A car bomb blast took place targeting an Afghan intelligence agency installation in the eastern province of Ghazni. Casualties have been reported. Watch report.

WION Dispatch: 8 dies in car bomb blast in Ghazni, Afghanistan

At least seven people were killed on Monday when a bomb-laden car exploded targeting an Afghan intelligence agency installation in the eastern province of Ghazni.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/afghanistan/us-says-islamic-state-conducted-the-attack-on-kabul-hospital-298864">Also read: US says Islamic State conducted the attack on Kabul hospital</a> 
 
"The terrorists have used a humvee in their attack. They have targeted the national directorate of security unit in Ghazni city," Wahidullah Jumazada, spokesman to the governor said.

He said 7 people were killed and 32 others were wounded.

"Most of the victims are intelligence personnel," he added. The interior ministry in Kabul and a health official in Ghazni also confirmed the attack.

The Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, saying the incident left tens of the special forces of the National Directorate of Security – the Afghan intelligence agency – dead and wounded.

The bombing comes a day after President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah signed a power-sharing accord in Kabul, ending their months-long bitter feud.

The accord, welcomed by Washington, paves the way for launching peace talks with the Taliban.

On Thursday, the Taliban detonated a truck close to a military building in Gardiz city in southeastern Paktia province, leaving five dead and 20 injured, including military and civilians.

Last week, the Taliban attacked a military checkpoint in the Alishang district of eastern Laghman province that left dozens dead or wounded.

(With inputs from AFP)

At least seven people were killed on Monday when a bomb-laden car exploded targeting an Afghan intelligence agency installation in the eastern province of Ghazni.

At least seven people were killed on Monday when a bomb-laden car exploded targeting an Afghan intelligence agency installation in the eastern province of Ghazni. Also read: US says Islamic State conducted the attack on Kabul hospital "The terrorists have used a humvee in their attack. They have targeted the national directorate of security unit in Ghazni city," Wahidullah Jumazada, spokesman to the governor said. He said 7 people were killed and 32 others were wounded. "Most of the victims are intelligence personnel," he added. The interior ministry in Kabul and a health official in Ghazni also confirmed the attack. The Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack, saying the incident left tens of the special forces of the National Directorate of Security – the Afghan intelligence agency – dead and wounded. The bombing comes a day after President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah signed a power-sharing accord in Kabul, ending their months-long bitter feud. The accord, welcomed by Washington, paves the way for launching peace talks with the Taliban. On Thursday, the Taliban detonated a truck close to a military building in Gardiz city in southeastern Paktia province, leaving five dead and 20 injured, including military and civilians. Last week, the Taliban attacked a military checkpoint in the Alishang district of eastern Laghman province that left dozens dead or wounded. (With inputs from AFP)

Seven killed in a car bomb attack on spy agency in Afghanistan

Car bomb blast in Afghanistan: Taliban takes responsibility

Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah have signed a power-sharing deal to end a months-long political stalemate -- two months after both declared themselves the winner of last September's presidential election.

"The Political Agreement between President Ghani and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah has just been signed," said Sediq Sediqqi, Ghani's spokesman, on Twitter.&nbsp;

The deal calls for Abdullah to lead the country's National Reconciliation High Council and some members of Abdullah's team would be included in Ghani's Cabinet. The Reconciliation Council has been given the authority to handle and approve all affairs related to Afghanistan's peace process.

A technical team will work on the implementation of the agreement and details will be shared later.

Abdullah had disputed the results of an election in September and announced the formation of a parallel government earlier this year, undermining Ghani's administration at a time when the United States was trying to advance a peace process with the Taliban to end the 19-year Afghan war.

Discussions over the final sticking points including the allocation of some key posts had been underway throughout the day.

Officials say a deal between the Ghani and Abdullah is crucial to launching peace talks, as Abdullah's camp represents much of the country's north-west. But the talks face a number of stark challenges, as violence in the country increases.

The United States has been frustrated by the growing impasse between the two men, even after Secretary of State Mike Pompeo travelled to Kabul in March to mediate. It had announced it planned to cut $1 billion in aid because the men could not agree.

It was not immediately clear whether Sunday's agreement would result in the aid commitment being reinstated.&nbsp;

Afghanistan is facing growing fiscal pressures, with tax revenues falling and foreign aid pledges due this year expected to shrink.

US Special Envoy Zalmay Khalilzad said on Friday that a new date for intra-Afghan peace talks was under discussion and he would soon travel to the region and try to encourage a reduction in violence.

Meanwhile, Pompeo on Sunday welcomed the power-sharing deal, but chided President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah for taking so long.

"Secretary Pompeo noted that he regretted the time lost during the political impasse," State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus said in a statement.&nbsp;

"He reiterated that the priority for the United States remains a political settlement to end the conflict and welcomed the commitment by the two leaders to act immediately in support of prompt entry into intra-Afghan negotiations."

(with inputs from Reuters)

Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah have signed a power-sharing deal to end a months-long political stalemate -- two months after both declared themselves the winner of last September's presidential election.

Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah have signed a power-sharing deal to end a months-long political stalemate -- two months after both declared themselves the winner of last September's presidential election. "The Political Agreement between President Ghani and Dr. Abdullah Abdullah has just been signed," said Sediq Sediqqi, Ghani's spokesman, on Twitter. The deal calls for Abdullah to lead the country's National Reconciliation High Council and some members of Abdullah's team would be included in Ghani's Cabinet. The Reconciliation Council has been given the authority to handle and approve all affairs related to Afghanistan's peace process. A technical team will work on the implementation of the agreement and details will be shared later. Abdullah had disputed the results of an election in September and announced the formation of a parallel government earlier this year, undermining Ghani's administration at a time when the United States was trying to advance a peace process with the Taliban to end the 19-year Afghan war. Discussions over the final sticking points including the allocation of some key posts had been underway throughout the day. Officials say a deal between the Ghani and Abdullah is crucial to launching peace talks, as Abdullah's camp represents much of the country's north-west. But the talks face a number of stark challenges, as violence in the country increases. The United States has been frustrated by the growing impasse between the two men, even after Secretary of State Mike Pompeo travelled to Kabul in March to mediate. It had announced it planned to cut $1 billion in aid because the men could not agree. It was not immediately clear whether Sunday's agreement would result in the aid commitment being reinstated. Afghanistan is facing growing fiscal pressures, with tax revenues falling and foreign aid pledges due this year expected to shrink. US Special Envoy Zalmay Khalilzad said on Friday that a new date for intra-Afghan peace talks was under discussion and he would soon travel to the region and try to encourage a reduction in violence. Meanwhile, Pompeo on Sunday welcomed the power-sharing deal, but chided President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah for taking so long. "Secretary Pompeo noted that he regretted the time lost during the political impasse," State Department spokeswoman Morgan Ortagus said in a statement. "He reiterated that the priority for the United States remains a political settlement to end the conflict and welcomed the commitment by the two leaders to act immediately in support of prompt entry into intra-Afghan negotiations." (with inputs from Reuters)

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and rival Abdullah Abdullah announce power sharing agreement

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and his rival Abdullah Abdullah have signed a power-sharing deal, signalling the end of a months-long stalemate that plunged the country into a political crisis.

Ghani and Abdullah sign power-sharing deal

Pakistan has reopened its major border crossings with Afghanistan in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces for trade and movement of people, according to an official notification issued on Saturday.

The border crossings at Torkham in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Chaman in Balochistan were closed on March 27 as a precautionary measure to contain the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. In April, they were opened for three days a week.

According to the notification, a decision about the opening of the border was taken at the meeting of the National Command and Operation Center.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/pakistan-army-shells-forward-areas-along-loc-in-poonch-299160">Also read:&nbsp;Pakistan Army shells forward areas along LoC in Poonch</a>

Both the border crossings will remain open around the clock for six days except for Saturdays which will be reserved for pedestrian movements.

The Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) will be implemented for pedestrians as well, the notification added.

During the six days, an unlimited number of trucks will be allowed to cross per day while ensuring proper SOPs and guidelines for both Afghan Bilateral Trade and Afghan Transit Trade.

The decision has been hailed by the business community, terming it a milestone in promotion of trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Pakistan has reopened its major border crossings with Afghanistan in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces for trade and movement of people, according to an official notification issued on Saturday.

