Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the only world statesman to have stood up to China&#39;s <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/india-welcome-to-join-belt-and-road-initiative-says-china-22994">Belt and Road Initiative</a>, also known as One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR), even though the US has been silent on the ambitious project till recently, a top American expert on China said on Friday.

During a Congressional hearing, Michael Pillsbury, Director of Center on Chinese Strategy at the prestigious think-tank Hudson Institute, told lawmakers that Modi and his team have been quite outspoken against Chinese President Xi Jinping&#39;s ambitious project.

&quot;The only statesman in the world who stood up to it yet, is Prime Minister Modi. He and his team have been quite outspoken, partly because the Belt and Road Initiative includes violation of Indian sovereign claims, Pillsbury said.

&quot;But the US government, until now and this is a five- year-old initiative if you count the early part of it, has been silent, he said.

Praising the Trump administration for its new Indo- Pacific strategy, the former Pentagon official said in recent days people have heard more than 50 times by members of the Trump administration including the president himself mentioning &quot;free and open&quot; Indo-Pacific region.

&quot;The Chinese have already attacked this. They don&#39;t like it, said Pillsbury, who is considered an authority on China- related issues.

&quot;The Indians, fairly recently, were joking about we want to make the Indian Ocean the Indian Ocean, by which they meant the purchase of several billion dollars worth of American PA aircraft, which have weapon systems in the back that can sink ships, frankly, and other improvements including maritime situational awareness and a big new center in Delhi where the Indians can keep track of both blue holes and grey holes going through the Indian Ocean, he said.

&quot;Chinese are very angry about this. They have criticised the Obama administration for its effort to, as they say, boost India, to a higher rank order in comprehensive power than the Chinese believe India deserves, the top American expert on China said in response to a question.

Senator Ed Markey said China&#39;s signature Belt and Road Initiative that aims to position China as the uncontested leading power in Asia &quot;may further coerce&quot; its neighbours through loans they cannot repay.

The BRI aimed at building a vast network of infrastructure projects expanding China&#39;s expertise and capital to different parts of the world includes US $50 billion China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) over which India has protested as it traversed through Pakistan- occupied-Kashmir (PoK).

India boycotted the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) organised by China in May this year to highlight its concerns over Beijing pushing projects through the the PoK.

He said the US companies face the threat of intellectual property theft with reports that China has been stealing cutting-edge research as well as sensitive trade secrets from the US.

And that includes companies working in the clean energy sector who cannot compete with state-backed firms, he alleged.

Pillsbury said Chinese are offering low interest loans to countries that cannot afford it.

&quot;We&#39;re already saw the example of Sri Lanka, which fell behind in its payments and then was the subject of coercion that if you transfer the main port here in Sri Lanka to Chinese control, we will forgive the debt. The Sri Lankans did it, he said.

There were concerns of debt burden brought in by the BRI projects after Sri Lanka opted for long-term lease of its Hambantota port for US $1.12 billion debt swap.

&quot;...So we are beginning to see, just through the media, what the Belt and Road Initiative may mean, Pillsbury told the lawmakers.

Senator Markey said China is challenging the very underpinnings of the global order that has brought peace and prosperity.

China has not lived up to its international obligations to help denuclearise the Korean Peninsula, he said.

&quot;No country has greater leverage than China, which is responsible for approximately 90 per cent of North Korean trade,&quot; he noted.

Markey said, &quot;China is challenging the international system elsewhere as well. It has constructed in violation of international law, military bases on artificial islands and disputed areas of the South China Sea.&quot;&nbsp;

&quot;Through economic coercion, Beijing undermined the sovereignty of its smaller neighbours and countries including South Korea and the Philippines face Chinese retaliation for taking legal and sovereign actions in their own defence,&quot; he said.

Michael Pillsbury, Director of Center on Chinese Strategy at the prestigious think-tank Hudson Institute, said that Modi and his team have been quite outspoken against Chinese President Xi Jinping's ambitious project.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the only world statesman to have stood up to China's Belt and Road Initiative, also known as One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR), even though the US has been silent on the ambitious project till recently, a top American expert on China said on Friday. During a Congressional hearing, Michael Pillsbury, Director of Center on Chinese Strategy at the prestigious think-tank Hudson Institute, told lawmakers that Modi and his team have been quite outspoken against Chinese President Xi Jinping's ambitious project. "The only statesman in the world who stood up to it yet, is Prime Minister Modi. He and his team have been quite outspoken, partly because the Belt and Road Initiative includes violation of Indian sovereign claims, Pillsbury said. "But the US government, until now and this is a five- year-old initiative if you count the early part of it, has been silent, he said. Praising the Trump administration for its new Indo- Pacific strategy, the former Pentagon official said in recent days people have heard more than 50 times by members of the Trump administration including the president himself mentioning "free and open" Indo-Pacific region. "The Chinese have already attacked this. They don't like it, said Pillsbury, who is considered an authority on China- related issues. "The Indians, fairly recently, were joking about we want to make the Indian Ocean the Indian Ocean, by which they meant the purchase of several billion dollars worth of American PA aircraft, which have weapon systems in the back that can sink ships, frankly, and other improvements including maritime situational awareness and a big new center in Delhi where the Indians can keep track of both blue holes and grey holes going through the Indian Ocean, he said. "Chinese are very angry about this. They have criticised the Obama administration for its effort to, as they say, boost India, to a higher rank order in comprehensive power than the Chinese believe India deserves, the top American expert on China said in response to a question. Senator Ed Markey said China's signature Belt and Road Initiative that aims to position China as the uncontested leading power in Asia "may further coerce" its neighbours through loans they cannot repay. The BRI aimed at building a vast network of infrastructure projects expanding China's expertise and capital to different parts of the world includes US $50 billion China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) over which India has protested as it traversed through Pakistan- occupied-Kashmir (PoK). India boycotted the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) organised by China in May this year to highlight its concerns over Beijing pushing projects through the the PoK. He said the US companies face the threat of intellectual property theft with reports that China has been stealing cutting-edge research as well as sensitive trade secrets from the US. And that includes companies working in the clean energy sector who cannot compete with state-backed firms, he alleged. Pillsbury said Chinese are offering low interest loans to countries that cannot afford it. "We're already saw the example of Sri Lanka, which fell behind in its payments and then was the subject of coercion that if you transfer the main port here in Sri Lanka to Chinese control, we will forgive the debt. The Sri Lankans did it, he said. There were concerns of debt burden brought in by the BRI projects after Sri Lanka opted for long-term lease of its Hambantota port for US $1.12 billion debt swap. "...So we are beginning to see, just through the media, what the Belt and Road Initiative may mean, Pillsbury told the lawmakers. Senator Markey said China is challenging the very underpinnings of the global order that has brought peace and prosperity. China has not lived up to its international obligations to help denuclearise the Korean Peninsula, he said. "No country has greater leverage than China, which is responsible for approximately 90 per cent of North Korean trade," he noted. Markey said, "China is challenging the international system elsewhere as well. It has constructed in violation of international law, military bases on artificial islands and disputed areas of the South China Sea." "Through economic coercion, Beijing undermined the sovereignty of its smaller neighbours and countries including South Korea and the Philippines face Chinese retaliation for taking legal and sovereign actions in their own defence," he said.

Narendra Modi only world statesman to stand up to China on OBOR: US expert

China dispatched a special envoy to <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/satellite-images-indicate-aggressive-schedule-by-north-korea-to-build-ballistic-missile-submarine-institute-24433">North Korea&nbsp;</a>on Friday, a trip hailed as a &quot;big move&quot; by <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-hits-out-at-democrat-accused-of-groping-24422">US President Donald Trump</a>, who has urged Beijing to pile pressure on its nuclear-armed ally.

Diplomat Song Tao was travelling to the North on behalf of President Xi Jinping to brief officials on the recent Chinese Communist Party congress and other &quot;issues of mutual interest&quot;, foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said.

But analysts expect Song to address the nuclear standoff, which has roiled relations between the two Cold War-era allies as China has backed <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/north-korea-stays-defiant-in-face-of-fresh-un-sanctions-18664">United Nations sanctions on North Korea</a> over its missile tests and sixth nuclear blast.

Trump, who warned Xi during his trip to <a href="http://www.wionews.com/videos/beijing-wont-show-any-restraint-in-future-6752">Beijing</a> last week that time was &quot;quickly running out&quot; to solve the nuclear crisis, took to Twitter&nbsp;on Thursday&nbsp;to hail the mission as &quot;a big move, we&#39;ll see what happens!&quot;.

The US leader wants China, which accounts for 90 percent of North Korea&#39;s foreign trade, to put more economic pressure on the reclusive regime.

But experts doubt Song&#39;s visit will yield major breakthroughs.

&quot;China has virtually no political influence on<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/south-korea-us-reaffirm-need-for-peaceful-resolution-of-north-korea-problem-24417"> North Korea</a>. Its influence is derived from economic leverage,&quot; Bonnie Glaser, China expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, told AFP.

&quot;Relations are extremely stressed. Perhaps the lowest point since the Korean War,&quot; she said. &quot;Perhaps (the mission) will put a floor under China-North Korea relations, preventing further deterioration.&quot;

Ties at &#39;lowest point&#39;&nbsp;

China has imposed its own banking restrictions on North Koreans in addition to enacting a series of UN measures that include bans on imports of coal, iron ore and seafood from the North.

But Beijing fears that squeezing Pyongyang too hard would cause its collapse.

Song will be the first <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/chinese-envoy-denies-blocking-un-proposal-to-ban-masood-azhar-12689">Chinese envoy</a> to make an official trip to North Korea since October 2016, when vice foreign minister Liu Zhenmin visited.

Geng gave scant details about the trip, saying he did not know if Song had arrived in Pyongyang, who he will meet or what topics he will discuss. South Korea&#39;s Yonhap news agency said it had spotted him at Beijing&#39;s airport earlier&nbsp;on Friday.

China&#39;s relations with North Korea are currently at &quot;the lowest point they&#39;ve been in history&quot;, leaving the North diplomatically at its most isolated, said Lu Chao, director of the North Korea Research Centre at the Liaoning Academy of Social Sciences.&nbsp;

As a high-level diplomat, Song would likely meet directly with North Korea&#39;s top leaders, he said.

&quot;As far as North Korea is concerned, China&#39;s opinion is still an important one and will certainly arouse their full attention,&quot; Lu said.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;&#39;Freeze for freeze&#39;&nbsp;

As nuclear tensions have soared, Xi has pushed for negotiations and a &quot;dual track approach&quot; in which the United States would freeze its military drills in the region while North Korea halts its weapons programmes.

Trump claimed this week that Xi had agreed to drop his plan during their talks last week, but Beijing stood by its policy.

&quot;We believe that at the moment, this is the most realistic, feasible, fair and reasonable plan,&quot; Geng told a regular news briefing.

Yuan Jingdong, a specialist in Asia-Pacific security issues at the University of Sydney, expects little from Song&#39;s mission.

&quot;We can expect some face-saving, assuring but very general and abstract commitments with no substance changes in North Korea&#39;s nuclear and missile programmes,&quot; Yuan said.

The visit is &quot;more about warning North Korea against going to extremes than forcing it to give up the nukes&quot; because China&#39;s top priority remains maintaining regional stability, he said.

Song would likely &quot;assure Kim that if he behaves within a reasonable bound he can expect Beijing to continue providing some assistance and resist broadening the sanctions.&quot;

Trump, who warned Xi Jinping during his trip to Beijing last week that time was 'quickly running out' to solve the nuclear crisis, took to Twitter?on Thursday?to hail the mission as 'a big move, we'll see what happens!'

China dispatched a special envoy to North Korea on Friday, a trip hailed as a "big move" by US President Donald Trump, who has urged Beijing to pile pressure on its nuclear-armed ally. Diplomat Song Tao was travelling to the North on behalf of President Xi Jinping to brief officials on the recent Chinese Communist Party congress and other "issues of mutual interest", foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said. But analysts expect Song to address the nuclear standoff, which has roiled relations between the two Cold War-era allies as China has backed United Nations sanctions on North Korea over its missile tests and sixth nuclear blast. Trump, who warned Xi during his trip to Beijing last week that time was "quickly running out" to solve the nuclear crisis, took to Twitter on Thursday to hail the mission as "a big move, we'll see what happens!". The US leader wants China, which accounts for 90 percent of North Korea's foreign trade, to put more economic pressure on the reclusive regime. But experts doubt Song's visit will yield major breakthroughs. "China has virtually no political influence on North Korea. Its influence is derived from economic leverage," Bonnie Glaser, China expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, told AFP. "Relations are extremely stressed. Perhaps the lowest point since the Korean War," she said. "Perhaps (the mission) will put a floor under China-North Korea relations, preventing further deterioration." Ties at 'lowest point' China has imposed its own banking restrictions on North Koreans in addition to enacting a series of UN measures that include bans on imports of coal, iron ore and seafood from the North. But Beijing fears that squeezing Pyongyang too hard would cause its collapse. Song will be the first Chinese envoy to make an official trip to North Korea since October 2016, when vice foreign minister Liu Zhenmin visited. Geng gave scant details about the trip, saying he did not know if Song had arrived in Pyongyang, who he will meet or what topics he will discuss. South Korea's Yonhap news agency said it had spotted him at Beijing's airport earlier on Friday. China's relations with North Korea are currently at "the lowest point they've been in history", leaving the North diplomatically at its most isolated, said Lu Chao, director of the North Korea Research Centre at the Liaoning Academy of Social Sciences. As a high-level diplomat, Song would likely meet directly with North Korea's top leaders, he said. "As far as North Korea is concerned, China's opinion is still an important one and will certainly arouse their full attention," Lu said. 'Freeze for freeze' As nuclear tensions have soared, Xi has pushed for negotiations and a "dual track approach" in which the United States would freeze its military drills in the region while North Korea halts its weapons programmes. Trump claimed this week that Xi had agreed to drop his plan during their talks last week, but Beijing stood by its policy. "We believe that at the moment, this is the most realistic, feasible, fair and reasonable plan," Geng told a regular news briefing. Yuan Jingdong, a specialist in Asia-Pacific security issues at the University of Sydney, expects little from Song's mission. "We can expect some face-saving, assuring but very general and abstract commitments with no substance changes in North Korea's nuclear and missile programmes," Yuan said. The visit is "more about warning North Korea against going to extremes than forcing it to give up the nukes" because China's top priority remains maintaining regional stability, he said. Song would likely "assure Kim that if he behaves within a reasonable bound he can expect Beijing to continue providing some assistance and resist broadening the sanctions."

China sends envoy to North Korea, Trump hails 'big move'

There&rsquo;s been precious little good news from Asia these days. Washington and Pyongyang continue to trade threats of war. Right-wing nationalist Shinzo Abe won re-election as prime minister in Japan last month. Major storms have hammered several countries in the region, most recently Typhoon Damrey in Vietnam.

And now, in the wake of those typhoons comes a mighty wind from the United States. Donald Trump, in the longest foreign trip of his presidency, is currently visiting South Korea, Japan, China, Vietnam and the Philippines. The silver lining on this Ugly American Tour: Trump probably won&rsquo;t start a war in a region where he&rsquo;s currently travelling.

Lost among all this bad news has been some very good news out of Asia. It hasn&rsquo;t received much media attention here, probably because it only peripherally involves the United States. Last week, South Korea and China ended a yearlong spat over the deployment of a US missile defence system called Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD). China, believing the system to be designed to eliminate its nuclear deterrent, punished South Korea economically for welcoming THAAD. Now a new government in Seoul, led by liberal president Moon Jae-in, has announced that it would not add to the existing THAAD system or participate in the proposed regional missile defence that Washington wants to set up. That was enough for China to re-engage economically.

It&rsquo;s a delicate balance for South Korea, to maintain its alliance with the United States and yet repair relations with China. The Trump administration is much happier with the passive-aggressive attitude of Tokyo - passively accepting US hegemony while aggressively pursuing an offensive military posture - than with Seoul&rsquo;s somewhat more independent position. Witness the time Trump lavished on Abe on this current trip including a round of golf. South Korea, meanwhile, had to make due with a brief stopover and a strident lecture by the president before the national assembly.

Here&rsquo;s a radical idea for China and South Korea: Forget Donald Trump, forget the United States and forget the Cold War divide in Northeast Asia. The two countries ought to build on their newly repaired relationship. They can make like Germany and France after World War II. But instead of a new regional order based on coal and steel, Beijing and Seoul should establish something completely new: An Asian Environmental Community that promotes renewable energy and sustainable growth.

A new geopolitical moment

Much has been made of Trump&rsquo;s reeling in of American influence around the world, at least on the soft-power side of things, and China&rsquo;s eager efforts to capitalise on the new global opportunities. Perhaps future historians will look back at this moment as the time when China began to replace the United States as the anchor of the international community. Or perhaps they will identify this era as the moment when everything began to unravel, from the EU to the UN.

But let&rsquo;s imagine a different scenario in which the threat of climate change plays the same integrative function as alien invaders in Hollywood films. The planet is at risk: Let&rsquo;s all fight the common enemy together!

True, the world so far hasn&rsquo;t gotten the message. This week the latest round of meetings began in Germany to discuss the commitments made in the Paris Climate Agreement two years ago. The Trump administration, aside from a few token representatives, has been conspicuously absent. Also, absent was any real hope that the agreement would achieve its goal of keeping the rise in global temperature from hitting a 2 degrees Celsius increase above pre-industrial levels.

Reports The New York Times: &ldquo;No major industrialised country is currently on track to fulfil its pledge, according to new data from the Climate Action Tracker. Not the European Union. Not Canada. Not Japan.&rdquo; Even if they do meet their commitments, it still won&rsquo;t be enough. According to a recent Nature study, even if humans stopped all use of fossil fuels immediately, the planet would still register a 2 C degrees increase by 2100.

Not even the announcements that both Syria and Nicaragua will join the Paris Agreement, leaving Trump&rsquo;s America as the only outlier, can alleviate this grim news. The Maldives, Mumbai and Miami are sinking: It&rsquo;s time to make plans to move to Mongolia.

Room for improvement

Enter South Korea and Japan. Here are two economic powerhouses - in the most economically dynamic region of the world - with great PR on climate change.

&ldquo;Tackling climate change is a shared mission for mankind,&rdquo; Chinese Premier Xi Jinping said at the launch of the Paris Agreement. &ldquo;Let us join hands to contribute to the establishment of an equitable and effective global mechanism on climate change, work for global sustainable development at a high level, and bring about new international relations featuring win-win cooperation.&rdquo;

Sounds good. And China has pushed forward with impressive investments into renewable energy - $360 billion by the end of the decade - along with stopping the construction of over 100 new coal-fired power plants. Although China is set to reach peak emissions a decade or more before its 2030 goal, the country remains the largest emitter of greenhouse gasses, having surpassed the United States in 2007. In 2015, it released nearly twice as much carbon dioxide into the atmosphere as did the United States, and coal still supplies two-thirds of its energy needs. In other words, China has a long way to go before it can claim substantive leadership in stopping global warming.

South Korea has also talked a good game. Former president Lee Myung Bak created the Global Green Growth Initiative, now a multilateral body based in Seoul, to promote sustainability. In 2009, Lee told the UN: &ldquo;To proactively respond to climate change, Korea adopted &lsquo;Low Carbon Green Growth&rsquo; as a guiding vision for our nation and a strategy for further development. We are currently working to enact a Framework Law on Green Growth and establish a Five-Year Plan for Green Growth. Thereby, we will not only transform our economic and industrial structures but also change our very lifestyles to become more future-oriented.&rdquo;

In reality, however, South Korea backtracked from the pledges made during the Lee era. Under his successor Park Geun-hye, now awaiting trial on charges of corruption, Korea made a U-turn on greenhouse gas emissions and decided to rely even more heavily on coal for energy generation. As a result of this change of policy, the Institute for Climate Change Action declared South Korea one of four global &ldquo;climate villains&rdquo; at the end of 2016.

