town underscores the fact that problems in the country are starting to affect cross border societies in the region. In fact, authorities and analysts in neighbouring Kenya are deeply concerned about the situation. Instability could also affect refugees in Ethiopia itself. The country hosts the second highest number of refugees in Africa. Asylum seekers from Eritrea, South Sudan and Somalia often seek refuge within its borders. Next steps There is still room to resuscitate democratic reforms and to create space for national dialogue and reconciliation. Given the potential ramifications of prolonged unrest in Ethiopia, it should be in the interests of the international community to promote peace and stability. To do this it must pressure the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front to suspend the state of emergency. The international community must also stress that the regime needs to open its doors to the opposition and pave the way for a transitional government. In my opinion this is the only way the ruling coalition can play a critical role in pacifying the country and the region. And the only way it can have a political legacy worthy of praise. *Yohannes Gedamu is lecturer of Political Science at Georgia Gwinnett College’s School of Liberal Arts. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Why the state of emergency in Ethiopia could destabilise the Horn of Africa

By&nbsp;Yohannes Gedamu*

Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn sent shock waves through the region when he abruptly tendered his resignation.

Desalegn said that he had made the decision to facilitate efforts towards political reforms which started with the release of political &nbsp;prisoners. But rather than pursue a reform agenda, the Ethiopian government followed his announcement by declaring a state of emergency. This not only jeopardises the regime&rsquo;s apparent intent to institute democratic reforms, it also pits citizens against the security forces. And it&rsquo;s already led to more violence, not stability.

The state of emergency is being defied in a number of regions. Citizens have protested in Gondar, which is in the opposition Amhara region, as well as the opposition stronghold of Nekemte which is in Oromia. Much of the Oromia region is also defying the emergency measures.

As a result, the regime has targeted the Oromia region, and its protesting youths who are collectively known as Qeerro in the Oromo language.

Despite the release of thousands of political prisoners and talk of reforms, the political climate remains more uncertain than ever. It&rsquo;s now feared that any government measures to suppress ensuing chaos could result in more violence, and deaths.

Instability in Ethiopia could have repercussions across the region. Unrest in the country could have a domino effect in what is an already volatile part of the continent. It could also affect regional peace efforts because instability in one corner of the Horn of Africa could spread and destabilise the entire region. This is especially the case because Ethiopia is home to so many cross border communities.

Implications for the region

Ethiopia is influential in the region and across the continent. It is the second most populous country in Africa and one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It also hosts the African Union&rsquo;s headquarters in its capital, Addis Ababa.

But its standing has been diminished by the political turmoil of the last few years when two of its largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amhara both started demanding political and economic equality. The ruling coalition&rsquo;s responses to these demands has highlighted the fact that it isn&rsquo;t committed to democratisation.

The risks for the region are significant. Unless the regime acts on political reforms to entrench democracy, equal distribution of resources and freedom of the press, Ethiopia &ndash; with more than 100 million citizens &ndash; could emerge as the largest politically unstable nation in an already volatile region.

An unstable Ethiopia could also affect peace efforts in neighbouring countries. For example, it&rsquo;s role as a long standing mediator in the South Sudanese peace talks could suffer a setback.

And its army is also the only peacekeeping force in Abiye, an oil rich region that has been at the centre of the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan since 2011.

In addition, Ethiopia is second only to Bangladesh in the number of its troops involved in international peacekeeping. Across its South Eastern borders, it also maintains thousands of troops inside Somalia.

And although its role in Somalia has drawn criticism Ethiopia remains a critical ally to the US&rsquo;s counter terrorism strategy in the region. Instability could also create a power vacuum that could affect the US-led anti-terror strategy.

Ultimately, an internal crisis in Ethiopia will affect the power balance with its arch rival Eritrea. After the Ethiopia-Eritrea war which ended in 2000, the two countries have remained engaged in a proxy war by supporting each others&rsquo; political opposition groups.

Cross-border communities

Most African states share cross-border societies. The Horn of Africa is no different. The Oromo for instance are a majority ethnic group in Ethiopia and also a minority in Kenya. The Nuer are South Sudan&rsquo;s second largest ethnic group and also a minority in Ethiopia&rsquo;s western Gambella region.

There are also Somalis in Ethiopia. They maintain strong ties with their clansmen in Somali, Djibouti and Kenya. The Afar ethnic group in Ethiopia are also minorities in Eritrea, and Djibouti.

A new influx of Ethiopian refuges into Kenya due to the recent massacre in Moyale town underscores the fact that problems in the country are starting to affect cross border societies in the region. In fact, authorities and analysts in neighbouring Kenya are deeply concerned about the situation.

Instability could also affect refugees in Ethiopia itself. The country hosts the second highest number of refugees in Africa. Asylum seekers from Eritrea, South Sudan and Somalia often seek refuge within its borders.

Next steps

There is still room to resuscitate democratic reforms and to create space for national dialogue and reconciliation. Given the potential ramifications of prolonged unrest in Ethiopia, it should be in the interests of the international community to promote peace and stability. To do this it must pressure the ruling Ethiopian People&rsquo;s Revolutionary Democratic Front to suspend the state of emergency.

The international community must also stress that the regime needs to open its doors to the opposition and pave the way for a transitional government. In my opinion this is the only way the ruling coalition can play a critical role in pacifying the country and the region. And the only way it can have a political legacy worthy of praise.&nbsp;&nbsp;

&nbsp;