Pakistan has reopened its major border crossings with Afghanistan in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan provinces for trade and movement of people, according to an official notification issued on Saturday. The border crossings at Torkham in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Chaman in Balochistan were closed on March 27 as a precautionary measure to contain the spread of the coronavirus pandemic. In April, they were opened for three days a week. According to the notification, a decision about the opening of the border was taken at the meeting of the National Command and Operation Center. Also read: Pakistan Army shells forward areas along LoC in Poonch Both the border crossings will remain open around the clock for six days except for Saturdays which will be reserved for pedestrian movements. The Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) will be implemented for pedestrians as well, the notification added. During the six days, an unlimited number of trucks will be allowed to cross per day while ensuring proper SOPs and guidelines for both Afghan Bilateral Trade and Afghan Transit Trade. The decision has been hailed by the business community, terming it a milestone in promotion of trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Pakistan opens key border crossings with Afghanistan for trade

Afghanistan President Ashraf Ghani have reached deal with rival Abdullah. Watch this video to know more on this.

Afghanistan President Ghani reaches deal with rival Abdullah

Ever since her husband was killed six years ago in a suicide attack, Delkhah Sultani has been living on about $3 a day to raise her four young children. She washes clothes for a living, but ever since the coronavirus pandemic stalled Afghanistan's already fragile economy, jobs opportunities have completely dried up.

Afghan widow struggles to survive as work slows, prices rise amid pandemic

Truck with explosives blows up near a court in the Afghan city of Gardez on Thursday. The explosion has killed at least five people. This attack comes two days after gunmen attacked a maternity ward in Kabul.

Truck packed with explosives detonates in Afghanistan, claims 5 lives

The United States of America is understandably keen to accelerate the intra- Afghan peace talks, envisaged under the historic, albeit unique agreement of February 29, 2020, which it concluded with Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist terror organisation and the self-styled Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The talks were to commence on&nbsp;March 10, 2010, but are yet to take-off in real earnest. &nbsp;

What is holding up the commencement of the intra-Afghan talks? Multiple factors include: &nbsp;

Reluctant Afghan Government 
 
The US-Taliban pact was imposed on the democratically elected Government in Afghanistan which was not a party to the deal, which was concluded with the primary objective of paving the path for an &nbsp;“honourable” exit for the USA from Afghanistan, after nearly two decades of military intervention during which the US and allies failed to neutralise or tame Taliban. Realising its limitations, the Afghan government had nevertheless endorsed the deal and confirmed (in the Afghanistan-USA Joint Declaration of February 29, 2020) its readiness to participate in intra-Afghanistan negotiations, at which all stake-holders in Afghanistan are expected to meet and negotiate a cease-fire agreement with Taliban and determine the future political structure for the governance of the country. Logically, the elected government should have no urgency as it stands only to dilute its position if the intra-Afghan talks ultimately lead to the formation of a large coalition of diverse ethnic groups as well as the Taliban. Conversely, it has every reason to delay the process. The flip side is that the Afghan government would have to continue to face the terror attacks from the Taliban if it dilly-dallies the intra-Afghan talks. &nbsp;

Swap of Prisoners 
 
One of the important prerequisites for the commencement of intra-Afghan talks is the swap of prisoners between the Afghan government and Taliban, a commitment made by the USA on behalf of the Afghan government in the US-Taliban agreement. After initial hesitation, the Afghan President eventually agreed to a staggered but conditional release of 5000 Taliban prisoners in exchange for 1000 Afghan security forces personnel held in Taliban custody. The process of swap of prisoners has been painfully slow, often suspended. The Afghan Government has alleged that the Taliban is not adhering to the understanding that it would release one Afghan security person in exchange for 5 Taliban prisoners released by the Government. The situation is now likely to get even more complicated after the Afghan allegation (May 11) that out of the list of 1000 personnel handed over to the Taliban, at least 610 are missing. In an interaction with media, the Afghanistan National Security Spokesperson warned that the government would not be obliged to go ahead with the agreement if the Taliban “conducted illegal behaviour with prisoners and the prisoners are lost”&nbsp;

Acts of Violence 
 
The statements emanating from the USA, including by the Defence secretary suggest that the Taliban attacks against the Afghan government have increased considerably. Pentagon spokesman Jonathan Hoffman was reported to have said that the "unacceptably high" number of attacks by the Taliban was "not conducive to a diplomatic solution."&nbsp;

Political Rivalries

A long-standing political rivalry between President Ashraf Ghani and his former Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah is yet another factor in the given context. &nbsp;In fact, the US State Secretary was reported to have announced (23rd March) a cut in US aid to Afghanistan in a bid to force the two rivals to end the feud which in the US assessment was only helping stall the US-led peace-making efforts in Afghanistan. &nbsp;

The US bid to accelerate the talks and enlist India’s support &nbsp;

In order to push the implementation of the US-Taliban deal, The US Special Representative for Afghanistan reconciliation, Ambassador Zalmy Khalilzad travelled to Doha, New Delhi and Islamabad in the first week of May. He, accompanied by Senior Director in the US National Security Council, and the US Ambassador to India, met &nbsp;(May 7) with India’s External Affairs Minister and National Security Advisor. According to official pronouncements, Ambassador&nbsp;Zalmy Khalilzad conveyed the US recognition of India’s “constructive contribution” in economic development and reconstruction and humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan and “laid importance to India's crucial and continuing role in sustainable peace, security and stability in Afghanistan”. In response, the Indian side inter-alia expressed its concern at the upsurge of violence in Afghanistan and emphasised that “putting an end to terrorist safe havens and sanctuaries is necessary for enduring and sustainable peace and stability in Afghanistan”. At this stage of the meeting, in all probability, the US Representative may have recommended that India should also enter into a direct dialogue with the Taliban as was done by the USA. The official statements from India are silent on this aspect, reported in a segment of the media.&nbsp;

A couple of days after the visit of the US Special Representative, the Taliban’s Doha-based &nbsp;political office spokesperson, Suhail Shaheen &nbsp;was reported to have said ( to an Indian TV news channel correspondent on May 9) that the Taliban “would like to have positive relations with neighbouring countries including India and welcome their contribution and cooperation in the reconstruction of future Afghanistan."&nbsp;

It is thus apparent that both the USA and the Taliban realise the limitations of cash-strapped Pakistan in providing any material assistance to Afghanistan. The USA may also gradually reduce its economic assistance to Afghanistan. In contrast, the importance of India in the economic development of Afghanistan is well established and well appreciated in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Hence an attempt to nudge India towards a commitment of continued engagement with Afghanistan irrespective of Taliban sharing power in the post-intra-Afghanistan dialogue scenario.&nbsp;

India’s Position &nbsp;&nbsp;

So far India has indeed played an important role in Afghanistan but its role has remained confined largely to the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Afghanistan; it has invested about $3 billion in civilian infrastructure projects, besides capacity building including the training programmes for Afghan defence personnel. India’s contribution to economic development has earned it enormous goodwill in Afghanistan but its ability to influence the future political road map of Afghanistan or to secure assurances for its security interests within and outside Afghanistan remains limited. One of the several reasons is the reluctance on the part of India to engage Taliban or share a platform with the fundamentalist terror organization. &nbsp;

India, by and large, have remained excluded from the multi-party deliberations aimed at securing peace, security, stability and reconciliation in Afghanistan. Most recently, India wasn’t invited to the UN-coordinated 6+2+1 meeting on Afghanistan (16th April) attended by Afghanistan, its neighbours -China, Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan- and the USA and Russia. The flimsy explanation for non-inclusion of India was that it did not share borders with Afghanistan, ignoring the fact that India’s territory bordering Afghanistan is currently under Pakistan’s illegal occupation.&nbsp;

In its official response to US-Taliban agreement (29th February), India stopped short of “welcoming” it in so many words, though it did “ note that the entire political spectrum in Afghanistan, including the Government, the democratic polity and civil society, has welcomed the opportunity and hope for peace and stability generated by these agreements”. The official statement in this regard reiterated what it said was India’s “consistent policy to support all opportunities that can bring peace, security and stability in Afghanistan; end violence; cut ties with international terrorism; and lead to a lasting political settlement through an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan controlled process”&nbsp;