In other words, both China and South Korea have made impressive commitments to lower the global thermometer even as they continue to be a big part of the problem. But let&rsquo;s focus on the future. There&rsquo;s a new government in Seoul and China has a chance to replace the United States as the global leader on this issue. So, let&rsquo;s take it to the next level.

Asian environmental community

When France and Germany formed a new partnership in 1950, the architects had much grander ambitions than simply coordinating the production of coal and steel. They wanted to ensure a peaceful Europe. In his famous declaration that year, French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman made the case for cooperation with former enemy Germany:

<q><cite>Five years, almost to the day, after the unconditional surrender of Germany, France is accomplishing the first decisive act for European construction and is associating Germany with this. Conditions in Europe are going to be entirely changed because of it. This transformation will facilitate other action which has been impossible until this day.</cite></q>

There are good arguments for including Japan in a new Asian Environmental Community from the very beginning. Particularly, at the municipal level, Japan has made great strides in reducing its carbon footprint. However, there&rsquo;s considerable resistance in Korea to greater foreign policy coordination with Japan. Japan has outstanding territorial disputes with both China and South Korea. And the Abe administration is focused on breaking out of its constitutional restraints on fielding an offensive military. For all those reasons, it would be best to focus first on achieving consensus between Seoul and Beijing.

So, what would this new Asian Environmental Community do? Both South Korea and China set rather unambitious targets under the Paris Agreement. Their first task would be to establish a more ambitious agenda for cuts in carbon emissions. There&rsquo;s no reason why both countries can&rsquo;t follow the example of Uruguay, which has managed to wean itself almost entirely from oil imports over the last two decades. The economic benefits should be attractive to both Seoul and Beijing: The cost of electricity has dropped considerably in Uruguay, the sustainable energy sector generates more jobs than the oil sector and the country now exports its (clean) energy to its neighbours. Both China and South Korea have traditionally relied on imported oil and gas; this kind of import substitution should appeal to both liberals and conservatives.

Next, the two countries could partner on a much more thoroughgoing greening of OBOR, not just incorporating some sustainable elements but ensuring that the new transportation lines, ports and power plants are carbon neutral. Yes, the massive undertaking has already started, with nearly 1,700 projects over the last three years. But it&rsquo;s still at the beginning stages, with plenty of future investment to green. But a new Asian Environmental Community could be more ambitious still.

Just as Robert Schuman imagined that the coal and steel agreement between France and Germany would bring a broken Europe back together, at least the western half of it, the partnership of China and South Korea could offer a way for Asia to sidestep its myriad disagreements and come together around the one thing that all countries can support. As with early European cooperation, the environmental partnership would be mutually beneficial. Coordinated production of renewable energy - solar panels, wind turbines - could take advantage of economies of scale to bring down prices even more. Generation of clean energy for export could help energy-poor countries go beyond their Paris commitments.

And all this cooperation might just spill over into other realms, making resolution of territorial disputes, economic disagreements, and even North Korea&rsquo;s nuclear program that much more likely. Never has Northeast Asia been more in need of a virtuous circle of engagement.

Asia set the standard for electronics, internet connectivity and formind-blowingly telescoped economic development. Now it&rsquo;s time for China and South Korea to establish a new global green benchmark. The world is desperate for mind-blowingly telescoped environmental development. Let Asia lead the way again.

This&nbsp;<a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/asia_pacific/china-south-korea-climate-change-paris-agreement-news-01990/" rel="nofollow" target="blank">article</a>&nbsp;has been originally published in Fair Observer.

Image Credit: testing / Shutterstock

China and South Korea could be game changers on climate, creating a more peaceful region in the process by establishing a new global green benchmark

There’s been precious little good news from Asia these days. Washington and Pyongyang continue to trade threats of war. Right-wing nationalist Shinzo Abe won re-election as prime minister in Japan last month. Major storms have hammered several countries in the region, most recently Typhoon Damrey in Vietnam. And now, in the wake of those typhoons comes a mighty wind from the United States. Donald Trump, in the longest foreign trip of his presidency, is currently visiting South Korea, Japan, China, Vietnam and the Philippines. The silver lining on this Ugly American Tour: Trump probably won’t start a war in a region where he’s currently travelling. Lost among all this bad news has been some very good news out of Asia. It hasn’t received much media attention here, probably because it only peripherally involves the United States. Last week, South Korea and China ended a yearlong spat over the deployment of a US missile defence system called Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD). China, believing the system to be designed to eliminate its nuclear deterrent, punished South Korea economically for welcoming THAAD. Now a new government in Seoul, led by liberal president Moon Jae-in, has announced that it would not add to the existing THAAD system or participate in the proposed regional missile defence that Washington wants to set up. That was enough for China to re-engage economically. It’s a delicate balance for South Korea, to maintain its alliance with the United States and yet repair relations with China. The Trump administration is much happier with the passive-aggressive attitude of Tokyo - passively accepting US hegemony while aggressively pursuing an offensive military posture - than with Seoul’s somewhat more independent position. Witness the time Trump lavished on Abe on this current trip including a round of golf. South Korea, meanwhile, had to make due with a brief stopover and a strident lecture by the president before the national assembly. Here’s a radical idea for China and South Korea: Forget Donald Trump, forget the United States and forget the Cold War divide in Northeast Asia. The two countries ought to build on their newly repaired relationship. They can make like Germany and France after World War II. But instead of a new regional order based on coal and steel, Beijing and Seoul should establish something completely new: An Asian Environmental Community that promotes renewable energy and sustainable growth. A new geopolitical moment Much has been made of Trump’s reeling in of American influence around the world, at least on the soft-power side of things, and China’s eager efforts to capitalise on the new global opportunities. Perhaps future historians will look back at this moment as the time when China began to replace the United States as the anchor of the international community. Or perhaps they will identify this era as the moment when everything began to unravel, from the EU to the UN. But let’s imagine a different scenario in which the threat of climate change plays the same integrative function as alien invaders in Hollywood films. The planet is at risk: Let’s all fight the common enemy together! True, the world so far hasn’t gotten the message. This week the latest round of meetings began in Germany to discuss the commitments made in the Paris Climate Agreement two years ago. The Trump administration, aside from a few token representatives, has been conspicuously absent. Also, absent was any real hope that the agreement would achieve its goal of keeping the rise in global temperature from hitting a 2 degrees Celsius increase above pre-industrial levels. Reports The New York Times: “No major industrialised country is currently on track to fulfil its pledge, according to new data from the Climate Action Tracker. Not the European Union. Not Canada. Not Japan.” Even if they do meet their commitments, it still won’t be enough. According to a recent Nature study, even if humans stopped all use of fossil fuels immediately, the planet would still register a 2 C degrees increase by 2100. Not even the announcements that both Syria and Nicaragua will join the Paris Agreement, leaving Trump’s America as the only outlier, can alleviate this grim news. The Maldives, Mumbai and Miami are sinking: It’s time to make plans to move to Mongolia. Room for improvement Enter South Korea and Japan. Here are two economic powerhouses - in the most economically dynamic region of the world - with great PR on climate change. “Tackling climate change is a shared mission for mankind,” Chinese Premier Xi Jinping said at the launch of the Paris Agreement. “Let us join hands to contribute to the establishment of an equitable and effective global mechanism on climate change, work for global sustainable development at a high level, and bring about new international relations featuring win-win cooperation.” Sounds good. And China has pushed forward with impressive investments into renewable energy - $360 billion by the end of the decade - along with stopping the construction of over 100 new coal-fired power plants. Although China is set to reach peak emissions a decade or more before its 2030 goal, the country remains the largest emitter of greenhouse gasses, having surpassed the United States in 2007. In 2015, it released nearly twice as much carbon dioxide into the atmosphere as did the United States, and coal still supplies two-thirds of its energy needs. In other words, China has a long way to go before it can claim substantive leadership in stopping global warming. South Korea has also talked a good game. Former president Lee Myung Bak created the Global Green Growth Initiative, now a multilateral body based in Seoul, to promote sustainability. In 2009, Lee told the UN: “To proactively respond to climate change, Korea adopted ‘Low Carbon Green Growth’ as a guiding vision for our nation and a strategy for further development. We are currently working to enact a Framework Law on Green Growth and establish a Five-Year Plan for Green Growth. Thereby, we will not only transform our economic and industrial structures but also change our very lifestyles to become more future-oriented.” In reality, however, South Korea backtracked from the pledges made during the Lee era. Under his successor Park Geun-hye, now awaiting trial on charges of corruption, Korea made a U-turn on greenhouse gas emissions and decided to rely even more heavily on coal for energy generation. As a result of this change of policy, the Institute for Climate Change Action declared South Korea one of four global “climate villains” at the end of 2016. In other words, both China and South Korea have made impressive commitments to lower the global thermometer even as they continue to be a big part of the problem. But let’s focus on the future. There’s a new government in Seoul and China has a chance to replace the United States as the global leader on this issue. So, let’s take it to the next level. Asian environmental community When France and Germany formed a new partnership in 1950, the architects had much grander ambitions than simply coordinating the production of coal and steel. They wanted to ensure a peaceful Europe. In his famous declaration that year, French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman made the case for cooperation with former enemy Germany: Five years, almost to the day, after the unconditional surrender of Germany, France is accomplishing the first decisive act for European construction and is associating Germany with this. Conditions in Europe are going to be entirely changed because of it. This transformation will facilitate other action which has been impossible until this day. There are good arguments for including Japan in a new Asian Environmental Community from the very beginning. Particularly, at the municipal level, Japan has made great strides in reducing its carbon footprint. However, there’s considerable resistance in Korea to greater foreign policy coordination with Japan. Japan has outstanding territorial disputes with both China and South Korea. And the Abe administration is focused on breaking out of its constitutional restraints on fielding an offensive military. For all those reasons, it would be best to focus first on achieving consensus between Seoul and Beijing. So, what would this new Asian Environmental Community do? Both South Korea and China set rather unambitious targets under the Paris Agreement. Their first task would be to establish a more ambitious agenda for cuts in carbon emissions. There’s no reason why both countries can’t follow the example of Uruguay, which has managed to wean itself almost entirely from oil imports over the last two decades. The economic benefits should be attractive to both Seoul and Beijing: The cost of electricity has dropped considerably in Uruguay, the sustainable energy sector generates more jobs than the oil sector and the country now exports its (clean) energy to its neighbours. Both China and South Korea have traditionally relied on imported oil and gas; this kind of import substitution should appeal to both liberals and conservatives. Next, the two countries could partner on a much more thoroughgoing greening of OBOR, not just incorporating some sustainable elements but ensuring that the new transportation lines, ports and power plants are carbon neutral. Yes, the massive undertaking has already started, with nearly 1,700 projects over the last three years. But it’s still at the beginning stages, with plenty of future investment to green. But a new Asian Environmental Community could be more ambitious still. Just as Robert Schuman imagined that the coal and steel agreement between France and Germany would bring a broken Europe back together, at least the western half of it, the partnership of China and South Korea could offer a way for Asia to sidestep its myriad disagreements and come together around the one thing that all countries can support. As with early European cooperation, the environmental partnership would be mutually beneficial. Coordinated production of renewable energy - solar panels, wind turbines - could take advantage of economies of scale to bring down prices even more. Generation of clean energy for export could help energy-poor countries go beyond their Paris commitments. And all this cooperation might just spill over into other realms, making resolution of territorial disputes, economic disagreements, and even North Korea’s nuclear program that much more likely. Never has Northeast Asia been more in need of a virtuous circle of engagement. Asia set the standard for electronics, internet connectivity and formind-blowingly telescoped economic development. Now it’s time for China and South Korea to establish a new global green benchmark. The world is desperate for mind-blowingly telescoped environmental development. Let Asia lead the way again. This article has been originally published in Fair Observer. Image Credit: testing / Shutterstock

Let Asia lead the way on climate change

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, sources told WION, will have a bilateral meeting with US President Donald Trump at the ASEAN summit which begins Monday in Manila.&nbsp;

The sources said Modi will be making a big pitch for investments at the&nbsp;Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit.&nbsp;

They added that Modi may also have a bilateral meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, and that he could possibly also meet with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull.&nbsp;

The sources said the official-level meeting of India, US, Japan, and Australia will be held on November 12.&nbsp;

On a lighter note, they said, Modi may also shake hands with Chinese leader Xi Jinping since he and Premier Ki Keqiang will also be present at the summit.&nbsp;

Modi will be making a big pitch for investments at the?Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi, sources told WION, will have a bilateral meeting with US President Donald Trump at the ASEAN summit which begins Monday in Manila. The sources said Modi will be making a big pitch for investments at the Association of Southeast Asian Nations summit. They added that Modi may also have a bilateral meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, and that he could possibly also meet with Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. The sources said the official-level meeting of India, US, Japan, and Australia will be held on November 12. On a lighter note, they said, Modi may also shake hands with Chinese leader Xi Jinping since he and Premier Ki Keqiang will also be present at the summit.

Modi to have bilateral meeting with Trump at ASEAN summit: Sources

It is not important what Donald Trump achieved by accepting the invitation for the red-carpet gala reception from Xi Jinping during his short tour to China: it is rather, what China gained by offering a grand reception to the American President.

If the outcome of the Trump-Xi meet has to be read carefully this week, a lot is changing in Sino-US relations, especially to China&rsquo;s favour that the world will not afford to ignore.

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<h5>A lot is changing in Sino-US relations, especially to China&rsquo;s favour that the world will not afford to ignore.</h5>
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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=A lot is changing in Sino-US relations, especially to China?s favour that the world will not afford to ignore." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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Trump&rsquo;s visit to China has perhaps lead to a new beginning in Sino-US relations.

Though the contours of this new beginning are yet to be well-defined, it has positioned the Sino-US relationships within a new framework while acknowledging each other as &lsquo;deciders&rsquo; of global politics in a complex international environment. This seems to be emerging as the fundamental premise.

The moot point of this premise is to manage the looming global challenges, from North Korea to terrorism to climate change, within a shared framework. Though it is too early to assume that the Sino-US relations will progress within a shared framework, but there are references in Xi&rsquo;s and Trump&rsquo;s speech that can&rsquo;t be overlooked completely.

For President Xi Jinping, the development of both China and the United States are &ldquo;mutually reinforcing&rdquo;. Donald Trump on a reciprocal note has stated that the United States would like to build a &ldquo;stronger relationship&rdquo; with China. These expressions probably point to their rhetorical political skills, but underlying these affirmations are a recognition that the United States needs the support of China and vice-versa. Importantly, this recognition comes at a time when both have emerged as the largest economies in the world and continue to lead the global economy as two key &ldquo;engines of global economic growth&rdquo;.

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<h5>The US trade deficit with China which is around US$350 billion has been a thorn in the flesh which Trump addressed maturely without blaming China much during his visit.</h5>
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Trump-Xi meet witnessed both discussing a set of same old issues, bilateral and global, that have troubled the Sino-US relations for decades. Bilateral issues, such as the American demand to have greater access in the Chinese market, particularly in the field of financial sectors, addressing the trade imbalance that exists in China&rsquo;s favour and to work towards a closer economic cooperation. A US$ 250 billion two-way investment proposal and commercial deals were also the highlights of Trump&rsquo;s discussion with Xi.

The US trade deficit with China which is around US$350 billion has been a thorn in the flesh which Trump addressed maturely without blaming China much during his visit. Simply discussing these issues at a political level were not a big attainment. Most of these discussions between Trump and Xi were confined to forging a cooperative understanding between each other. However, a concrete set of agreements to address the American trade deficit with China and how to forge a better market access in China is still missing. Trump-Xi meet has promised to have a more keen understanding between the two countries on these bilaterally economic-centric issues which may mark a new beginning to their relationship.

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<h5>By gaining an open American support, China can convince the international community better about the merits of the BRI.</h5>
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</div>

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Forging these bilateral-centric understanding with China was important to American interest since Trump is continuously trying to impress the domestic constituency in the United States by creating jobs and growth in United States economy. Addressing trade deficit, and having better Chinese market access will help Trump to create more jobs in the United States. More than Trump advancing American interest, Xi Jinping seems to have struck a better deal with Trump while discussing these bilaterally economic-centric issues.

To formulate a better economic cooperation, address the trade imbalance, and market access among other impending issues, the Chinese President pointed that both sides need to have a practical understanding on key areas, including on the flagship &lsquo;Belt and Road Initiative&rsquo; (BRI), to enhance cooperation. This is a significant development since China wants to gather an open American support on the BRI. By gaining an open American support, China can convince the international community better about the merits of the BRI.

Besides, this is a Chinese strategy to characterise the next phase of Sino-US economic cooperation within the belt and road framework. That meansChina would not like to move ahead on core bilateral issues, particularly in relation to the Sino-US trade conflict without a formal endorsement from the United States over &lsquo;Belt and Road Initiative&rsquo; (BRI).

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<h5>The highpoint of the Trump-Xi meet was the concrete discussion over North Korea which has been a prickly issue between them for some time now.</h5>
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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=The highpoint of the Trump-Xi meet was the concrete discussion over North Korea which has been a prickly issue between them for some time now." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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A new beginning was also noticed in Sino-US relations on managing the global affairs, particularly the international security environment. Tackling global terrorism, bringing stability in Afghanistan, meeting the climate change challenges could be the crucial aspects of Trump-Xi meet, but these are old issues.

The highpoint of the Trump-Xi meet was the concrete discussion over North Korea which has been a prickly issue between them for some time now. Both Trump and Xi expressed their mutual commitment over &ldquo;complete denuclearisation&rdquo; of North Korea.

Strikingly, both expressed concern over the deteriorating security conditions in Northeast Asia and how the international community must generate a consensus to tackle nuclear North Korea. Discussion over North Korea is not a new topic of discussion between China and the United States. But to have a virtual understanding to handle the North Korean issue maturely is certainly an important development which puts China in a respectable position as the determining power on the northeast Asian security.

Trump&rsquo;s visit to China may not have offered anything new to the Sino-US relations. But a subtle change is noticed in their relationship which is more advantageous to China and that marks to a new beginning. This change is more noticed in their bilateral engagement where the Chinese are slowly projecting themselves as a peer-partner of the United States. This points to also a scenario that the Sino-US ties are moving towards a more engaging relationship factoring the &lsquo;Belt and Road Initiative&rsquo; (BRI) of Beijing where the United States would be required to pursue a more consultative relationship with China no matter how much the US strategic community might like to repudiate.

More than Trump advancing American interest, Xi Jinping seems to have struck a better deal with Trump.