*Yohannes Gedamu is lecturer of Political Science at Georgia Gwinnett College&rsquo;s School of Liberal Arts.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Yohannes Gedamu* Former Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn sent shock waves through the region when he abruptly tendered his resignation. Desalegn said that he had made the decision to facilitate efforts towards political reforms which started with the release of political prisoners. But rather than pursue a reform agenda, the Ethiopian government followed his announcement by declaring a state of emergency. This not only jeopardises the regime’s apparent intent to institute democratic reforms, it also pits citizens against the security forces. And it’s already led to more violence, not stability. The state of emergency is being defied in a number of regions. Citizens have protested in Gondar, which is in the opposition Amhara region, as well as the opposition stronghold of Nekemte which is in Oromia. Much of the Oromia region is also defying the emergency measures. As a result, the regime has targeted the Oromia region, and its protesting youths who are collectively known as Qeerro in the Oromo language. Despite the release of thousands of political prisoners and talk of reforms, the political climate remains more uncertain than ever. It’s now feared that any government measures to suppress ensuing chaos could result in more violence, and deaths. Instability in Ethiopia could have repercussions across the region. Unrest in the country could have a domino effect in what is an already volatile part of the continent. It could also affect regional peace efforts because instability in one corner of the Horn of Africa could spread and destabilise the entire region. This is especially the case because Ethiopia is home to so many cross border communities. Implications for the region Ethiopia is influential in the region and across the continent. It is the second most populous country in Africa and one of the fastest growing economies in the world. It also hosts the African Union’s headquarters in its capital, Addis Ababa. But its standing has been diminished by the political turmoil of the last few years when two of its largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amhara both started demanding political and economic equality. The ruling coalition’s responses to these demands has highlighted the fact that it isn’t committed to democratisation. The risks for the region are significant. Unless the regime acts on political reforms to entrench democracy, equal distribution of resources and freedom of the press, Ethiopia – with more than 100 million citizens – could emerge as the largest politically unstable nation in an already volatile region. An unstable Ethiopia could also affect peace efforts in neighbouring countries. For example, it’s role as a long standing mediator in the South Sudanese peace talks could suffer a setback. And its army is also the only peacekeeping force in Abiye, an oil rich region that has been at the centre of the conflict between Sudan and South Sudan since 2011. In addition, Ethiopia is second only to Bangladesh in the number of its troops involved in international peacekeeping. Across its South Eastern borders, it also maintains thousands of troops inside Somalia. And although its role in Somalia has drawn criticism Ethiopia remains a critical ally to the US’s counter terrorism strategy in the region. Instability could also create a power vacuum that could affect the US-led anti-terror strategy. Ultimately, an internal crisis in Ethiopia will affect the power balance with its arch rival Eritrea. After the Ethiopia-Eritrea war which ended in 2000, the two countries have remained engaged in a proxy war by supporting each others’ political opposition groups. Cross-border communities Most African states share cross-border societies. The Horn of Africa is no different. The Oromo for instance are a majority ethnic group in Ethiopia and also a minority in Kenya. The Nuer are South Sudan’s second largest ethnic group and also a minority in Ethiopia’s western Gambella region. There are also Somalis in Ethiopia. They maintain strong ties with their clansmen in Somali, Djibouti and Kenya. The Afar ethnic group in Ethiopia are also minorities in Eritrea, and Djibouti. A new influx of Ethiopian refuges into Kenya due to the recent massacre in Moyale town underscores the fact that problems in the country are starting to affect cross border societies in the region. In fact, authorities and analysts in neighbouring Kenya are deeply concerned about the situation. Instability could also affect refugees in Ethiopia itself. The country hosts the second highest number of refugees in Africa. Asylum seekers from Eritrea, South Sudan and Somalia often seek refuge within its borders. Next steps There is still room to resuscitate democratic reforms and to create space for national dialogue and reconciliation. Given the potential ramifications of prolonged unrest in Ethiopia, it should be in the interests of the international community to promote peace and stability. To do this it must pressure the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front to suspend the state of emergency. The international community must also stress that the regime needs to open its doors to the opposition and pave the way for a transitional government. In my opinion this is the only way the ruling coalition can play a critical role in pacifying the country and the region. And the only way it can have a political legacy worthy of praise. *Yohannes Gedamu is lecturer of Political Science at Georgia Gwinnett College’s School of Liberal Arts. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By&nbsp;Brendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter

When Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Ethiopia became landlocked and therefore dependent on its neighbours &ndash; especially Djibouti &ndash; for access to international markets. This dependency has hampered Ethiopia&rsquo;s aspiration to emerge as the uncontested regional power in the Horn of Africa.

Recently, however, the ground has been shifting. As we point out in a recent article, Ethiopia has attempted to take advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States in the Horn of Africa&rsquo;s coastal zone to reduce its dependency on Djibouti&rsquo;s port. The port currently accounts for 95% of Ethiopia&rsquo;s imports and exports. It has done so by actively trying to interest partners in the refurbishment and development of other ports in the region: Port Sudan in Sudan, Berbera in the Somaliland region of Somalia, and Mombasa in Kenya.

But it is Berbera, in particular, that will prove the most radical in terms of challenging regional power dynamics as well as international law. This is because a port deal involving Somaliland will challenge Djibouti&rsquo;s virtual monopoly over maritime trade. In addition, it may entrench the de-facto Balkanization of Somalia and increase the prospects of Ethiopia becoming the regional hegemon.

Ethiopia&rsquo;s regional policy

Ethiopia&rsquo;s interest in Berbera certainly makes sense from a strategic perspective. It is closest to Ethiopia and will connect the eastern, primarily Somali region of Ethiopia to Addis Ababa. It will also provide a much needed outlet for trade, particularly the export of livestock and agriculture.

The development and expansion of the port at Berbera supports two primary pillars of Ethiopia&rsquo;s regional policy. The first is maintaining Eritrea&rsquo;s isolation. The aim would be to weaken it to the point that it implodes and is formally reunited to Ethiopia. Or it becomes a pliant, client state.

The second pillar rests on maintaining the status quo in post-civil war Somalia. Simply put, a weak and fractured Somalia enables Ethiopia to focus on quelling persistent internal security difficulties. It also keeps up pressure on Eritrea.&nbsp;

Ethiopia&rsquo;s ambitions for Berbera have been hampered by two problems. Firstly the Republic of Somaliland &ndash; a de-facto independent state since 1991 &ndash; still isn&rsquo;t recognised internationally. This makes engagement a political and legal headache. Secondly, Ethiopia, doesn&rsquo;t have the critical resources needed to invest and build a port.

Ethiopia had been trying to get Abu Dhabi and Dubai interested in the Berbera Port for years. It&rsquo;s latest push was assisted by a number of factors. These included a shift in the UAE&rsquo;s military focus in Yemen and Ethiopian assurances of more trade and some financing to upgrade the port.

Ethiopia&rsquo;s diplomatic push &ndash; which coincided with developments across the Gulf of Aden &ndash; finally got it the result it craved. In May 2016, DP World, a global mega-ports operator, signed an agreement to develop and manage Berbera Port for 30 years.

The Berbera Port deal

It is unlikely that DP World would have signed the deal if it didn&rsquo;t see some long-term commercial benefit. The deal also includes economic, military and political dimensions.