India Dilemma &nbsp;

Should India reconsider its current policy that a lasting political settlement in Afghanistan must come through an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan controlled process”, considering that the elected Afghan Government is hardly in control of the peace process which at the moment is being dominated by the USA and Taliban with the active participation of Pakistan? &nbsp;

Should India settle down for a limited role of being only a facilitator of the economic prosperity of Afghanistan without any defined role in the processes determining the future political road map of Afghanistan and particularly without any firm commitments that the Taliban would not act against the security interests of India, nor will it allow any terror outfit to use the Afghan soil to do so?. The USA has secured an assurance to this effect through direct negotiations with the Taliban for itself and its allies. Should India, therefore,&nbsp;follow the US model and consider the option of entering into direct talks with a terror organisation? If India does so, it would constitute a major departure from its consistent policy of dealing only with recognised governments.&nbsp;

Or should India wait and see whether its role is expanded by its inclusion in expanded 6+2+1 group and also how the intra-Afghan talks develop over a period of time, and then make an assessment on the desirability or otherwise of opening a direct channel of communication with Taliban?&nbsp;

Should India in the meanwhile stop quietly insisting on peace process being Afghan-owned, Afghan-led and Afghan controlled and open a Track II Channel with Taliban with or without the US participation? &nbsp;

These are the key issues which should be engaging the attention of India’s Afghanistan policy-makers. It remains to be seen as to what strategy India would eventually adopt to ensure its strong foothold in Afghanistan as well as to secure its security interests.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The United States of America is understandably keen to accelerate the intra- Afghan peace talks, envisaged under the historic, albeit unique agreement of February 29, 2020, which it concluded with Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist terror organisation and the self-styled Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

The United States of America is understandably keen to accelerate the intra- Afghan peace talks, envisaged under the historic, albeit unique agreement of February 29, 2020, which it concluded with Taliban, an Islamic fundamentalist terror organisation and the self-styled Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The talks were to commence on March 10, 2010, but are yet to take-off in real earnest. What is holding up the commencement of the intra-Afghan talks? Multiple factors include: Reluctant Afghan Government The US-Taliban pact was imposed on the democratically elected Government in Afghanistan which was not a party to the deal, which was concluded with the primary objective of paving the path for an “honourable” exit for the USA from Afghanistan, after nearly two decades of military intervention during which the US and allies failed to neutralise or tame Taliban. Realising its limitations, the Afghan government had nevertheless endorsed the deal and confirmed (in the Afghanistan-USA Joint Declaration of February 29, 2020) its readiness to participate in intra-Afghanistan negotiations, at which all stake-holders in Afghanistan are expected to meet and negotiate a cease-fire agreement with Taliban and determine the future political structure for the governance of the country. Logically, the elected government should have no urgency as it stands only to dilute its position if the intra-Afghan talks ultimately lead to the formation of a large coalition of diverse ethnic groups as well as the Taliban. Conversely, it has every reason to delay the process. The flip side is that the Afghan government would have to continue to face the terror attacks from the Taliban if it dilly-dallies the intra-Afghan talks. Swap of Prisoners One of the important prerequisites for the commencement of intra-Afghan talks is the swap of prisoners between the Afghan government and Taliban, a commitment made by the USA on behalf of the Afghan government in the US-Taliban agreement. After initial hesitation, the Afghan President eventually agreed to a staggered but conditional release of 5000 Taliban prisoners in exchange for 1000 Afghan security forces personnel held in Taliban custody. The process of swap of prisoners has been painfully slow, often suspended. The Afghan Government has alleged that the Taliban is not adhering to the understanding that it would release one Afghan security person in exchange for 5 Taliban prisoners released by the Government. The situation is now likely to get even more complicated after the Afghan allegation (May 11) that out of the list of 1000 personnel handed over to the Taliban, at least 610 are missing. In an interaction with media, the Afghanistan National Security Spokesperson warned that the government would not be obliged to go ahead with the agreement if the Taliban “conducted illegal behaviour with prisoners and the prisoners are lost” Acts of Violence The statements emanating from the USA, including by the Defence secretary suggest that the Taliban attacks against the Afghan government have increased considerably. Pentagon spokesman Jonathan Hoffman was reported to have said that the "unacceptably high" number of attacks by the Taliban was "not conducive to a diplomatic solution." Political Rivalries A long-standing political rivalry between President Ashraf Ghani and his former Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah is yet another factor in the given context. In fact, the US State Secretary was reported to have announced (23rd March) a cut in US aid to Afghanistan in a bid to force the two rivals to end the feud which in the US assessment was only helping stall the US-led peace-making efforts in Afghanistan. The US bid to accelerate the talks and enlist India’s support In order to push the implementation of the US-Taliban deal, The US Special Representative for Afghanistan reconciliation, Ambassador Zalmy Khalilzad travelled to Doha, New Delhi and Islamabad in the first week of May. He, accompanied by Senior Director in the US National Security Council, and the US Ambassador to India, met (May 7) with India’s External Affairs Minister and National Security Advisor. According to official pronouncements, Ambassador Zalmy Khalilzad conveyed the US recognition of India’s “constructive contribution” in economic development and reconstruction and humanitarian assistance to Afghanistan and “laid importance to India's crucial and continuing role in sustainable peace, security and stability in Afghanistan”. In response, the Indian side inter-alia expressed its concern at the upsurge of violence in Afghanistan and emphasised that “putting an end to terrorist safe havens and sanctuaries is necessary for enduring and sustainable peace and stability in Afghanistan”. At this stage of the meeting, in all probability, the US Representative may have recommended that India should also enter into a direct dialogue with the Taliban as was done by the USA. The official statements from India are silent on this aspect, reported in a segment of the media. A couple of days after the visit of the US Special Representative, the Taliban’s Doha-based political office spokesperson, Suhail Shaheen was reported to have said ( to an Indian TV news channel correspondent on May 9) that the Taliban “would like to have positive relations with neighbouring countries including India and welcome their contribution and cooperation in the reconstruction of future Afghanistan." It is thus apparent that both the USA and the Taliban realise the limitations of cash-strapped Pakistan in providing any material assistance to Afghanistan. The USA may also gradually reduce its economic assistance to Afghanistan. In contrast, the importance of India in the economic development of Afghanistan is well established and well appreciated in Afghanistan and elsewhere. Hence an attempt to nudge India towards a commitment of continued engagement with Afghanistan irrespective of Taliban sharing power in the post-intra-Afghanistan dialogue scenario. India’s Position So far India has indeed played an important role in Afghanistan but its role has remained confined largely to the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Afghanistan; it has invested about $3 billion in civilian infrastructure projects, besides capacity building including the training programmes for Afghan defence personnel. India’s contribution to economic development has earned it enormous goodwill in Afghanistan but its ability to influence the future political road map of Afghanistan or to secure assurances for its security interests within and outside Afghanistan remains limited. One of the several reasons is the reluctance on the part of India to engage Taliban or share a platform with the fundamentalist terror organization. India, by and large, have remained excluded from the multi-party deliberations aimed at securing peace, security, stability and reconciliation in Afghanistan. Most recently, India wasn’t invited to the UN-coordinated 6+2+1 meeting on Afghanistan (16th April) attended by Afghanistan, its neighbours -China, Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan- and the USA and Russia. The flimsy explanation for non-inclusion of India was that it did not share borders with Afghanistan, ignoring the fact that India’s territory bordering Afghanistan is currently under Pakistan’s illegal occupation. In its official response to US-Taliban agreement (29th February), India stopped short of “welcoming” it in so many words, though it did “ note that the entire political spectrum in Afghanistan, including the Government, the democratic polity and civil society, has welcomed the opportunity and hope for peace and stability generated by these agreements”. The official statement in this regard reiterated what it said was India’s “consistent policy to support all opportunities that can bring peace, security and stability in Afghanistan; end violence; cut ties with international terrorism; and lead to a lasting political settlement through an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan controlled process” India Dilemma Should India reconsider its current policy that a lasting political settlement in Afghanistan must come through an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan controlled process”, considering that the elected Afghan Government is hardly in control of the peace process which at the moment is being dominated by the USA and Taliban with the active participation of Pakistan? Should India settle down for a limited role of being only a facilitator of the economic prosperity of Afghanistan without any defined role in the processes determining the future political road map of Afghanistan and particularly without any firm commitments that the Taliban would not act against the security interests of India, nor will it allow any terror outfit to use the Afghan soil to do so?. The USA has secured an assurance to this effect through direct negotiations with the Taliban for itself and its allies. Should India, therefore, follow the US model and consider the option of entering into direct talks with a terror organisation? If India does so, it would constitute a major departure from its consistent policy of dealing only with recognised governments. Or should India wait and see whether its role is expanded by its inclusion in expanded 6+2+1 group and also how the intra-Afghan talks develop over a period of time, and then make an assessment on the desirability or otherwise of opening a direct channel of communication with Taliban? Should India in the meanwhile stop quietly insisting on peace process being Afghan-owned, Afghan-led and Afghan controlled and open a Track II Channel with Taliban with or without the US participation? These are the key issues which should be engaging the attention of India’s Afghanistan policy-makers. It remains to be seen as to what strategy India would eventually adopt to ensure its strong foothold in Afghanistan as well as to secure its security interests. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Afghanistan's peace process: India’s position and dilemma  