It is not important what Donald Trump achieved by accepting the invitation for the red-carpet gala reception from Xi Jinping during his short tour to China: it is rather, what China gained by offering a grand reception to the American President. If the outcome of the Trump-Xi meet has to be read carefully this week, a lot is changing in Sino-US relations, especially to China’s favour that the world will not afford to ignore. A lot is changing in Sino-US relations, especially to China’s favour that the world will not afford to ignore. × Trump’s visit to China has perhaps lead to a new beginning in Sino-US relations. Though the contours of this new beginning are yet to be well-defined, it has positioned the Sino-US relationships within a new framework while acknowledging each other as ‘deciders’ of global politics in a complex international environment. This seems to be emerging as the fundamental premise. The moot point of this premise is to manage the looming global challenges, from North Korea to terrorism to climate change, within a shared framework. Though it is too early to assume that the Sino-US relations will progress within a shared framework, but there are references in Xi’s and Trump’s speech that can’t be overlooked completely. For President Xi Jinping, the development of both China and the United States are “mutually reinforcing”. Donald Trump on a reciprocal note has stated that the United States would like to build a “stronger relationship” with China. These expressions probably point to their rhetorical political skills, but underlying these affirmations are a recognition that the United States needs the support of China and vice-versa. Importantly, this recognition comes at a time when both have emerged as the largest economies in the world and continue to lead the global economy as two key “engines of global economic growth”. The US trade deficit with China which is around US$350 billion has been a thorn in the flesh which Trump addressed maturely without blaming China much during his visit. × Trump-Xi meet witnessed both discussing a set of same old issues, bilateral and global, that have troubled the Sino-US relations for decades. Bilateral issues, such as the American demand to have greater access in the Chinese market, particularly in the field of financial sectors, addressing the trade imbalance that exists in China’s favour and to work towards a closer economic cooperation. A US$ 250 billion two-way investment proposal and commercial deals were also the highlights of Trump’s discussion with Xi. The US trade deficit with China which is around US$350 billion has been a thorn in the flesh which Trump addressed maturely without blaming China much during his visit. Simply discussing these issues at a political level were not a big attainment. Most of these discussions between Trump and Xi were confined to forging a cooperative understanding between each other. However, a concrete set of agreements to address the American trade deficit with China and how to forge a better market access in China is still missing. Trump-Xi meet has promised to have a more keen understanding between the two countries on these bilaterally economic-centric issues which may mark a new beginning to their relationship. By gaining an open American support, China can convince the international community better about the merits of the BRI. × Forging these bilateral-centric understanding with China was important to American interest since Trump is continuously trying to impress the domestic constituency in the United States by creating jobs and growth in United States economy. Addressing trade deficit, and having better Chinese market access will help Trump to create more jobs in the United States. More than Trump advancing American interest, Xi Jinping seems to have struck a better deal with Trump while discussing these bilaterally economic-centric issues. To formulate a better economic cooperation, address the trade imbalance, and market access among other impending issues, the Chinese President pointed that both sides need to have a practical understanding on key areas, including on the flagship ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI), to enhance cooperation. This is a significant development since China wants to gather an open American support on the BRI. By gaining an open American support, China can convince the international community better about the merits of the BRI. Besides, this is a Chinese strategy to characterise the next phase of Sino-US economic cooperation within the belt and road framework. That meansChina would not like to move ahead on core bilateral issues, particularly in relation to the Sino-US trade conflict without a formal endorsement from the United States over ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI). The highpoint of the Trump-Xi meet was the concrete discussion over North Korea which has been a prickly issue between them for some time now. × A new beginning was also noticed in Sino-US relations on managing the global affairs, particularly the international security environment. Tackling global terrorism, bringing stability in Afghanistan, meeting the climate change challenges could be the crucial aspects of Trump-Xi meet, but these are old issues. The highpoint of the Trump-Xi meet was the concrete discussion over North Korea which has been a prickly issue between them for some time now. Both Trump and Xi expressed their mutual commitment over “complete denuclearisation” of North Korea. Strikingly, both expressed concern over the deteriorating security conditions in Northeast Asia and how the international community must generate a consensus to tackle nuclear North Korea. Discussion over North Korea is not a new topic of discussion between China and the United States. But to have a virtual understanding to handle the North Korean issue maturely is certainly an important development which puts China in a respectable position as the determining power on the northeast Asian security. Trump’s visit to China may not have offered anything new to the Sino-US relations. But a subtle change is noticed in their relationship which is more advantageous to China and that marks to a new beginning. This change is more noticed in their bilateral engagement where the Chinese are slowly projecting themselves as a peer-partner of the United States. This points to also a scenario that the Sino-US ties are moving towards a more engaging relationship factoring the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) of Beijing where the United States would be required to pursue a more consultative relationship with China no matter how much the US strategic community might like to repudiate.

Over Trump-Xi meet, China seeks US approval for OBOR

US President Donald Trump on Friday said the Asia-Pacific region was being held hostage by the &quot;twisted fantasies&quot; of North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un, as he called on countries to stand united against Pyongyang.

Trump has embarked on a tour of Asia this week trying to rally regional support for curbing North Korea&#39;s nuclear weapons programme, warning that time is running out over the crisis.

&quot;The future of this region and its beautiful people must not be held hostage to a dictator&#39;s twisted fantasies of violent conquest and nuclear blackmail,&quot; he said during a speech in Vietnam to the annual Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. The region, he added, must &quot;stand united in declaring that every single step the North Korean regime takes toward more weapons is a step it takes into greater and greater danger&quot;.

The US administration thinks China&#39;s economic leverage over North Korea is the key to strong-arming Pyongyang into halting its nuclear weapons and missile programmes.

On Thursday, Trump was in Beijing meeting President Xi Jinping, where he called on China to &quot;act fast&quot; over North Korea.&nbsp;&quot;China can fix this problem easily and quickly, and I am calling on China and your great president to hopefully work on it very hard,&quot; he said.&nbsp;

Washington has also worked in recent months to convince allies across Asia to oppose Pyongyang, an issue that will remain prominent during his two day trip to Vietnam, which is currently hosting a major regional summit. Alongside Trump, the leaders of Japan, Russia, China and South Korea are also attending the APEC summit.

'The future of this region and its beautiful people must not be held hostage to a dictator's twisted fantasies of violent conquest and nuclear blackmail,' he said

US President Donald Trump on Friday said the Asia-Pacific region was being held hostage by the "twisted fantasies" of North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un, as he called on countries to stand united against Pyongyang. Trump has embarked on a tour of Asia this week trying to rally regional support for curbing North Korea's nuclear weapons programme, warning that time is running out over the crisis. "The future of this region and its beautiful people must not be held hostage to a dictator's twisted fantasies of violent conquest and nuclear blackmail," he said during a speech in Vietnam to the annual Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum. The region, he added, must "stand united in declaring that every single step the North Korean regime takes toward more weapons is a step it takes into greater and greater danger". The US administration thinks China's economic leverage over North Korea is the key to strong-arming Pyongyang into halting its nuclear weapons and missile programmes. On Thursday, Trump was in Beijing meeting President Xi Jinping, where he called on China to "act fast" over North Korea. "China can fix this problem easily and quickly, and I am calling on China and your great president to hopefully work on it very hard," he said. Washington has also worked in recent months to convince allies across Asia to oppose Pyongyang, an issue that will remain prominent during his two day trip to Vietnam, which is currently hosting a major regional summit. Alongside Trump, the leaders of Japan, Russia, China and South Korea are also attending the APEC summit.

Trump says Asia held hostage by North Korea's 'twisted fantasies'

U.S. President Donald Trump landed in Vietnam on Friday for a summit of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) nations, the fourth leg of his 12-day Asia trip.

The White House has said Trump will set out a US vision for a &ldquo;free and open Indo-Pacific region&rdquo; in a speech in the beach resort of Danang.

Trump arrived from China, where he praised Chinese leader Xi Jinping as &ldquo;highly respected&rdquo; and Chinese media had declared the visit had set a &ldquo;new blueprint&rdquo; for handling US-China relations and differences.

The White House has said Trump will set out a US vision for a 'free and open Indo-Pacific region' in a speech in the beach resort of Danang

U.S. President Donald Trump landed in Vietnam on Friday for a summit of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) nations, the fourth leg of his 12-day Asia trip. The White House has said Trump will set out a US vision for a “free and open Indo-Pacific region” in a speech in the beach resort of Danang. Trump arrived from China, where he praised Chinese leader Xi Jinping as “highly respected” and Chinese media had declared the visit had set a “new blueprint” for handling US-China relations and differences.

Trump arrives in Vietnam for summit of Asia-Pacific leaders

US President Donald Trump praised Chinese leader Xi Jinping as a &quot;highly respected and powerful representative of his people&quot; on Friday as he wrapped up his first state visit to Beijing.

Trump showered his host with accolades during two days of meetings during which the US leader sought to convince Xi to do more to reduce a trade deficit with China and rein in nuclear-armed North Korea.

&quot;My meetings with President Xi Jinping were very productive on both trade and the subject of North Korea,&quot; the US leader wrote on Twitter before flying to Vietnam for an Asia-Pacific summit.

&quot;He is a highly respected and powerful representative of his people. It was great being with him and Madame Peng Liyuan!&quot; he said, referring to Xi&#39;s wife.

Trump has repeatedly congratulated Xi for his reappointment as head of the Communist Party at a congress last month where he consolidated power -- raising eyebrows over the admiration of a non-democratic process.

US and Chinese firms signed more than $250 billion in business deals during Trump&#39;s visit, though analysts say many were nonbinding agreements that could take years to show any results and would do little to reduce the US-China trade imbalance.

Trump, who has softened his past criticism of China, again lambasted past US administrations for allowing the $350 billion trade deficit to balloon over the years.

&quot;I don&#39;t blame China, I blame the incompetence of past Admins for allowing China to take advantage of the US on trade leading up to a point where the US is losing $100&#39;s of billions,&quot; he wrote as he again circumvented China&#39;s Twitter ban.

&quot;How can you blame China for taking advantage of people that had no clue? I would&#39;ve done same!&quot;

China was the showpiece of Trump&#39;s five-nation tour of Asia, which ends on Monday.

During their talks on Thursday, Trump thanked Xi for his backing of United Nations sanctions on Pyongyang and China&#39;s own restrictions on banking for North Koreans.

While Xi said China was committed to the denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula, he did not announce any new steps to squeeze the reclusive regime.

&#39;Very special man&#39;

Xi and Trump have struck up a friendship since their first meeting at the former real estate tycoon&#39;s Mar-a-Lago resort in April.

Xi treated Trump to a lavish &quot;state visit-plus&quot; that included a private tour of the Forbidden City, a military honour guard and a banquet.

The US leader called his host a &quot;very special man&quot; and showed him a video of his granddaughter singing ballads in Mandarin. The two men will be in the same room again at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation in the Vietnamese resort of Danang.

First Lady Melania Trump did not join the president for the rest of his Asian tour, staying in Beijing on Friday to continue the US charm offensive. She will see pandas and visit the Great Wall.

&quot;Melania is staying behind to see the zoo, and of course, the Great WALL of China before going to Alaska to greet our AMAZING troops,&quot; Trump tweeted.

Trump, who wants to build his own massive wall along the US-Mexico border to stem illegal immigration, did not visit the Great Wall -- a usual stop for US presidents.

Chinese state-run media hailed the positive tone of the state visit, though the China Daily said in an editorial that &quot;the differences that had been pestering bilateral ties have not instantly disappeared&quot;.

Trump praised the Chinese president as a 'highly respected and powerful representative of his people'

US President Donald Trump praised Chinese leader Xi Jinping as a "highly respected and powerful representative of his people" on Friday as he wrapped up his first state visit to Beijing. Trump showered his host with accolades during two days of meetings during which the US leader sought to convince Xi to do more to reduce a trade deficit with China and rein in nuclear-armed North Korea. "My meetings with President Xi Jinping were very productive on both trade and the subject of North Korea," the US leader wrote on Twitter before flying to Vietnam for an Asia-Pacific summit. "He is a highly respected and powerful representative of his people. It was great being with him and Madame Peng Liyuan!" he said, referring to Xi's wife. Trump has repeatedly congratulated Xi for his reappointment as head of the Communist Party at a congress last month where he consolidated power -- raising eyebrows over the admiration of a non-democratic process. US and Chinese firms signed more than $250 billion in business deals during Trump's visit, though analysts say many were nonbinding agreements that could take years to show any results and would do little to reduce the US-China trade imbalance. Trump, who has softened his past criticism of China, again lambasted past US administrations for allowing the $350 billion trade deficit to balloon over the years. "I don't blame China, I blame the incompetence of past Admins for allowing China to take advantage of the US on trade leading up to a point where the US is losing $100's of billions," he wrote as he again circumvented China's Twitter ban. "How can you blame China for taking advantage of people that had no clue? I would've done same!" China was the showpiece of Trump's five-nation tour of Asia, which ends on Monday. During their talks on Thursday, Trump thanked Xi for his backing of United Nations sanctions on Pyongyang and China's own restrictions on banking for North Koreans. While Xi said China was committed to the denuclearisation of the Korean peninsula, he did not announce any new steps to squeeze the reclusive regime. 'Very special man' Xi and Trump have struck up a friendship since their first meeting at the former real estate tycoon's Mar-a-Lago resort in April. Xi treated Trump to a lavish "state visit-plus" that included a private tour of the Forbidden City, a military honour guard and a banquet. The US leader called his host a "very special man" and showed him a video of his granddaughter singing ballads in Mandarin. The two men will be in the same room again at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation in the Vietnamese resort of Danang. First Lady Melania Trump did not join the president for the rest of his Asian tour, staying in Beijing on Friday to continue the US charm offensive. She will see pandas and visit the Great Wall. "Melania is staying behind to see the zoo, and of course, the Great WALL of China before going to Alaska to greet our AMAZING troops," Trump tweeted. Trump, who wants to build his own massive wall along the US-Mexico border to stem illegal immigration, did not visit the Great Wall -- a usual stop for US presidents. Chinese state-run media hailed the positive tone of the state visit, though the China Daily said in an editorial that "the differences that had been pestering bilateral ties have not instantly disappeared".

Trump praises China's 'highly respected' Xi, wraps up visit

China today said President Xi Jinping and his US counterpart Donald Trump have reached a consensus on fighting terrorism and upholding peace and stability in South Asia, amid America ramping up pressure on Pakistan to dismantle terror safe havens.

During their talks, Xi and Trump discussed Afghanistan and committed to working toward a peaceful future for the terrorist haven.

&quot;This morning, the two presidents talked and held joint press meeting. I am not aware of the details of the talks. What I know is that the two sides also discussed anti- terrorism issues and upholding peace and stability in South Asia,&quot; Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told a media briefing.

&quot;They reached consensus in this respect,&quot; she said without elaborating or mentioning whether India&#39;s concerns over terrorism emanating from Pakistan figured in the talks.

To counter terrorism, China and the US as well as other countries share the common interests and the two countries stand ready to work with other parties for stronger anti- terrorism cooperation, she said.

South Asia and Afghanistan figured prominently in today&#39;s talks as both the leaders mentioned it in their briefings.

After the talks, Trump said terrorists are a threat to humanity and that he and Xi will &quot;stop radical Islamic terrorism.&quot;

&quot;In order to create more secure future for all and protect our citizens from extremism and terrorism, President Xi and I also committed to working together for a peaceful future for Afghanistan,&quot; Trump said.

&quot;Terrorists are a threat to all of humanity and we will stop radical Islamic terrorism,&quot; he said.

Trump&#39;s remarks assume significance after he unveiled his new South Asia policy under which the US has warned Pakistan against providing safe harbour to terrorist organisations.

Trump&#39;s South Asia policy giving importance to India and inviting New Delhi to play a bigger role in reconstruction of Afghanistan has also raised eyebrows in Beijing and Islamabad.

Elaborating on the Trump-Xi talks on Afghanistan, Hua said the two sides believe that maintaining the stable and constructive relations between Afghanistan and its neighbouring countries is of great significance to the peace and reconstruction process in Afghanistan.

&quot;They support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace and reconstruction process, call on relevant parties in Afghanistan to achieve extensive and inclusive national reconciliation through political negotiation at an early date and stand ready to play a positive role through such mechanisms as the Quadrilateral Coordination Group of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and the US,&quot; Hua said in a written response to news agency PTI.

Ahead of Trump&#39;s visit, China conducted an anti-terrorism trilateral meeting with Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Li Hulai conducted the trilateral meeting on November 7 which was attended by top officials of Pakistan and Afghanistan.

China has been trying to bring about peace between Islamabad and Kabul amid scathing criticism from Afghanistan leaders over Pakistan&#39;s support to Taliban by sheltering them.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has made separate visits to the two countries recently and met Pakistan and Afghanistan?s officials after the talks.

Pakistan?s Special Secretary Tasnim Aslam and Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Hekmat Karzai who took part in the talks called on Wang.

In the meeting, Wang thanked Pakistan and Afghanistan for their support for China in fighting the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) and their contribution to the fight against international counter terrorism especially in South Asian region, Hua said.

ETIM is active in the Muslim Uygur majority province of Xinjiang which shared borders with Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Afghanistan.

Xinjiang had been restive for several years over increasing settlements of majority Hans from other provinces of China.

&quot;China stands ready to work with two parties to strengthen our counter-terrorism cooperation to uphold the regional peace and stability,&quot; she said, adding that Pakistan and Afghanistan stated that they stand ready to strengthen cooperation with China in this regard.

During their talks, Xi and Trump discussed Afghanistan and committed to working toward a peaceful future for the terrorist haven.

China today said President Xi Jinping and his US counterpart Donald Trump have reached a consensus on fighting terrorism and upholding peace and stability in South Asia, amid America ramping up pressure on Pakistan to dismantle terror safe havens. During their talks, Xi and Trump discussed Afghanistan and committed to working toward a peaceful future for the terrorist haven. "This morning, the two presidents talked and held joint press meeting. I am not aware of the details of the talks. What I know is that the two sides also discussed anti- terrorism issues and upholding peace and stability in South Asia," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told a media briefing. "They reached consensus in this respect," she said without elaborating or mentioning whether India's concerns over terrorism emanating from Pakistan figured in the talks. To counter terrorism, China and the US as well as other countries share the common interests and the two countries stand ready to work with other parties for stronger anti- terrorism cooperation, she said. South Asia and Afghanistan figured prominently in today's talks as both the leaders mentioned it in their briefings. After the talks, Trump said terrorists are a threat to humanity and that he and Xi will "stop radical Islamic terrorism." "In order to create more secure future for all and protect our citizens from extremism and terrorism, President Xi and I also committed to working together for a peaceful future for Afghanistan," Trump said. "Terrorists are a threat to all of humanity and we will stop radical Islamic terrorism," he said. Trump's remarks assume significance after he unveiled his new South Asia policy under which the US has warned Pakistan against providing safe harbour to terrorist organisations. Trump's South Asia policy giving importance to India and inviting New Delhi to play a bigger role in reconstruction of Afghanistan has also raised eyebrows in Beijing and Islamabad. Elaborating on the Trump-Xi talks on Afghanistan, Hua said the two sides believe that maintaining the stable and constructive relations between Afghanistan and its neighbouring countries is of great significance to the peace and reconstruction process in Afghanistan. "They support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace and reconstruction process, call on relevant parties in Afghanistan to achieve extensive and inclusive national reconciliation through political negotiation at an early date and stand ready to play a positive role through such mechanisms as the Quadrilateral Coordination Group of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and the US," Hua said in a written response to news agency PTI. Ahead of Trump's visit, China conducted an anti-terrorism trilateral meeting with Pakistan and Afghanistan. Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Li Hulai conducted the trilateral meeting on November 7 which was attended by top officials of Pakistan and Afghanistan. China has been trying to bring about peace between Islamabad and Kabul amid scathing criticism from Afghanistan leaders over Pakistan's support to Taliban by sheltering them. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has made separate visits to the two countries recently and met Pakistan and Afghanistan?s officials after the talks. Pakistan?s Special Secretary Tasnim Aslam and Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Hekmat Karzai who took part in the talks called on Wang. In the meeting, Wang thanked Pakistan and Afghanistan for their support for China in fighting the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) and their contribution to the fight against international counter terrorism especially in South Asian region, Hua said. ETIM is active in the Muslim Uygur majority province of Xinjiang which shared borders with Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Afghanistan. Xinjiang had been restive for several years over increasing settlements of majority Hans from other provinces of China. "China stands ready to work with two parties to strengthen our counter-terrorism cooperation to uphold the regional peace and stability," she said, adding that Pakistan and Afghanistan stated that they stand ready to strengthen cooperation with China in this regard.

Trump, Xi reach consensus to curb terrorism in South Asia: China

Taiwan is the most important and sensitive issue in Sino-U.S. ties, Chinese President Xi Jinping told visiting U.S. President Donald Trump on Thursday, ahead of the one-year anniversary of Trump taking a precedent-breaking call from Taiwan&rsquo;s president.

China considers democratic Taiwan to be a wayward province and integral part of its territory, ineligible for state-to-state relations and has never renounced the use of force to bring the island under its control.The United States has no formal ties with Taiwan but is bound by law to help it defend itself and is the island&rsquo;s main source of arms.

Trump upset China last December by taking a telephone call from Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen, shortly after he won the election, the first call between U.S. and Taiwan leaders since President Jimmy Carter switched diplomatic recognition to China from Taiwan in 1979. While there was no public mention of Taiwan in comments Xi and Trump made in front of reporters, the official Chinese foreign ministry statement about their talks did not mince its words.