Economically, for example, there will be investments in Somaliland&rsquo;s fisheries, transportation and hospitality industry. The UAE will also establish a military installation in Berbera. The base is intended to help the UAE tighten its blockade against Yemen and stop weapons being smuggled from Iran.

Politically, the Berbera Port deal has provoked mixed reactions in Somaliland. There has been some popular anger aimed at Somaliland&rsquo;s former president, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud aka &ldquo;Silanyo&rdquo;, and his family who reportedly benefited personally from it. Anger also stems from inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry over land, particularly in the Berbera area.

But the anger in Somaliland pales in comparison to the reaction in Mogadishu. This is because the Somaliland government has remained largely isolated internationally &ndash; until the port deal.

Somalia Federal Government ministers have publicly challenged the right of Somaliland to enter into official agreements with any country. The Ethiopian-driven deal means that Mogadishu&rsquo;s claims over the breakaway territory have weakened substantially. The deal means that Somaliland has partially broken the glass ceiling of international recognition by entering into substantive deals with viable business partners and states operating on the global stage. Mogadishu can no longer pretend it controls the government in Somaliland&rsquo;s capital Hargeisa.

Ethiopia&rsquo;s wins

The bottom line is that Ethiopia has engineered access to another port and enhanced its security and strategic economic interests. With the growth in annual volumes of transit cargo, Ethiopia has, for a long time, needed alternative routes from Djibouti.

In addition, Ethiopia has ensured its presence in the running of the port by acquiring a 19% share in the deal.

And by wangling a legally binding agreement between Somaliland and another state, Ethiopia has potentially paved the way for eventual international recognition of Hargeisa.

Ethiopia has also further cemented its hold over Somaliland through a combination of pressure and material incentives. By bringing significant outside investment and recognition, Ethiopia can also increasingly meddle in its internal affairs. This is a conundrum for Hargeisa. It finds itself increasingly emboldened to act independently. Yet it remains constrained by the need to get Addis Ababa&rsquo;s approval.

As Ethiopia begins to move increasing amounts of goods and services on Somaliland&rsquo;s new highway to the refurbished port of Berbera, Hargeisa may begin to question key aspects of the port deal.

But one aspect will not be in question: Ethiopia&rsquo;s rising power and influence over the entire region.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

*Brendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter are Assistant Professor in International Security, Department of Humanities &amp; Social Science at Khalifa University of Science &amp; Technology&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Ethiopia has attempted to take advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States in the Horn of Africa’s coastal zone to reduce its dependency on Djibouti’s port.

By Brendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter When Eritrea gained its independence from Ethiopia in 1993, Ethiopia became landlocked and therefore dependent on its neighbours – especially Djibouti – for access to international markets. This dependency has hampered Ethiopia’s aspiration to emerge as the uncontested regional power in the Horn of Africa. Recently, however, the ground has been shifting. As we point out in a recent article, Ethiopia has attempted to take advantage of the recent involvement of various Arab Gulf States in the Horn of Africa’s coastal zone to reduce its dependency on Djibouti’s port. The port currently accounts for 95% of Ethiopia’s imports and exports. It has done so by actively trying to interest partners in the refurbishment and development of other ports in the region: Port Sudan in Sudan, Berbera in the Somaliland region of Somalia, and Mombasa in Kenya. But it is Berbera, in particular, that will prove the most radical in terms of challenging regional power dynamics as well as international law. This is because a port deal involving Somaliland will challenge Djibouti’s virtual monopoly over maritime trade. In addition, it may entrench the de-facto Balkanization of Somalia and increase the prospects of Ethiopia becoming the regional hegemon. Ethiopia’s regional policy Ethiopia’s interest in Berbera certainly makes sense from a strategic perspective. It is closest to Ethiopia and will connect the eastern, primarily Somali region of Ethiopia to Addis Ababa. It will also provide a much needed outlet for trade, particularly the export of livestock and agriculture. The development and expansion of the port at Berbera supports two primary pillars of Ethiopia’s regional policy. The first is maintaining Eritrea’s isolation. The aim would be to weaken it to the point that it implodes and is formally reunited to Ethiopia. Or it becomes a pliant, client state. The second pillar rests on maintaining the status quo in post-civil war Somalia. Simply put, a weak and fractured Somalia enables Ethiopia to focus on quelling persistent internal security difficulties. It also keeps up pressure on Eritrea. Ethiopia’s ambitions for Berbera have been hampered by two problems. Firstly the Republic of Somaliland – a de-facto independent state since 1991 – still isn’t recognised internationally. This makes engagement a political and legal headache. Secondly, Ethiopia, doesn’t have the critical resources needed to invest and build a port. Ethiopia had been trying to get Abu Dhabi and Dubai interested in the Berbera Port for years. It’s latest push was assisted by a number of factors. These included a shift in the UAE’s military focus in Yemen and Ethiopian assurances of more trade and some financing to upgrade the port. Ethiopia’s diplomatic push – which coincided with developments across the Gulf of Aden – finally got it the result it craved. In May 2016, DP World, a global mega-ports operator, signed an agreement to develop and manage Berbera Port for 30 years. The Berbera Port deal It is unlikely that DP World would have signed the deal if it didn’t see some long-term commercial benefit. The deal also includes economic, military and political dimensions. Economically, for example, there will be investments in Somaliland’s fisheries, transportation and hospitality industry. The UAE will also establish a military installation in Berbera. The base is intended to help the UAE tighten its blockade against Yemen and stop weapons being smuggled from Iran. Politically, the Berbera Port deal has provoked mixed reactions in Somaliland. There has been some popular anger aimed at Somaliland’s former president, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud aka “Silanyo”, and his family who reportedly benefited personally from it. Anger also stems from inter-clan and sub-clan rivalry over land, particularly in the Berbera area. But the anger in Somaliland pales in comparison to the reaction in Mogadishu. This is because the Somaliland government has remained largely isolated internationally – until the port deal. Somalia Federal Government ministers have publicly challenged the right of Somaliland to enter into official agreements with any country. The Ethiopian-driven deal means that Mogadishu’s claims over the breakaway territory have weakened substantially. The deal means that Somaliland has partially broken the glass ceiling of international recognition by entering into substantive deals with viable business partners and states operating on the global stage. Mogadishu can no longer pretend it controls the government in Somaliland’s capital Hargeisa. Ethiopia’s wins The bottom line is that Ethiopia has engineered access to another port and enhanced its security and strategic economic interests. With the growth in annual volumes of transit cargo, Ethiopia has, for a long time, needed alternative routes from Djibouti. In addition, Ethiopia has ensured its presence in the running of the port by acquiring a 19% share in the deal. And by wangling a legally binding agreement between Somaliland and another state, Ethiopia has potentially paved the way for eventual international recognition of Hargeisa. Ethiopia has also further cemented its hold over Somaliland through a combination of pressure and material incentives. By bringing significant outside investment and recognition, Ethiopia can also increasingly meddle in its internal affairs. This is a conundrum for Hargeisa. It finds itself increasingly emboldened to act independently. Yet it remains constrained by the need to get Addis Ababa’s approval. As Ethiopia begins to move increasing amounts of goods and services on Somaliland’s new highway to the refurbished port of Berbera, Hargeisa may begin to question key aspects of the port deal. But one aspect will not be in question: Ethiopia’s rising power and influence over the entire region. *Brendon J. Cannon and Dr. Ash Rossiter are Assistant Professor in International Security, Department of Humanities & Social Science at Khalifa University of Science & Technology (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;A state of emergency imposed by Ethiopia after the prime minister resigned will last six months, the defence minister said on Saturday.&nbsp;

