India and Russia have decided to coordinate their strategies on Afghanistan. Moscow is concerned about instability in Central Asia, while New Delhi worries about Pak-sponsored terror in South Asia. Palki Sharma tells you more about this strategic convergence.

Gravitas: India, Russia to contain Afghan terror threat

Riders on horseback play the ancient game of Kok-Buru. It's one of the highlights of the Kyrgyz equestrian games, taking place in Cholpon-Ata. The sport is played all over Central Asia, often under different names. But the aim is always the same.

Nomadic hunting festival entertains crowds

Russian Presideny Vladimir Putin on Sunday rejected the idea of sending Afghan refugees and evacuees to central Asian nations. He indicated that such a move would be a threat to Moscow and he did not want "militants showing up here under cover of refugees",&nbsp; Russian news agencies reported.

Central Asian nations were formerly part of Soviet Russia and the area is still considered to be a Russian backyard.

Putin criticised the idea floated by some Western countries to relocate refugees from Afghanistan to neighbouring Central Asian countries while their visas to the United States and Europe are being processed.

"Does that mean that they can be sent without visas to those countries, to our neighbours, while they themselves (the West) don't want to take them without visas?" TASS news agency quoted Putin as telling leaders of the ruling United Russia party.&nbsp;"Why is there such a humiliating approach to solving the problem?"&nbsp;

The United States reportedly held secret talks with a number of countries in a desperate attempt to secure deals to temporarily house at-risk Afghans who worked for the US government, Reuters reported last week.

Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) is due to discuss Afghanistan on Monday (August 23). CSTO is a military alliance of ex-Soviet republics led by Russia.

(With inputs from agencies)

Russian Presideny Vladimir Putin on Sunday rejected the idea of sending Afghan refugees and evacuees to central Asian nations. He indicated that such a move would be a threat to Moscow and he did not want "militants showing up here under cover of refugees", Russian news agencies reported.

Russian Presideny Vladimir Putin on Sunday rejected the idea of sending Afghan refugees and evacuees to central Asian nations. He indicated that such a move would be a threat to Moscow and he did not want "militants showing up here under cover of refugees", Russian news agencies reported. Central Asian nations were formerly part of Soviet Russia and the area is still considered to be a Russian backyard. Putin criticised the idea floated by some Western countries to relocate refugees from Afghanistan to neighbouring Central Asian countries while their visas to the United States and Europe are being processed. "Does that mean that they can be sent without visas to those countries, to our neighbours, while they themselves (the West) don't want to take them without visas?" TASS news agency quoted Putin as telling leaders of the ruling United Russia party. "Why is there such a humiliating approach to solving the problem?" The United States reportedly held secret talks with a number of countries in a desperate attempt to secure deals to temporarily house at-risk Afghans who worked for the US government, Reuters reported last week. Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) is due to discuss Afghanistan on Monday (August 23). CSTO is a military alliance of ex-Soviet republics led by Russia. (With inputs from agencies)

Putin against sending Afghan refugees to central Asian countries

Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar met his Afghan counterpart Mohammad Haneef Atmar in Dushanbe to discuss the crisis in the war-torn country. He will also attend the SCO foreign ministers' meet where Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi will be present.

Indian EAM Jaishankar meets Afghan counterpart in Dushanbe ahead of key SCO summit

Ahead of SCO summit, Indian EAM Jaishankar meets Afghan counterpart in Dushanbe

Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar will be visiting Tajikistan and Uzbekistan this week. He will also attend the SCO foreign ministers' meet at Dushanbe where Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi will be present.

Amid Taliban's surge, Indian EAM Jaishankar to meet Tajik, Uzbek leaders

The Biden administration is exploring having three Central Asian countries temporarily take in thousands of Afghans who worked with US&nbsp;forces and face threats from the Taliban now that American troops are withdrawing after 20 years, three sources familiar with the matter said on Friday. 
 
They said Washington is in talks with Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan about letting in the at-risk Afghan citizens. Two of the sources were US&nbsp;officials and all requested anonymity. 
 
The three sources said an agreement did not appear imminent with any of the countries. 
 
The decision to move at-risk Afghans risks inflaming a sense of crisis in Afghanistan, as fighting between US-backed Afghan forces and the Taliban has surged in recent weeks, with the militants gaining control of large amounts of territory. 
 
Thousands of Afghan translators and interpreters face threats from the Taliban after working for two decades alongside the US&nbsp;military. 
 
The United States announced plans last week to seek refuge for thousands of vulnerable Afghans in countries outside Afghanistan so their US&nbsp;visa applications could be processed from safety, but Washington did not specify where they would go. 
 
White House spokeswoman Jen Psaki provided no further details on Friday. 
 
"One of the reasons that I'm not going to get into security details about what third country they might go to, and how many, is exactly for that reason, but certainly our timeline is to relocate these individuals to a location outside of Afghanistan before we complete our military drawdown," Psaki said.

President Joe Biden has said those who helped the United States will not be left behind, and on Thursday, a senior Republican lawmaker said plans to evacuate at-risk Afghans will include their family members for a total of as many as 50,000 people.

(With inputs from agencies)

The Biden administration is exploring having three Central Asian countries temporarily take in thousands of Afghans who worked with US forces and face threats from the Taliban now that American troops are withdrawing after 20 years, three sources familiar with the matter said on Friday.

The Biden administration is exploring having three Central Asian countries temporarily take in thousands of Afghans who worked with US forces and face threats from the Taliban now that American troops are withdrawing after 20 years, three sources familiar with the matter said on Friday. They said Washington is in talks with Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan about letting in the at-risk Afghan citizens. Two of the sources were US officials and all requested anonymity. The three sources said an agreement did not appear imminent with any of the countries. The decision to move at-risk Afghans risks inflaming a sense of crisis in Afghanistan, as fighting between US-backed Afghan forces and the Taliban has surged in recent weeks, with the militants gaining control of large amounts of territory. Thousands of Afghan translators and interpreters face threats from the Taliban after working for two decades alongside the US military. The United States announced plans last week to seek refuge for thousands of vulnerable Afghans in countries outside Afghanistan so their US visa applications could be processed from safety, but Washington did not specify where they would go. White House spokeswoman Jen Psaki provided no further details on Friday. "One of the reasons that I'm not going to get into security details about what third country they might go to, and how many, is exactly for that reason, but certainly our timeline is to relocate these individuals to a location outside of Afghanistan before we complete our military drawdown," Psaki said. President Joe Biden has said those who helped the United States will not be left behind, and on Thursday, a senior Republican lawmaker said plans to evacuate at-risk Afghans will include their family members for a total of as many as 50,000 people. (With inputs from agencies)

US looks into having 3 Central Asian states take in at-risk Afghans: Sources

Kyrghyzstan's nationalist politician Sadyr Japarov logged a landslide victory in Kyrghyzstan's snap presidential election. The polls were triggered by collapse of the previous government. Japarov has won almost 80 per cent of votes. This means that there will be no run-off elections.

Kyrghyzstan's Central Election Commission said that more than 80 per cent voters have also supported proposal for constitutional reforms that give the president greater powers at parliament's expense.

Violent protests in October sent Japarov (52) from jail to PM's&nbsp;chair. He then assumed interim presidency before running for full-time role.

Japarov, who was sentenced to a lengthy prison term for kidnapping a provincial governor as part of a protest, had his verdict quashed amid the October unrest and has outspent 16 presidential poll rivals by a wide margin.

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Despite his nationalist stance - Japarov's first act as prime minister was to add ethnicity information to national ID cards - he has repeatedly pledged to maintain a close relationship with former Soviet overlord Moscow.

"Russia is our strategic partner," Japarov said after casting his ballot in a suburb of capital Bishkek, and urged all groups to accept the results in order to preserve stability.

Russia operates a military airbase in the mountainous nation and is the main destination for hundreds of thousands of Kyrgyz migrant labourers.

Neighbouring China is another key trade partner and investor in the impoverished and predominantly Muslim nation, whose economy has been battered by the coronavirus pandemic and the resulting disruptions to trade and travel.

Japarov's prison sentence stems from his campaign in the early 2010s to nationalise the giant Kumtor gold mine operated by Canada's Centerra Gold. After coming to power last year, however, he said that was no longer a goal and he would only seek to ensure profits are split fairly.

Japarov's campaign, which combined references to traditional symbols and values with promises such as doubling healthcare spending struck a chord with voters, especially in rural areas.

(With Reuters inputs)

Kyrghyzstan's nationalist politician Sadyr Japarov logged a landslide victory in Kyrghyzstan's snap presidential election. The polls were triggered by collapse of the previous government.

Kyrghyzstan's nationalist politician Sadyr Japarov logged a landslide victory in Kyrghyzstan's snap presidential election. The polls were triggered by collapse of the previous government. Japarov has won almost 80 per cent of votes. This means that there will be no run-off elections. Kyrghyzstan's Central Election Commission said that more than 80 per cent voters have also supported proposal for constitutional reforms that give the president greater powers at parliament's expense. Violent protests in October sent Japarov (52) from jail to PM's chair. He then assumed interim presidency before running for full-time role. Japarov, who was sentenced to a lengthy prison term for kidnapping a provincial governor as part of a protest, had his verdict quashed amid the October unrest and has outspent 16 presidential poll rivals by a wide margin. × Despite his nationalist stance - Japarov's first act as prime minister was to add ethnicity information to national ID cards - he has repeatedly pledged to maintain a close relationship with former Soviet overlord Moscow. "Russia is our strategic partner," Japarov said after casting his ballot in a suburb of capital Bishkek, and urged all groups to accept the results in order to preserve stability. Russia operates a military airbase in the mountainous nation and is the main destination for hundreds of thousands of Kyrgyz migrant labourers. Neighbouring China is another key trade partner and investor in the impoverished and predominantly Muslim nation, whose economy has been battered by the coronavirus pandemic and the resulting disruptions to trade and travel. Japarov's prison sentence stems from his campaign in the early 2010s to nationalise the giant Kumtor gold mine operated by Canada's Centerra Gold. After coming to power last year, however, he said that was no longer a goal and he would only seek to ensure profits are split fairly. Japarov's campaign, which combined references to traditional symbols and values with promises such as doubling healthcare spending struck a chord with voters, especially in rural areas. (With Reuters inputs)

Kyrghyzstan nationalist wins landslide victory in elections

The new policy for Inner Mongolia, a northern province that borders the country of Mongolia, affects schools where Mongolian is been the principal language of instruction.