&ldquo;The Taiwan issue is the most important, most sensitive core issue in China-U.S. relations, and concerns the political basis of the China-U.S. relationship,&rdquo; the ministry paraphrased Xi as telling Trump. China &ldquo;hopes that the U.S. side continues to scrupulously abide by the &lsquo;one China&rsquo; principle, and prevents disturbances to the broader picture of China-U.S. ties&rdquo;, Xi added.

Trump told Xi that the United States government upheld and stuck to the &ldquo;one China&rdquo; policy, China&rsquo;s official Xinhua news agency reported. China suspects Tsai wants to push for the formal independence of Taiwan, a red line for Beijing. Tsai says she wants to maintain peace with China but will defend Taiwan&rsquo;s democracy and security.

China has pressured Taiwan since Tsai took office last year, suspending a regular dialogue mechanism and slowly peeling away its few remaining diplomatic allies. China is deeply suspicious of U.S. intentions towards Taiwan and was upset when the United States recently allowed Tsai to transit through Hawaii and Guam on her way to and from diplomatic allies of Taiwan&rsquo;s in the Pacific.

China has claimed sovereignty over Taiwan since 1949&nbsp;when Mao Zedong&rsquo;s Communist forces won the Chinese civil war and Chiang Kai-shek&rsquo;s Nationalists fled to the island.

Taiwan is the most important and sensitive issue in Sino-U.S. ties, says Chinese President Xi Jinping

Taiwan is the most important and sensitive issue in Sino-U.S. ties, Chinese President Xi Jinping told visiting U.S. President Donald Trump on Thursday, ahead of the one-year anniversary of Trump taking a precedent-breaking call from Taiwan’s president. China considers democratic Taiwan to be a wayward province and integral part of its territory, ineligible for state-to-state relations and has never renounced the use of force to bring the island under its control.The United States has no formal ties with Taiwan but is bound by law to help it defend itself and is the island’s main source of arms. Trump upset China last December by taking a telephone call from Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen, shortly after he won the election, the first call between U.S. and Taiwan leaders since President Jimmy Carter switched diplomatic recognition to China from Taiwan in 1979. While there was no public mention of Taiwan in comments Xi and Trump made in front of reporters, the official Chinese foreign ministry statement about their talks did not mince its words. “The Taiwan issue is the most important, most sensitive core issue in China-U.S. relations, and concerns the political basis of the China-U.S. relationship,” the ministry paraphrased Xi as telling Trump. China “hopes that the U.S. side continues to scrupulously abide by the ‘one China’ principle, and prevents disturbances to the broader picture of China-U.S. ties”, Xi added. Trump told Xi that the United States government upheld and stuck to the “one China” policy, China’s official Xinhua news agency reported. China suspects Tsai wants to push for the formal independence of Taiwan, a red line for Beijing. Tsai says she wants to maintain peace with China but will defend Taiwan’s democracy and security. China has pressured Taiwan since Tsai took office last year, suspending a regular dialogue mechanism and slowly peeling away its few remaining diplomatic allies. China is deeply suspicious of U.S. intentions towards Taiwan and was upset when the United States recently allowed Tsai to transit through Hawaii and Guam on her way to and from diplomatic allies of Taiwan’s in the Pacific. China has claimed sovereignty over Taiwan since 1949 when Mao Zedong’s Communist forces won the Chinese civil war and Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists fled to the island.

Taiwan is the most important issue in Sino-US ties: Xi to Trump

Facebook is banned in China but the country uses the social networking website outside of its borders, a New York Times report said Thursday, to spread &quot;state-produced propaganda&quot;.

The New York Times report said the Chinese government, through its state media agencies, spends hundreds of thousands of dollars each quarter to buy Facebook ads.&nbsp;

The report added that China is Facebook&#39;s biggest advertising market in Asia, even as the service remains proscribed within the country.&nbsp;

Foreign powers&#39; use of Facebook and other social media is in the spotlight in the US with President Donald Trump currently visiting China and with America currently investigating whether Russia had swayed the 2016 presidential election.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-usa-can-solve-world-problems-together-trump-says-23813" target="_blank">Also read: China, USA can solve world problems together, Trump says</a>

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-urges-china-russia-to-act-fast-on-north-korea-23791" target="_blank">Also read: Trump urges China &amp; Russia to act fast on North Korea, warns &#39;time is quickly running out&#39;</a>

Last week, the report said, executives from Facebook, Google and Twitter were grilled in Washington about Russia&#39;s use of technolgoy to sway voters during the 2016 presidential elections.&nbsp;

During the hearing, Facebook was asked if China too had used the social networking website to sway American voters.&nbsp;

Facebook&rsquo;s general counsel replied that, to his knowledge, it had not.&nbsp;

Facebook is just as keen on China as the New York Times report says the country is on the social networking site.&nbsp;

Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg has spent years courting Facebook.&nbsp;

The Times report said Facebook executives even set up a page to show CCTV, &quot;one of Beijing&rsquo;s chief propaganda outlets&quot;, how to use the platform during President Xi Jinping&rsquo;s 2015 trip to the United States.

The report said &quot;a look at the Facebook pages of China Central Television, the leading state-owned broadcast network better known as CCTV, and Xinhua, China&rsquo;s official news agency, reveals hundreds of English-language posts intended for an English-speaking audience&quot;.

The Times report said China&#39;s use of propaganda on Facebook and other social media is nowhere near as subtle as Russia&#39;s but that their &quot;techniques are nonetheless instructive&quot;.

It said that China does not post divisive advertisements on Facebook, but instead does what it does at home -- &quot;replicate the sort of news propaganda delivered at home: articles stressing China&rsquo;s stability and prosperity mixed with posts highlighting chaos and violence in the rest of the world&quot;.

&quot;A similar blend of stories &mdash; pandas and idyllic Chinese landscapes next to heavy coverage of the mass shooting in Texas &mdash; has proliferated across China&rsquo;s official Facebook channels in the lead-up to Mr. Trump&rsquo;s visit to Beijing, which began on Wednesday,&quot; the Times report said.

&quot;While much of it is unlikely to sway the average American&rsquo;s mind, such posts reach people across the world, many of whom are newer to the internet and may have a less sophisticated understanding of media. China&rsquo;s state media has Facebook channels dedicated to Africa and other regions of the world, and it seems evident that it is offering itself as an alternative to the Western media for a more global audience.&quot; the Times report added.

 
&nbsp;

China is Facebook's biggest advertising market in Asia, even as the service remains proscribed within the country

Facebook is banned in China but the country uses the social networking website outside of its borders, a New York Times report said Thursday, to spread "state-produced propaganda". The New York Times report said the Chinese government, through its state media agencies, spends hundreds of thousands of dollars each quarter to buy Facebook ads. The report added that China is Facebook's biggest advertising market in Asia, even as the service remains proscribed within the country. Foreign powers' use of Facebook and other social media is in the spotlight in the US with President Donald Trump currently visiting China and with America currently investigating whether Russia had swayed the 2016 presidential election. Also read: China, USA can solve world problems together, Trump says Also read: Trump urges China & Russia to act fast on North Korea, warns 'time is quickly running out' Last week, the report said, executives from Facebook, Google and Twitter were grilled in Washington about Russia's use of technolgoy to sway voters during the 2016 presidential elections. During the hearing, Facebook was asked if China too had used the social networking website to sway American voters. Facebook’s general counsel replied that, to his knowledge, it had not. Facebook is just as keen on China as the New York Times report says the country is on the social networking site. Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg has spent years courting Facebook. The Times report said Facebook executives even set up a page to show CCTV, "one of Beijing’s chief propaganda outlets", how to use the platform during President Xi Jinping’s 2015 trip to the United States. The report said "a look at the Facebook pages of China Central Television, the leading state-owned broadcast network better known as CCTV, and Xinhua, China’s official news agency, reveals hundreds of English-language posts intended for an English-speaking audience". The Times report said China's use of propaganda on Facebook and other social media is nowhere near as subtle as Russia's but that their "techniques are nonetheless instructive". It said that China does not post divisive advertisements on Facebook, but instead does what it does at home -- "replicate the sort of news propaganda delivered at home: articles stressing China’s stability and prosperity mixed with posts highlighting chaos and violence in the rest of the world". "A similar blend of stories — pandas and idyllic Chinese landscapes next to heavy coverage of the mass shooting in Texas — has proliferated across China’s official Facebook channels in the lead-up to Mr. Trump’s visit to Beijing, which began on Wednesday," the Times report said. "While much of it is unlikely to sway the average American’s mind, such posts reach people across the world, many of whom are newer to the internet and may have a less sophisticated understanding of media. China’s state media has Facebook channels dedicated to Africa and other regions of the world, and it seems evident that it is offering itself as an alternative to the Western media for a more global audience." the Times report added.

Facebook banned in China but it uses it elsewhere to spread 'state-produced propaganda': NYT

The President of the United States on Thursday highlighted the importance of the US-China relationship in solving the world&#39;s problems.

&quot;I look forward to many years of success and friendship working together to solve not only our problems, but world problems, and problems of great danger and security,&quot; Donald Trump said between meetings with Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing.

&quot;I believe we can solve almost all of them, and probably all of them&quot;, he added.

The two leaders expressed their desire to strengthen bilateral cooperation on global issues such as North Korea and disputes over trade.&nbsp;

After the first round of discussions, Trump assured Xi &quot;I do believe there is a solution to (the North Korea crisis), as you do&quot;.

Xi also stressed that &quot;for China and the US, cooperation is the only viable choice&quot; and urged them to &quot;properly manage differences in the spirit of mutual respect&quot;.

Trump referred to his country&#39;s trade deficit with China, calling for a radical change to the relationship.

&quot;The Unites States really has to change its policies, because they have gotten so far behind on trade with China,&quot; he said blaming past administrations while expressing respect for Xi and China.

Trump also praised Xi and Chinese First Lady Peng Liyuan during a private visit by him and US First Lady Melania Trump Wednesday.

&quot;My feeling towards you, is an incredibly warm one, there is great chemistry. I think we are going to do tremendous thing for both China and the United States,&quot; Trump added.

Xi agreed with his US counterpart in that cooperative relations between Washington and Beijing were important for global peace, stability and prosperity.

He also highlighted the significant progress made this year in bilateral relations, and announced that both presidents had agreed on various mechanisms to further political, economic and civil society exchanges.

(All the rights of the contents (text, photo, video, multimedia products and others) included in the services supplied to the user in this test are EFE-EPA property and shall be reproduced under EFE-EPA @copyright. Contents shall be reproduced only in the terms agreed with EFE and by no mean can those be redistributed, transferred or traded. User shall be held responsible for the alteration or misuse of the contents and products included in EFE-EPA services. User is compelled to follow the national law and will be the only responsible for the use or misuse of the contents provided by EFE-EPA.)

The President of the United States on Thursday highlighted the importance of the US-China relationship in solving the world's problems.

The President of the United States on Thursday highlighted the importance of the US-China relationship in solving the world's problems. "I look forward to many years of success and friendship working together to solve not only our problems, but world problems, and problems of great danger and security," Donald Trump said between meetings with Xi Jinping at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. "I believe we can solve almost all of them, and probably all of them", he added. The two leaders expressed their desire to strengthen bilateral cooperation on global issues such as North Korea and disputes over trade. After the first round of discussions, Trump assured Xi "I do believe there is a solution to (the North Korea crisis), as you do". Xi also stressed that "for China and the US, cooperation is the only viable choice" and urged them to "properly manage differences in the spirit of mutual respect". Trump referred to his country's trade deficit with China, calling for a radical change to the relationship. "The Unites States really has to change its policies, because they have gotten so far behind on trade with China," he said blaming past administrations while expressing respect for Xi and China. Trump also praised Xi and Chinese First Lady Peng Liyuan during a private visit by him and US First Lady Melania Trump Wednesday. "My feeling towards you, is an incredibly warm one, there is great chemistry. I think we are going to do tremendous thing for both China and the United States," Trump added. Xi agreed with his US counterpart in that cooperative relations between Washington and Beijing were important for global peace, stability and prosperity. He also highlighted the significant progress made this year in bilateral relations, and announced that both presidents had agreed on various mechanisms to further political, economic and civil society exchanges. (All the rights of the contents (text, photo, video, multimedia products and others) included in the services supplied to the user in this test are EFE-EPA property and shall be reproduced under EFE-EPA @copyright. Contents shall be reproduced only in the terms agreed with EFE and by no mean can those be redistributed, transferred or traded. User shall be held responsible for the alteration or misuse of the contents and products included in EFE-EPA services. User is compelled to follow the national law and will be the only responsible for the use or misuse of the contents provided by EFE-EPA.)

China, USA can solve world problems together, Trump says

With lavish pageantry and an uncharacteristic <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-arrives-in-china-23738">personal flourish, Chinese President Xi Jinping on</a> Wednesday rolled out a red carpet welcome for US President Donald Trump at the Forbidden City, the ancient home of China&rsquo;s emperors.

While North Korea and trade are set <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/north-korea-a-cruel-dictatorship-says-trump-in-seoul-23705">to dominate the formal part of the visit, which ends</a> on Friday, China has been keen to show the importance it puts on Trump&rsquo;s visit, the first by a foreign leader since the end of a key Communist Party congress last month where Xi cemented his power.

Trump and his wife Melania were whisked from Beijing airport - where they were met by China&rsquo;s top diplomat Yang Jiechi, a key player in the outreach to Trump since he won the election a year ago - straight to the Forbidden City.

Chatting over cups of tea, Trump showed Xi a video of his granddaughter Arabella Kushner singing in Mandarin and reciting classical Chinese poetry, prompting Xi to compliment her performance as worthy of an &ldquo;A+&rdquo;, Chinese state media said.

Xi said he hoped Arabella would visit China soon, noting that she was already a &ldquo;child star&rdquo; in China, the official Xinhua news agency said. A video of Arabella reciting a Chinese poem went viral on Chinese social media shortly after Trump&rsquo;s election last year.

In another break from precedent, Xi himself gave the Trumps a tour of the imperial treasures of the Forbidden City, a UNESCO World Heritage site cleared of tourists for the day, before the two first couples watched Chinese opera and an acrobatic display. &ldquo;That&rsquo;s something!&rdquo; Trump said after the show, as he and Xi walked away. &ldquo;We&rsquo;re having a great time.&rdquo;

China had widely been expected to pull out all the stops for Trump, who has pressed it to do more to control its neighbour North Korea and resolve a yawning trade gap with the United States.

The ceremony on Trump&rsquo;s arrival at Beijing&rsquo;s airport on Wednesday was also more elaborate than usual, with the Trumps met by a marching band and soldiers standing at attention. Smartly dressed children waving miniature Chinese and American flags jumped up and down as Trump&rsquo;s motorcade passed.

In another rare, if not unprecedented step, Trump&rsquo;s official ceremonial welcome at the Great Hall of the People on Thursday will be broadcast live on national television, state broadcaster CCTV said.While the sprawling palace complex in the centre of Beijing is a regular stop for visiting dignitaries, it is rare for a Chinese leader to provide a personal escort, confirmation of the &ldquo;state visit-plus&rdquo; treatment that China had promised for Trump.

With lavish pageantry and an uncharacteristic personal flourish, Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday rolled out a red carpet welcome for U.S President Donald Trump at the Forbidden City, the ancient home of China?s emperors.

With lavish pageantry and an uncharacteristic personal flourish, Chinese President Xi Jinping on Wednesday rolled out a red carpet welcome for US President Donald Trump at the Forbidden City, the ancient home of China’s emperors. While North Korea and trade are set to dominate the formal part of the visit, which ends on Friday, China has been keen to show the importance it puts on Trump’s visit, the first by a foreign leader since the end of a key Communist Party congress last month where Xi cemented his power. Trump and his wife Melania were whisked from Beijing airport - where they were met by China’s top diplomat Yang Jiechi, a key player in the outreach to Trump since he won the election a year ago - straight to the Forbidden City. Chatting over cups of tea, Trump showed Xi a video of his granddaughter Arabella Kushner singing in Mandarin and reciting classical Chinese poetry, prompting Xi to compliment her performance as worthy of an “A+”, Chinese state media said. Xi said he hoped Arabella would visit China soon, noting that she was already a “child star” in China, the official Xinhua news agency said. A video of Arabella reciting a Chinese poem went viral on Chinese social media shortly after Trump’s election last year. In another break from precedent, Xi himself gave the Trumps a tour of the imperial treasures of the Forbidden City, a UNESCO World Heritage site cleared of tourists for the day, before the two first couples watched Chinese opera and an acrobatic display. “That’s something!” Trump said after the show, as he and Xi walked away. “We’re having a great time.” China had widely been expected to pull out all the stops for Trump, who has pressed it to do more to control its neighbour North Korea and resolve a yawning trade gap with the United States. The ceremony on Trump’s arrival at Beijing’s airport on Wednesday was also more elaborate than usual, with the Trumps met by a marching band and soldiers standing at attention. Smartly dressed children waving miniature Chinese and American flags jumped up and down as Trump’s motorcade passed. In another rare, if not unprecedented step, Trump’s official ceremonial welcome at the Great Hall of the People on Thursday will be broadcast live on national television, state broadcaster CCTV said.While the sprawling palace complex in the centre of Beijing is a regular stop for visiting dignitaries, it is rare for a Chinese leader to provide a personal escort, confirmation of the “state visit-plus” treatment that China had promised for Trump.

Watch: Trump, Xi watch Chinese opera in Beijing

&nbsp;

US President Donald&nbsp;Trump&nbsp;toured the Forbidden City with Chinese leader Xi Jinping on Wednesday as he began the crucial leg of an Asian tour intended to build a global front against North Korea&#39;s nuclear threats.

After warning North Korea&#39;s &quot;cruel dictatorship&quot; against testing the United States during a speech in Seoul,&nbsp;Trump&nbsp;and First Lady Melania&nbsp;Trump&nbsp;were met by Xi and his wife Peng Liyuan for tea at the former imperial palace.

But the genial gathering will be followed on Thursday by a full day of thorny talks, with&nbsp;Trump&nbsp;looking to prod Xi into doing more to squeeze North Korea economically and to address China&#39;s massive trade surplus with the United States.

The&nbsp;Trump&nbsp;administration sees Beijing as the key to controlling Pyongyang, which depends on China for its economic survival and for 90 percent of its trade.

Earlier,&nbsp;Trump&nbsp;congratulated Xi on his reappointment as China&#39;s Communist Party chief, tweeting: &quot;I very much look forward to meeting with President Xi who is just off his great political victory.&quot;

Trump&#39;s use of the term &quot;political victory&quot; for the outcome of last month&#39;s Communist Party congress was seen by analysts as an attempt to conciliate Xi before tough talks on trade and North Korea.

&quot;He&#39;s laying it on thick to put Xi in a good mood because he will have unpleasant things to tell him,&quot; said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, China politics specialist at Hong Kong Baptist University.

Xi has prepared an extravagant &quot;state visit-plus&quot; for&nbsp;Trump, with opera and a lavish banquet, and the US leader has brought a business delegation along for the ride. Deals are expected to be signed, though they may not be enough to allay US concerns about China&#39;s massive trade surplus, which narrowed in October but remained high at a monthly $26.6 billion.

US President Donald?Trump?toured the Forbidden City with Chinese leader Xi Jinping on Wednesday as he began the crucial leg of an Asian tour intended to build a global front against North Korea's nuclear threats.