&quot;There are still pockets of areas where violence is prevalent. The (ruling EPRDF coalition`s) council were unanimous in their decision,&quot; Siraj Fegessa told journalists.

Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his surprise resignation in a televised speech on Thursday, saying he wanted to smooth the way for further reforms.&nbsp;

Since January, Ethiopia has released more than 6,000 prisoners charged with taking part in mass protests and, in some cases, offences against the state. It has also closed down a jail where activists alleged torture took place.&nbsp;

Many of the prisoners took part in anti-government protests in 2015 and 2016 in Amhara and Oromiya, the country`s two most populous provinces. The demonstrations began against a government plan to expand the capital Addis Ababa but morphed into greater demands for civil rights.&nbsp;

The government previously imposed a state of emergency in October 2016, which was lifted in August 2017. During that time, curfews were in place, there were restrictions on movement and around 29,000 people were detained.&nbsp;

Ethiopia is East Africa`s biggest and fastest-growing economy and a Western ally in the fight against Islamist militancy.&nbsp;

A state of emergency was imposed by Ethiopia after the prime minister resigned

A state of emergency imposed by Ethiopia after the prime minister resigned will last six months, the defence minister said on Saturday. "There are still pockets of areas where violence is prevalent. The (ruling EPRDF coalition`s) council were unanimous in their decision," Siraj Fegessa told journalists. Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his surprise resignation in a televised speech on Thursday, saying he wanted to smooth the way for further reforms. Since January, Ethiopia has released more than 6,000 prisoners charged with taking part in mass protests and, in some cases, offences against the state. It has also closed down a jail where activists alleged torture took place. Many of the prisoners took part in anti-government protests in 2015 and 2016 in Amhara and Oromiya, the country`s two most populous provinces. The demonstrations began against a government plan to expand the capital Addis Ababa but morphed into greater demands for civil rights. The government previously imposed a state of emergency in October 2016, which was lifted in August 2017. During that time, curfews were in place, there were restrictions on movement and around 29,000 people were detained. Ethiopia is East Africa`s biggest and fastest-growing economy and a Western ally in the fight against Islamist militancy.

Ethiopia says state of emergency will last six months

Ethiopia&#39;s state of emergency imposed on Friday includes a ban on protests and publications that incite violence, Defence Minister Siraj Fegessa said on Saturday.

The move was made a day after Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his surprise resignation in a televised speech on Thursday, saying he wanted to smooth the way for further reforms.

&nbsp;

The move was made a day after Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his surprise resignation

Ethiopia's state of emergency imposed on Friday includes a ban on protests and publications that incite violence, Defence Minister Siraj Fegessa said on Saturday. The move was made a day after Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his surprise resignation in a televised speech on Thursday, saying he wanted to smooth the way for further reforms.

Ethiopia bans protests, publications that incite violence during emergency rule

Ethiopia declared a state of emergency on Friday, a move capping a tumultuous week that saw the prime minister resign, a strike in the country`s largest region and a massive prisoner amnesty citing a decision by the council of ministers, the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation (EBC) said: &quot;A state of emergency has been declared as of now.&quot;

It gave no timeline for the emergency decree, the second since 2016, which was announced in a statement read by an anchor on the state broadcaster.

The communique eluded to &quot;ethnic-based clashes&quot; and &quot;chaos and unruliness&quot; as justification for the move.

&quot;In some parts of the country, the constitution and the constitutional system has been bypassed,&quot; it said.

&quot;Because of the dangers the constitution and the constitutional system is facing, we have reached the point where it is difficult to keep the law in the usual way,&quot; it added.

&quot;To be able to protect the constitutional system, declaring a state of emergency has become necessary.&quot;

Ethiopia last declared a state of emergency in October 2016 after months of protests in Oromia -- home to the country`s largest ethnicity, the Oromos -- and neighbouring Amhara region.

The 10-month decree succeeded in quelling the unrest, which killed hundreds and resulted in tens of thousands of arrests, despite criticism from rights groups.

But anti-government sentiment remained in the two regions and protests continued to erupt sporadically.

The government was further pressured when clashes erupted late last year between the Oromo and Somali ethnicities that would go on to kill hundreds and, per a United Nations estimate, displace one million people.Last month, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced Ethiopia would begin releasing some jailed &quot;politicians.&quot;&nbsp;

The move, he said, sought to &quot;improve the national consensus and widen the democratic platform&quot;.

Tensions boiled over earlier this week when businesses closed and young men armed with rocks and sticks blocked roads in Oromia in a two-day strike to push the government to keep its prisoner amnesty promise.

The strike was called off after detained Oromo politicians were freed along with hundreds of other prisoners including journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition leader Andualem Arage.

The next day, Hailemariam unexpectedly announced he was stepping down, becoming the first leader in modern Ethiopia to do so.

The prime minister said he was leaving to give the ruling Ethiopian People`s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) space as it pursued political reforms.