Afghanistan is witnessing a surge in violence during this pandemic. 6 terror attacks have been reported in the last 48 hours. 40 lives were lost in 2 terror attacks on Tuesday alone.

Rising violence in Afghanistan: Wion Ground Report | Gravitas

There has been a surge in violence in Afghanistan. Around 40 lives were lost in two terror attacks on Tuesday. To be precise, six attacks have taken place in Afghanistan in the last 48 hours.

On Tuesday, gunmen attacked a government hospital in Kabul and killed at least a dozen people. According to reports, the attack was aimed at expats.

The hospital houses a maternity clinic supported by doctors without borders. The hospital is located in Dashti Barchi which is mostly inhabited by the minority Shia community. Dashti Barchi has been targeted by the Islamic State in the past.

No militant group has claimed responsibility for this attack. Meanwhile, Islamic State militants are known to operate in the province.

Hours before the hospital seize, a suicide attacker detonated himself at a funeral at Khewa district of the Nangarhar province. The suicide attack killed at least 20 people.

The Taliban denied responsibility for the attack on the mourners gathered in Khewa district of Nangarhar province on the border with Pakistan.

Several&nbsp;attacks in the capital in recent months have been claimed by Islamic State. Islamic State fighters first appeared in eastern Afghanistan in around 2014.

The Afghan affiliate of Islamic State, known as Islamic State Khorasan (ISIS-K), after an old name for the region that includes Afghanistan, has carried out some of the deadliest attacks in Afghanistan over recent years.

(With inputs from Reuters) 
&nbsp;

There has been a surge in violence in Afghanistan. Around 40 lives were lost in two terror attacks on Tuesday. To be precise, six attacks have taken place in Afghanistan in the last 48 hours.

There has been a surge in violence in Afghanistan. Around 40 lives were lost in two terror attacks on Tuesday. To be precise, six attacks have taken place in Afghanistan in the last 48 hours. On Tuesday, gunmen attacked a government hospital in Kabul and killed at least a dozen people. According to reports, the attack was aimed at expats. The hospital houses a maternity clinic supported by doctors without borders. The hospital is located in Dashti Barchi which is mostly inhabited by the minority Shia community. Dashti Barchi has been targeted by the Islamic State in the past. No militant group has claimed responsibility for this attack. Meanwhile, Islamic State militants are known to operate in the province. Hours before the hospital seize, a suicide attacker detonated himself at a funeral at Khewa district of the Nangarhar province. The suicide attack killed at least 20 people. The Taliban denied responsibility for the attack on the mourners gathered in Khewa district of Nangarhar province on the border with Pakistan. Several attacks in the capital in recent months have been claimed by Islamic State. Islamic State fighters first appeared in eastern Afghanistan in around 2014. The Afghan affiliate of Islamic State, known as Islamic State Khorasan (ISIS-K), after an old name for the region that includes Afghanistan, has carried out some of the deadliest attacks in Afghanistan over recent years. (With inputs from Reuters)

Afghanistan jolted by a series of terror attacks

The leader of the Islamic State group in South Asia and the Far East has been arrested along with two other senior leaders of the militant group in Kabul. According to Afghanistan's intelligence service, Zia ul-Haq, also known as Sheikh Omar Khorasani, was arrested along with his spokesman Saheeb and chief of intelligence Abu Ali.

The leader of the Islamic State group in South Asia and the Far East has been arrested along with two other senior leaders of the militant group in Kabul. According to Afghanistan's intelligence service, Zia ul-Haq, also known as Sheikh Omar Khorasani, was arrested along with his spokesman Saheeb and chief of intelligence Abu Ali. The operation was conducted after a tip-off by four recently arrested senior IS members, and based on security and intelligence inputs, a statement by the service said. The agency "will continue its comprehensive and targeted operations to hunt down senior leaders of regional terrorist groups and destroy the joint hubs of these terrorist networks", the statement said, quoted by Reuters. IS has carried out several deadly bombings in recent years, targeting Afghanistan's Shia and other minorities and killing scores of people. The arrests come as violence continues throughout the country despite the signing of a troop withdrawal agreement between the US and the Taliban in February.

Islamic State South Asia leader arrested in Afghanistan

Watch today in Your Story: Clashes at food donation camp in Afghanistan has claimed the life of 6 people, including 2 police officers.

COVID-19 crisis: Clashes at food donation camp in Afghanistan claim lives of 6 people | Your Story

Taliban -- in a first -- has said it would like to have "positive" relations with India while welcoming New Delhi's cooperation in Afghanistan. &nbsp;

"Based on our national interest and mutual respect, we would like to have positive relations with neighbouring countries, including India. We welcome their contribution and cooperation in the reconstruction of future Afghanistan," Suhail Shaheen spokesperson Taliban Political Office, Doha said in an exclusive conversation with WION.

He explained, "The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan is a national liberation force which has been struggling for the emancipation of the country from occupation. We don’t have any agenda beyond our border. "

The comments come in the wake of the US being keen that New Delhi engages with the Taliban. Also, US Special Representative for Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad was in Delhi last week -- the first such visit after the US-Taliban deal on February 29 -- and had spoken about this with India.

During the visit, he called on External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Sources said, "It is clear, New Delhi needs to be part of the process if we need to contribute effectively to the (Afghan) peace process."

The talks which had "level of urgency", sources added, had "covered the entire gamut of the situation in Afghanistan. Proposal for the accommodation of different strands of political thoughts was discussed."

In an interview to the Hindu newspaper, Zalmay Khalilzad had said India should speak directly to the Taliban.

The Indian readout of the meet said that EAM and NSA had reiterated "India's continued support for strengthening peace, security, unity, democratic and inclusive polity" and "protection of rights of all sections of the Afghan society, including Afghan Hindus and Sikhs."&nbsp;

Earlier this year, terrorists attacked a Gurudwara in Kabul killing more than 25 Afghan Sikhs and was claimed by the Islamic State. The attack also killed one Indian.

To this end, India had expressed deep "concern at the upsurge in violence" and extended support for "call for an immediate ceasefire" and need to "assist the people of Afghanistan in dealing with coronavirus pandemic."

India also emphasised on the need to "putting an end to terrorist safe havens and sanctuaries" which is necessary for "enduring and sustainable peace and stability in Afghanistan."

The US special envoy was accompanied by Senior Director in the US National Security Council Lisa Curtis and the US Ambassador to India Ken Juster.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/afghanistan/us-threatens-taliban-with-retaliatory-actions-if-violence-in-afghanistan-continues-296384">Also read |&nbsp;US threatens Taliban with retaliatory actions if violence in Afghanistan continues</a>

Taliban -- in a first -- has said it would like to have "positive" relations with India while welcoming New Delhi's cooperation in Afghanistan. "Based on our national interest and mutual respect, we would like to have positive relations with neighbouring countries, including India.