US President Donald Trump toured the Forbidden City with Chinese leader Xi Jinping on Wednesday as he began the crucial leg of an Asian tour intended to build a global front against North Korea's nuclear threats. After warning North Korea's "cruel dictatorship" against testing the United States during a speech in Seoul, Trump and First Lady Melania Trump were met by Xi and his wife Peng Liyuan for tea at the former imperial palace. But the genial gathering will be followed on Thursday by a full day of thorny talks, with Trump looking to prod Xi into doing more to squeeze North Korea economically and to address China's massive trade surplus with the United States. The Trump administration sees Beijing as the key to controlling Pyongyang, which depends on China for its economic survival and for 90 percent of its trade. Earlier, Trump congratulated Xi on his reappointment as China's Communist Party chief, tweeting: "I very much look forward to meeting with President Xi who is just off his great political victory." Trump's use of the term "political victory" for the outcome of last month's Communist Party congress was seen by analysts as an attempt to conciliate Xi before tough talks on trade and North Korea. "He's laying it on thick to put Xi in a good mood because he will have unpleasant things to tell him," said Jean-Pierre Cabestan, China politics specialist at Hong Kong Baptist University. Xi has prepared an extravagant "state visit-plus" for Trump, with opera and a lavish banquet, and the US leader has brought a business delegation along for the ride. Deals are expected to be signed, though they may not be enough to allay US concerns about China's massive trade surplus, which narrowed in October but remained high at a monthly $26.6 billion.

Watch: Trump arrives in China amid North Korea tensions

Just a few hours after Trumps arrival in China, both countries have successfully signed deals worth 9 billion USD on Wednesday.&nbsp;

US Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and Chinese Vice Premier Wang Yang held a signing ceremony at the Great Hall of the People but no information was given about these 19 deals. &nbsp;

According to the South China Morning Post, China and the US. have sealed a total of 19 deals covering bioscience, aviation and smart manufacturing.

Wang said the agreements were merely a &ldquo;warmup&rdquo; before Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping hold their own ceremony on Thursday which would contain larger deals, including in exports of natural gas and soybeans.

&ldquo;Addressing the imbalance in China trade has been the central focus of collaborative discussions between President Trump and President Xi,&rdquo; Ross said.

&ldquo;Achieving fair and reciprocal treatment for the companies is a shared objective,&rdquo; he said.

Wang further said: Economic deals are &ldquo;an important ballast for the overall bilateral relationship&rdquo;, adding he believed they would contribute to its &ldquo;stabilisation&rdquo;.

The deal was signed along with 30 different representatives from the respective companies.&nbsp;

President Trump&#39;s Asia trip began on November 3. From China, he will leave for Vietnam and the Philippines.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(with input from agencies)

Wang said the agreements were merely a ?warmup? before Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping hold their own ceremony on Thursday which would contain larger deals, including in exports of natural gas and soybeans.

Just a few hours after Trumps arrival in China, both countries have successfully signed deals worth 9 billion USD on Wednesday. US Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross and Chinese Vice Premier Wang Yang held a signing ceremony at the Great Hall of the People but no information was given about these 19 deals. According to the South China Morning Post, China and the US. have sealed a total of 19 deals covering bioscience, aviation and smart manufacturing. Wang said the agreements were merely a “warmup” before Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping hold their own ceremony on Thursday which would contain larger deals, including in exports of natural gas and soybeans. “Addressing the imbalance in China trade has been the central focus of collaborative discussions between President Trump and President Xi,” Ross said. “Achieving fair and reciprocal treatment for the companies is a shared objective,” he said. Wang further said: Economic deals are “an important ballast for the overall bilateral relationship”, adding he believed they would contribute to its “stabilisation”. The deal was signed along with 30 different representatives from the respective companies. President Trump's Asia trip began on November 3. From China, he will leave for Vietnam and the Philippines. (with input from agencies)

China and US sign deals worth 9 billion USD

At least 27 people have died and nearly two dozen are missing after Typhoon Damrey barrelled into Vietnam, authorities said Sunday, damaging tens of thousands of homes and submerging highways days before the country welcomes world leaders to the APEC summit.&nbsp;

The storm, which made landfall on Saturday, is the worst in decades to strike the country&#39;s southern coastal region, an area normally spared the typhoons that usually hit further north.

More than 40,000 homes were damaged as heavy rains and 130 kph (80 mph) winds tore through the area, leaving 27 dead and 22 reported missing, according to the disaster management office.

Coastal Khanh Hoa province, home to the popular white sand Nha Trang beach, was hardest hit with 16 dead and 10 injured, the government said.

More than 30,000 people, including foreign tourists, were evacuated from the area ahead of the storm.&nbsp;

Photos showed residents wading through knee-deep floodwater, as toppled electricity poles and trees blocked roads.

Some 300 ships were wrecked, according to the government, while local authorities said Phu Yen Province&#39;s Tuy Hoa city had never suffered such devastation before.

There were also reports of minor damage around 500 kilometers north in Danang, the coastal city which will host the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit next weekend.

A local resident told that strong winds and rain had torn down signs promoting the APEC gathering, which will bring together leaders including US President Donald Trump and China&#39;s Xi Jinping.

It will be Trump&#39;s first visit as president to the Southeast Asian nation.&nbsp;

&quot;Now city people are joining hands with authorities to clean up the mess to make the city look nicer for the APEC week,&quot; said Tran Huy, as dark clouds loomed above.

An hour&#39;s drive south in Hoi An, an atmospheric port city and a popular stop on Vietnam&#39;s tourist circuit, a local resident said floodwater was up to 1.5 metres in some parts of town.

&quot;Water has started to rise in the Old Quarter,&quot; resident Dinh Thi Xuan Hoa told the state-run VNExpress, referring to a section of the city recognised as a World Heritage site for its architecture.

&quot;Foreign tourists were transferred by boats to hotels in the higher area,&quot; she added.&nbsp;

The spouses of some APEC leaders are scheduled to pay a visit to Hoi An next week, according to the culture ministry.&nbsp;

Vietnam has been pummelled by a dozen major storms since the start of 2017, with at least 240 people reported dead or missing in floods and landslides.

Some 80 were killed in the weeks after Typhoon Doksuri battered central provinces in September, destroying thousands of homes and triggering severe floods.&nbsp;

The World Bank said natural disasters have killed more than 13,000 people and caused more than $6.4 billion in property damage to Vietnam over the past two decades.

At least 27 people have died and nearly two dozen are missing after Typhoon Damrey barrelled into Vietnam, authorities said Sunday, damaging tens of thousands of homes and submerging highways days before the country welcomes world leaders to the APEC summit.?

At least 27 people have died and nearly two dozen are missing after Typhoon Damrey barrelled into Vietnam, authorities said Sunday, damaging tens of thousands of homes and submerging highways days before the country welcomes world leaders to the APEC summit. The storm, which made landfall on Saturday, is the worst in decades to strike the country's southern coastal region, an area normally spared the typhoons that usually hit further north. More than 40,000 homes were damaged as heavy rains and 130 kph (80 mph) winds tore through the area, leaving 27 dead and 22 reported missing, according to the disaster management office. Coastal Khanh Hoa province, home to the popular white sand Nha Trang beach, was hardest hit with 16 dead and 10 injured, the government said. More than 30,000 people, including foreign tourists, were evacuated from the area ahead of the storm. Photos showed residents wading through knee-deep floodwater, as toppled electricity poles and trees blocked roads. Some 300 ships were wrecked, according to the government, while local authorities said Phu Yen Province's Tuy Hoa city had never suffered such devastation before. There were also reports of minor damage around 500 kilometers north in Danang, the coastal city which will host the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit next weekend. A local resident told that strong winds and rain had torn down signs promoting the APEC gathering, which will bring together leaders including US President Donald Trump and China's Xi Jinping. It will be Trump's first visit as president to the Southeast Asian nation. "Now city people are joining hands with authorities to clean up the mess to make the city look nicer for the APEC week," said Tran Huy, as dark clouds loomed above. An hour's drive south in Hoi An, an atmospheric port city and a popular stop on Vietnam's tourist circuit, a local resident said floodwater was up to 1.5 metres in some parts of town. "Water has started to rise in the Old Quarter," resident Dinh Thi Xuan Hoa told the state-run VNExpress, referring to a section of the city recognised as a World Heritage site for its architecture. "Foreign tourists were transferred by boats to hotels in the higher area," she added. The spouses of some APEC leaders are scheduled to pay a visit to Hoi An next week, according to the culture ministry. Vietnam has been pummelled by a dozen major storms since the start of 2017, with at least 240 people reported dead or missing in floods and landslides. Some 80 were killed in the weeks after Typhoon Doksuri battered central provinces in September, destroying thousands of homes and triggering severe floods. The World Bank said natural disasters have killed more than 13,000 people and caused more than $6.4 billion in property damage to Vietnam over the past two decades.

27 dead as Typhoon Damrey batters Vietnam

Chinese President Xi Jinping has sent North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un a rare message, Pyongyang&#39;s official news agency reported Thursday, in his first public communication with his wayward neighbour for more than a year.

The note signalled a possible improvement in their strained relationships, which has soured over Pyongyang&#39;s growing weapons ambitions even though Beijing is its longtime ally and economic benefactor.

Xi&#39;s message, dated Wednesday, was sent in response to congratulations from Kim last week for securing a second term as the head of China&#39;s ruling party.

&quot;I wish that under the new situation the Chinese side would make efforts with the DPRK side to promote the relations between the two parties and the two countries to sustainable soundness and stable development,&quot; Xi said, according to the North&#39;s KCNA news agency said, addressing Kim as &quot;Comrade Chairman&quot;.

In his earlier note, Kim had offered Xi his &quot;sincere congratulations&quot; and expressed his belief that their relations would develop &quot;in the interests of the people of the two countries&quot;.

The last time KCNA reported a message from Xi was in July 2016.

Analysts say that such exchanges have become extremely rare under the current leaders, even though Beijing and Pyongyang traditionally sent greetings and congratulations on each other&#39;s key anniversaries in the past.

Their relationship was forged in the blood of the Korean War, when Mao Zedong sent millions of &quot;volunteers&quot; to fight US-led United Nations forces to a standstill.

Mao described the allies as close as &quot;lips and teeth&quot;, and China has long been accused of failing to enforce United Nations sanctions against the North for its banned nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programmes, even after voting for them in the Security Council.

But Beijing has grown increasingly frustrated by its belligerent neighbour, and rapidly backed a new set of UN measures after a flurry of missile launches by the North and its sixth nuclear test in September.

Professor Yang Moo-Jin of the University of North Korean Studies in Seoul said the public exchange of messages signalled a willingness on both sides to improve relations.

&quot;The fact that both sides are swiftly trading letters and announcing it carries a symbolic meaning,&quot; said Yang.

&quot;If the message was more intimate, we could expect a faster thawing of ties,&quot; he added, &quot;but for now, it shows that both sides agree on the need to improve their relations&quot;.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has sent North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un a rare message

Chinese President Xi Jinping has sent North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un a rare message, Pyongyang's official news agency reported Thursday, in his first public communication with his wayward neighbour for more than a year. The note signalled a possible improvement in their strained relationships, which has soured over Pyongyang's growing weapons ambitions even though Beijing is its longtime ally and economic benefactor. Xi's message, dated Wednesday, was sent in response to congratulations from Kim last week for securing a second term as the head of China's ruling party. "I wish that under the new situation the Chinese side would make efforts with the DPRK side to promote the relations between the two parties and the two countries to sustainable soundness and stable development," Xi said, according to the North's KCNA news agency said, addressing Kim as "Comrade Chairman". In his earlier note, Kim had offered Xi his "sincere congratulations" and expressed his belief that their relations would develop "in the interests of the people of the two countries". The last time KCNA reported a message from Xi was in July 2016. Analysts say that such exchanges have become extremely rare under the current leaders, even though Beijing and Pyongyang traditionally sent greetings and congratulations on each other's key anniversaries in the past. Their relationship was forged in the blood of the Korean War, when Mao Zedong sent millions of "volunteers" to fight US-led United Nations forces to a standstill. Mao described the allies as close as "lips and teeth", and China has long been accused of failing to enforce United Nations sanctions against the North for its banned nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programmes, even after voting for them in the Security Council. But Beijing has grown increasingly frustrated by its belligerent neighbour, and rapidly backed a new set of UN measures after a flurry of missile launches by the North and its sixth nuclear test in September. Professor Yang Moo-Jin of the University of North Korean Studies in Seoul said the public exchange of messages signalled a willingness on both sides to improve relations. "The fact that both sides are swiftly trading letters and announcing it carries a symbolic meaning," said Yang. "If the message was more intimate, we could expect a faster thawing of ties," he added, "but for now, it shows that both sides agree on the need to improve their relations".

China's President Xi Jinping sends rare message to North Korean leader Kim Jong Un

Recently, concluded first plenum of 19th Congress of Communist Party of China (CPC) helped in consolidating Chinese President Xi Jinping position as a core leader, included his thought in the constitution of the party as Xi Jinping thought of Socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era along with his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative(BRI); and finally his emphasis on Chinese military modernisation, where army must be controlled by the communist party of China.

Now, one needs to carefully analyse the implications of these developments for Indian strategic and security interests in particular and foreign policy in general. Indeed, Chinese President Xi Jinping is the third most influential political leader after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping in Chinese political history. China has world&rsquo;s second largest GDP in nominal terms $11,199,145 and hence, no short of money for Chinese military modernisation.

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<h5>As a chairman of Central Military Commission, Xi Jinping has reiterated &lsquo;basic mechanisation&rsquo; by 2020, &lsquo;complete modernisation&rsquo; by 2035; and finally having &lsquo;world-class military&rsquo; by 2050.</h5>
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China has increased their military spending 118 per cent between 2007 and 2016 along with biggest military spender in Asia and Oceania. As the chairman of Central Military Commission (CMC), Chinese President Xi Jinping has reiterated &lsquo;basic mechanisation&rsquo; by 2020, &lsquo;complete modernisation&rsquo; by 2035&nbsp;and finally having &lsquo;world-class military&rsquo; by 2050. He also asked the people&rsquo;s liberation army (PLA) to be prepared for not just fight but win a war at any time.

In this background, it would be important to observe profiles of some important diplomats and military leaders. To begin with, one of the top diplomats, Yang Jiechi who is a state councillor; and special representative of India-China Border Dispute Talk Mechanism has been retained as a politburo and central committee (CC) member of the CPC.

The Central Committee (204 members) is the third largest decision-making body after Politburo Standing Committee (7-members PBSC) and Politburo (25 members including PBSC) of the CPC. It is also presumed that current foreign minister; Wang Yi will replace Yang Jiechi as a new state councillor and special representative in upcoming next plenum of 19th Congress of CPC in March-2018.

The head of Western Command of PLA in Sichuan, General Zhao Zongqi has been promoted as a central committee member. He is in-charge of India-China boundary disputes on the ground and played a very crucial role during 73-days long Doklam faceoff recently. General Xu Qiliang has been retained as a vice-chairman CMC of the CPC. The names of newly elected vice-chairman Zhang Youxia, and members of CMC are Wei Fenghe, Li Zuocheng, Miao Hua, Zhang Shengmini. It is to be noted that Chinese infrastructure development and logistics are in much better condition than Indian side of the border. China is also working on hi-speed train projects to these border areas with central parts of China.

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<h5>Xi Jinping tries to build his legacy in next 30 years with the help of his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a grand strategy of China.</h5>
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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Xi Jinping tries to build his legacy in next 30 years with the help of his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a grand strategy of China.">&nbsp;</a></div>
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One can say that Chinese President Xi Jinping tries to build his legacy in next 30 years with the help of his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a grand strategy of China. The Chinese official argument behind BRI is that to build a world community of shared destiny based on the sovereignty and national interests of every country in the world.

But what we notice in the case of their sensitivities towards &lsquo;Indian sovereignty and national interests&rsquo; that despite Indian government repetitive protests, China is already involved in infrastructure development projects like construction of motorways, railways, bridges, tunnel and dams in the disputed Gilgit-Baltistan region of Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), Pakistan. In fact, China started building Karakoram highways in 1957 to increase their strategic influence in this disputed PoK region. No doubt, China-Pakistan Military Nexus is a strategic reality, which has been done against India. Today, both Chinese and Pakistani armies do joint patrolling in the disputed PoK region.

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<h5>With the help of BRI, China wants to increase their strategic influence in South Asia and Indian Ocean region.</h5>
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With the help of BRI, China wants to increase their strategic influence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. China is giving loans to India&rsquo;s neighbouring countries, such as Nepal, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Pakistan. China&rsquo;s new assertiveness towards South Asia and the Indian Ocean region is a manifestation of asymmetric military and economic capabilities between China and India.

One can witness this assertiveness and strategic signalling in the tone and tenor of psychological warfare and threatening and immature words used against India during the recent 73-days long Doklam faceoff. In fact, Doklam faceoff was an ad-hoc diplomatic victory because even Chinese PLA Major General Qiao Liang justified withdrawal of troops in order to secure strategic position and to host BRICS Xiament Summit 2017 between 3rd and 5th Sep-2017; and 19th congress of Chinese communist party between 18th and 25th Oct-2017.

These South Asian countries like Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Pakistan are already raising the concerns about repayment of Chinese loans and debts. There are some questions which need to be answered in this context. What if these south small Asian countries default on their repayment of Chinese loan and its high-interest rates?

If China is serious about building a world community of shared destiny based on the sovereignty and national interests then, why it did not consult all the participating countries before unilaterally setting the agendas for BRI forum at Beijing on 14-15 May 2017?

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<h5>BRI is a Chinese initiative launched for safeguarding the Chinese strategic and national interests.</h5>
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No doubt, BRI is a Chinese initiative launched for safeguarding the Chinese strategic and national interests. In the foreseeable future, one cannot discount the possibilities of another India-China boundary disputes because, in Chinese power calculus, India is considered as a junior power merely due to asymmetry in economic and military capabilities of both countries.

Chinese initiative for safeguarding the Chinese strategic and national interests seem alarming for India

Recently, concluded first plenum of 19th Congress of Communist Party of China (CPC) helped in consolidating Chinese President Xi Jinping position as a core leader, included his thought in the constitution of the party as Xi Jinping thought of Socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era along with his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative(BRI); and finally his emphasis on Chinese military modernisation, where army must be controlled by the communist party of China. Now, one needs to carefully analyse the implications of these developments for Indian strategic and security interests in particular and foreign policy in general. Indeed, Chinese President Xi Jinping is the third most influential political leader after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping in Chinese political history. China has world’s second largest GDP in nominal terms $11,199,145 and hence, no short of money for Chinese military modernisation. As a chairman of Central Military Commission, Xi Jinping has reiterated ‘basic mechanisation’ by 2020, ‘complete modernisation’ by 2035; and finally having ‘world-class military’ by 2050. × China has increased their military spending 118 per cent between 2007 and 2016 along with biggest military spender in Asia and Oceania. As the chairman of Central Military Commission (CMC), Chinese President Xi Jinping has reiterated ‘basic mechanisation’ by 2020, ‘complete modernisation’ by 2035 and finally having ‘world-class military’ by 2050. He also asked the people’s liberation army (PLA) to be prepared for not just fight but win a war at any time. In this background, it would be important to observe profiles of some important diplomats and military leaders. To begin with, one of the top diplomats, Yang Jiechi who is a state councillor; and special representative of India-China Border Dispute Talk Mechanism has been retained as a politburo and central committee (CC) member of the CPC. The Central Committee (204 members) is the third largest decision-making body after Politburo Standing Committee (7-members PBSC) and Politburo (25 members including PBSC) of the CPC. It is also presumed that current foreign minister; Wang Yi will replace Yang Jiechi as a new state councillor and special representative in upcoming next plenum of 19th Congress of CPC in March-2018. The head of Western Command of PLA in Sichuan, General Zhao Zongqi has been promoted as a central committee member. He is in-charge of India-China boundary disputes on the ground and played a very crucial role during 73-days long Doklam faceoff recently. General Xu Qiliang has been retained as a vice-chairman CMC of the CPC. The names of newly elected vice-chairman Zhang Youxia, and members of CMC are Wei Fenghe, Li Zuocheng, Miao Hua, Zhang Shengmini. It is to be noted that Chinese infrastructure development and logistics are in much better condition than Indian side of the border. China is also working on hi-speed train projects to these border areas with central parts of China. Xi Jinping tries to build his legacy in next 30 years with the help of his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a grand strategy of China. × One can say that Chinese President Xi Jinping tries to build his legacy in next 30 years with the help of his ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a grand strategy of China. The Chinese official argument behind BRI is that to build a world community of shared destiny based on the sovereignty and national interests of every country in the world. But what we notice in the case of their sensitivities towards ‘Indian sovereignty and national interests’ that despite Indian government repetitive protests, China is already involved in infrastructure development projects like construction of motorways, railways, bridges, tunnel and dams in the disputed Gilgit-Baltistan region of Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), Pakistan. In fact, China started building Karakoram highways in 1957 to increase their strategic influence in this disputed PoK region. No doubt, China-Pakistan Military Nexus is a strategic reality, which has been done against India. Today, both Chinese and Pakistani armies do joint patrolling in the disputed PoK region. With the help of BRI, China wants to increase their strategic influence in South Asia and Indian Ocean region. × With the help of BRI, China wants to increase their strategic influence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean region. China is giving loans to India’s neighbouring countries, such as Nepal, Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Pakistan. China’s new assertiveness towards South Asia and the Indian Ocean region is a manifestation of asymmetric military and economic capabilities between China and India. One can witness this assertiveness and strategic signalling in the tone and tenor of psychological warfare and threatening and immature words used against India during the recent 73-days long Doklam faceoff. In fact, Doklam faceoff was an ad-hoc diplomatic victory because even Chinese PLA Major General Qiao Liang justified withdrawal of troops in order to secure strategic position and to host BRICS Xiament Summit 2017 between 3rd and 5th Sep-2017; and 19th congress of Chinese communist party between 18th and 25th Oct-2017. These South Asian countries like Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Pakistan are already raising the concerns about repayment of Chinese loans and debts. There are some questions which need to be answered in this context. What if these south small Asian countries default on their repayment of Chinese loan and its high-interest rates? If China is serious about building a world community of shared destiny based on the sovereignty and national interests then, why it did not consult all the participating countries before unilaterally setting the agendas for BRI forum at Beijing on 14-15 May 2017? BRI is a Chinese initiative launched for safeguarding the Chinese strategic and national interests. × No doubt, BRI is a Chinese initiative launched for safeguarding the Chinese strategic and national interests. In the foreseeable future, one cannot discount the possibilities of another India-China boundary disputes because, in Chinese power calculus, India is considered as a junior power merely due to asymmetry in economic and military capabilities of both countries.