&quot;I myself want to become part of the solution,&quot; he said.

But analysts say his departure was likely caused in part by his inability to unite the four ethnically based parties that constitute the coalition, which has been in power since 1991.

A member of the Wolayta ethnic minority in the country`s south, Hailemariam was seen as lacking the charisma of his predecessor Meles Zenawi, who led the EPRDF to victory over the Derg communist Junta.

Hailemariam will remain in office until parliament and the EPRDF coalition confirm his resignation. It remains unclear who will then take over.

With the EPRDF and its allies controlling every seat in parliament, it is unclear what difference Hailemariam`s departure will make, Merera Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), told AFP.

&quot;What the people are demanding is fundamental change,&quot; Merera said, describing Hailemariam`s exit as a matter of internal party politics. &quot;So the change of an individual is really the homework for the EPRDF, not the people of Ethiopia.&quot;

However, Merera said he was &quot;cautiously optimistic,&quot; that Hailemariam`s departure could offer an opening for them.&nbsp;

&quot;There are, after all, possibilities... to move forward,&quot; Merera said. &quot;The EPRDF as an organisation has a serious problem and really blocked the democratisation of the Ethiopian state and society -- and is really responsible for many of its crisis,&quot; he added.

It gave no timeline for the emergency decree

Ethiopia declared a state of emergency on Friday, a move capping a tumultuous week that saw the prime minister resign, a strike in the country`s largest region and a massive prisoner amnesty citing a decision by the council of ministers, the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation (EBC) said: "A state of emergency has been declared as of now." It gave no timeline for the emergency decree, the second since 2016, which was announced in a statement read by an anchor on the state broadcaster. The communique eluded to "ethnic-based clashes" and "chaos and unruliness" as justification for the move. "In some parts of the country, the constitution and the constitutional system has been bypassed," it said. "Because of the dangers the constitution and the constitutional system is facing, we have reached the point where it is difficult to keep the law in the usual way," it added. "To be able to protect the constitutional system, declaring a state of emergency has become necessary." Ethiopia last declared a state of emergency in October 2016 after months of protests in Oromia -- home to the country`s largest ethnicity, the Oromos -- and neighbouring Amhara region. The 10-month decree succeeded in quelling the unrest, which killed hundreds and resulted in tens of thousands of arrests, despite criticism from rights groups. But anti-government sentiment remained in the two regions and protests continued to erupt sporadically. The government was further pressured when clashes erupted late last year between the Oromo and Somali ethnicities that would go on to kill hundreds and, per a United Nations estimate, displace one million people.Last month, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced Ethiopia would begin releasing some jailed "politicians." The move, he said, sought to "improve the national consensus and widen the democratic platform". Tensions boiled over earlier this week when businesses closed and young men armed with rocks and sticks blocked roads in Oromia in a two-day strike to push the government to keep its prisoner amnesty promise. The strike was called off after detained Oromo politicians were freed along with hundreds of other prisoners including journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition leader Andualem Arage. The next day, Hailemariam unexpectedly announced he was stepping down, becoming the first leader in modern Ethiopia to do so. The prime minister said he was leaving to give the ruling Ethiopian People`s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) space as it pursued political reforms. "I myself want to become part of the solution," he said. But analysts say his departure was likely caused in part by his inability to unite the four ethnically based parties that constitute the coalition, which has been in power since 1991. A member of the Wolayta ethnic minority in the country`s south, Hailemariam was seen as lacking the charisma of his predecessor Meles Zenawi, who led the EPRDF to victory over the Derg communist Junta. Hailemariam will remain in office until parliament and the EPRDF coalition confirm his resignation. It remains unclear who will then take over. With the EPRDF and its allies controlling every seat in parliament, it is unclear what difference Hailemariam`s departure will make, Merera Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), told AFP. "What the people are demanding is fundamental change," Merera said, describing Hailemariam`s exit as a matter of internal party politics. "So the change of an individual is really the homework for the EPRDF, not the people of Ethiopia." However, Merera said he was "cautiously optimistic," that Hailemariam`s departure could offer an opening for them. "There are, after all, possibilities... to move forward," Merera said. "The EPRDF as an organisation has a serious problem and really blocked the democratisation of the Ethiopian state and society -- and is really responsible for many of its crisis," he added.

Ethiopia declares state of emergency after PM resigns

Ethiopia&rsquo;s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said on Thursday he had submitted his resignation as both premier and the chairman of the ruling coalition in an effort to facilitate reforms following a period of mass unrest.

Desalegn said in a televised address to the country, &quot;I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy.&quot;

The resignation - unprecedented in Ethiopia&rsquo;s history - followed a wave of strikes this week in towns near the capital and demonstrations successfully demanding the release of more opposition leaders.

Hailemariam added, however, that he will stay on as prime minister in a caretaker capacity, until the ruling Ethiopian People&#39;s Revolutionary Democratic Front&nbsp;(EPRDF) and the country&#39;s parliament accept his resignation and name a new premier.

Hailemariam oversaw a smooth handover following the death of former Marxist rebel Meles Zenawi, turning the relatively little-known politician and technocrat to an influential leader.

The announcement came after the government released hundreds of political prisoners, including some prominent opposition members.

More than 6,000 political prisoners have been freed since January as the government struggles to placate simmering anger among the two largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amharic, who complain they are under-represented in the country&rsquo;s corridors of power.

However, in 2015, months of anti-government demonstrations spread across Ethiopia, leaving hundreds dead and prompting parliament to declare a 10-month state nationwide state of emergency in October 2016.

Ethiopia is the region&rsquo;s largest economy and a key Western ally in the fight against Islamist militancy but rights groups criticize its government for jailing journalists and political opponents.

It was not clear who would replace Hailemariam. He also resigned as chairman of the ruling coalition, which has governed since it defeated a military regime in 1991.