Students in Mongolia Protest Chinese language Policy

Police in Kyrgyzstan detained dozens of women's rights activists on Sunday shortly after journalists witnessed the protesters being attacked by masked men.

The activists gathered in one of the squares of capital Bishkek in the Central Asian country, to stage a march of solidarity against violence on International Women's Day.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/greece-migrant-crisis-tense-situation-on-the-greek-turkish-border-285032">Greece migrant crisis: Tense situation on the Greek-Turkish border</a>

But masked men, some of whom wore traditional Kyrgyz white felt hats, attacked the protesters, grabbing and tearing apart their banners, in the presence of multiple journalists including a Reuters reporter.

The attackers left as soon as police arrived on the scene and proceeded to detain about 50 activists, mostly women.

Watch:&nbsp;

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It was unclear what charges they could face. The Bishkek police department could not be immediately reached for comment.

Citing multiple cases of forced marriage and domestic violence, activists say women's rights are deteriorating in the former Soviet republic of 6 million amid a resurgence of right-wing ideology.

Last December, an art exhibition in Kyrgyzstan that featured a woman undressing in front of an audience was censored by the government, and the head of the gallery resigned after receiving death threats.

Police in Kyrgyzstan detained dozens of women's rights activists on Sunday shortly after journalists witnessed the protesters being attacked by masked men. The activists gathered in one of the squares of capital Bishkek in the Central Asian country, to stage a march of solidarity against violence on International Women's Day.

Police in Kyrgyzstan detained dozens of women's rights activists on Sunday shortly after journalists witnessed the protesters being attacked by masked men. The activists gathered in one of the squares of capital Bishkek in the Central Asian country, to stage a march of solidarity against violence on International Women's Day. Also read: Greece migrant crisis: Tense situation on the Greek-Turkish border But masked men, some of whom wore traditional Kyrgyz white felt hats, attacked the protesters, grabbing and tearing apart their banners, in the presence of multiple journalists including a Reuters reporter. The attackers left as soon as police arrived on the scene and proceeded to detain about 50 activists, mostly women. Watch: × It was unclear what charges they could face. The Bishkek police department could not be immediately reached for comment. Citing multiple cases of forced marriage and domestic violence, activists say women's rights are deteriorating in the former Soviet republic of 6 million amid a resurgence of right-wing ideology. Last December, an art exhibition in Kyrgyzstan that featured a woman undressing in front of an audience was censored by the government, and the head of the gallery resigned after receiving death threats.

Women's rights activists attacked then detained in Kyrgyzstan

Afghan farmer Gulnar Malik had seen her share of hardships as war-ravaged her country for decades but nothing prepared the mother of five for the arrival of the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/indonesia-two-hurt-in-suspected-grenade-blast-near-presidential-palace-265828">Islamic State group</a>.

IS militants seized her village in the&nbsp;eastern&nbsp;Afghanistan&nbsp;province of Nangarhar, bordering Pakistan, nearly five years ago, unleashing a tide of carnage and slaughter as they sought to expand their self-declared Syria and Iraq "caliphate" into&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/eu-uzbek-special-envoys-on-afghanistan-to-visit-india-next-week-265554">Afghanistan</a>.

The IS "fighters committed a lot of atrocities", Malik, 55, told AFP shortly&nbsp;after&nbsp;the Afghan army dislodged the jihadists from her home district of Achin, following weeks of house-to-house fighting, shelling and US airstrikes.

"They shot dead one of my children and injured another. My dead boy was trying to run away when they shot him," she recalled, adding that her husband had been detained and tortured over a three-week period.

Malik went home last month having spent years in the comparative safety of a nearby town after&nbsp;Afghan military officials announced that IS's Afghan branch, also known as IS in the Khorasan, or IS-K, had been completely defeated in Nangarhar.

While some local officials are not convinced that the loss is comprehensive, the Nangarhar gains if they hold would mark a major accomplishment for&nbsp;Afghanistan's beleaguered security forces.

The exact nature of links between IS in&nbsp;Afghanistan&nbsp;and the Middle&nbsp;East&nbsp;remains unclear, but IS-K first emerged in the region in 2014, largely made up of disaffected fighters from the Taliban and other jihadist groups in&nbsp;Afghanistan, Pakistan and Central Asia.

IS-K fighters coalesced in the hilly district of Achin in Nangarhar in 2015, the first time they controlled territory inside&nbsp;Afghanistan.

They confounded early US predictions they would be defeated quickly, withstanding continual airstrikes, as well as battles with the rival Taliban.

They replenished their ranks using a mix of cash and extreme ideology spread inside Kabul's universities.

Afghan farmer Gulnar Malik had seen her share of hardships as war-ravaged her country for decades but nothing prepared the mother of five for the arrival of the Islamic State group.

Afghan farmer Gulnar Malik had seen her share of hardships as war-ravaged her country for decades but nothing prepared the mother of five for the arrival of the Islamic State group. IS militants seized her village in the eastern Afghanistan province of Nangarhar, bordering Pakistan, nearly five years ago, unleashing a tide of carnage and slaughter as they sought to expand their self-declared Syria and Iraq "caliphate" into Afghanistan. The IS "fighters committed a lot of atrocities", Malik, 55, told AFP shortly after the Afghan army dislodged the jihadists from her home district of Achin, following weeks of house-to-house fighting, shelling and US airstrikes. "They shot dead one of my children and injured another. My dead boy was trying to run away when they shot him," she recalled, adding that her husband had been detained and tortured over a three-week period. Malik went home last month having spent years in the comparative safety of a nearby town after Afghan military officials announced that IS's Afghan branch, also known as IS in the Khorasan, or IS-K, had been completely defeated in Nangarhar. While some local officials are not convinced that the loss is comprehensive, the Nangarhar gains if they hold would mark a major accomplishment for Afghanistan's beleaguered security forces. The exact nature of links between IS in Afghanistan and the Middle East remains unclear, but IS-K first emerged in the region in 2014, largely made up of disaffected fighters from the Taliban and other jihadist groups in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Central Asia. IS-K fighters coalesced in the hilly district of Achin in Nangarhar in 2015, the first time they controlled territory inside Afghanistan. They confounded early US predictions they would be defeated quickly, withstanding continual airstrikes, as well as battles with the rival Taliban. They replenished their ranks using a mix of cash and extreme ideology spread inside Kabul's universities.

Afghanistan: Residents return after Islamic State suffers losses in eastern region

President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/big-success-on-turkey-syria-border-safe-zone-created-trump-257746">Donald Trump</a> ended sanctions against Turkey on Wednesday, drawing a line under American involvement in <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/more-than-100-islamic-state-prisoners-have-escaped-in-syria-us-envoy-257768">"blood-stained" Syria</a>, as Turkish and Russian troops seized territory previously held by US troops and their beleaguered Kurdish allies.

"Let someone else fight over this long blood-stained sand," Trump said in a White House speech that formalized the ceding of power in northern Syria to Ankara and increasingly influential Moscow.

Trump said he was lifting the sanctions because a ceasefire was holding in the area, which Turkey invaded to drive Kurdish military groups from their strongholds.

Trump called the ceasefire, which allowed the Turkish takeover to proceed largely unopposed, a "major breakthrough."

Rejecting accusations that he betrayed the Syrian Kurds -- who suffered thousands of casualties fighting alongside US troops against the Islamic State (IS) jihadist group -- Trump said they were happy.

The president said the Kurdish commander in the country, Mazloum Abdi, had just told him he was "extremely thankful."

Ankara ordered a cross-border operation into Syria on October 9 because it said it wanted to create a security cordon free of Kurdish armed groups that it considers to be terrorists, linked to Kurdish rebels inside Turkey.

The long-planned operation started after Trump announced the exit of the small, but politically significant US military force which had until then been closely allied with the Kurds.

Trump said he didn't want the US troops caught in the middle of a Turkish-Kurdish war.

Accused both by Republicans and Democrats of abandoning the Kurds, Trump imposed sanctions on Turkey on October 14 and sent a delegation to persuade Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to order a brief ceasefire.

In a tweet from a spokesman on Wednesday, Abdi thanked Trump "for his tireless efforts that stopped the brutal Turkish attack and jihadist groups on our people."

A group of US senators called in a Wednesday letter for US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to expedite a visa for Abdi so the government could "hear directly... about the situation on the ground and the fight" against IS.

Russians move in

As US soldiers and the Kurds exited areas near Turkey's border, Turkish troops and Russian troops, who have propped up Syrian President Bashar al-Assad through his country's multi-sided civil war, moved in.

The first Russian patrol in northern Syria got underway on Wednesday, the defense ministry in Moscow announced.

Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu talked with Abdi and reassured him that civilians would not have to leave their homes, a spokesman said -- apparently addressing allegations that Turkey will seek ethnic cleansing in the region.

Critics of Trump say he has caved in to Turkey and been outplayed by Russia.

"It is unthinkable that Turkey would not suffer consequences for malevolent behavior which was contrary to the interests of the United States and our friends," tweeted Republican Senator Mitt Romney.

But Trump insisted that the power shift is a win for Washington, because he is fulfilling a campaign promise to step away from "ancient sectarian and tribal conflicts."

Islamic State escapees

Trump said there was no risk that the turmoil in the area could lead to a reconstitution of the Islamic State, which has lost its once sizeable territories and has thousands of members and their relatives kept in camps controlled by the Kurds.

With concerns that the Kurds may no longer be able to monitor Islamic State prisoners, Trump said he expects Turkey to "abide by its commitment" to act as a "back-up to the Kurds."

"Should something happen, Turkey is there to grab them," he said.

He was speaking shortly after a US State Department official, James Jeffrey, testified in Congress that "over 100" Islamic State prisoners had escaped so far and "we do not know where they are."

Trump said that a "small number" of US soldiers would remain nearby, but purely to guard oil facilities.

His central message was clear: that the United States has no business in Syria and that there was never any question of trying to stop NATO member Turkey from carrying out its invasion.

"We have spent $8 trillion on wars in the Middle East, never really wanting to win those wars," Trump said.

However, the isolationist policy grates on many Republicans, whom he is depending upon to save him from a Democratic push to impeach and remove him from office over allegations that he abused his office.

Immediately after the speech, powerful Republican Senator Lindsey Graham said the United States had to stay engaged.