China's growing strategic influence in Asia is a threat to India

China&#39;s largely rubber-stamp parliament is considering jail terms of up to three years for people who disrespect the national anthem or flag in public, while an existing anthem law will be applied in Hong Kong, state media said on Tuesday.

Xi Jinping has ushered in new legislation aimed at securing China from threats both within and outside its borders since taking over as president in 2013, as well as presiding over a sweeping crackdown on dissent and free speech.

China passed a new law in September mandating up to 15 days in police detention for those who mock the &quot;March of the Volunteers&quot; national anthem, a law that also covers the Chinese territories of Hong Kong and Macau.

Parliament is now looking at whether to amend China&#39;s Criminal Law to include criminal penalties for disrespect of the national anthem, including intentionally distorting the lyrics or tune, Xinhua said.

The tougher penalties also apply to desecration of the national flag, or emblem, including burning, defacing or trampling on it in public, the report said. That, too, had previously been punishable by up to 15 days&#39; detention.

A draft amendment has been submitted for deliberation at a bi-monthly session of parliament&#39;s standing committee, which started on Monday that said &#39;Violators in this regard may face punishments of up to three years of imprisonment, according to the draft.&#39; it said.

It was not clear when the amendment might be passed but it could be at the end of the week, when parliament&#39;s standing committee closes its current session.

The National Anthem Law, which went into effect on Oct. 1, will also be included in an annex of Hong Kong&#39;s Basic Law, or mini constitution, Xinhua added, though it&#39;s not clear if that will include three-year jail terms.

The national anthem law has fuelled concern in Hong Kong, whose residents have grown nervous over China&#39;s perceived encroachment of the city&#39;s autonomy following such events as the disappearance of booksellers who later emerged in mainland Chinese custody.

In 2015, Hong Kong football fans booed the Chinese anthem during a World Cup qualifier, prompting a fine for the territory&#39;s football association from world body FIFA.

&#39;In recent years, incidents of disrespecting the national anthem had occurred in Hong Kong, challenging the bottom line of the principle of &#39;one country, two systems&#39; and social morality and triggering rage among Chinese including most Hong Kong residents,&#39; said Zhang Rongshun, deputy head of parliament&#39;s Legislative Affairs Commission, according to Xinhua.

&#39;It is urgent and important to apply the national anthem law in Hong Kong, in a bid to prevent and handle such offences.&#39;

The Asian Football Confederation on Tuesday warned the Hong Kong Football Association about their fans&#39; behaviour at a match against Malaysia on Oct 10. in Hong Kong, where some booed the national anthem.

China's largely rubber-stamp parliament is considering jail terms of up to three years for people who disrespect the national anthem or flag in public

China's largely rubber-stamp parliament is considering jail terms of up to three years for people who disrespect the national anthem or flag in public, while an existing anthem law will be applied in Hong Kong, state media said on Tuesday. Xi Jinping has ushered in new legislation aimed at securing China from threats both within and outside its borders since taking over as president in 2013, as well as presiding over a sweeping crackdown on dissent and free speech. China passed a new law in September mandating up to 15 days in police detention for those who mock the "March of the Volunteers" national anthem, a law that also covers the Chinese territories of Hong Kong and Macau. Parliament is now looking at whether to amend China's Criminal Law to include criminal penalties for disrespect of the national anthem, including intentionally distorting the lyrics or tune, Xinhua said. The tougher penalties also apply to desecration of the national flag, or emblem, including burning, defacing or trampling on it in public, the report said. That, too, had previously been punishable by up to 15 days' detention. A draft amendment has been submitted for deliberation at a bi-monthly session of parliament's standing committee, which started on Monday that said 'Violators in this regard may face punishments of up to three years of imprisonment, according to the draft.' it said. It was not clear when the amendment might be passed but it could be at the end of the week, when parliament's standing committee closes its current session. The National Anthem Law, which went into effect on Oct. 1, will also be included in an annex of Hong Kong's Basic Law, or mini constitution, Xinhua added, though it's not clear if that will include three-year jail terms. The national anthem law has fuelled concern in Hong Kong, whose residents have grown nervous over China's perceived encroachment of the city's autonomy following such events as the disappearance of booksellers who later emerged in mainland Chinese custody. In 2015, Hong Kong football fans booed the Chinese anthem during a World Cup qualifier, prompting a fine for the territory's football association from world body FIFA. 'In recent years, incidents of disrespecting the national anthem had occurred in Hong Kong, challenging the bottom line of the principle of 'one country, two systems' and social morality and triggering rage among Chinese including most Hong Kong residents,' said Zhang Rongshun, deputy head of parliament's Legislative Affairs Commission, according to Xinhua. 'It is urgent and important to apply the national anthem law in Hong Kong, in a bid to prevent and handle such offences.' The Asian Football Confederation on Tuesday warned the Hong Kong Football Association about their fans' behaviour at a match against Malaysia on Oct 10. in Hong Kong, where some booed the national anthem.

China parliament considering three-year jail terms for disrespecting national anthem, flag

South Korea and China have agreed to work swiftly to get their relations back on track following a year-long standoff over the deployment of a controversial US&nbsp;anti-missile system in South Korea.

The installation of the US&nbsp;Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system had angered China and spilled over into trade, hurting South Korean business interests in the country.

China believed the system&rsquo;s powerful radar could be used to look inside its territory. South Korea and the United States have repeatedly said THAAD only serves to defend against the growing missile threat from North Korea.

&#39;Both sides shared the view that the strengthening of exchange and cooperation between Korea and China serves their common interests and agreed to expeditiously bring exchange and cooperation in all areas back on a normal development track,&#39; South Korea&rsquo;s foreign ministry said in a statement on Tuesday.

&#39;South Korea&rsquo;s President Moon Jae-in will meet with China&rsquo;s President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of an upcoming summit of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) countries in Vietnam on November&nbsp;10-11.&#39;&nbsp;South Korea&rsquo;s presidential office said.

The two heads of state are likely to discuss North Korea&rsquo;s missile and nuclear programme as well as ways to develop bilateral ties, a senior South Korean presidential Blue House official later told reporters, declining to be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter.

Pyongyang has undertaken an unprecedented missile testing programme in recent months, as well as its biggest nuclear test yet in early September, as it seeks to develop a powerful nuclear weapon capable of reaching the United States.

The moves have angered China, North Korea&rsquo;s only major ally, and drawn further tough sanctions from the United Nations and the United States.

The recent deterioration in ties between China and North Korea may have contributed to Tuesday&rsquo;s agreement, the Blue House official said.

The head of NATO on Tuesday urged all United Nation members to fully and transparently implement sanctions against North Korea, which he said has emerged as a global threat able to fire ballistic missiles as far as Europe and North America.

&#39;North Korea&rsquo;s ballistic and nuclear tests are an affront to the United Nations Security Council,&#39;&nbsp;North Atlantic Treaty Organization Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said in Tokyo, where he met Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

ANNOUNCEMENT WELCOMED, SHARES RALLY

In statement coordinated with South Korea&rsquo;s announcement, China&rsquo;s foreign ministry said the two countries would get relations back onto a normal track &#39;at an early date&#39;.

South Korea recognised China&rsquo;s concerns on the THAAD issue and made it clear the deployment was not aimed at any third country and did not harm China&rsquo;s strategic security interests, China&rsquo;s foreign ministry said.

China reiterated its opposition to the deployment of THAAD, but noted South Korea&rsquo;s position and hoped South Korea could appropriately handle the issue, it added.

South Korean companies operating in China have suffered since the spat erupted last year, although Beijing has never specifically linked its actions to the THAAD deployment.

&#39;China repeated this stance during discussions, saying difficulties faced by South Korean companies were prompted by individual Chinese citizens angered by the THAAD deployment,&#39;&nbsp;the Blue House official said, adding that improvements for South Korean companies would come slowly.

Lotte Group, which provided the land where THAAD was installed, has suffered most. It faces a costly overhaul and is expected to sell its Chinese hypermarket stores for a fraction of what it invested.

A spokesman for Lotte Corp, the holding company of Lotte Group, expressed hope South Korean firms&rsquo; business activity in China would improve following the announcement.

South Korean tourism and retail shares rallied, with Lotte Tour surging more than 18 percent and Lotte Shopping up as much as 5.7 percent.

Shares of Asiana Airlines gained as much as 4.6 percent.

Hopes have been growing for a thaw in the frosty bilateral ties following China&rsquo;s recently completed Congress Party conclave, during which President Xi Jinping cemented his status as China&rsquo;s most powerful leader after Mao Zedong.

Earlier this month, South Korea and China agreed to renew a $56 billion currency swap agreement, while Chinese airlines are reportedly planning to restore flight routes to South Korea that had been cut during the spat.

The two heads of state are likely to discuss North Korea?s missile and nuclear programme as well as ways to develop bilateral ties

South Korea and China have agreed to work swiftly to get their relations back on track following a year-long standoff over the deployment of a controversial US anti-missile system in South Korea. The installation of the US Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system had angered China and spilled over into trade, hurting South Korean business interests in the country. China believed the system’s powerful radar could be used to look inside its territory. South Korea and the United States have repeatedly said THAAD only serves to defend against the growing missile threat from North Korea. 'Both sides shared the view that the strengthening of exchange and cooperation between Korea and China serves their common interests and agreed to expeditiously bring exchange and cooperation in all areas back on a normal development track,' South Korea’s foreign ministry said in a statement on Tuesday. 'South Korea’s President Moon Jae-in will meet with China’s President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of an upcoming summit of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) countries in Vietnam on November 10-11.' South Korea’s presidential office said. The two heads of state are likely to discuss North Korea’s missile and nuclear programme as well as ways to develop bilateral ties, a senior South Korean presidential Blue House official later told reporters, declining to be identified due to the sensitivity of the matter. Pyongyang has undertaken an unprecedented missile testing programme in recent months, as well as its biggest nuclear test yet in early September, as it seeks to develop a powerful nuclear weapon capable of reaching the United States. The moves have angered China, North Korea’s only major ally, and drawn further tough sanctions from the United Nations and the United States. The recent deterioration in ties between China and North Korea may have contributed to Tuesday’s agreement, the Blue House official said. The head of NATO on Tuesday urged all United Nation members to fully and transparently implement sanctions against North Korea, which he said has emerged as a global threat able to fire ballistic missiles as far as Europe and North America. 'North Korea’s ballistic and nuclear tests are an affront to the United Nations Security Council,' North Atlantic Treaty Organization Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said in Tokyo, where he met Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. ANNOUNCEMENT WELCOMED, SHARES RALLY In statement coordinated with South Korea’s announcement, China’s foreign ministry said the two countries would get relations back onto a normal track 'at an early date'. South Korea recognised China’s concerns on the THAAD issue and made it clear the deployment was not aimed at any third country and did not harm China’s strategic security interests, China’s foreign ministry said. China reiterated its opposition to the deployment of THAAD, but noted South Korea’s position and hoped South Korea could appropriately handle the issue, it added. South Korean companies operating in China have suffered since the spat erupted last year, although Beijing has never specifically linked its actions to the THAAD deployment. 'China repeated this stance during discussions, saying difficulties faced by South Korean companies were prompted by individual Chinese citizens angered by the THAAD deployment,' the Blue House official said, adding that improvements for South Korean companies would come slowly. Lotte Group, which provided the land where THAAD was installed, has suffered most. It faces a costly overhaul and is expected to sell its Chinese hypermarket stores for a fraction of what it invested. A spokesman for Lotte Corp, the holding company of Lotte Group, expressed hope South Korean firms’ business activity in China would improve following the announcement. South Korean tourism and retail shares rallied, with Lotte Tour surging more than 18 percent and Lotte Shopping up as much as 5.7 percent. Shares of Asiana Airlines gained as much as 4.6 percent. Hopes have been growing for a thaw in the frosty bilateral ties following China’s recently completed Congress Party conclave, during which President Xi Jinping cemented his status as China’s most powerful leader after Mao Zedong. Earlier this month, South Korea and China agreed to renew a $56 billion currency swap agreement, while Chinese airlines are reportedly planning to restore flight routes to South Korea that had been cut during the spat.

After THAAD fallout, South Korea, China would get relations back onto a normal track

&#39;Xi Jinping Thought&#39; will now be taught, researched and promoted in universities across China, ensuring that the leader&#39;s eponymous philosophy is implanted into students&#39; hearts and minds.

At least twenty universities have established research institutes for Xi&#39;s ideology, which was enshrined in the Communist Party&#39;s constitution during its 19th national congress this month.

The distinction places Xi on a par with Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. It means that his dogma&nbsp;&quot;Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era&quot; will become a mantra for a new generation.

According to media reports Sunday, the research institutes will not &quot;hide in the ivory tower&quot; but advocate the incorporation of Xi thought in all aspects of daily life.&nbsp;

&quot;We will gather many experts and professors to disseminate and preach Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in businesses, neighbourhoods and villages,&quot; Jiang Hongxin, head of Hunan Normal University&#39;s newly-founded Xi Thought research centre, told the People&#39;s Daily, the party mouthpiece.

Jiang&#39;s attitude mirrors that of many institute directors, who in interviews with Chinese media over the weekend espoused a deep devotion to spreading Xi-isms.

&quot;The (research) centre has a unique duty, which is to push forward Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in curriculums, in classrooms and in minds,&quot; Chen Xianda, a professor at Renmin University of China, told the Beijing-based Guangming Daily.

One institute director said the centre was the school&#39;s way of &quot;answering Xi&#39;s call&quot; to educate young people, while another said the Xi Thought organisation would &quot;guide the entire school, from top to bottom, in implementing the spirit of the 19th Congress&quot;.

&quot;We must always keep in mind the generosity of General Secretary Xi Jinping,&quot; Zhou Qihong, a party secretary at Wuhan Donghu University, told the People&#39;s Daily.

The lessons must &quot;enter brains and hearts&quot;, he said.

The education ministry also released guidelines Monday for mandatory elementary and high school extracurricular programmes that include activities to &quot;foster emotional attachment to the Chinese Communist Party&quot;. 
&nbsp;

Xi Jinping Thought will now be taught, researched and promoted in universities across China, ensuring that the leader's eponymous philosophy is implanted into students' hearts and minds.

'Xi Jinping Thought' will now be taught, researched and promoted in universities across China, ensuring that the leader's eponymous philosophy is implanted into students' hearts and minds. At least twenty universities have established research institutes for Xi's ideology, which was enshrined in the Communist Party's constitution during its 19th national congress this month. The distinction places Xi on a par with Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. It means that his dogma "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era" will become a mantra for a new generation. According to media reports Sunday, the research institutes will not "hide in the ivory tower" but advocate the incorporation of Xi thought in all aspects of daily life. "We will gather many experts and professors to disseminate and preach Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in businesses, neighbourhoods and villages," Jiang Hongxin, head of Hunan Normal University's newly-founded Xi Thought research centre, told the People's Daily, the party mouthpiece. Jiang's attitude mirrors that of many institute directors, who in interviews with Chinese media over the weekend espoused a deep devotion to spreading Xi-isms. "The (research) centre has a unique duty, which is to push forward Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era in curriculums, in classrooms and in minds," Chen Xianda, a professor at Renmin University of China, told the Beijing-based Guangming Daily. One institute director said the centre was the school's way of "answering Xi's call" to educate young people, while another said the Xi Thought organisation would "guide the entire school, from top to bottom, in implementing the spirit of the 19th Congress". "We must always keep in mind the generosity of General Secretary Xi Jinping," Zhou Qihong, a party secretary at Wuhan Donghu University, told the People's Daily. The lessons must "enter brains and hearts", he said. The education ministry also released guidelines Monday for mandatory elementary and high school extracurricular programmes that include activities to "foster emotional attachment to the Chinese Communist Party".

Chinese universities start 'Xi Thought' institutes

President Xi Jinping has told herdsmen from a Tibetan settlement bordering Arunachal Pradesh to &quot;set down roots&quot; to safeguard &quot;Chinese territory&quot; and focus on developing their hometown.

&quot;Without peace in the territory, there will be no peaceful lives for the millions of families,&quot; Xi, who began his second term in office after the once-in-five-years Congress of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) this week endorsed his second tenure, wrote to a herding family in Lhunze County in Tibet, official media reported today.

Xi told the herding family from Lhunze County, near the Himalayas in southwest China&#39;s Tibet Autonomous Region, to set down roots in the border area, safeguard &quot;Chinese territory&quot; and develop their hometown.

India asserts that the Sino-Indian border dispute covers the 4,057-km Line of Actual Control, while China claims it is confined to about 2,000 kms to the area of Arunachal Pradesh, which it refers to as Southern Tibet.

The family is based in Yumai, China&#39;s smallest town in terms of population at the southern foot of the Himalayas, where steep slopes and rugged paths make it difficult to live, state-run Xinhua news agency reported.

Xi acknowledged the family&#39;s efforts to &quot;safeguard the territory, and thanked them for the loyalty and contributions they have made in the border area,&quot; the report said.

Xi, who also heads the Central Military Commission - the overall high command of the Chinese military, made the remarks in a reply delivered to the Tibetan herders yesterday after they wrote to him introducing their township, the Xinhua report said.

The Chinese president hoped that the family would motivate more herders to set down roots in the border area &quot;like galsang flowers,&quot; and become guardians of Chinese territory and builders of a happy hometown.

Fresh off the 19th CPC Congress, Xi told the family that the party would continue to lead people of all ethnic groups towards better lives, the report said.

Two girls - Zhoigar and Yangzom - from the Tibetan family wrote the letter to Xi while the Congress was in session in Beijing, telling him their experiences in safeguarding the border area and the development of their township over the years.