Taliban -- in a first -- has said it would like to have "positive" relations with India while welcoming New Delhi's cooperation in Afghanistan. "Based on our national interest and mutual respect, we would like to have positive relations with neighbouring countries, including India. We welcome their contribution and cooperation in the reconstruction of future Afghanistan," Suhail Shaheen spokesperson Taliban Political Office, Doha said in an exclusive conversation with WION. He explained, "The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan is a national liberation force which has been struggling for the emancipation of the country from occupation. We don’t have any agenda beyond our border. " The comments come in the wake of the US being keen that New Delhi engages with the Taliban. Also, US Special Representative for Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad was in Delhi last week -- the first such visit after the US-Taliban deal on February 29 -- and had spoken about this with India. During the visit, he called on External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval. Sources said, "It is clear, New Delhi needs to be part of the process if we need to contribute effectively to the (Afghan) peace process." The talks which had "level of urgency", sources added, had "covered the entire gamut of the situation in Afghanistan. Proposal for the accommodation of different strands of political thoughts was discussed." In an interview to the Hindu newspaper, Zalmay Khalilzad had said India should speak directly to the Taliban. The Indian readout of the meet said that EAM and NSA had reiterated "India's continued support for strengthening peace, security, unity, democratic and inclusive polity" and "protection of rights of all sections of the Afghan society, including Afghan Hindus and Sikhs." Earlier this year, terrorists attacked a Gurudwara in Kabul killing more than 25 Afghan Sikhs and was claimed by the Islamic State. The attack also killed one Indian. To this end, India had expressed deep "concern at the upsurge in violence" and extended support for "call for an immediate ceasefire" and need to "assist the people of Afghanistan in dealing with coronavirus pandemic." India also emphasised on the need to "putting an end to terrorist safe havens and sanctuaries" which is necessary for "enduring and sustainable peace and stability in Afghanistan." The US special envoy was accompanied by Senior Director in the US National Security Council Lisa Curtis and the US Ambassador to India Ken Juster. Also read | US threatens Taliban with retaliatory actions if violence in Afghanistan continues

Would like to maintain positive relations with India, says Taliban

Border closures have cut food supplies in war-torn Afghanistan. Prices of food are soaring. WION's Palki Sharma gets you a ground report.

Gravitas: Ground Report | The Coronavirus crisis in Afghanistan

Poverty and hunger are the two major crisis that Afghanistan has been fighting. Despite massive developmental funds being sent to the country most of the population is deprived of the basic amenities. Watch report.

Food inflation soars in Afghanistan: Uneven distribution of ration is a concern

The Afghan forces have killed five ISIS and Haqqani terrorists of the Kabul gurudwara attack. The terrorists were eliminated in 3 operations conducted by special operation forces. Watch report.

Terrorists behind Kabul Gurudwara attack killed by Afghan security forces

At least three civilians were killed, and four security personnel, including jail chief, wounded in an explosion near Laghman prison on Saturday.

Also read:&nbsp;

"Three civilians were killed in an explosion near #Laghman prison, and Four security people including Jail chief were wounded," Pajhwok Afghan News quoted provincial governor's spokesman Assadullah Dawlatzai as saying.

No group has claimed responsibility for the attack so far.

Further details are awaited.&nbsp;

At least three civilians were killed, and four security personnel, including jail chief, wounded in an explosion near Laghman prison on Saturday. Also read: "Three civilians were killed in an explosion near #Laghman prison, and Four security people including Jail chief were wounded," Pajhwok Afghan News quoted provincial governor's spokesman Assadullah Dawlatzai as saying.

At least three civilians were killed, and four security personnel, including jail chief, wounded in an explosion near Laghman prison on Saturday. Also read: "Three civilians were killed in an explosion near #Laghman prison, and Four security people including Jail chief were wounded," Pajhwok Afghan News quoted provincial governor's spokesman Assadullah Dawlatzai as saying. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack so far. Further details are awaited.

Afghanistan: 3 civilians killed, 4 security persons wounded in explosion near Laghman prison

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and rival Abdullah Abdullah are close to resolving a standoff over last year's disputed presidential election that has threatened a U.S.-brokered peace process, both sides said on Saturday.

The feud culminated in both men declaring themselves president at parallel inauguration ceremonies in March.

A draft deal had been finalised that included proposals that Abdullah lead a high council for peace talks and have a half-share in government appointments, Fraidoon Khwazoon, a spokesman for Abdullah, said.

"In principle an agreement is reached but there are a few things that need to be finalised. We believe they are not big obstacles and will be solved," Khwazoon said.

The dispute has sparked fears among many, including the United States, that the split was undermining momentum in peace talks with Islamist Taliban insurgents.

Ghani's spokesman, Sediq Sediqi, had said on Twitter late on Friday that there had been progress in resolving the dispute.

"Progress has been made in the ongoing negotiations and discussions on important political issues and matters to resolve them politically," Sediqi said.

Both sides have been under international pressure to strike a deal. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo flew to Afghanistan in March for a one-day visit to try to broker an arrangement even as most travel was halted due to the coronavirus pandemic.

"We have told both sides to firm up a deal this week. If not, then aid could be hit badly in this time," a senior Western diplomat said on Saturday.

Spokesmen for the U.S. Embassy in Kabul and for Ghani declined to comment. A spokesman for Abdullah said donors had emphasised they should solve the issue but they had not been given a deadline to come to a resolution.

Pompeo had announced a $1 billion reduction in aid and threatened to slash the same amount next year to try to force Abdullah and Ghani to end their feud.

After nearly 20 years of fighting the Taliban, the United States is looking for a way to extricate itself and to achieve peace between the U.S.-backed government and the militant group.

The United States and the Taliban signed a pact on Feb. 29 that was designed to pave the way for peace talks between the militant group and the Afghan government.

But formal talks have not started because of the political feud, as well as an escalation in violence by the Taliban since the deal was reached and disagreements over a prisoner swap.

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and rival Abdullah Abdullah are close to resolving a standoff over last year's disputed presidential election that has threatened a U.

Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and rival Abdullah Abdullah are close to resolving a standoff over last year's disputed presidential election that has threatened a U.S.-brokered peace process, both sides said on Saturday. The feud culminated in both men declaring themselves president at parallel inauguration ceremonies in March. A draft deal had been finalised that included proposals that Abdullah lead a high council for peace talks and have a half-share in government appointments, Fraidoon Khwazoon, a spokesman for Abdullah, said. "In principle an agreement is reached but there are a few things that need to be finalised. We believe they are not big obstacles and will be solved," Khwazoon said. The dispute has sparked fears among many, including the United States, that the split was undermining momentum in peace talks with Islamist Taliban insurgents. Ghani's spokesman, Sediq Sediqi, had said on Twitter late on Friday that there had been progress in resolving the dispute. "Progress has been made in the ongoing negotiations and discussions on important political issues and matters to resolve them politically," Sediqi said. Both sides have been under international pressure to strike a deal. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo flew to Afghanistan in March for a one-day visit to try to broker an arrangement even as most travel was halted due to the coronavirus pandemic. "We have told both sides to firm up a deal this week. If not, then aid could be hit badly in this time," a senior Western diplomat said on Saturday. Spokesmen for the U.S. Embassy in Kabul and for Ghani declined to comment. A spokesman for Abdullah said donors had emphasised they should solve the issue but they had not been given a deadline to come to a resolution. Pompeo had announced a $1 billion reduction in aid and threatened to slash the same amount next year to try to force Abdullah and Ghani to end their feud. After nearly 20 years of fighting the Taliban, the United States is looking for a way to extricate itself and to achieve peace between the U.S.-backed government and the militant group. The United States and the Taliban signed a pact on Feb. 29 that was designed to pave the way for peace talks between the militant group and the Afghan government. But formal talks have not started because of the political feud, as well as an escalation in violence by the Taliban since the deal was reached and disagreements over a prisoner swap.

Afghan President Ghani and rival Abdullah say they're close to ending leadership feud

A US government watchdog said on Friday that NATO's mission in Afghanistan is withholding crucial information related to Taliban attacks.&nbsp;

The office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR), in its quarterly report, said the Resolute Support (RS) had stopped providing figures.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/afghan-president-ghani-and-bitter-rival-abdullah-reach-tentative-agreement-296157">Afghan President Ghani and bitter rival Abdullah reach 'tentative' agreement</a>

It said that RS issued a short statement, saying the Taliban had stepped up attacks in March, after the signing of the US-Taliban deal which intended to end American troops' presence in Afghanistan and work towards establishing peace and stability in the region.&nbsp;

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/suicide-bombing-in-kabul-province-kills-three-wounds-15-295535">Suicide bombing in Kabul province kills three, wounds 15</a>

"Between March 1 and 31, the Taliban refrained from attacks against coalition forces; however they increased attacks against (Afghan forces) to levels above seasonal norms," RS said, as per the report.&nbsp;

The RS mission previously shared data on "enemy-initiated attacks", which helped in evaluating the strength of the Taliban and other insurgent groups.