The US air power must "continue to control the skies over Syria" he said, adding that the military should "have a small -- but capable -- military partnership" with the Kurds to prevent Islamic State from reemerging.

'Kill, displace and occupy'

The Turkish-occupied area was calm, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a British-based war monitor, said on Wednesday.

However, explosions hit various parts of Syria's northeast, including the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli and the town of Suluk in the Tal Abyad region near Turkey's border.

The car bomb in Qamishli did not cause casualties, according to the Observatory. But the blast in Suluk, controlled by Ankara's rebel proxies, killed three fighters, a rebel commander there told AFP.

It was unclear who was responsible for the blasts.

Kurds staged angry demonstrations Wednesday in their de facto capital Qamishli.

"This deal serves the interests of foreign powers and not the interests of the people," said official Talaat Youndes.

"Turkey's objective is to kill, displace and occupy the Kurds."

President Donald Trump ended sanctions against Turkey on Wednesday, drawing a line under American involvement in "blood-stained" Syria, as Turkish and Russian troops seized territory previously held by US troops and their beleaguered Kurdish allies.

President Donald Trump ended sanctions against Turkey on Wednesday, drawing a line under American involvement in "blood-stained" Syria, as Turkish and Russian troops seized territory previously held by US troops and their beleaguered Kurdish allies. "Let someone else fight over this long blood-stained sand," Trump said in a White House speech that formalized the ceding of power in northern Syria to Ankara and increasingly influential Moscow. Trump said he was lifting the sanctions because a ceasefire was holding in the area, which Turkey invaded to drive Kurdish military groups from their strongholds. Trump called the ceasefire, which allowed the Turkish takeover to proceed largely unopposed, a "major breakthrough." Rejecting accusations that he betrayed the Syrian Kurds -- who suffered thousands of casualties fighting alongside US troops against the Islamic State (IS) jihadist group -- Trump said they were happy. The president said the Kurdish commander in the country, Mazloum Abdi, had just told him he was "extremely thankful." Ankara ordered a cross-border operation into Syria on October 9 because it said it wanted to create a security cordon free of Kurdish armed groups that it considers to be terrorists, linked to Kurdish rebels inside Turkey. The long-planned operation started after Trump announced the exit of the small, but politically significant US military force which had until then been closely allied with the Kurds. Trump said he didn't want the US troops caught in the middle of a Turkish-Kurdish war. Accused both by Republicans and Democrats of abandoning the Kurds, Trump imposed sanctions on Turkey on October 14 and sent a delegation to persuade Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to order a brief ceasefire. In a tweet from a spokesman on Wednesday, Abdi thanked Trump "for his tireless efforts that stopped the brutal Turkish attack and jihadist groups on our people." A group of US senators called in a Wednesday letter for US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to expedite a visa for Abdi so the government could "hear directly... about the situation on the ground and the fight" against IS. Russians move in As US soldiers and the Kurds exited areas near Turkey's border, Turkish troops and Russian troops, who have propped up Syrian President Bashar al-Assad through his country's multi-sided civil war, moved in. The first Russian patrol in northern Syria got underway on Wednesday, the defense ministry in Moscow announced. Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu talked with Abdi and reassured him that civilians would not have to leave their homes, a spokesman said -- apparently addressing allegations that Turkey will seek ethnic cleansing in the region. Critics of Trump say he has caved in to Turkey and been outplayed by Russia. "It is unthinkable that Turkey would not suffer consequences for malevolent behavior which was contrary to the interests of the United States and our friends," tweeted Republican Senator Mitt Romney. But Trump insisted that the power shift is a win for Washington, because he is fulfilling a campaign promise to step away from "ancient sectarian and tribal conflicts." Islamic State escapees Trump said there was no risk that the turmoil in the area could lead to a reconstitution of the Islamic State, which has lost its once sizeable territories and has thousands of members and their relatives kept in camps controlled by the Kurds. With concerns that the Kurds may no longer be able to monitor Islamic State prisoners, Trump said he expects Turkey to "abide by its commitment" to act as a "back-up to the Kurds." "Should something happen, Turkey is there to grab them," he said. He was speaking shortly after a US State Department official, James Jeffrey, testified in Congress that "over 100" Islamic State prisoners had escaped so far and "we do not know where they are." Trump said that a "small number" of US soldiers would remain nearby, but purely to guard oil facilities. His central message was clear: that the United States has no business in Syria and that there was never any question of trying to stop NATO member Turkey from carrying out its invasion. "We have spent $8 trillion on wars in the Middle East, never really wanting to win those wars," Trump said. However, the isolationist policy grates on many Republicans, whom he is depending upon to save him from a Democratic push to impeach and remove him from office over allegations that he abused his office. Immediately after the speech, powerful Republican Senator Lindsey Graham said the United States had to stay engaged. The US air power must "continue to control the skies over Syria" he said, adding that the military should "have a small -- but capable -- military partnership" with the Kurds to prevent Islamic State from reemerging. 'Kill, displace and occupy' The Turkish-occupied area was calm, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a British-based war monitor, said on Wednesday. However, explosions hit various parts of Syria's northeast, including the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli and the town of Suluk in the Tal Abyad region near Turkey's border. The car bomb in Qamishli did not cause casualties, according to the Observatory. But the blast in Suluk, controlled by Ankara's rebel proxies, killed three fighters, a rebel commander there told AFP. It was unclear who was responsible for the blasts. Kurds staged angry demonstrations Wednesday in their de facto capital Qamishli. "This deal serves the interests of foreign powers and not the interests of the people," said official Talaat Youndes. "Turkey's objective is to kill, displace and occupy the Kurds."

Donald Trump lifts Turkey sanctions, quits ‘blood-stained’ Syria

<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/us-envoy-on-afghanistan-arrives-in-pakistan-for-talks-191047&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjpiZ731fbfAhWPUd4KHWZ0A5IQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw1M92pH1gWfzbOOYHqDqGeX">Pakistan</a> may view a weak and destabilised Afghanistan as preferable to a strong and unified one, according to a Congressional report which also highlights India's lack of desire to pursue deeper defense cooperation with Kabul.

The report "Afghanistan: Background and US Policy in Brief" prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) comes amidst intensification of efforts by the Trump administration to hold peace talks with the Taliban by seeking the help of Pakistan.

US special envoy to Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad Thursday held talks with Pakistan's Foreign Secretary in Islamabad after extensive discussions in Kabul as part of his efforts to arrange the first-ever direct talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government.

Khalilzad arrived in Pakistan to seek Islamabad's help to convince the Taliban to return to the negotiating table to end the 17-year-long Afghan war.

"Pakistan may view a weak and destabilised Afghanistan as preferable to a strong, unified Afghan state (particularly one led by a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul; Pakistan has a large Pashtun minority)," the CRS said in its report for lawmakers on Thursday.

However, it said that at least some Pakistani leaders had stated that instability in Afghanistan could rebind to Pakistan's detriment; Pakistan has struggled with indigenous Islamist militants of its own.

"Afghanistan-Pakistan relations are further complicated by the large Afghan refugee population in Pakistan and a long-standing border dispute over which violence has broken out on several occasions," said the report.

"Pakistan sees Afghanistan as potentially providing strategic depth against India, but may also anticipate that improved relations with Afghanistan's leadership could limit India's influence in Afghanistan," said the report, a copy of which was made available to PTI.

India's interest in Afghanistan stems largely from India's broader regional rivalry with Pakistan, which impedes Indian efforts to establish stronger and more direct commercial and political relations with Central Asia, it said.

The report said that India has been the largest regional contributor to Afghan reconstruction, but New Delhi has not shown an inclination to pursue a deeper defense relationship with Kabul.

The Afghans themselves appear divided on the wisdom of cultivating stronger ties with India, it observed.

The report concludes <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/india-news/karnataka-bjp-mlas-to-take-call-on-returning-to-state-after-congress-legislature-party-meeting-190946&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjfksOd1vbfAhUEEnIKHdPBCFcQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw0YZkIQg1g5fuRp0k4ZOlqC">Congress</a> could also seek to help shape the US approach to potential negotiations around amending the Constitution or otherwise altering the highly centralised Afghan political system, through legislation and public statements.

The core issues for Congress include its role in authorising, appropriating funds for, and overseeing US military activities, aid, and regional policy implementation, it said.

Members of Congress may also examine how the US can leverage its assets, influence, and experience in Afghanistan, as well as those of Afghanistan's neighbours and international organisations to encourage more equal, inclusive and effective governance, the report said.

The CRS is an independent and bipartisan research wing of the US Congress. It prepares reports on various issues of relevance for the US lawmakers to make an informative decision. These are not official views of the US Congress.&nbsp;

 
&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Pakistan may view a weak and destabilised Afghanistan as preferable to a strong and unified one, according to a Congressional report which also highlights India's lack of desire to pursue deeper defense cooperation with Kabul.

Pakistan may view a weak and destabilised Afghanistan as preferable to a strong and unified one, according to a Congressional report which also highlights India's lack of desire to pursue deeper defense cooperation with Kabul. The report "Afghanistan: Background and US Policy in Brief" prepared by the Congressional Research Service (CRS) comes amidst intensification of efforts by the Trump administration to hold peace talks with the Taliban by seeking the help of Pakistan. US special envoy to Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad Thursday held talks with Pakistan's Foreign Secretary in Islamabad after extensive discussions in Kabul as part of his efforts to arrange the first-ever direct talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government. Khalilzad arrived in Pakistan to seek Islamabad's help to convince the Taliban to return to the negotiating table to end the 17-year-long Afghan war. "Pakistan may view a weak and destabilised Afghanistan as preferable to a strong, unified Afghan state (particularly one led by a Pashtun-dominated government in Kabul; Pakistan has a large Pashtun minority)," the CRS said in its report for lawmakers on Thursday. However, it said that at least some Pakistani leaders had stated that instability in Afghanistan could rebind to Pakistan's detriment; Pakistan has struggled with indigenous Islamist militants of its own. "Afghanistan-Pakistan relations are further complicated by the large Afghan refugee population in Pakistan and a long-standing border dispute over which violence has broken out on several occasions," said the report. "Pakistan sees Afghanistan as potentially providing strategic depth against India, but may also anticipate that improved relations with Afghanistan's leadership could limit India's influence in Afghanistan," said the report, a copy of which was made available to PTI. India's interest in Afghanistan stems largely from India's broader regional rivalry with Pakistan, which impedes Indian efforts to establish stronger and more direct commercial and political relations with Central Asia, it said. The report said that India has been the largest regional contributor to Afghan reconstruction, but New Delhi has not shown an inclination to pursue a deeper defense relationship with Kabul. The Afghans themselves appear divided on the wisdom of cultivating stronger ties with India, it observed. The report concludes Congress could also seek to help shape the US approach to potential negotiations around amending the Constitution or otherwise altering the highly centralised Afghan political system, through legislation and public statements. The core issues for Congress include its role in authorising, appropriating funds for, and overseeing US military activities, aid, and regional policy implementation, it said. Members of Congress may also examine how the US can leverage its assets, influence, and experience in Afghanistan, as well as those of Afghanistan's neighbours and international organisations to encourage more equal, inclusive and effective governance, the report said. The CRS is an independent and bipartisan research wing of the US Congress. It prepares reports on various issues of relevance for the US lawmakers to make an informative decision. These are not official views of the US Congress.