&ldquo;Unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many,&rdquo; Hailemariam said in a televised speech. &ldquo;I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy.&rdquo;

Hailemariam added, however, that he will stay on as prime minister in a caretaker capacity, until the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the country's parliament accept his resignation and name a new premier

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn said on Thursday he had submitted his resignation as both premier and the chairman of the ruling coalition in an effort to facilitate reforms following a period of mass unrest. Desalegn said in a televised address to the country, "I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy." The resignation - unprecedented in Ethiopia’s history - followed a wave of strikes this week in towns near the capital and demonstrations successfully demanding the release of more opposition leaders. Hailemariam added, however, that he will stay on as prime minister in a caretaker capacity, until the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the country's parliament accept his resignation and name a new premier. Hailemariam oversaw a smooth handover following the death of former Marxist rebel Meles Zenawi, turning the relatively little-known politician and technocrat to an influential leader. The announcement came after the government released hundreds of political prisoners, including some prominent opposition members. More than 6,000 political prisoners have been freed since January as the government struggles to placate simmering anger among the two largest ethnic groups, the Oromo and Amharic, who complain they are under-represented in the country’s corridors of power. However, in 2015, months of anti-government demonstrations spread across Ethiopia, leaving hundreds dead and prompting parliament to declare a 10-month state nationwide state of emergency in October 2016. Ethiopia is the region’s largest economy and a key Western ally in the fight against Islamist militancy but rights groups criticize its government for jailing journalists and political opponents. It was not clear who would replace Hailemariam. He also resigned as chairman of the ruling coalition, which has governed since it defeated a military regime in 1991. “Unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many,” Hailemariam said in a televised speech. “I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy.”

Ethiopia's PM resigns following mass unrest

To the west of Ethiopia near the Sudanese border lies a place called the Asosa zone. This may be the location of the oldest gold mine in the world. Dating back some 6,000 years, it provided a key source of gold to the ancient Egyptian empire, whose great wealth was famous throughout the known world. It may even have supplied the Queen of Sheba with her lavish gifts of gold when she visited King Solomon of Israel almost 3,000 years ago.

The excitement in this part of the world is more about the future, however. Some local inhabitants already make a living from prospecting, and several mining companies have been active in the area in recent years, too.

<figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202851/original/file-20180122-182948-2y98r4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202851/original/file-20180122-182948-2y98r4.jpg?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=237&amp;fit=clip" /></a>

<figcaption>
When Sheba met Sol. <a class="source" href="https://www.shutterstock.com/image-photo/ethiopian-cents-image-lion-head-isolated-716736049?src=MqPalwucGkqsIEJJ26g5Iw-2-42">Wikimedia</a>

But what comes next could be on a much bigger scale: I have just co-published with my colleague, Owen Morgan, new geological research that suggests that much more treasure might be buried under the surface of this east African country than was previously thought.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Treasure trail

The Asosa zone is made up of flatlands, rugged valleys, mountainous ridges, streams and rivers. It is densely vegetated by bamboo and incense trees, with remnants of tropical rainforests along the river valleys. The zone, which is part of Ethiopia&rsquo;s Benishangul-Gumuz region, is spotted with archaeological sites containing clues to how people lived here thousands of years ago, together with ancient mining pits and trenches.

Local inhabitants have long taken advantage of these riches. They pan for gold in Asosa&rsquo;s streams and also extract the precious metal directly from outcropping rocks.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202822/original/file-20180122-46210-1ei2jtm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202822/original/file-20180122-46210-1ei2jtm.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></a>

<figcaption>Local inhabitants panning for gold. Owen Morgan</figcaption>
</figure>

&nbsp;

More substantial exploitation of the region&rsquo;s riches dates back to the Italian invasion of the 1930s. The Italians explored the Welega gold district in West Welega, south-east of Asosa.

Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974, believed the country had the potential to become a global leader in gold. But when the revolutionary Derg government deposed him and the country plunged into civil war, gold mining disappeared off the agenda for a decade and a half. It took until the early 2000s before the government started awarding exploration licences.

Several mines are up and running, neither of them in Asosa. One is at Lega Dembi slightly to the east, owned by Saudi interests. The other, at Tigray in the north of the country, is owned by American mining giant Newmont, and just started production late last year.

More is already on the way: the beneficiary of the Italian efforts from the 1930s in Welega is the Tulu Kapi gold prospect, containing 48 tonnes of gold. This was most recently acquired in 2013 by Cyprus-based mining group KEFI Minerals (market value: roughly US$2.3 billion (&pound;1.7 billion)).

As for Asosa, the Egyptian company ASCOM made a significant gold discovery in the zone in 2016. It published a maiden resource statement that claimed the presence of &ndash; curiously the same number &ndash; 48 tonnes of gold. Yet this only looks like the beginning.

Au-some potential?

The Asosa zone geology is characterised by various kinds of volcanic and sedimentary rocks that are more than 600 million-years-old. The region has been intensely deformed by geological forces, resulting in everything from kilometre-long faults to tiny cracks known as veins which are only centimetres in length.

Some of these veins contain quartz, and it is mainly here that the region&rsquo;s gold accumulated between 615m and 650m years ago &ndash; along with silver and various other minerals. The gold came from molten materials deep within the Earth finding their way upwards during a process known as subduction, where tectonic forces drive oceanic crust beneath a continent. This is comparable to the reasons behind gold deposits in island arcs like some of the ones in Indonesia and Papua New Guinea.

Our field observations and panning suggest that gold should be generally abundant across the Asoza zone &ndash; both in quartz veins but also elsewhere in the schist and pegmatite rocks in which they are located. We also see signs of substantial graphite deposits, which are important for everything from touch-screen tablets to lithium-ion batteries.

There is undoubtedly much more world-class gold within this area than has already been discovered, pointing to a promising source of income for the government for years to come &ndash; much of the region remains unexplored, after all. It probably is no exaggeration to say that Ethiopia&rsquo;s gold potential could rival South Africa&rsquo;s, which would put it somewhere around the top five gold producing nations in the world.

<figure class="align-center zoomable"><a href="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202820/original/file-20180122-46232-qea4pz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=1000&amp;fit=clip"><img alt="" src="https://images.theconversation.com/files/202820/original/file-20180122-46232-qea4pz.png?ixlib=rb-1.1.0&amp;q=45&amp;auto=format&amp;w=754&amp;fit=clip" /></a>

<figcaption>View across the gold-bearing schist rocks of the Asosa zone, Benishangul-Gumuz. Owen Morgan</figcaption>
</figure>

&nbsp;

There are still some substantial challenges, however. Dealing with governmental red tape can be difficult. In an area like the Asosa zone there are dangerous wildlife to avoid, such as venimous snakes, baboons and even monkeys. The vegetation also becomes forbiddingly wild during wet seasons.