Xi told the herding family from Lhunze County, near the Himalayas in southwest China's Tibet Autonomous Region, to set down roots in the border area, safeguard 'Chinese territory' and develop their hometown

President Xi Jinping has told herdsmen from a Tibetan settlement bordering Arunachal Pradesh to "set down roots" to safeguard "Chinese territory" and focus on developing their hometown. "Without peace in the territory, there will be no peaceful lives for the millions of families," Xi, who began his second term in office after the once-in-five-years Congress of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC) this week endorsed his second tenure, wrote to a herding family in Lhunze County in Tibet, official media reported today. Xi told the herding family from Lhunze County, near the Himalayas in southwest China's Tibet Autonomous Region, to set down roots in the border area, safeguard "Chinese territory" and develop their hometown. India asserts that the Sino-Indian border dispute covers the 4,057-km Line of Actual Control, while China claims it is confined to about 2,000 kms to the area of Arunachal Pradesh, which it refers to as Southern Tibet. The family is based in Yumai, China's smallest town in terms of population at the southern foot of the Himalayas, where steep slopes and rugged paths make it difficult to live, state-run Xinhua news agency reported. Xi acknowledged the family's efforts to "safeguard the territory, and thanked them for the loyalty and contributions they have made in the border area," the report said. Xi, who also heads the Central Military Commission - the overall high command of the Chinese military, made the remarks in a reply delivered to the Tibetan herders yesterday after they wrote to him introducing their township, the Xinhua report said. The Chinese president hoped that the family would motivate more herders to set down roots in the border area "like galsang flowers," and become guardians of Chinese territory and builders of a happy hometown. Fresh off the 19th CPC Congress, Xi told the family that the party would continue to lead people of all ethnic groups towards better lives, the report said. Two girls - Zhoigar and Yangzom - from the Tibetan family wrote the letter to Xi while the Congress was in session in Beijing, telling him their experiences in safeguarding the border area and the development of their township over the years.

Guard Chinese soil, Xi tells herdsmen from Arunachal border

The dynamics of bilateral relations between India, US and China are swiftly changing under a rapidly transforming global order. The last week saw two significant developments underlining this commotion and churning in the international order, and India might find itself at the helm of affairs here.

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<h5>The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan.</h5>
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The Asia visit of US Secretary of State came against the backdrop of the recently concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Strong signs of an emerging multipolarity made themselves highly evident during the last few days when both US and China pushed for a greater assertion over the international affairs.

Tillerson&#39;s visit to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India was an attempt by the US to mark its territory in terms of its strategic dominance and rope in India as an important ally to the US in the region. The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan.

The visit, which is said to have sent a strong message to Pakistan on the issue of terrorism, also seeks to prop up India as a useful balancer to the developing China-Pakistan axis in South Asia. The importance of the timing of this visit is also not lost on observers, as it comes barely days after Tillerson&rsquo;s speech on &ldquo;Defining our relationship with India for the next century&rdquo; at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). In his speech, Tillerson laid great emphasis on a &ldquo;free and open Indo-Pacific&rdquo; while being highly critical of China&#39;s &ldquo;less responsible&rdquo; rise.

Tillerson&#39;s attempts at strengthening America&#39;s position in the subcontinent were simultaneous to the 19th National Congress of the CPC which saw the emergence of President Xi Jinping as a very strong leader in the history of the country, with a stature next only to that of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.

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<h5>The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically.</h5>
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Conscious of the world that was carefully observing the proceedings of the 19th NC, Xi laid a great emphasis on China&#39;s role as a world leader, and its endeavour to achieve a great power status. The repeated insistence on the importance of a globalised world and the significance of China&#39;s leadership clearly highlighted China&#39;s intentions to outgrow Deng Xiaoping&#39;s &ldquo;biding our time&rdquo; strategy and aggressively pursue Xi&#39;s &ldquo;China dream&rdquo;.

The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically. China, under Xi, will be looking to create and strengthen alternative global institutions, transform existing norms and push for regional supremacy. All this will happen as the US grows more isolationist in its global outlook. The daunting realisation that a more assertive China will be detrimental to the US&#39; strategic interests in Asia, was probably one of the many reasons behind Tillerson&#39;s visit to the region.&nbsp;

In the face of the changing dynamics, however, India will find itself at the helm of affairs. The regional confrontation between India and China is set to increase as no formidable changes or major breaks could be detected in China&#39;s neighbourhood policy. In fact, the 19th NC saw the election of China&#39;s top diplomat and Special Representative for India-China border talks to the powerful 25 member politburo and is expected to rise further and become a vice premier in charge of foreign affairs.

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<h5>A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India&#39;s place in the global politics</h5>
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The elevation of top diplomats to the powerful Central Committee and the politburo signifies the renewed commitment of President Xi in strongly pursuing China&#39;s regional dominance and countering the US influence in Asia-Pacific. India will be faced with an ever-rising China and can, therefore, expect more frequent skirmishes at the border, and at multilateral institutions.

This changing scenario will require India to carefully re-calibrate its relations. A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India&#39;s place in the global politics. It will also provide a regional alternative to China for smaller countries in the Asia-Pacific. A robust India-US alliance will also work to offset China&#39;s dominance in the multilateral institutions. The US may be looking at a re-pivot to Asia and India might just be its best bet in the region.

A deepening engagement with the US along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India's place in the global politics

The dynamics of bilateral relations between India, US and China are swiftly changing under a rapidly transforming global order. The last week saw two significant developments underlining this commotion and churning in the international order, and India might find itself at the helm of affairs here. The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan. × The Asia visit of US Secretary of State came against the backdrop of the recently concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Strong signs of an emerging multipolarity made themselves highly evident during the last few days when both US and China pushed for a greater assertion over the international affairs. Tillerson's visit to Afghanistan, Pakistan and India was an attempt by the US to mark its territory in terms of its strategic dominance and rope in India as an important ally to the US in the region. The evolving strategic collaboration between Washington and New Delhi comes after the US President Donald Trump announced his South Asia policy and sought a greater role for India in Afghanistan. The visit, which is said to have sent a strong message to Pakistan on the issue of terrorism, also seeks to prop up India as a useful balancer to the developing China-Pakistan axis in South Asia. The importance of the timing of this visit is also not lost on observers, as it comes barely days after Tillerson’s speech on “Defining our relationship with India for the next century” at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). In his speech, Tillerson laid great emphasis on a “free and open Indo-Pacific” while being highly critical of China's “less responsible” rise. Tillerson's attempts at strengthening America's position in the subcontinent were simultaneous to the 19th National Congress of the CPC which saw the emergence of President Xi Jinping as a very strong leader in the history of the country, with a stature next only to that of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically. × Conscious of the world that was carefully observing the proceedings of the 19th NC, Xi laid a great emphasis on China's role as a world leader, and its endeavour to achieve a great power status. The repeated insistence on the importance of a globalised world and the significance of China's leadership clearly highlighted China's intentions to outgrow Deng Xiaoping's “biding our time” strategy and aggressively pursue Xi's “China dream”. The consolidation of power in Xi Jinping will be critical to the Chinese foreign policy which will expectantly grow more assertive, both militarily and diplomatically. China, under Xi, will be looking to create and strengthen alternative global institutions, transform existing norms and push for regional supremacy. All this will happen as the US grows more isolationist in its global outlook. The daunting realisation that a more assertive China will be detrimental to the US' strategic interests in Asia, was probably one of the many reasons behind Tillerson's visit to the region. In the face of the changing dynamics, however, India will find itself at the helm of affairs. The regional confrontation between India and China is set to increase as no formidable changes or major breaks could be detected in China's neighbourhood policy. In fact, the 19th NC saw the election of China's top diplomat and Special Representative for India-China border talks to the powerful 25 member politburo and is expected to rise further and become a vice premier in charge of foreign affairs. A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India's place in the global politics × The elevation of top diplomats to the powerful Central Committee and the politburo signifies the renewed commitment of President Xi in strongly pursuing China's regional dominance and countering the US influence in Asia-Pacific. India will be faced with an ever-rising China and can, therefore, expect more frequent skirmishes at the border, and at multilateral institutions. This changing scenario will require India to carefully re-calibrate its relations. A deepening engagement with the US at this point, along with an alternative alliance with Japan and Australia will help strengthen India's place in the global politics. It will also provide a regional alternative to China for smaller countries in the Asia-Pacific. A robust India-US alliance will also work to offset China's dominance in the multilateral institutions. The US may be looking at a re-pivot to Asia and India might just be its best bet in the region.

How India can counter China's growing influence in Asia

Momentous 1962

It was a year of many <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/how-energy-war-will-redefine-india-china-relations-post-doklam-20983">firsts &ndash; American John Glenn became the first American to orbit the Earth </a>in February, 1962, Beatles recorded their single &ldquo;Love me Do&rdquo;, America&rsquo;s sweetheart Marilyn Monroe sang Happy Birthday to President Kennedy which was also her last public appearance before her death a few months later.

Spider-man of Marvel made his maiden appearance in a comic.

Brazil beat Czechoslovakia 3-1 to win the 1962 World Cup and Pele became a household name the world over.

The United States created the Navy Seals and the first Walmart store opened in the same year. Oscar-winning movie Lawrence of Arabia opened for public in December.

And amid all this between October 20th to November 20th, when the Indian subcontinent trembled as India and China went to war, the Cuban missile crisis was at its height with America &amp; Russia close to World War III.

Why are countries attacked on weekends?

That date - October 20th, and as it happens had to be a Friday &ndash; ever wondered why an invasion is always executed on a Friday through to Sunday?

History has been witness to many wars breaking out on a weekend &ndash; the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japanese bombers on December, 7th 1941, also known as the &lsquo;day of infamy&rsquo; on a Sunday.

Operation Barbarossa: Hitler&#39;s Germany attacked Russia on Friday, 20th June 1941.

Nearly 150 years earlier&nbsp;Napolean&rsquo;s Grand Army began its assault on &lsquo;Fortress Russia&rsquo; on a Saturday, 24th June&nbsp;1815.

The logic is simple: An attack on a weekend is the ultimate &#39;surprise&nbsp;element&#39; as most offices are closed, bureaucrats are busy planning their holidays and the general public has its guard down, it is the best time as any to strike!

India &amp; China: Locked eye-to-eye

This time, India&#39;s&nbsp;Ministry of Defense officials and PM Jawaharlal Nehru knew beforehand war clouds had gathered over the Indo-Sino border&nbsp;because Indian and Chinese soldiers were locked in an eye-to-eye conformation at the LAC, reminiscent of the recent Doklam crisis.&nbsp;

Also, to make matters worse a few years earlier the Dalai Lama had escaped to India, walking all the way from his homeland in Tibet to take refuge in Nehru&rsquo;s India.

It had of course been less than 15 years since both China and India had gained their independence &ndash; India became free of British Raj on 15th August 1947 and China under Mao founded the People&rsquo;s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, naturally the two big powers were keen to assert themselves on the world stage.

As things stand, 55 years later both countries now see each other as &ldquo;frenemies&rdquo;, not in the Hindi-Chini bhai, bhai sense, but more or less as &ldquo;equal partners&rdquo; on the world stage in a post-cold war as the centre of the universe shifts towards BRICS and ASEAN.

After another 50 years, when India and China recall&nbsp;that dull, dreary day at the border on October 20, 1962, experts won&rsquo;t be thinking about what happened that day but perhaps how two men perhaps unwittingly may have brought the Tiger and Dragon together &ndash; Deng Xiaoping, who literally &#39;opened up&#39;&nbsp;China to the world in 1978 and India&#39;s then finance minister Manmohan Singh who spearheaded&nbsp;economic reforms in 1991.

The Net effect of Deng and Manmohan Singh would be seen as a turning point when historians get down to write about India-China and the relevance of October, 20th, 1962 in the lives of the two countries.

Economies win-or-lose wars

It is often said Armies do not win wars, economies make-or-break wars. Wars are won by nations who can constantly keep the tap open for the supply of food, raw material and other resources.&nbsp;

A closer look at the GDP of the two Asian giants reveals the real story.

China&#39;s GDP in 1962 was at $47.21 billion, slightly ahead of India&#39;s GDP at $41.6 billion. China had only one bank - &nbsp;People&rsquo;s Bank of China(PBC) &nbsp;- &nbsp;till 1978. However, after Deng&#39;s groundbreaking market reforms PBC turned into a monetary authority.

In the 80s, China began to be recognised as the &quot;Dragon in the making&quot; as Deng&#39;s reforms began to show results. India, however, was still a sleeping giant at that time, Indians had to wait for more than a decade until finance minister Manmohan Singh unveiled his&nbsp;reform agenda.

China, Japan and India currently dominate Asia&#39;s GDP rate.

In the post-1962 world, India and China find themselves on opposite poles - India as a rising power is now aligned with the US and China the dominant Asian giant, poised to overtake the US economy in the next decade is still trying to define its philosophy through a raft of policies, declarations and deals across the world.&nbsp;

China&rsquo;s supreme leader Xi Jinping, 64, would have very scant memories of that day as a nine-year-old. India has changed too, PM Modi, 67, who recently met Xi at the BRICS summit would also have to strain himself to remember the India-China conflict. As the clock turns and a new generation takes control on either side of LAC, an opportunity knocks.

The big question is: Is there a dreamer in our midst in India who can bring back the True spirit of Hindi, Chini bhai bhai and make the subcontinent the Centre of World Existence?

The search is on as the world awaits with baited breath&hellip;

We need a dreamer in our midst who can bring back the True spirit of Hindi, Chini bhai bhai and make the subcontinent the Centre of World Existence

Momentous 1962 It was a year of many firsts – American John Glenn became the first American to orbit the Earth in February, 1962, Beatles recorded their single “Love me Do”, America’s sweetheart Marilyn Monroe sang Happy Birthday to President Kennedy which was also her last public appearance before her death a few months later. Spider-man of Marvel made his maiden appearance in a comic. Brazil beat Czechoslovakia 3-1 to win the 1962 World Cup and Pele became a household name the world over. The United States created the Navy Seals and the first Walmart store opened in the same year. Oscar-winning movie Lawrence of Arabia opened for public in December. And amid all this between October 20th to November 20th, when the Indian subcontinent trembled as India and China went to war, the Cuban missile crisis was at its height with America & Russia close to World War III. Why are countries attacked on weekends? That date - October 20th, and as it happens had to be a Friday – ever wondered why an invasion is always executed on a Friday through to Sunday? History has been witness to many wars breaking out on a weekend – the attack on Pearl Harbour by Japanese bombers on December, 7th 1941, also known as the ‘day of infamy’ on a Sunday. Operation Barbarossa: Hitler's Germany attacked Russia on Friday, 20th June 1941. Nearly 150 years earlier Napolean’s Grand Army began its assault on ‘Fortress Russia’ on a Saturday, 24th June 1815. The logic is simple: An attack on a weekend is the ultimate 'surprise element' as most offices are closed, bureaucrats are busy planning their holidays and the general public has its guard down, it is the best time as any to strike! India & China: Locked eye-to-eye This time, India's Ministry of Defense officials and PM Jawaharlal Nehru knew beforehand war clouds had gathered over the Indo-Sino border because Indian and Chinese soldiers were locked in an eye-to-eye conformation at the LAC, reminiscent of the recent Doklam crisis. Also, to make matters worse a few years earlier the Dalai Lama had escaped to India, walking all the way from his homeland in Tibet to take refuge in Nehru’s India. It had of course been less than 15 years since both China and India had gained their independence – India became free of British Raj on 15th August 1947 and China under Mao founded the People’s Republic of China on October 1, 1949, naturally the two big powers were keen to assert themselves on the world stage. As things stand, 55 years later both countries now see each other as “frenemies”, not in the Hindi-Chini bhai, bhai sense, but more or less as “equal partners” on the world stage in a post-cold war as the centre of the universe shifts towards BRICS and ASEAN. After another 50 years, when India and China recall that dull, dreary day at the border on October 20, 1962, experts won’t be thinking about what happened that day but perhaps how two men perhaps unwittingly may have brought the Tiger and Dragon together – Deng Xiaoping, who literally 'opened up' China to the world in 1978 and India's then finance minister Manmohan Singh who spearheaded economic reforms in 1991. The Net effect of Deng and Manmohan Singh would be seen as a turning point when historians get down to write about India-China and the relevance of October, 20th, 1962 in the lives of the two countries. Economies win-or-lose wars It is often said Armies do not win wars, economies make-or-break wars. Wars are won by nations who can constantly keep the tap open for the supply of food, raw material and other resources. A closer look at the GDP of the two Asian giants reveals the real story. China's GDP in 1962 was at $47.21 billion, slightly ahead of India's GDP at $41.6 billion. China had only one bank - People’s Bank of China(PBC) - till 1978. However, after Deng's groundbreaking market reforms PBC turned into a monetary authority. In the 80s, China began to be recognised as the "Dragon in the making" as Deng's reforms began to show results. India, however, was still a sleeping giant at that time, Indians had to wait for more than a decade until finance minister Manmohan Singh unveiled his reform agenda. China, Japan and India currently dominate Asia's GDP rate. In the post-1962 world, India and China find themselves on opposite poles - India as a rising power is now aligned with the US and China the dominant Asian giant, poised to overtake the US economy in the next decade is still trying to define its philosophy through a raft of policies, declarations and deals across the world. China’s supreme leader Xi Jinping, 64, would have very scant memories of that day as a nine-year-old. India has changed too, PM Modi, 67, who recently met Xi at the BRICS summit would also have to strain himself to remember the India-China conflict. As the clock turns and a new generation takes control on either side of LAC, an opportunity knocks. The big question is: Is there a dreamer in our midst in India who can bring back the True spirit of Hindi, Chini bhai bhai and make the subcontinent the Centre of World Existence? The search is on as the world awaits with baited breath…

Forgetting 1962, can India and China be friends?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday congratulated Chinese President Xi Jinping for securing a second term as the head of the ruling Communist Party, saying he looks forward to further promote India-China ties together.

&quot;Congratulations to President Xi on getting re-elected as CPC General Secretary. Look forward to further promote India- China ties together,&quot; Modi said in his message on popular Chinese microblog Weibo which is akin to Twitter.

Modi&#39;s message was posted both in English and Mandarin.

&nbsp;

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PM Modi congratulated Xi Jinping on CHina&#39;s popular mice-blogging website Weibo (WION)
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Xi was formally handed a second term in power and his doctrine was written into the party constitution, elevating him on par with modern China&#39;s founder Chairman Mao Zedong and his successor Deng Xiaoping.

Modi&#39;s message comes amid diplomatic efforts by the two sides to overcome the bitterness caused by the 73-day face-off between their troops in the Dokalam area of the Sikkim sector.

The Chinese and the Indian troops were engaged in a standoff since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the construction of a road by the Chinese Army.

Last month, Modi and Xi met on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit in Chinese port city Xiamen and held their first substantive bilateral meeting after the Dokalam standoff and agreed to move forward in their ties.

Xi was formally handed a second term in power and his doctrine was written into the party constitution, elevating him on par with modern China's founder Chairman Mao Zedong and his successor Deng Xiaoping.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday congratulated Chinese President Xi Jinping for securing a second term as the head of the ruling Communist Party, saying he looks forward to further promote India-China ties together. "Congratulations to President Xi on getting re-elected as CPC General Secretary. Look forward to further promote India- China ties together," Modi said in his message on popular Chinese microblog Weibo which is akin to Twitter. Modi's message was posted both in English and Mandarin. PM Modi congratulated Xi Jinping on CHina's popular mice-blogging website Weibo (WION) × Xi was formally handed a second term in power and his doctrine was written into the party constitution, elevating him on par with modern China's founder Chairman Mao Zedong and his successor Deng Xiaoping. Modi's message comes amid diplomatic efforts by the two sides to overcome the bitterness caused by the 73-day face-off between their troops in the Dokalam area of the Sikkim sector. The Chinese and the Indian troops were engaged in a standoff since June 16 after the Indian side stopped the construction of a road by the Chinese Army. Last month, Modi and Xi met on the sidelines of the 9th BRICS Summit in Chinese port city Xiamen and held their first substantive bilateral meeting after the Dokalam standoff and agreed to move forward in their ties.