Pak may prefer weak, destabilised Afghanistan to strong, unified State: Report

<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/india-news/delhi-metro-opens-account-on-facebook-next-stop-instagram-189306&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjli7rf2fTfAhVRSX0KHYs2CfsQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw2_1RBJ5qRBAILlbk1-5ktO">Facebook</a>&nbsp;said on Thursday it had removed hundreds of Russia-initiated pages, accounts, and groups that it judged to be involved in coordinated inauthentic behaviour on its Facebook and <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/entertainment/photo-of-an-egg-beats-kylie-jenners-record-to-become-instagrams-most-liked-post-ever-190169&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiQ2auL2vTfAhUSdt4KHWA6AwkQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw2hNFKUFq-nISzR4Ac3Xn-W">Instagram</a> platforms.

Facebook's head of cybersecurity policy, Nathaniel Gleicher, said in a blog post it had unearthed two separate operations which originated in Russia, with one active in multiple countries across eastern Europe and the other specific to Ukraine.

The company said it had taken down about 364 Facebook Pages and accounts run by the first Russian network and operating in Baltic Sea states, Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Central and Eastern Europe, adding that these pages were linked to employees of Russian news agency Sputnik.

The company also said that based on a tip from US law enforcement, it had separately removed 107 Facebook pages, group and accounts and 41 Instagram accounts that originated in Russia and operated in Ukraine.

"We didn't find any links between these operations, but they used similar tactics by creating networks of accounts to mislead others about who they were and what they were doing," the company said.

Facebook has been under fire for the last two years for its self-admitted sluggishness in developing tools to combat extremist content and propaganda operations.

Facebook and Twitter Inc took down millions of posts and shuttered accounts linked to influence operations by Russia, Iran and other actors in the run-up to US mid-term elections in November.

Facebook said on Thursday it had removed hundreds of Russia-initiated pages, accounts, and groups that it judged to be involved in coordinated inauthentic behaviour on its Facebook and Instagram platforms.

Facebook said on Thursday it had removed hundreds of Russia-initiated pages, accounts, and groups that it judged to be involved in coordinated inauthentic behaviour on its Facebook and Instagram platforms. Facebook's head of cybersecurity policy, Nathaniel Gleicher, said in a blog post it had unearthed two separate operations which originated in Russia, with one active in multiple countries across eastern Europe and the other specific to Ukraine. The company said it had taken down about 364 Facebook Pages and accounts run by the first Russian network and operating in Baltic Sea states, Central Asia, the Caucasus, and Central and Eastern Europe, adding that these pages were linked to employees of Russian news agency Sputnik. The company also said that based on a tip from US law enforcement, it had separately removed 107 Facebook pages, group and accounts and 41 Instagram accounts that originated in Russia and operated in Ukraine. "We didn't find any links between these operations, but they used similar tactics by creating networks of accounts to mislead others about who they were and what they were doing," the company said. Facebook has been under fire for the last two years for its self-admitted sluggishness in developing tools to combat extremist content and propaganda operations. Facebook and Twitter Inc took down millions of posts and shuttered accounts linked to influence operations by Russia, Iran and other actors in the run-up to US mid-term elections in November.

Facebook removes more pages, accounts with Russia links

India and five Central Asian countries along with Afghanistan on Sunday condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and agreed to cooperate in countering the menace which poses a threat to people across the world.

This was part of a joint statement issued at the end of the first ever meeting of the India-Central Asia Dialogue which also saw the participation of Afghanistan at the ministerial level in Samarkand.

External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj along with the foreign ministers of Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan took part in the meeting.

"All sides condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and agreed to cooperate in countering terrorism which posed a threat to the people and economies of the world," the statement said.

It referred to the ancient civilisational, cultural, trade, and people-to-people links between India and Central Asia and expressed commitment to dynamic and fruitful friendly relations and mutually beneficial cooperation between India and the Central Asian countries at bilateral and multilateral formats.

"The countries reaffirmed their willingness for cooperation, mutual support, joint solution on relevant issues in order to ensure security, stability and sustainable development," the statement said.

The ministers welcomed the participation of Afghanistan in the India-Central Asia Dialogue as an important land link in the regional cooperation, the transit of goods and energy and expressed support and commitment of Central Asian countries and India to peace, security and stability of Afghanistan.

They also called for an inclusive Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process and reconciliation, and assistance in the economic reconstruction of Afghanistan through the implementation of joint infrastructure, transit and transport, energy projects including regional cooperation and investment projects, the statement said.

The ministers noted the importance of sustainable economic growth in Afghanistan by attracting Afghan women to participate in the public life of the country and welcomed the successful holding of forums and conferences on this issue in the countries of Central Asia.&nbsp;

They also noted the results of the seventh Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan (RECCA VII), held in Ashgabat in November 2017 and expressed willingness to cooperate in preparation for the RECCA VIII meet in Tashkent in the second half of 2019.

The participants welcomed the accession of India into the Ashgabat agreement on creating an international transport and transit corridor.&nbsp;

The ministers emphasised the importance of developing and implementing projects, that provide a concerted solution to the problems and issues of economic growth of the countries of Central Asia based on the principles of equality, mutual benefit and respect for their interests.

The statement said the nations expressed their intention to strengthen cooperation in order to create real opportunities for expanding economic cooperation and ensuring favourable conditions for mutual free trade.&nbsp;

They discussed promising opportunities and areas of cooperation in promoting mutual trade, attracting investments, innovations and technologies in key spheres of industry, energy, information technologies, pharmaceuticals and agriculture, education and training.&nbsp;

They also highlighted the importance of concerted efforts to improve the investment climate and the market attractiveness of the region's economy, business opportunities of the Central Asian countries on the world stage.

The statement said special attention was paid to the need to expand and establish direct mutually beneficial economic and cultural ties between the regions and cities of India and the countries of Central Asia and expressed their intention to contribute to this direction.&nbsp;

India and five Central Asian countries along with Afghanistan on Sunday condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and agreed to cooperate in countering the menace which poses a threat to people across the world.

India and five Central Asian countries along with Afghanistan on Sunday condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and agreed to cooperate in countering the menace which poses a threat to people across the world. This was part of a joint statement issued at the end of the first ever meeting of the India-Central Asia Dialogue which also saw the participation of Afghanistan at the ministerial level in Samarkand. External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj along with the foreign ministers of Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan took part in the meeting. "All sides condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations and agreed to cooperate in countering terrorism which posed a threat to the people and economies of the world," the statement said. It referred to the ancient civilisational, cultural, trade, and people-to-people links between India and Central Asia and expressed commitment to dynamic and fruitful friendly relations and mutually beneficial cooperation between India and the Central Asian countries at bilateral and multilateral formats. "The countries reaffirmed their willingness for cooperation, mutual support, joint solution on relevant issues in order to ensure security, stability and sustainable development," the statement said. The ministers welcomed the participation of Afghanistan in the India-Central Asia Dialogue as an important land link in the regional cooperation, the transit of goods and energy and expressed support and commitment of Central Asian countries and India to peace, security and stability of Afghanistan. They also called for an inclusive Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace process and reconciliation, and assistance in the economic reconstruction of Afghanistan through the implementation of joint infrastructure, transit and transport, energy projects including regional cooperation and investment projects, the statement said. The ministers noted the importance of sustainable economic growth in Afghanistan by attracting Afghan women to participate in the public life of the country and welcomed the successful holding of forums and conferences on this issue in the countries of Central Asia. They also noted the results of the seventh Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan (RECCA VII), held in Ashgabat in November 2017 and expressed willingness to cooperate in preparation for the RECCA VIII meet in Tashkent in the second half of 2019. The participants welcomed the accession of India into the Ashgabat agreement on creating an international transport and transit corridor. The ministers emphasised the importance of developing and implementing projects, that provide a concerted solution to the problems and issues of economic growth of the countries of Central Asia based on the principles of equality, mutual benefit and respect for their interests. The statement said the nations expressed their intention to strengthen cooperation in order to create real opportunities for expanding economic cooperation and ensuring favourable conditions for mutual free trade. They discussed promising opportunities and areas of cooperation in promoting mutual trade, attracting investments, innovations and technologies in key spheres of industry, energy, information technologies, pharmaceuticals and agriculture, education and training. They also highlighted the importance of concerted efforts to improve the investment climate and the market attractiveness of the region's economy, business opportunities of the Central Asian countries on the world stage. The statement said special attention was paid to the need to expand and establish direct mutually beneficial economic and cultural ties between the regions and cities of India and the countries of Central Asia and expressed their intention to contribute to this direction.

India, Afghanistan, Central Asian nations agree to cooperate in countering terror

Peace and stability in Afghanistan was the main focus of India at the 1st India-Central Asia dialogue in Samarkand, Uzbekistan in which External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj led the delegation.&nbsp;

Speaking at the dialogue, External Affair minister said, "peaceful and stable Afghanistan, which lies at the Heart of Asia, can be a bridge to connect Central Asia with South Asia."

Afghanistan's FM Salahuddin Rabbani was also present at the dialogue.&nbsp;

Hitting out at the "scourge of terrorism", Sushma Swaraj said, "We need to ask that who these terrorists are, who funds them, how do they find sustenance, who protects and sponsors them".&nbsp;

Adding, "For almost two decades now, these are the people who would not let Afghanistan return to peace and normalcy. Terrorism seriously erodes all avenues of development which a country can have. No business development, no investment can take place in a country suffering from terrorism."