It is also important to strike up good working relationships with local inhabitants, showing the utmost respect to local cultures &ndash; it&rsquo;s the ethical way to operate, and failing to do so can make life harder with the authorities in the capital. This includes the need to preserve the natural beauty of the region; gold mining already has a very bad international reputation for environmental damage.

With the right approach, however, western Ethiopia will be a literal gold mine that could bring economic benefit to the region. What the Queen of Sheba may have known 3,000 years ago, the modern world is finally rediscovering today.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ethiopia-could-be-sitting-on-one-of-worlds-great-untapped-gold-deposits-90408" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Dating back some 6,000 years, Asosa zone in west of Ethiopia, provided a key source of gold to the ancient Egyptian empire, whose great wealth was famous throughout the known world.

To the west of Ethiopia near the Sudanese border lies a place called the Asosa zone. This may be the location of the oldest gold mine in the world. Dating back some 6,000 years, it provided a key source of gold to the ancient Egyptian empire, whose great wealth was famous throughout the known world. It may even have supplied the Queen of Sheba with her lavish gifts of gold when she visited King Solomon of Israel almost 3,000 years ago. The excitement in this part of the world is more about the future, however. Some local inhabitants already make a living from prospecting, and several mining companies have been active in the area in recent years, too. When Sheba met Sol. Wikimedia But what comes next could be on a much bigger scale: I have just co-published with my colleague, Owen Morgan, new geological research that suggests that much more treasure might be buried under the surface of this east African country than was previously thought. Treasure trail The Asosa zone is made up of flatlands, rugged valleys, mountainous ridges, streams and rivers. It is densely vegetated by bamboo and incense trees, with remnants of tropical rainforests along the river valleys. The zone, which is part of Ethiopia’s Benishangul-Gumuz region, is spotted with archaeological sites containing clues to how people lived here thousands of years ago, together with ancient mining pits and trenches. Local inhabitants have long taken advantage of these riches. They pan for gold in Asosa’s streams and also extract the precious metal directly from outcropping rocks. Local inhabitants panning for gold. Owen Morgan More substantial exploitation of the region’s riches dates back to the Italian invasion of the 1930s. The Italians explored the Welega gold district in West Welega, south-east of Asosa. Haile Selassie, emperor of Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974, believed the country had the potential to become a global leader in gold. But when the revolutionary Derg government deposed him and the country plunged into civil war, gold mining disappeared off the agenda for a decade and a half. It took until the early 2000s before the government started awarding exploration licences. Several mines are up and running, neither of them in Asosa. One is at Lega Dembi slightly to the east, owned by Saudi interests. The other, at Tigray in the north of the country, is owned by American mining giant Newmont, and just started production late last year. More is already on the way: the beneficiary of the Italian efforts from the 1930s in Welega is the Tulu Kapi gold prospect, containing 48 tonnes of gold. This was most recently acquired in 2013 by Cyprus-based mining group KEFI Minerals (market value: roughly US$2.3 billion (£1.7 billion)). As for Asosa, the Egyptian company ASCOM made a significant gold discovery in the zone in 2016. It published a maiden resource statement that claimed the presence of – curiously the same number – 48 tonnes of gold. Yet this only looks like the beginning. Au-some potential? The Asosa zone geology is characterised by various kinds of volcanic and sedimentary rocks that are more than 600 million-years-old. The region has been intensely deformed by geological forces, resulting in everything from kilometre-long faults to tiny cracks known as veins which are only centimetres in length. Some of these veins contain quartz, and it is mainly here that the region’s gold accumulated between 615m and 650m years ago – along with silver and various other minerals. The gold came from molten materials deep within the Earth finding their way upwards during a process known as subduction, where tectonic forces drive oceanic crust beneath a continent. This is comparable to the reasons behind gold deposits in island arcs like some of the ones in Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. Our field observations and panning suggest that gold should be generally abundant across the Asoza zone – both in quartz veins but also elsewhere in the schist and pegmatite rocks in which they are located. We also see signs of substantial graphite deposits, which are important for everything from touch-screen tablets to lithium-ion batteries. There is undoubtedly much more world-class gold within this area than has already been discovered, pointing to a promising source of income for the government for years to come – much of the region remains unexplored, after all. It probably is no exaggeration to say that Ethiopia’s gold potential could rival South Africa’s, which would put it somewhere around the top five gold producing nations in the world. View across the gold-bearing schist rocks of the Asosa zone, Benishangul-Gumuz. Owen Morgan There are still some substantial challenges, however. Dealing with governmental red tape can be difficult. In an area like the Asosa zone there are dangerous wildlife to avoid, such as venimous snakes, baboons and even monkeys. The vegetation also becomes forbiddingly wild during wet seasons. It is also important to strike up good working relationships with local inhabitants, showing the utmost respect to local cultures – it’s the ethical way to operate, and failing to do so can make life harder with the authorities in the capital. This includes the need to preserve the natural beauty of the region; gold mining already has a very bad international reputation for environmental damage. With the right approach, however, western Ethiopia will be a literal gold mine that could bring economic benefit to the region. What the Queen of Sheba may have known 3,000 years ago, the modern world is finally rediscovering today. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: World's great untapped gold deposits are in Ethiopia

Ethiopia&#39;s Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus won the race to be the next head of the World Health Organisation (WHO) on Tuesday, becoming the first African to lead the Geneva-based United Nations agency.

The former health minister and foreign minister, who vowed to make universal health care his priority, won over half the votes from 189 member states in the first round and prevailed in a third-round ballot against Britain&#39;s David Nabarro.

&quot;It&#39;s a victory day for Ethiopia and for Africa,&quot; Ethiopia&#39;s ambassador to the UN in Geneva Negash Kebret Botora said.

Tedros, as he is widely known, told health ministers at the WHO&#39;s annual assembly after his election: &quot;All roads lead to universal coverage. This will be my central priority.&quot;

&quot;At present, only about a half of the world&#39;s people have access to health care without impoverishment. This needs to improve dramatically,&quot; he added.

Six candidates sought to take the helm at the WHO, which is tasked with combating disease outbreaks and chronic illnesses.

The WHO said Tedros had led a &quot;comprehensive reform effort&quot; of Ethiopia&#39;s health system, creating health centres and jobs.

UNAIDS, the vaccine alliance GAVI, US Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price and the International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers welcomed his appointment.