RS told SIGAR that it decided to restrict information because enemy attacks were now a "critical part" of discussions "regarding ongoing political negotiations between the US and the Taliban"

However, SIGAR told Pentagon that the data might be released in the future.&nbsp;

Pentagon supported the decision to withhold data, citing ongoing talks.

"So the decision was that we're working toward a better solution and a better place for Afghanistan and that the sharing of that information would not... move the ball forward," the spokesman, Jonathan Hoffman, said.&nbsp;

"The level of violence by the Taliban is unacceptably high," he said, hinting that a diplomatic solution will possibly not end the crisis.&nbsp;

In the week ahead of February 29, when deal was signed in Doha, violence dropped in Afghanistan, however, after the signing, the Taliban immediately resumed assaults on Afghan forces.&nbsp;

During the deal negotiations, the Taliban committed to stop targetting foreign troops, but no such provision was made for Afghan forces.&nbsp;

(With inputs from AFP)

 
&nbsp;

A US government watchdog said on Friday that NATO's mission in Afghanistan is withholding crucial information related to Taliban attacks. The office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR), in its quarterly report, said the Resolute Support (RS) had stopped providing figures.

A US government watchdog said on Friday that NATO's mission in Afghanistan is withholding crucial information related to Taliban attacks. The office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR), in its quarterly report, said the Resolute Support (RS) had stopped providing figures. Also read | Afghan President Ghani and bitter rival Abdullah reach 'tentative' agreement It said that RS issued a short statement, saying the Taliban had stepped up attacks in March, after the signing of the US-Taliban deal which intended to end American troops' presence in Afghanistan and work towards establishing peace and stability in the region. Also read | Suicide bombing in Kabul province kills three, wounds 15 "Between March 1 and 31, the Taliban refrained from attacks against coalition forces; however they increased attacks against (Afghan forces) to levels above seasonal norms," RS said, as per the report. The RS mission previously shared data on "enemy-initiated attacks", which helped in evaluating the strength of the Taliban and other insurgent groups. RS told SIGAR that it decided to restrict information because enemy attacks were now a "critical part" of discussions "regarding ongoing political negotiations between the US and the Taliban" However, SIGAR told Pentagon that the data might be released in the future. Pentagon supported the decision to withhold data, citing ongoing talks. "So the decision was that we're working toward a better solution and a better place for Afghanistan and that the sharing of that information would not... move the ball forward," the spokesman, Jonathan Hoffman, said. "The level of violence by the Taliban is unacceptably high," he said, hinting that a diplomatic solution will possibly not end the crisis. In the week ahead of February 29, when deal was signed in Doha, violence dropped in Afghanistan, however, after the signing, the Taliban immediately resumed assaults on Afghan forces. During the deal negotiations, the Taliban committed to stop targetting foreign troops, but no such provision was made for Afghan forces. (With inputs from AFP)

NATO withholds key information on Taliban attacks, says US watchdog

A dramatic change in Afghanistan is on the horizon. India should quickly and positively respond to the evolving political reality and play a role that goes with its standing as a civilizational power.

It would be wiser for New Delhi now to move beyond the Pakistan-centric thinking and stop falling into the trap of complacency in the US handling of Afghanistan.

Washington's inability to foresee the Afghan endgame has proved glaringly. When the 18 years of war became unwinnable, the US has chosen to escape the status quo by reconciling with the Taliban. India has to fend for itself.

India found it expedient to support Karzai and Ghani and spent a fortune during the last 17 years. However, the situation and level of uncertainty is back to square one. The Doha deal does not take of India’s interests and it has to fend for itself.

As we move ahead, the Americans are not likely to either stop depending on Pakistan or will give priority to tackling India-specific terrorism. Kashmir is an ‘Indian problem’ and Washington’s concerns are limited to averting a war between India and Pakistan.

Equally, some of India’s old diplomatic applications and security engagements with traditional partners like Iran and Russia may not work now. They have proved their agilities in dealing with Pakistan depending on their interests.

Therefore, Delhi needs to forsworn all its old recipe of tagging with the US or leveraging ties with Russia, Iran and others. In fact, some of the old-style clichés such as inclusive, broad-based government, no external interference, Afghan-led, Afghan-owned, moderate, nationalists and secular etc appear essential but not viable anymore.

The notion of good-bad Taliban, moderate-hardliner distinctions also proved misleading that obscured the reality.

The following critical points are essential for India:

First, Afghanistan's unity and territorial integrity is considered vital to India since the British period. Any disintegration prospect or falling a part of it into Pakistan or fragmentation within would severely undermine Indian state.

Second, history guides that there are no winners in the Afghan end-game. Those fallen into the Afghan trap only ended up draining their resources.

Third, a core principle underpins India Afghan's policy is to avoid any Af-Pak proximity from a zero-sum calculation. Pakistan by virtue of culture, tribal and spatial reasons will always enjoy an edge over India.

Fourth, politics suggests that Afghanistan’s irredentist claim over the Pushtun areas of Pakistan versus Pakistan’s revanchist ambitions in Afghanistan create mutual suspicion if not inherent animosity between the two.

Fifth, the Afghans always loathed being run by a puppet master, detested Pakistanis. Irrespective of frequent power-shifts, Kabul looked towards Delhi for the requisite political legitimacy and for quintessential protection against Pakistani hegemonic threat.

Sixth, whether they are Sufis, Wahabis, Deobandis or secular scholars, the Afghan craving for tracing roots and ancestry or even the severe pangs of nostalgia for Hindustan, eventually turned them to Delhi. This hurt the Pakistanis the most. The fear of Afghan protégés escaping from their cage still causes nightmares in Rawalpindi.

Seventh, the law of attraction in the case of India always worked in a reverse way. The people, societies and nations across the world always found their own ways to connect with India. India can again become the centre, instead of it constantly chasing for an influence outside.

What is required for India is remain invested in rebuilding its lost traditional links.

While India may have moved away from practising its idealistic middle-path principle, its long-cherished realist wisdom and adaptability strategy can still become the hallmark of its diplomacy.

That's a lot easier said than done! But for sure, no one can control Afghanistan, but no one can understand the undulated layers of Afghan history better than the Indians.

Alas, Indians are uprooted from the treasure trove of their ancient wisdom and knowledge, which means lacking in self-confidence to read human diversity and cultural complexity that needs urgent reviving to deal with looming new challenges.

Yet, the challenge is to draw on India’s own historical strength which has been missing. One reason India lags behind China is the non-ownership of its historical resources.

India’s links with the land and people of Afghanistan go back to the time of Rigveda. Gandhara (fragrance) as a western kingdom finds mention in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. It was among the sixteen Mahajanapadas of ancient India.

Peshawar (Puruṣapura), Taxila (Takṣaśilā), Charsadda (Pushkalavati), Swat (Udayana), Prang (Prayag) etc were important Buddhist and Hindu learning centres. Acharaya Pāṇini referred to the area around Kabul as the Kingdom of Kapisi (Kapiśi) or Kapiśayana equivalent to Sanskrit Kamboja.

India cannot have a Pentagon-style security paradigm to deal with its Asian neighbours. For any sound and proactive Afghan policy needs to seriously underpin these historical backdrops.

As Afghanistan is nearing a turning point, New Delhi needs to deploy its diplomatic astuteness or at least revert back to the long-adhered principled policy of working with the governments in Kabul, regardless of ideology.

Things could turn around to India’s advantage if it decides to play the quiet game with the wisdom of patience and subtlety in its conduct, not necessarily amounting to playing the emotional diplomacy that Gujral had displayed.

For a cleverer geopolitical ploy, the core driver of India’s Afghanistan policy needs to centre on rekindling the Pashtun nationalist spirit that Pakistan for decades has been hell-bent on undermining in favour of spreading pan-Islamism as an antithesis to Afghan nationalism.