Reiterating New Delhi's official stand on the Afghan peace process, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said, "India supports all efforts for peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan which are inclusive and Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled" and "efforts should preserve the gains of the last 18 years. The violence and terror imposed on Afghan people should end. It should strengthen unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country."

New Delhi has been a major development partner of Afghanistan and has extended assistance worth over US$ 3 billion to the country. &nbsp;Under the ‘New Development Partnership’ launched in September 2017, new projects are being taken up which include the Shahtoot Dam which is a drinking water project for Kabul city, low-cost housing in Nangarhar province, 116 High Impact Community Development Projects.&nbsp;

Over 3500 Afghan nationals are trained and receive education in India every year. India built the Afghan Parliament and the India Afghanistan friendship dam in Herat which were inaugurated by PM Modi who has been to the country twice.

Focusing on connectivity, EAM said, "While geographically Afghanistan and Central Asia are landlocked, there are several ways in which India, Afghanistan and the Central Asian countries can join hands to work on promoting connectivity in the region so that trade and commerce may flow between us and our people to people exchanges may prosper."&nbsp;

India has two projects to connect Afghanistan with India. The Chabahar port and the India Afghanistan air corridor. India has partially taken over Chabahar port, which has been built with New Delhi's help and will provide a viable and operational trade route to connect to Afghanistan and Central Asia. New Delhi is also looking at developing the Chabahar-Zahedan railway link which would bring it closer to the Zaranj-Delaram road link which India has already built in Afghanistan.&nbsp;

Central Asian countries are also increasing connectivity with Afghanistan.&nbsp;

Uzbekistan has built a rail link between Hairatan to Mazar-i-Sharif and reports suggest that it might be further extended to Heart.

During the dialogue, India also announced a 2-week training course for 8 diplomats from each of the five Central Asian countries at the Foreign Service Institute in New Delhi.

PM Narendra Modi had visited all the five Central Asian countries in 2015 and India has been focusing on increasing ties with the region.

Peace and stability in Afghanistan was the main focus of India at the 1st India-Central Asia dialogue in Samarkand, Uzbekistan in which External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj led the delegation.

Peace and stability in Afghanistan was the main focus of India at the 1st India-Central Asia dialogue in Samarkand, Uzbekistan in which External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj led the delegation. Speaking at the dialogue, External Affair minister said, "peaceful and stable Afghanistan, which lies at the Heart of Asia, can be a bridge to connect Central Asia with South Asia." Afghanistan's FM Salahuddin Rabbani was also present at the dialogue. Hitting out at the "scourge of terrorism", Sushma Swaraj said, "We need to ask that who these terrorists are, who funds them, how do they find sustenance, who protects and sponsors them". Adding, "For almost two decades now, these are the people who would not let Afghanistan return to peace and normalcy. Terrorism seriously erodes all avenues of development which a country can have. No business development, no investment can take place in a country suffering from terrorism." Reiterating New Delhi's official stand on the Afghan peace process, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said, "India supports all efforts for peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan which are inclusive and Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled" and "efforts should preserve the gains of the last 18 years. The violence and terror imposed on Afghan people should end. It should strengthen unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country." New Delhi has been a major development partner of Afghanistan and has extended assistance worth over US$ 3 billion to the country. Under the ‘New Development Partnership’ launched in September 2017, new projects are being taken up which include the Shahtoot Dam which is a drinking water project for Kabul city, low-cost housing in Nangarhar province, 116 High Impact Community Development Projects. Over 3500 Afghan nationals are trained and receive education in India every year. India built the Afghan Parliament and the India Afghanistan friendship dam in Herat which were inaugurated by PM Modi who has been to the country twice. Focusing on connectivity, EAM said, "While geographically Afghanistan and Central Asia are landlocked, there are several ways in which India, Afghanistan and the Central Asian countries can join hands to work on promoting connectivity in the region so that trade and commerce may flow between us and our people to people exchanges may prosper." India has two projects to connect Afghanistan with India. The Chabahar port and the India Afghanistan air corridor. India has partially taken over Chabahar port, which has been built with New Delhi's help and will provide a viable and operational trade route to connect to Afghanistan and Central Asia. New Delhi is also looking at developing the Chabahar-Zahedan railway link which would bring it closer to the Zaranj-Delaram road link which India has already built in Afghanistan. Central Asian countries are also increasing connectivity with Afghanistan. Uzbekistan has built a rail link between Hairatan to Mazar-i-Sharif and reports suggest that it might be further extended to Heart. During the dialogue, India also announced a 2-week training course for 8 diplomats from each of the five Central Asian countries at the Foreign Service Institute in New Delhi. PM Narendra Modi had visited all the five Central Asian countries in 2015 and India has been focusing on increasing ties with the region.

At 1st India-Central Asia dialogue, New Delhi focuses on Afghanistan

As India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, Central Asia holds an important place in India’s foreign policy framework. India’s main priority has always been to strengthen its relations with this region to satisfy both its geopolitical as well as geoeconomic interests. Earlier this week, when Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev made his first state visit to India, both the sides laid stress on building deeper ties with special focus on defence cooperation and strategic partnership.&nbsp;

For centuries, India has shared deep cultural and civilizational linkages with this region. However, today India lacks a direct access to Central Asia because of the presence of hostile Pakistan and an unstable Afghanistan. This is precisely why important pipelines project like TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) are yet to be fully operationalized. Despite the geographical proximity, the region is not as easily accessible as India wants it to be.&nbsp;

The region provides connectivity between South Asia and Europe. Projects like INSTC i.e. the International North-South Trade Corridor is a classic example of India’s trade interests in the region as the corridor serves the dual purpose of cutting down the transportation time of goods from India to Europe via Central Asia as well as giving a smooth access to Indian companies who want to invest in the region.

The collapse of the erstwhile Soviet Union post-1991, which gave birth to the five Central Asian republics, changed the region’s security dynamics completely. The region became a battleground for the new great game in the region where great powers like the US, Russia and China along with middle powers like India, Iran and Turkey got involved as stakeholders. All these major powers are mainly eyeing the Central Asian gas reserves, but India has always been concerned more about the region’s security and prosperity.

In 2012, India formulated its Connect Central Asia policy which is a broad-based approach including political, security, economic, and cultural connections between India and the region, which for a long time was not high on New Delhi’s foreign policy agenda. India somehow overlooked this region for nearly two decades and, as a result, had drifted away from the region. At the same time, China was busy making deep inroads into the Central Asian republics by investing huge sums of money for developing infrastructure in the region.

The India of today is a much stronger power than it was 25 years ago and, therefore, its self-interest has expanded over the years. Hence, India cannot afford Chinese ambitions of regional hegemony to solidify in the region and therefore India is trying to counterbalance China by re-engaging with the region in a nuanced manner. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Central Asian states in July 2015 was a marker of India’s desire to get deeply involved and recalibrate its ties there.&nbsp;

Although, the worrying factor is that India’s trade numbers with the countries in Central Asia are still very low compared to that of China and Russia with the region. For instance, India’s trade with Uzbekistan stands at just $323 million. Through regional organisations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where India became a permanent member last year, India is trying to better these trade numbers and emerge as a bigger player in the region. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-why-central-asia-matters-to-india-2672424">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

As India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, Central Asia holds an important place in India’s foreign policy framework. India’s main priority has always been to strengthen its relations with this region to satisfy both its geopolitical as well as geoeconomic interests.

As India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, Central Asia holds an important place in India’s foreign policy framework. India’s main priority has always been to strengthen its relations with this region to satisfy both its geopolitical as well as geoeconomic interests. Earlier this week, when Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev made his first state visit to India, both the sides laid stress on building deeper ties with special focus on defence cooperation and strategic partnership. For centuries, India has shared deep cultural and civilizational linkages with this region. However, today India lacks a direct access to Central Asia because of the presence of hostile Pakistan and an unstable Afghanistan. This is precisely why important pipelines project like TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) are yet to be fully operationalized. Despite the geographical proximity, the region is not as easily accessible as India wants it to be. The region provides connectivity between South Asia and Europe. Projects like INSTC i.e. the International North-South Trade Corridor is a classic example of India’s trade interests in the region as the corridor serves the dual purpose of cutting down the transportation time of goods from India to Europe via Central Asia as well as giving a smooth access to Indian companies who want to invest in the region. The collapse of the erstwhile Soviet Union post-1991, which gave birth to the five Central Asian republics, changed the region’s security dynamics completely. The region became a battleground for the new great game in the region where great powers like the US, Russia and China along with middle powers like India, Iran and Turkey got involved as stakeholders. All these major powers are mainly eyeing the Central Asian gas reserves, but India has always been concerned more about the region’s security and prosperity. In 2012, India formulated its Connect Central Asia policy which is a broad-based approach including political, security, economic, and cultural connections between India and the region, which for a long time was not high on New Delhi’s foreign policy agenda. India somehow overlooked this region for nearly two decades and, as a result, had drifted away from the region. At the same time, China was busy making deep inroads into the Central Asian republics by investing huge sums of money for developing infrastructure in the region. The India of today is a much stronger power than it was 25 years ago and, therefore, its self-interest has expanded over the years. Hence, India cannot afford Chinese ambitions of regional hegemony to solidify in the region and therefore India is trying to counterbalance China by re-engaging with the region in a nuanced manner. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Central Asian states in July 2015 was a marker of India’s desire to get deeply involved and recalibrate its ties there. Although, the worrying factor is that India’s trade numbers with the countries in Central Asia are still very low compared to that of China and Russia with the region. For instance, India’s trade with Uzbekistan stands at just $323 million. Through regional organisations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where India became a permanent member last year, India is trying to better these trade numbers and emerge as a bigger player in the region. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Why Central Asia matters to India

The Halloween terrorist attack in New York by Sayfullo Saipov has ignited a debate in social media between scholars of Central Asia on why there is an apparently increasing number of such attacks by Uzbeks. The New York atrocity follows similar events in Istanbul, St Petersburg and Stockholm. Four very prominent attacks within ten months give an impression and suggest a trend.