&quot;Tedros has the power to herald a new era in how the world prepares for and responds to epidemics, including building partnerships, strengthening public health systems, and developing new vaccines and therapies that are available to all who need them,&quot; Jeremy Farrar, director of the medical charity Wellcome Trust, said in a statement.

Tedros will begin his five-year term after Margaret Chan, a former Hong Kong health director, steps down on June 30.

Chan leaves a mixed legacy after her 10 years on the job, especially because of WHO&#39;s slow response to West Africa&#39;s Ebola epidemic in 2013-2016, which killed 11,300 people.

In a last pitch before voting began, Tedros appealed to ministers by promising to represent their interests and to ensure more countries got top jobs at the Geneva-based WHO.

&quot;I will listen to you. I was one of you. I was in your shoes and I can understand you better,&quot; he said.

Tedros was widely seen as having the support of about 50 African votes, but questions about his role in restricting human rights and Ethiopia&#39;s cover-up of a cholera outbreak surfaced late in the race, threatening to tarnish his appeal.

&quot;You now have a clear mandate. We welcome your promises on transparency, delivery and reform,&quot; said Sally Davies, Britain&#39;s medical chief officer.

(Reuters)

Tedros, as he is widely known, told health ministers at the WHO's annual assembly after his election: 'All roads lead to universal coverage. This will be my central priority.'

Ethiopia's Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus won the race to be the next head of the World Health Organisation (WHO) on Tuesday, becoming the first African to lead the Geneva-based United Nations agency. The former health minister and foreign minister, who vowed to make universal health care his priority, won over half the votes from 189 member states in the first round and prevailed in a third-round ballot against Britain's David Nabarro. "It's a victory day for Ethiopia and for Africa," Ethiopia's ambassador to the UN in Geneva Negash Kebret Botora said. Tedros, as he is widely known, told health ministers at the WHO's annual assembly after his election: "All roads lead to universal coverage. This will be my central priority." "At present, only about a half of the world's people have access to health care without impoverishment. This needs to improve dramatically," he added. Six candidates sought to take the helm at the WHO, which is tasked with combating disease outbreaks and chronic illnesses. The WHO said Tedros had led a "comprehensive reform effort" of Ethiopia's health system, creating health centres and jobs. UNAIDS, the vaccine alliance GAVI, US Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price and the International Federation of Pharmaceutical Manufacturers welcomed his appointment. "Tedros has the power to herald a new era in how the world prepares for and responds to epidemics, including building partnerships, strengthening public health systems, and developing new vaccines and therapies that are available to all who need them," Jeremy Farrar, director of the medical charity Wellcome Trust, said in a statement. Tedros will begin his five-year term after Margaret Chan, a former Hong Kong health director, steps down on June 30. Chan leaves a mixed legacy after her 10 years on the job, especially because of WHO's slow response to West Africa's Ebola epidemic in 2013-2016, which killed 11,300 people. In a last pitch before voting began, Tedros appealed to ministers by promising to represent their interests and to ensure more countries got top jobs at the Geneva-based WHO. "I will listen to you. I was one of you. I was in your shoes and I can understand you better," he said. Tedros was widely seen as having the support of about 50 African votes, but questions about his role in restricting human rights and Ethiopia's cover-up of a cholera outbreak surfaced late in the race, threatening to tarnish his appeal. "You now have a clear mandate. We welcome your promises on transparency, delivery and reform," said Sally Davies, Britain's medical chief officer. (Reuters)

Ethiopia's Tedros becomes first African to head WHO

Authorities have arrested more than 11,000 people since Ethiopia declared a state of emergency in early October amid violent protests,the&nbsp;state TV said on Saturday.

Ethiopia has been in political crisis for around a year with frequent outbreaks of violence as authorities have brutally cracked down on anti-government demonstrators.

&quot;Some 11,607 individuals have so far been detained in six prisons, of which 347 are female, in connection with the state of emergency declared in the country,&quot; State of Emergency Inquiry Board chairperson Taddesse Hordofa said in a statement broadcast by EBC.

Hordofa reeled off a long list of offences ranging from serious crimes such as &quot;attacking security forces using firearms&quot; or &quot;killing civilians and members of security forces&quot; to the much more mundane &quot;denying provision of public services&quot; and &quot;disrupting movement of vehicles&quot;.

This figure is a huge increase on the 2,500 arrests that Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn&#39;s government had announced at the end of October.

The six-month state of emergency was declared on October 9, an unprecedented move by the current government, which has been in power for 25 years.

Unrest in the country had begun in the central Oromo region and then spread to Amhara in the north, causing hundreds of deaths, according to human rights organisations.

Those regions are where the majority of arrests have been made and make up 60 per cent of the country&#39;s population.

On October 31, Ethiopian defence minister Siraj Fegessa announced that 2,000 people who had participated in protests had been released, although today&#39;s announcement included no details on how many of the 11,000 remain in prison.

(AFP) 
&nbsp;

The six-month state of emergency was declared on October 9 following political instability and frequent violent outbreaks

Authorities have arrested more than 11,000 people since Ethiopia declared a state of emergency in early October amid violent protests,the state TV said on Saturday. Ethiopia has been in political crisis for around a year with frequent outbreaks of violence as authorities have brutally cracked down on anti-government demonstrators. "Some 11,607 individuals have so far been detained in six prisons, of which 347 are female, in connection with the state of emergency declared in the country," State of Emergency Inquiry Board chairperson Taddesse Hordofa said in a statement broadcast by EBC. Hordofa reeled off a long list of offences ranging from serious crimes such as "attacking security forces using firearms" or "killing civilians and members of security forces" to the much more mundane "denying provision of public services" and "disrupting movement of vehicles". This figure is a huge increase on the 2,500 arrests that Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn's government had announced at the end of October. The six-month state of emergency was declared on October 9, an unprecedented move by the current government, which has been in power for 25 years. Unrest in the country had begun in the central Oromo region and then spread to Amhara in the north, causing hundreds of deaths, according to human rights organisations. Those regions are where the majority of arrests have been made and make up 60 per cent of the country's population. On October 31, Ethiopian defence minister Siraj Fegessa announced that 2,000 people who had participated in protests had been released, although today's announcement included no details on how many of the 11,000 remain in prison. (AFP)

Ethiopia: 11,000 arrests under state of emergency, says state TV

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