The problem isn’t the Taliban, but Pakistan’s devilry and its manipulation with the Pashtun sense of identity that has traditionally been a thorn in the flesh of Pakistan.

The challenge before Delhi is to deflect every sign of fundamentalism and promote the shared features and values of Pashtunwali or Pashtun way of life, their honour (namuz), solidarity (nang) and other cultural etiquettes which are older than Islam, and is still prevalent amongst the Pashtun tribes.

India needs to start thinking how over 50 million Pushtuns living on both sides of the Durand Line—35 million on the Pakistani and 15 million in Afghanistan can be reunited.

Once the Afghan infightings end, India should establish deeper and overt contact with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa based Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) and also reignite the lingering Durand Line dispute between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Obviously, there is ethnic and sectarian dimension—the Hazaras, Shi’ites, Tajiks, Uzbek, Turkmen and others have been at odds with each other throughout Afghanistan’s turbulent history, but India enjoyed strong credibility with all these societies.

Only Pashtunistan question can unlock all the regional contradictions that should ultimately snowball into Pakistan’s disintegration of Pakistan, thereby reintegrating NWFP into Afghanistan, liberating Baluchistan and reverting PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan into India. This is a much-awaited policy focus that PM Narendra Modi can bring about.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

A dramatic change in Afghanistan is on the horizon. India should quickly and positively respond to the evolving political reality and play a role that goes with its standing as a civilizational power.

A dramatic change in Afghanistan is on the horizon. India should quickly and positively respond to the evolving political reality and play a role that goes with its standing as a civilizational power. It would be wiser for New Delhi now to move beyond the Pakistan-centric thinking and stop falling into the trap of complacency in the US handling of Afghanistan. Washington's inability to foresee the Afghan endgame has proved glaringly. When the 18 years of war became unwinnable, the US has chosen to escape the status quo by reconciling with the Taliban. India has to fend for itself. India found it expedient to support Karzai and Ghani and spent a fortune during the last 17 years. However, the situation and level of uncertainty is back to square one. The Doha deal does not take of India’s interests and it has to fend for itself. As we move ahead, the Americans are not likely to either stop depending on Pakistan or will give priority to tackling India-specific terrorism. Kashmir is an ‘Indian problem’ and Washington’s concerns are limited to averting a war between India and Pakistan. Equally, some of India’s old diplomatic applications and security engagements with traditional partners like Iran and Russia may not work now. They have proved their agilities in dealing with Pakistan depending on their interests. Therefore, Delhi needs to forsworn all its old recipe of tagging with the US or leveraging ties with Russia, Iran and others. In fact, some of the old-style clichés such as inclusive, broad-based government, no external interference, Afghan-led, Afghan-owned, moderate, nationalists and secular etc appear essential but not viable anymore. The notion of good-bad Taliban, moderate-hardliner distinctions also proved misleading that obscured the reality. The following critical points are essential for India: First, Afghanistan's unity and territorial integrity is considered vital to India since the British period. Any disintegration prospect or falling a part of it into Pakistan or fragmentation within would severely undermine Indian state. Second, history guides that there are no winners in the Afghan end-game. Those fallen into the Afghan trap only ended up draining their resources. Third, a core principle underpins India Afghan's policy is to avoid any Af-Pak proximity from a zero-sum calculation. Pakistan by virtue of culture, tribal and spatial reasons will always enjoy an edge over India. Fourth, politics suggests that Afghanistan’s irredentist claim over the Pushtun areas of Pakistan versus Pakistan’s revanchist ambitions in Afghanistan create mutual suspicion if not inherent animosity between the two. Fifth, the Afghans always loathed being run by a puppet master, detested Pakistanis. Irrespective of frequent power-shifts, Kabul looked towards Delhi for the requisite political legitimacy and for quintessential protection against Pakistani hegemonic threat. Sixth, whether they are Sufis, Wahabis, Deobandis or secular scholars, the Afghan craving for tracing roots and ancestry or even the severe pangs of nostalgia for Hindustan, eventually turned them to Delhi. This hurt the Pakistanis the most. The fear of Afghan protégés escaping from their cage still causes nightmares in Rawalpindi. Seventh, the law of attraction in the case of India always worked in a reverse way. The people, societies and nations across the world always found their own ways to connect with India. India can again become the centre, instead of it constantly chasing for an influence outside. What is required for India is remain invested in rebuilding its lost traditional links. While India may have moved away from practising its idealistic middle-path principle, its long-cherished realist wisdom and adaptability strategy can still become the hallmark of its diplomacy. That's a lot easier said than done! But for sure, no one can control Afghanistan, but no one can understand the undulated layers of Afghan history better than the Indians. Alas, Indians are uprooted from the treasure trove of their ancient wisdom and knowledge, which means lacking in self-confidence to read human diversity and cultural complexity that needs urgent reviving to deal with looming new challenges. Yet, the challenge is to draw on India’s own historical strength which has been missing. One reason India lags behind China is the non-ownership of its historical resources. India’s links with the land and people of Afghanistan go back to the time of Rigveda. Gandhara (fragrance) as a western kingdom finds mention in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. It was among the sixteen Mahajanapadas of ancient India. Peshawar (Puruṣapura), Taxila (Takṣaśilā), Charsadda (Pushkalavati), Swat (Udayana), Prang (Prayag) etc were important Buddhist and Hindu learning centres. Acharaya Pāṇini referred to the area around Kabul as the Kingdom of Kapisi (Kapiśi) or Kapiśayana equivalent to Sanskrit Kamboja. India cannot have a Pentagon-style security paradigm to deal with its Asian neighbours. For any sound and proactive Afghan policy needs to seriously underpin these historical backdrops. As Afghanistan is nearing a turning point, New Delhi needs to deploy its diplomatic astuteness or at least revert back to the long-adhered principled policy of working with the governments in Kabul, regardless of ideology. Things could turn around to India’s advantage if it decides to play the quiet game with the wisdom of patience and subtlety in its conduct, not necessarily amounting to playing the emotional diplomacy that Gujral had displayed. For a cleverer geopolitical ploy, the core driver of India’s Afghanistan policy needs to centre on rekindling the Pashtun nationalist spirit that Pakistan for decades has been hell-bent on undermining in favour of spreading pan-Islamism as an antithesis to Afghan nationalism. The problem isn’t the Taliban, but Pakistan’s devilry and its manipulation with the Pashtun sense of identity that has traditionally been a thorn in the flesh of Pakistan. The challenge before Delhi is to deflect every sign of fundamentalism and promote the shared features and values of Pashtunwali or Pashtun way of life, their honour (namuz), solidarity (nang) and other cultural etiquettes which are older than Islam, and is still prevalent amongst the Pashtun tribes. India needs to start thinking how over 50 million Pushtuns living on both sides of the Durand Line—35 million on the Pakistani and 15 million in Afghanistan can be reunited. Once the Afghan infightings end, India should establish deeper and overt contact with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa based Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) and also reignite the lingering Durand Line dispute between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Obviously, there is ethnic and sectarian dimension—the Hazaras, Shi’ites, Tajiks, Uzbek, Turkmen and others have been at odds with each other throughout Afghanistan’s turbulent history, but India enjoyed strong credibility with all these societies. Only Pashtunistan question can unlock all the regional contradictions that should ultimately snowball into Pakistan’s disintegration of Pakistan, thereby reintegrating NWFP into Afghanistan, liberating Baluchistan and reverting PoK and Gilgit-Baltistan into India. This is a much-awaited policy focus that PM Narendra Modi can bring about. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Return of the Taliban: Pashtunistan holds key to India’s Afghan strategy

While the world is fighting corona pandemic, Afganistan continues to struggle against terrorism which still claims more lives than any other disease.

Terrorism continues to kill more civilians in Afghanistan than coronavirus

The Afghan economy does not get much attention in global economic reports, mainly because it is smaller in size and less integrated with the world economy.

WION Dispatch: Afghanistan's dry fruit market unaffected by pandemic

Afghans on Friday (April 24) began observing Ramadan amid worries over the spread of coronavirus in the country and a government lockdown. Fewer people were out on the streets stocking up on essentials as after Kabul extended the lockdown for two more weeks and many shops remained shuttered.