Certain questions naturally arise. Why so many Uzbeks? Does this simply reflect the high number of emigrants, or is it a matter of specific recruitment networks within their migrant communities? Does the combination of a more repressive environment at home with a more open environment in countries of destination matter? Maybe it&rsquo;s specific histories of conflict between certain groups and the government in Tashkent? Or, perhaps, it&rsquo;s a backlash against the foreign allies of Uzbekistan? For most of these questions, only partial answers are available &ndash; but certain things can be said.

The error repeatedly made across the media is to look for explanations in Uzbekistan itself, but this isn&rsquo;t about radicalisation in Uzbekistan. There are very few terrorist attacks in Uzbekistan itself, only ten out of 85,000 global incidents recorded from 2001-2016. The much-cited Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan left the country almost two decades ago, hasn&rsquo;t committed an attack there since 2004, and now fights in remnants in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Meanwhile, the attackers perpetrating the incidents above left Uzbekistan many years before the attacks and were &ldquo;radicalised&rdquo; after leaving. Clearly, the real explanations lie elsewhere.

Getting out

This is why migration matters, as it does on almost every question with regard to contemporary Central Asia. Uzbekistan has easily the largest population in Central Asia, with more than 30m citizens. Over the last 20 years, several million Uzbeks have left their home country in search of a better life abroad. In this sense, the millions of Uzbeks are part of a wider trend of predominantly young men migrating overseas. For many of them, this is a tremendous opportunity; most are assets to their new home countries. But a tiny minority fall prey to radicalisation and violence.

In a social media debate with other Central Asia specialists, Sarah Kendzior, a journalist and anthropologist of Uzbekistan, argued:&nbsp;

<blockquote>
I think the big error that people are making is that this is an &lsquo;Uzbek problem&rsquo; instead of a &lsquo;alienated man abroad susceptible to the influence of terrorist propaganda and recruitment efforts&rsquo; problem. It makes far more sense to examine the three Uzbek cases within this broader category of men.
</blockquote>

Then there&rsquo;s the question of recruitment mechanisms among migrants. Sergei Abashin, the Russian anthropologist, has drawn attention to how the sheer extent of Uzbek migrant networks makes them an attractive target for militant groups who offer them meaning in militant religion. Uzbek author and journalist Hamid Ismailov concur; in a Facebook response to the Saipov attack, he recalled a passage from his 2014 novel where he linked the emergence of international Uzbek jihadist networks to the battle between two very violent political institutions: the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and the government of Uzbekistan.

Also relevant are specific security governance measures and patterns. Kendzior is correct that the things that attract Central Asians to conduct terrorist attacks and mass shootings are the same as those which attract other young men, including Europeans and Americans. This is a global phenomenon &ndash; but it&rsquo;s also true that more perpetrators come from certain places than from others. The question is why.

Hunted abroad

Some countries, Saudi Arabia, Russia and Uzbekistan in particular, have been very good at &ldquo;exporting&rdquo; young men who are susceptible to jihadism due to their experience of repression at home. And this repression can even follow them overseas.

At the University of Exeter, we record Central Asian governments&rsquo; transnational security measures against exiled citizens and opposition groups. Of these states, Uzbekistan is consistently the most likely to pursue its exiles overseas, and particularly its religious exiles. As Alexander Cooley and I discuss in our book Dictators Without Borders, the Uzbek security services informally but extensively collaborate with security services in Russia, where the vast majority of Uzbek migrants are found, and other former Soviet states.

The Uzbek government would say that attacks such as the ones seen this year justify its strategy, but the reverse may be true. Their transnational crackdown on peaceful groups feeds into the jihadist narrative that secularism and Islam are entirely incompatible, as well as subjecting many young men who were not previously attracted to such narratives to harsh, violent repression.

Moreover, despite Uzbekistan&rsquo;s appalling human rights record, some Western democracies continue to provide limited security co-operation, particularly the US. These measures too can help fuel jihadist thinking. Had the US government made an explicit policy decision many years ago not to work with the Karimov government on counter-terrorism because that government was making the situation worse, it would have undercut some of the violent, radical narratives that may draw in a figure such as Saipov.

The Trump administration&rsquo;s knee-jerk anti-immigration response to the Saipov attack risks exacerbating this problem, and once again affirms jihadist images of the West. Migration should be recognised as a given and a good, and not least as part of the foundation of the US itself; simply shutting it down cannot be sound policy, and it won&rsquo;t help to reduce risks elsewhere. Instead, Western governments need to push back against repressive counter-terrorism policies among the states who have &ldquo;exported&rdquo; the perpetrators of violent acts &ndash; and they must be prepared to withdraw their support from those dangerous governments who&rsquo;ve come to depend on it.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/has-uzbekistans-repressive-government-helped-radicalise-its-emigrants-and-exiles-86887" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

Image Credit: EPA

The repressive counter-terrorism policies of states, such as Uzbekistan are pushing many of its emigrants to paths of extremism.

The Halloween terrorist attack in New York by Sayfullo Saipov has ignited a debate in social media between scholars of Central Asia on why there is an apparently increasing number of such attacks by Uzbeks. The New York atrocity follows similar events in Istanbul, St Petersburg and Stockholm. Four very prominent attacks within ten months give an impression and suggest a trend. Certain questions naturally arise. Why so many Uzbeks? Does this simply reflect the high number of emigrants, or is it a matter of specific recruitment networks within their migrant communities? Does the combination of a more repressive environment at home with a more open environment in countries of destination matter? Maybe it’s specific histories of conflict between certain groups and the government in Tashkent? Or, perhaps, it’s a backlash against the foreign allies of Uzbekistan? For most of these questions, only partial answers are available – but certain things can be said. The error repeatedly made across the media is to look for explanations in Uzbekistan itself, but this isn’t about radicalisation in Uzbekistan. There are very few terrorist attacks in Uzbekistan itself, only ten out of 85,000 global incidents recorded from 2001-2016. The much-cited Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan left the country almost two decades ago, hasn’t committed an attack there since 2004, and now fights in remnants in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Meanwhile, the attackers perpetrating the incidents above left Uzbekistan many years before the attacks and were “radicalised” after leaving. Clearly, the real explanations lie elsewhere. Getting out This is why migration matters, as it does on almost every question with regard to contemporary Central Asia. Uzbekistan has easily the largest population in Central Asia, with more than 30m citizens. Over the last 20 years, several million Uzbeks have left their home country in search of a better life abroad. In this sense, the millions of Uzbeks are part of a wider trend of predominantly young men migrating overseas. For many of them, this is a tremendous opportunity; most are assets to their new home countries. But a tiny minority fall prey to radicalisation and violence. In a social media debate with other Central Asia specialists, Sarah Kendzior, a journalist and anthropologist of Uzbekistan, argued: I think the big error that people are making is that this is an ‘Uzbek problem’ instead of a ‘alienated man abroad susceptible to the influence of terrorist propaganda and recruitment efforts’ problem. It makes far more sense to examine the three Uzbek cases within this broader category of men. Then there’s the question of recruitment mechanisms among migrants. Sergei Abashin, the Russian anthropologist, has drawn attention to how the sheer extent of Uzbek migrant networks makes them an attractive target for militant groups who offer them meaning in militant religion. Uzbek author and journalist Hamid Ismailov concur; in a Facebook response to the Saipov attack, he recalled a passage from his 2014 novel where he linked the emergence of international Uzbek jihadist networks to the battle between two very violent political institutions: the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and the government of Uzbekistan. Also relevant are specific security governance measures and patterns. Kendzior is correct that the things that attract Central Asians to conduct terrorist attacks and mass shootings are the same as those which attract other young men, including Europeans and Americans. This is a global phenomenon – but it’s also true that more perpetrators come from certain places than from others. The question is why. Hunted abroad Some countries, Saudi Arabia, Russia and Uzbekistan in particular, have been very good at “exporting” young men who are susceptible to jihadism due to their experience of repression at home. And this repression can even follow them overseas. At the University of Exeter, we record Central Asian governments’ transnational security measures against exiled citizens and opposition groups. Of these states, Uzbekistan is consistently the most likely to pursue its exiles overseas, and particularly its religious exiles. As Alexander Cooley and I discuss in our book Dictators Without Borders, the Uzbek security services informally but extensively collaborate with security services in Russia, where the vast majority of Uzbek migrants are found, and other former Soviet states. The Uzbek government would say that attacks such as the ones seen this year justify its strategy, but the reverse may be true. Their transnational crackdown on peaceful groups feeds into the jihadist narrative that secularism and Islam are entirely incompatible, as well as subjecting many young men who were not previously attracted to such narratives to harsh, violent repression. Moreover, despite Uzbekistan’s appalling human rights record, some Western democracies continue to provide limited security co-operation, particularly the US. These measures too can help fuel jihadist thinking. Had the US government made an explicit policy decision many years ago not to work with the Karimov government on counter-terrorism because that government was making the situation worse, it would have undercut some of the violent, radical narratives that may draw in a figure such as Saipov. The Trump administration’s knee-jerk anti-immigration response to the Saipov attack risks exacerbating this problem, and once again affirms jihadist images of the West. Migration should be recognised as a given and a good, and not least as part of the foundation of the US itself; simply shutting it down cannot be sound policy, and it won’t help to reduce risks elsewhere. Instead, Western governments need to push back against repressive counter-terrorism policies among the states who have “exported” the perpetrators of violent acts – and they must be prepared to withdraw their support from those dangerous governments who’ve come to depend on it. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. Image Credit: EPA

Why Uzbeks are turning into jihadis

By:&nbsp;Tridivesh Singh Maini &amp; Sandeep Sachdeva*

New Delhi,&nbsp;while consistently expanding strategic and economic ties with the Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC) and Israel, has also sought to strengthen ties with Tehran, which has tense relations with both. The Nuclear Deal of 2015, signed between Iran and (P5+1) countries opened new vistas for India in Iran, which is strategically located and is India&rsquo;s potential gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia.&nbsp;

During his visit to Iran in 2016, PM Modi signed an agreement, not just committing financial assistance&nbsp;to the tune of 500 Million USD for phase 1 of the development of the Chabahar Project, but also a three nation agreement with Iran and Afghanistan&nbsp;for establishing a land, transit and trade corridor. India will build a <a href="http://russiancouncil.ru/en/blogs/tridivesh-en/33618/">500-km rail line</a> from Chabahar port from the southern coast of Iran to Zahedan, close to the Afghan border, at a cost of $1.6 billion as part of the transit corridor to Afghanistan. &quot;It will open new routes for India, Iran, and Afghanistan to connect among themselves,&quot; said PM Modi with regard to the corridor.

India&rsquo;s main aim was to get access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Pakistan has continuously opposed India&rsquo;s entry into the <a href="http://russiancouncil.ru/en/blogs/tridivesh-en/33618/">APTTA</a>&nbsp;(Afghanistan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement), even though Afghanistan has been in favour of India joining the agreement. APTTA is a transit trade agreement as it is quite evident from its name. Currently, Afghan goods can come into India, but trucks stop at Wagah (Pakistani side of the border). India, however, has been deprived of land access to Afghanistan and Central Asia.

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<h5>Given India&rsquo;s increasingly close ties with the US, and importance of Iran in the context of connectivity with Afghanistan and Central Asia, striking a balance may be a challenge given Trump&rsquo;s unpredictability.</h5>
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There have been some hitches with regard to the Chabahar project kicking off by 2018. The <a href="https://www.google.co.in/amp/www.firstpost.com/india/chabahar-port-why-future-of-india-iran-project-hinges-on-outcome-of-narendra-modi-donald-trump-meet-3722647.html/amp">companies which are to develop customised equipment jetties and container terminals</a> were not willing to take part in the bidding process. The banks were not ready to facilitate the financial transactions involving Iran due to the uncertain policies of Trump administration towards&nbsp;Iran. Apart from this, there was a delay in <a href="http://m.economictimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/iran-india-trade-charges-on-delay-of-chabahar-port/articleshow/56990454.cms">loan disbursement of $ 150 million</a>&nbsp;with India and Iran blaming each other for the delay. Transport minister, Nitin Gadkari who attended Iranian President Rouhani&rsquo;s swearing in on August 5, 2017, categorically stated:

&quot;India and Iran have been historically sharing special ties. We are keen on developing Chabahar Port and are hopeful of starting operations in 12 to 18 months.&quot;

US-Iran ties

India, however, needs to carefully observe Trump&rsquo;s warnings to Iran on the nuclear deal. Iran has categorically stated, that it will quit the Nuclear Deal if more sanctions are imposed. Rouhani&#39;s exact words were:&nbsp;&quot;Iran could quit the nuclear deal within hours if the US imposes more sanctions.&quot;

Even though Iran has followed the conditions of the deal, Trump has threatened about imposing sanctions. The Secretary of State Rex Tillerson,&nbsp;however, has made it clear on umpteen occasions, that the US will not scrap the deal. Interestingly, Tillerson has also stated, that he and the US President have differences over the deal. Whereas President Trump is in favour of calling off the deal and imposing new sanctions, secretary of state <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-tillerson-iran-idUSKBN1AH5E7">Tillerson </a>subscribes to the view, that America should not strike the deal rather engage with Iran to bring stability in the neighbourhood, especially in Iraq and Syria by holding it accountable.&nbsp;

Given India&rsquo;s increasingly close ties with the US, and importance of Iran in the context of connectivity with Afghanistan and Central Asia, striking a balance may be a challenge given Trump&rsquo;s unpredictability. 
&nbsp; 
Iran-Pakistan ties&nbsp;

New Delhi should also observe carefully Iran&rsquo;s support for Pakistan, particularly after Trump&rsquo;s speech on August 21 where he warned Pakistan to take more concrete action against terror groups operating on Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Iran came to the defence of Pakistan, with foreign ministry spokesman, Bahram Ghasemi saying:

&quot;What presently the US is highlighting to condemn other countries with is the result of years of wrong and inappropriate policies of Americans in the countries of the region, especially Afghanistan.&rdquo;

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<h5>Iran already has strong economic ties with China, moving closer to Pakistan would not be good news for India.</h5>
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Iran already has strong economic ties with China, and it moving closer to Pakistan would not be good news for India. New Delhi has been trying to jointly work with both Afghanistan and Iran much to the chagrin of the Pakistan army.&nbsp;

Significantly, in May 2017, Iran had taken a tough stance against certain terror groups operating from Pakistan, warning that it would hit the bases of Sunni militant groups operating in Pakistan. In April 2017, Ten Iranian border guards had been killed by militants and Iran blamed Sunni groups operating from Pakistan. <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-iran-pakistan-security-idUSKBN1840SY">Major General Mohammad Baqeri</a>, head of the Iranian armed forces had said, &ldquo;If the terrorist attacks continue, we will hit their safe havens and cells, wherever they are.&rdquo;&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
Middle East

New Delhi should also be watching the gradual softening of Iran towards Saudi Arabia and Turkey. On the sidelines of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in Istanbul earlier this month, the <a href="#vgi=11831571547160704589&amp;amp=http%253A%252F%252Fwww.al-monitor.com%252Fpulse%252Fen%252Foriginals%252F2017%252F08%252Firan-zarif-jubeir-saudi-fm-handshake-istanbul-shamkhani-deal.amp.html&amp;ampidx=0&amp;ampct=1504066232985">foreign ministers of Iran and Saudi Arabia</a> met and exchanged greetings. Earlier this month Iranian chief of staff of the armed forces, <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-turkey-iran-military-idUSKCN1AW1PT">Major-General Mohammad Baqeri</a> paid a visit to Turkey to explore possible synergies in counter-terrorism and the Syrian conflict. This is a clear indication of a significant improvement in bilateral ties. It has also been reported, that their high-level officials are likely to meet again.&nbsp;

While New Delhi has strong ties with both, and this has been a challenge in the past, the tensions were also to the benefit of India. Due to tensions between Iran and GCC countries, especially Saudi Arabia, New Delhi could also pressurise both sides to urge Pakistan to take action against terror groups. Apart from strengthening of India-US ties, Saudi Arabia has been apprehensive about India getting too close to Iran. This has resulted in Riyadh not just adopting a more nuanced stand on terrorism emanating from Pakistan and extraditing terrorists, but also strengthening security cooperation with India.&nbsp;

While currently, India is bogged down with numerous domestic challenges, and other foreign policy priorities, especially with China,&nbsp;a close watch should be kept on Iran&rsquo;s next moves not just in the context of its deal with the US, but also on&nbsp;its ties with Pakistan and GCC countries.&nbsp;

*Sandeep Sachdeva is an Independent Policy Analyst associated with The Jindal School of International Affairs, Sonipat.

Iran already has strong economic ties with China, and it moving closer to Pakistan would not be good news for India.

By: Tridivesh Singh Maini & Sandeep Sachdeva* New Delhi, while consistently expanding strategic and economic ties with the Gulf Cooperation Countries (GCC) and Israel, has also sought to strengthen ties with Tehran, which has tense relations with both. The Nuclear Deal of 2015, signed between Iran and (P5+1) countries opened new vistas for India in Iran, which is strategically located and is India’s potential gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia. During his visit to Iran in 2016, PM Modi signed an agreement, not just committing financial assistance to the tune of 500 Million USD for phase 1 of the development of the Chabahar Project, but also a three nation agreement with Iran and Afghanistan for establishing a land, transit and trade corridor. India will build a 500-km rail line from Chabahar port from the southern coast of Iran to Zahedan, close to the Afghan border, at a cost of $1.6 billion as part of the transit corridor to Afghanistan. "It will open new routes for India, Iran, and Afghanistan to connect among themselves," said PM Modi with regard to the corridor. India’s main aim was to get access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Pakistan has continuously opposed India’s entry into the APTTA (Afghanistan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement), even though Afghanistan has been in favour of India joining the agreement. APTTA is a transit trade agreement as it is quite evident from its name. Currently, Afghan goods can come into India, but trucks stop at Wagah (Pakistani side of the border). India, however, has been deprived of land access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Given India’s increasingly close ties with the US, and importance of Iran in the context of connectivity with Afghanistan and Central Asia, striking a balance may be a challenge given Trump’s unpredictability. × There have been some hitches with regard to the Chabahar project kicking off by 2018. The companies which are to develop customised equipment jetties and container terminals were not willing to take part in the bidding process. The banks were not ready to facilitate the financial transactions involving Iran due to the uncertain policies of Trump administration towards Iran. Apart from this, there was a delay in loan disbursement of $ 150 million with India and Iran blaming each other for the delay. Transport minister, Nitin Gadkari who attended Iranian President Rouhani’s swearing in on August 5, 2017, categorically stated: "India and Iran have been historically sharing special ties. We are keen on developing Chabahar Port and are hopeful of starting operations in 12 to 18 months." US-Iran ties India, however, needs to carefully observe Trump’s warnings to Iran on the nuclear deal. Iran has categorically stated, that it will quit the Nuclear Deal if more sanctions are imposed. Rouhani's exact words were: "Iran could quit the nuclear deal within hours if the US imposes more sanctions." Even though Iran has followed the conditions of the deal, Trump has threatened about imposing sanctions. The Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, however, has made it clear on umpteen occasions, that the US will not scrap the deal. Interestingly, Tillerson has also stated, that he and the US President have differences over the deal. Whereas President Trump is in favour of calling off the deal and imposing new sanctions, secretary of state Tillerson subscribes to the view, that America should not strike the deal rather engage with Iran to bring stability in the neighbourhood, especially in Iraq and Syria by holding it accountable. Given India’s increasingly close ties with the US, and importance of Iran in the context of connectivity with Afghanistan and Central Asia, striking a balance may be a challenge given Trump’s unpredictability. Iran-Pakistan ties New Delhi should also observe carefully Iran’s support for Pakistan, particularly after Trump’s speech on August 21 where he warned Pakistan to take more concrete action against terror groups operating on Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Iran came to the defence of Pakistan, with foreign ministry spokesman, Bahram Ghasemi saying: "What presently the US is highlighting to condemn other countries with is the result of years of wrong and inappropriate policies of Americans in the countries of the region, especially Afghanistan.” Iran already has strong economic ties with China, moving closer to Pakistan would not be good news for India. × Iran already has strong economic ties with China, and it moving closer to Pakistan would not be good news for India. New Delhi has been trying to jointly work with both Afghanistan and Iran much to the chagrin of the Pakistan army. Significantly, in May 2017, Iran had taken a tough stance against certain terror groups operating from Pakistan, warning that it would hit the bases of Sunni militant groups operating in Pakistan. In April 2017, Ten Iranian border guards had been killed by militants and Iran blamed Sunni groups operating from Pakistan. Major General Mohammad Baqeri, head of the Iranian armed forces had said, “If the terrorist attacks continue, we will hit their safe havens and cells, wherever they are.” Middle East New Delhi should also be watching the gradual softening of Iran towards Saudi Arabia and Turkey. On the sidelines of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in Istanbul earlier this month, the foreign ministers of Iran and Saudi Arabia met and exchanged greetings. Earlier this month Iranian chief of staff of the armed forces, Major-General Mohammad Baqeri paid a visit to Turkey to explore possible synergies in counter-terrorism and the Syrian conflict. This is a clear indication of a significant improvement in bilateral ties. It has also been reported, that their high-level officials are likely to meet again. While New Delhi has strong ties with both, and this has been a challenge in the past, the tensions were also to the benefit of India. Due to tensions between Iran and GCC countries, especially Saudi Arabia, New Delhi could also pressurise both sides to urge Pakistan to take action against terror groups. Apart from strengthening of India-US ties, Saudi Arabia has been apprehensive about India getting too close to Iran. This has resulted in Riyadh not just adopting a more nuanced stand on terrorism emanating from Pakistan and extraditing terrorists, but also strengthening security cooperation with India. While currently, India is bogged down with numerous domestic challenges, and other foreign policy priorities, especially with China, a close watch should be kept on Iran’s next moves not just in the context of its deal with the US, but also on its ties with Pakistan and GCC countries. *Sandeep Sachdeva is an Independent Policy Analyst associated with The Jindal School of International Affairs, Sonipat.