Afghanistan govt discourages mosque gatherings during Ramzan

COVID-19 cases are on rise in Afghanistan. There is lack of infrastructure and isolation centres in Afghanistan. The government has now converted Darul Aman Palace into a medical facility.

Afghanistan: Darul Aman Palace to be used as medical facility | Ground Report

At least 20 officials working at Afghan President Ashraf Ghani's palace have tested positive for coronavirus, prompting the 70-year-old leader to limit most of his contact with staff to digital communication, government sources said on Saturday.

An official document delivered to the Presidential Palace in Kabul is thought to have infected staff, many of whom began feeling unwell and were tested earlier this month, according to a senior health official.

"A contaminated document was sent to an office inside the palace from another government department and that's how the employees were infected," the official told Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity.

"Some of the employees were still working in their offices when the results came out, and we had to quarantine them and their families, but the numbers could be higher," the official added.

Sediq Sediqqi, Ghani's spokesman, said the Civil Service Commission has already asked government employees to stay at home before the tests were conducted and that order has been extended for another three weeks.

A government source told Reuters that Ghani, who in the past has said he suffers from health issues related to his stomach, has limited contact with staff, conducting most meetings through video conference calls and meeting only a handful in his inner circle in person.

COVID-19, the disease caused by the new coronavirus has been known to disproportionately affect older people and result in much higher mortality rates within that demographic.

Afghanistan - already battling shortages of food and medicine while violent clashes with the Taliban continue - had recorded 933 positive cases of coronavirus as of Saturday.

Thirty people have died of the virus but health officials say the number of cases are likely to be much higher than reported due to limited testing.

The Afghan health ministry has warned that unless containment measures are improved throughout the war-torn country, Afghanistan is heading for a catastrophe and millions would be infected.

At least 20 officials working at Afghan President Ashraf Ghani's palace have tested positive for coronavirus, prompting the 70-year-old leader to limit most of his contact with staff to digital communication, government sources said on Saturday.

At least 20 officials working at Afghan President Ashraf Ghani's palace have tested positive for coronavirus, prompting the 70-year-old leader to limit most of his contact with staff to digital communication, government sources said on Saturday. An official document delivered to the Presidential Palace in Kabul is thought to have infected staff, many of whom began feeling unwell and were tested earlier this month, according to a senior health official. "A contaminated document was sent to an office inside the palace from another government department and that's how the employees were infected," the official told Reuters, speaking on condition of anonymity. "Some of the employees were still working in their offices when the results came out, and we had to quarantine them and their families, but the numbers could be higher," the official added. Sediq Sediqqi, Ghani's spokesman, said the Civil Service Commission has already asked government employees to stay at home before the tests were conducted and that order has been extended for another three weeks. A government source told Reuters that Ghani, who in the past has said he suffers from health issues related to his stomach, has limited contact with staff, conducting most meetings through video conference calls and meeting only a handful in his inner circle in person. COVID-19, the disease caused by the new coronavirus has been known to disproportionately affect older people and result in much higher mortality rates within that demographic. Afghanistan - already battling shortages of food and medicine while violent clashes with the Taliban continue - had recorded 933 positive cases of coronavirus as of Saturday. Thirty people have died of the virus but health officials say the number of cases are likely to be much higher than reported due to limited testing. The Afghan health ministry has warned that unless containment measures are improved throughout the war-torn country, Afghanistan is heading for a catastrophe and millions would be infected.

At least 20 Afghan presidential palace staff test positive for coronavirus: Health official

Afghanistan on Tuesday launched its maiden N-95 facial mask manufacturing factory as the country's fragile health system struggles in the wake of coronavirus pandemic.

How Afghanistan is coping up with COVID-19?

The lockdown in the Afghan capital Kabul on Saturday was extended for two more weeks with strict measures amid the continued coronavirus pandemic in the country.

Kabul lockdown extended even after stricter curbs

Afghan health authorities said that 56 six new cases of coronavirus were reported in the country, taking the total tally of positive cases to 423.

Citing the data compiled by the Ministry of Public Health over the past 24 hours, TOLOnews reported that Herat has registered 27 new cases, 12 in Kabul, 10 in Kandahar, five cases in Balkh and two in Nangarhar.

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Out of 140 samples tested for COVID-19 in the past 24 hours, 27 were positive which included 21 men and six women, a spokesperson for the provincial health department was quoted as saying.

The total cases in Herat are 257 so far. At least 11 people are reported dead from coronavirus in Afghanistan and 18 others have recovered.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-to-allow-afghan-nationals-to-return-home-foreign-office-290572" hreflang="en">Pakistan to allow Afghan nationals to return home: Foreign Office</a>

According to US-based Johns Hopkins University, at least 74,808 people have succumbed to the lethal disease across the world so far.

The US-based varsity also noted that the number of confirmed cases across more than 180 countries has risen to 1,347,892, while 284,802 people have recovered so far.&nbsp; 
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Afghan health authorities said that 56 six new cases of coronavirus were reported in the country, taking the total tally of positive cases to 423. Citing the data compiled by the Ministry of Public Health over the past 24 hours, TOLOnews reported that Herat has registered 27 new cases, 12 in Kabul, 10 in Kandahar, five cases in Balkh and two in Nangarhar.

Afghan health authorities said that 56 six new cases of coronavirus were reported in the country, taking the total tally of positive cases to 423. Citing the data compiled by the Ministry of Public Health over the past 24 hours, TOLOnews reported that Herat has registered 27 new cases, 12 in Kabul, 10 in Kandahar, five cases in Balkh and two in Nangarhar. Also read: Planned $1 billion US aid cut would hit Afghan security force funds: Report Out of 140 samples tested for COVID-19 in the past 24 hours, 27 were positive which included 21 men and six women, a spokesperson for the provincial health department was quoted as saying. The total cases in Herat are 257 so far. At least 11 people are reported dead from coronavirus in Afghanistan and 18 others have recovered. Also read: Pakistan to allow Afghan nationals to return home: Foreign Office According to US-based Johns Hopkins University, at least 74,808 people have succumbed to the lethal disease across the world so far. The US-based varsity also noted that the number of confirmed cases across more than 180 countries has risen to 1,347,892, while 284,802 people have recovered so far.

Afghanistan registers 56 new COVID-19 cases, tally surges to 423

Pakistan on Monday opened Torkham and Chaman border crossings with Afghanistan for four days to allow the exit of Afghan nationals stranded in the country, officials said.

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The Foreign Office said in a statement that the step has been taken on a special request of the Afghan government based on humanitarian considerations and to facilitate the Afghan nationals.

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Hundreds of Afghans were stuck up on the Pakistani side due to closure of the border as a precautionary measure to contain the deadly coronavirus from spreading.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/covid-19-cases-rise-to-349-in-afghanistan-290875" hreflang="en">COVID-19 cases rise to 349 in Afghanistan</a>

Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Government Spokesman Ajmal Wazir told a media briefing that all facilities would be provided to Afghan nationals in their return to their country in the wake of coronavirus pandemic.

He said that the number of COVID-19 cases climbed to 405 in the province after 33 new cases were reported on Monday. So far, 16 people have died due to the virus in the province.

Pakistan on Monday opened Torkham and Chaman border crossings with Afghanistan for four days to allow the exit of Afghan nationals stranded in the country, officials said.

Pakistan on Monday opened Torkham and Chaman border crossings with Afghanistan for four days to allow the exit of Afghan nationals stranded in the country, officials said. Also read: Pakistan: Police baton-charged doctors who were demanding protective gear to fight coronavirus The Foreign Office said in a statement that the step has been taken on a special request of the Afghan government based on humanitarian considerations and to facilitate the Afghan nationals. Also read: Coronavirus cases climb to 3,520 in Pakistan as authorities scramble to contain spread Hundreds of Afghans were stuck up on the Pakistani side due to closure of the border as a precautionary measure to contain the deadly coronavirus from spreading. Also read: COVID-19 cases rise to 349 in Afghanistan Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Government Spokesman Ajmal Wazir told a media briefing that all facilities would be provided to Afghan nationals in their return to their country in the wake of coronavirus pandemic. He said that the number of COVID-19 cases climbed to 405 in the province after 33 new cases were reported on Monday. So far, 16 people have died due to the virus in the province.

Pakistan opens two border crossings with Afghanistan for four days

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