India should be careful about Iran's softening of stance towards Pakistan and China

To counter India&#39;s influence over the eight-member South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Pakistan is exploring the possibility of forming a larger South Asian Economic Alliance, diplomatic observers say, the Dawn newspaper reported Wednesday.&nbsp;

The idea was pitched by a parliamentary delegation from Pakistan during its visit to Washington last week. The delegation is in New York now.

&quot;A greater South Asia is already emerging,&rdquo; said Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed&nbsp;in an interaction with the media. &ldquo;This greater South Asia includes China, Iran and the neighbouring Central Asian republics.&rdquo;

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was described by him as the key route linking South Asia with Central Asia. The Gwadar port&nbsp;would be the closest water port for the land-locked Central Asian states, he pointed out.&nbsp;

&ldquo;We want India to join this arrangement as well,&rdquo; said Hussain.&nbsp;However, India may be unwilling to accept such an arrangement, considering the advantage SAARC provides it with.&nbsp;

In a bid to isolate Pakistan, India last month exerted its influence on SAARC when it declared that it would not be attending the South Asia-based regional group&#39;s 19th summit, which was to be held in Islamabad on November 15 and 16 this year.&nbsp;

Pakistan&#39;s alleged involvement in&nbsp;the September 18 terrorist attack in Uri in Jammu and Kashmir was the reason cited by India behind its decision to boycott the summit. However, Pakistani has strongly denied the allegation,&nbsp;citing the absence of any concrete evidence provided by India to support its claim. Yet, India was supported by three other SAARC nations - Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Bhutan - who too boycotted the summit.

This exposed Pakistan&#39;s isolation within the group where it had once played a key role. Afghanistan and Bangladesh are India&#39;s close allies. Bhutan, surrounded by India, is way too small and dependent to question New Delhi&#39;s moves.&nbsp;

Sri Lanka, Maldives and Nepal share good relations with Pakistan but they are not powerful enough to take on India.&nbsp;

&ldquo;Apparently, the showdown forced Pakistan to conclude that in its present shape, SAARC will always be dominated by India. That&rsquo;s why they are now talking about a greater South Asia,&rdquo; a senior diplomat told Dawn,&nbsp;confirming reports that Pakistan is seeking a new regional agreement,

Pakistan hopes that this new arrangement will give it more room to manoeuvre when India tries to force a decision on it,&rdquo; said another diplomat to Dawn.

The Washington-based diplomatic observers say&nbsp;that the arrangement Pakistan is seeking will also suit China &nbsp;as it remains worried about India&#39;s growing influence in the region. The observers&nbsp;further argue that Central Asian states and Iran may be persuaded by China to join the new arrangement.&nbsp;

However, the analysts&nbsp;warn&nbsp;that SAARC&nbsp;members will not be too keen to support&nbsp;the idea. The new arrangement will not have much in store for Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka as joining a land route far from their borders will not be very favourable to them. Besides, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have their own ports.&nbsp;

Afghanistan, which is a land-locked Central Asian country, is likely to benefit&nbsp;the most from a larger South Asian alliance as any trade route that links South and Central Asian regions is beneficial for Afghanistan. But considering Afghanistan&#39;s links to India, it is unlikely to join any arrangement that hurts India&#39;s interest.&nbsp;

The application for SAARC membership by Afghanistan in 2006&nbsp;paved way for an interesting debate on the definition of South Asian identity as Afghanistan is essentially a Central Asian country.&nbsp;

A stipulation for Afghanistan to hold general elections was imposed by SAARC member states. The polls were held in 2005, later enabling the country to join the group in April 2007 as its eighth member.&nbsp;

Even if a larger South Asia became a reality, there is no certainty that its members will stand by the side of Pakistan in its disputes with India, a South Asian diplomat told Dawn.&nbsp;

&ldquo;Many Central Asian states have strong ties with India and Iran too has problems with Pakistan,&rdquo; the diplomat added.

(WION with inputs from Dawn) 
&nbsp;

The idea was pitched by a parliamentary delegation from Pakistan during its visit to Washington last week

To counter India's influence over the eight-member South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), Pakistan is exploring the possibility of forming a larger South Asian Economic Alliance, diplomatic observers say, the Dawn newspaper reported Wednesday. The idea was pitched by a parliamentary delegation from Pakistan during its visit to Washington last week. The delegation is in New York now. "A greater South Asia is already emerging,” said Senator Mushahid Hussain Syed in an interaction with the media. “This greater South Asia includes China, Iran and the neighbouring Central Asian republics.” The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was described by him as the key route linking South Asia with Central Asia. The Gwadar port would be the closest water port for the land-locked Central Asian states, he pointed out. “We want India to join this arrangement as well,” said Hussain. However, India may be unwilling to accept such an arrangement, considering the advantage SAARC provides it with. In a bid to isolate Pakistan, India last month exerted its influence on SAARC when it declared that it would not be attending the South Asia-based regional group's 19th summit, which was to be held in Islamabad on November 15 and 16 this year. Pakistan's alleged involvement in the September 18 terrorist attack in Uri in Jammu and Kashmir was the reason cited by India behind its decision to boycott the summit. However, Pakistani has strongly denied the allegation, citing the absence of any concrete evidence provided by India to support its claim. Yet, India was supported by three other SAARC nations - Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Bhutan - who too boycotted the summit. This exposed Pakistan's isolation within the group where it had once played a key role. Afghanistan and Bangladesh are India's close allies. Bhutan, surrounded by India, is way too small and dependent to question New Delhi's moves. Sri Lanka, Maldives and Nepal share good relations with Pakistan but they are not powerful enough to take on India. “Apparently, the showdown forced Pakistan to conclude that in its present shape, SAARC will always be dominated by India. That’s why they are now talking about a greater South Asia,” a senior diplomat told Dawn, confirming reports that Pakistan is seeking a new regional agreement, Pakistan hopes that this new arrangement will give it more room to manoeuvre when India tries to force a decision on it,” said another diplomat to Dawn. The Washington-based diplomatic observers say that the arrangement Pakistan is seeking will also suit China as it remains worried about India's growing influence in the region. The observers further argue that Central Asian states and Iran may be persuaded by China to join the new arrangement. However, the analysts warn that SAARC members will not be too keen to support the idea. The new arrangement will not have much in store for Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka as joining a land route far from their borders will not be very favourable to them. Besides, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have their own ports. Afghanistan, which is a land-locked Central Asian country, is likely to benefit the most from a larger South Asian alliance as any trade route that links South and Central Asian regions is beneficial for Afghanistan. But considering Afghanistan's links to India, it is unlikely to join any arrangement that hurts India's interest. The application for SAARC membership by Afghanistan in 2006 paved way for an interesting debate on the definition of South Asian identity as Afghanistan is essentially a Central Asian country. A stipulation for Afghanistan to hold general elections was imposed by SAARC member states. The polls were held in 2005, later enabling the country to join the group in April 2007 as its eighth member. Even if a larger South Asia became a reality, there is no certainty that its members will stand by the side of Pakistan in its disputes with India, a South Asian diplomat told Dawn. “Many Central Asian states have strong ties with India and Iran too has problems with Pakistan,” the diplomat added. (WION with inputs from Dawn)

Pakistan seeks larger SAARC to counter India's influence

At least 30 homes and a school were destroyed in an earthquake that caused no injuries or deaths in Tajikistan, the ex-Soviet country&#39;s state emergencies committee reported Saturday. 
 
A committee spokesman told AFP an earthquake of 5.4 magnitude struck in the remote Rasht region roughly 200 kilometres (124 miles) east of the Central Asian country&#39;s capital Dushanbe at around 1500 GMT on Friday. 
 
A full assessment of the damage is still being carried out by the committee&#39;s team on the ground, the spokesman added. 
 
Mountainous and poverty-struck Tajikistan is prone to regular natural disasters including landslides and earthquakes. 
 
Last week in neighbouring Kyrgyzstan a stronger quake of 6.7 magnitude struck close to the nations&#39; shared border according to the Kyrgyz emergency services ministry, but did not cause damage or casualties.&nbsp; 
 
(AFP)&nbsp;

The mountainous and poverty-struck country is prone to regular natural disasters like landslides and earthquakes

At least 30 homes and a school were destroyed in an earthquake that caused no injuries or deaths in Tajikistan, the ex-Soviet country's state emergencies committee reported Saturday. A committee spokesman told AFP an earthquake of 5.4 magnitude struck in the remote Rasht region roughly 200 kilometres (124 miles) east of the Central Asian country's capital Dushanbe at around 1500 GMT on Friday. A full assessment of the damage is still being carried out by the committee's team on the ground, the spokesman added. Mountainous and poverty-struck Tajikistan is prone to regular natural disasters including landslides and earthquakes. Last week in neighbouring Kyrgyzstan a stronger quake of 6.7 magnitude struck close to the nations' shared border according to the Kyrgyz emergency services ministry, but did not cause damage or casualties. (AFP)

5.4-magnitude earthquake rattles Tajikistan, destroys 30 homes and a school

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