PM Modi congratulates Xi Jinping, hopes to promote India-China ties

It is time to read the Chinese politics. If every Congress in the Chinese political chronicle has been &ldquo;special&rdquo; in offering something new to the country&rsquo;s political trajectory, the just concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held from 18-24 October 2017 offers equally a number of entries that makes it one of the most &ldquo;special&rdquo; events in post-Mao China.

The Congress seems to have not only solidified Xi Jinping&rsquo;s authority in the Chinese political system as &ldquo;paramount&rdquo; leader but also offers a blueprint for the CPC which will guide China through 2022 and beyond.

Known as the real &ldquo;political heart&rdquo; of China&rsquo;s statehood, the Congress is the national chorale through which the CPC sets the direction of China&rsquo;s rise (????), both domestically and internationally. Though many would still like to view the Congress essentially as a domestic political event of China, it is the party&rsquo;s National Congress that is the most important political event that determines the landscape of Chinese politics, which is the real basis of China&rsquo;s ascendancy to power today.

In fact, almost every domestic development in China has its correlation with China&rsquo;s external posture and the 19th Congress was no different in that regard. What however made this the &ldquo;most special&rdquo; event in China&rsquo;s post-Republic political history is the CPC parameters which have embraced Xi Jinping&rsquo;s &ldquo;core&rdquo; (??) thoughts and ideas to guide China over the next two or three decades to mark the authority of the Communist system in the country as a reference to the rest of the world politics.

The 19th National Congress was &lsquo;special&rsquo; for several reasons. First, it marked the formal endorsement of Xi Jinping&rsquo;s second term as President of China till 2022. Even though it was quite apparent before this event that Xi Jinping would continue as President for the second term, the 19th Congress clearly making Xi Jinping the &ldquo;custodian political figure&rdquo; of the CPC while inducting his political thoughts and key ideas into the Chinese Constitution that Xi will decide the nature and future of Chinese politics in the decade to come.

If the beginning of Xi&rsquo;s second term as President was quite apparent, the 19th Congress sheds light that Xi&rsquo;s control over the country&rsquo;s &ldquo;elite politics&rdquo; has been so strong that he would probably continue to remain in power beyond 2022. Will Xi aspire to become President for the third term?

Not really. Even though Xi would continue to retain good control over China&rsquo;s &ldquo;elite politics&rdquo;, he would not like to break the recently established usual convention to hold the Presidency beyond the second term since this will cast doubt over his motive and question his stature as China&rsquo;s true &ldquo;political reformer&rdquo;, which he has gained through the anti-corruption drive and many other domestic reforms.

Xi&rsquo;s continuation in power beyond 2022 is subject to debate, but it is becoming clear that he would probably like to retain the position of General Secretary of the CPC and perhaps the Chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) after 2022 to control the Chinese &ldquo;elite politics&rdquo; in the near to middle terms.

Second, the 19th National Congress formally endorsing Xi&rsquo;s political thought and ideas as the fundamental basis of China&rsquo;s political graph in times to come by amending the Chinese constitution. While the catchphrase is on how to promote a culture of &lsquo;Socialism with Chinese characteristics&rsquo;, Xi&rsquo;s emphasis involves new ideas and strategies to carry forward reform while offering greater role to market forces in allocating resources, advancing the Chinese soft power network globally and to carry out structural reform in China that will enhance party&rsquo;s stature.

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<h5>The CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi&rsquo;s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China&rsquo;s ever-evolving political process.</h5>
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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=The CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi?s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China?s ever-evolving political process." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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In fact, the CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi&rsquo;s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China&rsquo;s ever-evolving political process. Inducting Xi&rsquo;s thoughts into the Chinese constitution while making an amendment makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Amending the constitution, however, is not a big call; rather inducing a political leader&rsquo;s core thoughts and ideas by specially naming a particular leader in the constitution is a special call.

Even though every National Congress and eventually the Chinese constitution have mentioned the political thoughts and key ideas of previous Presidents of China, the Constitution so far has only mentioned the name of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping exclusively along with the great names of Marx and Lenin. Acknowledging Xi Jinping&rsquo;s political thoughts and ideas by naming him is a special recognition since both the previous Presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao have failed to earn.

Jiang Zemin&rsquo;s core idea of &ldquo;three representatives&rdquo; was based on empowering the CPC through economic production, thrusting on Chinese culture and building political consensus. Hu Jintao&rsquo;s &ldquo;Scientific Outlook on Development&rdquo; was equally a powerful economic mantra aimed to change the Chinese discourse of development under the CPC from an &ldquo;over-reliant&rdquo; society to a progressive society that would thrust on a &ldquo;high-quality&rdquo; workforce through improved science and technology.

Neither Jiang&rsquo;s nor Hu&rsquo;s name directly figured against their thoughts or core ideas even though their political thoughts and ideas have been widely acknowledged in the constitution. The 19th Congress becomes &ldquo;distinct&rdquo; in this regard since Xi Jinping seems to have managed to develop a consensus among the political elites of China to induct his name as a reformer and path-maker for China. Legitimising the process to acknowledge Xi&rsquo;s political thoughts and ideas in the constitution has not only marked a new beginning for the CPC but also made Xi a &ldquo;generational leader&rdquo; equivalent to the stature of Mao and Deng.

Third, Xi&rsquo;s political thoughts and ideas surrounding the concept of &ldquo;Four Comprehensiveness&rdquo; (?????), popularly known as four Cs, makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Xi publicly started talking about the four Cs concept during his visit to Jiangsu province in December 2014 where he appealed to the party workers and people of China to restore faith in the CPC.

The four Cs principles are &ndash; comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society, comprehensively deepen reform, comprehensively implement the rule of law, and comprehensively strengthen party discipline. These ideas may seem to be full of jargon, but they certainly hold utmost relevance in China&rsquo;s domestic political context since they are linked closely with the future of the CPC.

These principles are closely linked to reforms- political, economic and legal- that China is craving for long. How much these reforms will be achieved is still a matter of debate though: but politically, these are attached to Xi&rsquo;s core idea of executing the &ldquo;Chinese dream&rdquo; (???) and building a &ldquo;prosperous society&rdquo; which are essentially linked to address the poverty in the country, challenges emanating from environmental degradation, and the existing regional disparities primarily between urban and rural China.&nbsp;

Besides, Xi has advocated these ideas with the spirit of restoring China&rsquo;s historical glory as a powerful nation through the supremacy of the CPC in the 21st century where the goal is to rejuvenate the Chinese nation. Core to Xi&rsquo;s idea is &ldquo;two 100-years goals&rdquo;: (a) to build a moderately prosperous society in China by 2021, and (b) to establish a &ldquo;strong, affluent and modern country&rdquo; as a developed nation by 2049.

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<h5>Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party&rsquo;s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC.</h5>
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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party?s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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These ideas may look ambitious and superfluous, yet the aim is to mark the CPC&rsquo;s authority while building China&rsquo;s future through an impressive economic fortune. This was systematically planned by Xi in his first tenure as President since the acceptability of the CPC was waning rapidly in Chinese society over the last one decade.

Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party&rsquo;s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC. Xi&rsquo;s four Cs concept therefore comes not only to rescue the declining stature of the CPC but also to raise the party&rsquo;s legitimacy in Chinese society to bring necessary economic and political reforms.&nbsp;

Fourth, the 19th National Congress displays shades of the return of the CPC&rsquo;s &ldquo;command culture&rdquo;, which would be recurring under Xi&rsquo;s authority in 21st-century China. The return of the &ldquo;command culture&rdquo; is a subject that is less about the style of party functioning but more about the style of the functioning of the leaders.

While the 19th National Congress making Xi one of the most powerful leaders in Chinese history after Mao, the Congress also witnessed how the &ldquo;command culture&rdquo; of the CPC can be restored with the &ldquo;general secretary&rdquo; of the CPC, which is the earlier version of &ldquo;Chairman of the Central Committee&rdquo; of the CPC. Mao always has been referred to as &ldquo;Chairman Mao&rdquo; while Deng Xiaoping managed to enjoy the tag of &ldquo;Chairmanship&rdquo; for a few initial years before the position of &ldquo;Chairman&rdquo; was eventually removed in 1982.

Since then, &ldquo;general secretary&rdquo; has been the main political label in China, which Xi currently holds after Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Though the 19th Congress still continues to persist with the position of &ldquo;general secretary&rdquo;, still the term &ldquo;Chairman&rdquo; has been used against Xi&rsquo;s name symbolically in the recent past to augment his stature in the Chinese political spectrum. For instance, the People&rsquo;s Liberation Army (PLA) was noticed addressing Xi as &ldquo;Chairman&rdquo; and &ldquo;Comrade&rdquo; during the recent 20th commemoration ceremony of Hong Kong&rsquo;s handover to China. The phrasings of &ldquo;Chairmanship&rdquo; and &ldquo;Comradeship&rdquo; were most frequently used during Mao&rsquo;s period.

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<h5>China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment.</h5>
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In brief, the 19th Congress was not just a National Congress that it appears to be. This Congress would be remembered for two precise reasons: first, for strengthening Xi Jinping&rsquo;s stature in China&rsquo;s evolving political process; and second, to prepare a ground for the CPC to guide China to the third decade of the 21st century. Besides, the 19th National Congress occurred when China has emerged as the second-largest economy in the world.

China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment. Therefore, the 19th National Congress has prepared the path of political fortune of a stronger &lsquo;economic power&rsquo; that will deeply influence the global politics in times to come.&nbsp;

Amidst all these, one needs to ask: what impact the 19th National Congress really leaves for China&rsquo;s broader decision-making process? Politics, political rulers, and their complex background decide what China is today. Understanding the complex functioning of an administration is always a difficult task, particularly in a country like China, where the leadership intentions and the decision-making course remain highly secret.

Xi Jinping&rsquo;s growing personality as a tall leader with the conclusion of the 19th National Congress makes China&rsquo;s political process much more opaque&nbsp;and leadership-centric. There is no denying that the political process in China would continue to remain complex where Xi Jinping will decide the fortune of major decisions for the moment, be it domestic or international.&nbsp;

Debates regarding the success and significance of the 19th National Congress will continue in the ensuing days and months. The importance of this Congress will also be seen in the context of leadership changes that have already been made in the Central Committee of the 19th CPC and eventually in the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) and the Central Military Commission (CMC). New leaders and their rank profile will make the headlines.

Amidst this, it is difficult to ignore that the CPC&rsquo;s stature is apparently growing. The world might continue to question the CPC&rsquo;s realness: but China&rsquo;s fate unquestionably depends upon the CPC&rsquo;s governance structure and the authority of its leadership, which the 19th Congress aptly explains. Though the CPC has gone through many changes since its first Congress in 1921, the core element of the Party and the Chinese state still remain intact: that is to build a stronger &ldquo;socialist structure&rdquo;. Xi Jinping seems to be reinstating the same through the 19th National Congress. Above all, the Congress signified China&rsquo;s rising character as a successful Communist system even though the democratic world would like to question the transparency and sheerness of this system.

With a powerful political approach, Xi Jinping has strengthened his stature in China?s evolving political process

It is time to read the Chinese politics. If every Congress in the Chinese political chronicle has been “special” in offering something new to the country’s political trajectory, the just concluded 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held from 18-24 October 2017 offers equally a number of entries that makes it one of the most “special” events in post-Mao China. The Congress seems to have not only solidified Xi Jinping’s authority in the Chinese political system as “paramount” leader but also offers a blueprint for the CPC which will guide China through 2022 and beyond. Known as the real “political heart” of China’s statehood, the Congress is the national chorale through which the CPC sets the direction of China’s rise (????), both domestically and internationally. Though many would still like to view the Congress essentially as a domestic political event of China, it is the party’s National Congress that is the most important political event that determines the landscape of Chinese politics, which is the real basis of China’s ascendancy to power today. In fact, almost every domestic development in China has its correlation with China’s external posture and the 19th Congress was no different in that regard. What however made this the “most special” event in China’s post-Republic political history is the CPC parameters which have embraced Xi Jinping’s “core” (??) thoughts and ideas to guide China over the next two or three decades to mark the authority of the Communist system in the country as a reference to the rest of the world politics. The 19th National Congress was ‘special’ for several reasons. First, it marked the formal endorsement of Xi Jinping’s second term as President of China till 2022. Even though it was quite apparent before this event that Xi Jinping would continue as President for the second term, the 19th Congress clearly making Xi Jinping the “custodian political figure” of the CPC while inducting his political thoughts and key ideas into the Chinese Constitution that Xi will decide the nature and future of Chinese politics in the decade to come. If the beginning of Xi’s second term as President was quite apparent, the 19th Congress sheds light that Xi’s control over the country’s “elite politics” has been so strong that he would probably continue to remain in power beyond 2022. Will Xi aspire to become President for the third term? Not really. Even though Xi would continue to retain good control over China’s “elite politics”, he would not like to break the recently established usual convention to hold the Presidency beyond the second term since this will cast doubt over his motive and question his stature as China’s true “political reformer”, which he has gained through the anti-corruption drive and many other domestic reforms. Xi’s continuation in power beyond 2022 is subject to debate, but it is becoming clear that he would probably like to retain the position of General Secretary of the CPC and perhaps the Chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC) after 2022 to control the Chinese “elite politics” in the near to middle terms. Second, the 19th National Congress formally endorsing Xi’s political thought and ideas as the fundamental basis of China’s political graph in times to come by amending the Chinese constitution. While the catchphrase is on how to promote a culture of ‘Socialism with Chinese characteristics’, Xi’s emphasis involves new ideas and strategies to carry forward reform while offering greater role to market forces in allocating resources, advancing the Chinese soft power network globally and to carry out structural reform in China that will enhance party’s stature. The CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi’s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China’s ever-evolving political process. × In fact, the CPC has smartly built a context over the last five years to mark Xi’s political slogans as key ideas and thought in China’s ever-evolving political process. Inducting Xi’s thoughts into the Chinese constitution while making an amendment makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Amending the constitution, however, is not a big call; rather inducing a political leader’s core thoughts and ideas by specially naming a particular leader in the constitution is a special call. Even though every National Congress and eventually the Chinese constitution have mentioned the political thoughts and key ideas of previous Presidents of China, the Constitution so far has only mentioned the name of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping exclusively along with the great names of Marx and Lenin. Acknowledging Xi Jinping’s political thoughts and ideas by naming him is a special recognition since both the previous Presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao have failed to earn. Jiang Zemin’s core idea of “three representatives” was based on empowering the CPC through economic production, thrusting on Chinese culture and building political consensus. Hu Jintao’s “Scientific Outlook on Development” was equally a powerful economic mantra aimed to change the Chinese discourse of development under the CPC from an “over-reliant” society to a progressive society that would thrust on a “high-quality” workforce through improved science and technology. Neither Jiang’s nor Hu’s name directly figured against their thoughts or core ideas even though their political thoughts and ideas have been widely acknowledged in the constitution. The 19th Congress becomes “distinct” in this regard since Xi Jinping seems to have managed to develop a consensus among the political elites of China to induct his name as a reformer and path-maker for China. Legitimising the process to acknowledge Xi’s political thoughts and ideas in the constitution has not only marked a new beginning for the CPC but also made Xi a “generational leader” equivalent to the stature of Mao and Deng. Third, Xi’s political thoughts and ideas surrounding the concept of “Four Comprehensiveness” (?????), popularly known as four Cs, makes the 19th National Congress a special event. Xi publicly started talking about the four Cs concept during his visit to Jiangsu province in December 2014 where he appealed to the party workers and people of China to restore faith in the CPC. The four Cs principles are – comprehensively build a moderately prosperous society, comprehensively deepen reform, comprehensively implement the rule of law, and comprehensively strengthen party discipline. These ideas may seem to be full of jargon, but they certainly hold utmost relevance in China’s domestic political context since they are linked closely with the future of the CPC. These principles are closely linked to reforms- political, economic and legal- that China is craving for long. How much these reforms will be achieved is still a matter of debate though: but politically, these are attached to Xi’s core idea of executing the “Chinese dream” (???) and building a “prosperous society” which are essentially linked to address the poverty in the country, challenges emanating from environmental degradation, and the existing regional disparities primarily between urban and rural China. Besides, Xi has advocated these ideas with the spirit of restoring China’s historical glory as a powerful nation through the supremacy of the CPC in the 21st century where the goal is to rejuvenate the Chinese nation. Core to Xi’s idea is “two 100-years goals”: (a) to build a moderately prosperous society in China by 2021, and (b) to establish a “strong, affluent and modern country” as a developed nation by 2049. Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party’s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC. × These ideas may look ambitious and superfluous, yet the aim is to mark the CPC’s authority while building China’s future through an impressive economic fortune. This was systematically planned by Xi in his first tenure as President since the acceptability of the CPC was waning rapidly in Chinese society over the last one decade. Massive corruption, intra-party rivalry, and the party’s disinclination to accept transparency have been some of the issues that had cast doubt on the future of the CPC. Xi’s four Cs concept therefore comes not only to rescue the declining stature of the CPC but also to raise the party’s legitimacy in Chinese society to bring necessary economic and political reforms. Fourth, the 19th National Congress displays shades of the return of the CPC’s “command culture”, which would be recurring under Xi’s authority in 21st-century China. The return of the “command culture” is a subject that is less about the style of party functioning but more about the style of the functioning of the leaders. While the 19th National Congress making Xi one of the most powerful leaders in Chinese history after Mao, the Congress also witnessed how the “command culture” of the CPC can be restored with the “general secretary” of the CPC, which is the earlier version of “Chairman of the Central Committee” of the CPC. Mao always has been referred to as “Chairman Mao” while Deng Xiaoping managed to enjoy the tag of “Chairmanship” for a few initial years before the position of “Chairman” was eventually removed in 1982. Since then, “general secretary” has been the main political label in China, which Xi currently holds after Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Though the 19th Congress still continues to persist with the position of “general secretary”, still the term “Chairman” has been used against Xi’s name symbolically in the recent past to augment his stature in the Chinese political spectrum. For instance, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was noticed addressing Xi as “Chairman” and “Comrade” during the recent 20th commemoration ceremony of Hong Kong’s handover to China. The phrasings of “Chairmanship” and “Comradeship” were most frequently used during Mao’s period. China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment. × In brief, the 19th Congress was not just a National Congress that it appears to be. This Congress would be remembered for two precise reasons: first, for strengthening Xi Jinping’s stature in China’s evolving political process; and second, to prepare a ground for the CPC to guide China to the third decade of the 21st century. Besides, the 19th National Congress occurred when China has emerged as the second-largest economy in the world. China has not only emerged as the largest trading partner with 128 countries in the world but equally emerged as a favourite destination for investment. Therefore, the 19th National Congress has prepared the path of political fortune of a stronger ‘economic power’ that will deeply influence the global politics in times to come. Amidst all these, one needs to ask: what impact the 19th National Congress really leaves for China’s broader decision-making process? Politics, political rulers, and their complex background decide what China is today. Understanding the complex functioning of an administration is always a difficult task, particularly in a country like China, where the leadership intentions and the decision-making course remain highly secret. Xi Jinping’s growing personality as a tall leader with the conclusion of the 19th National Congress makes China’s political process much more opaque and leadership-centric. There is no denying that the political process in China would continue to remain complex where Xi Jinping will decide the fortune of major decisions for the moment, be it domestic or international. Debates regarding the success and significance of the 19th National Congress will continue in the ensuing days and months. The importance of this Congress will also be seen in the context of leadership changes that have already been made in the Central Committee of the 19th CPC and eventually in the Politburo Standing Committee (PBSC) and the Central Military Commission (CMC). New leaders and their rank profile will make the headlines. Amidst this, it is difficult to ignore that the CPC’s stature is apparently growing. The world might continue to question the CPC’s realness: but China’s fate unquestionably depends upon the CPC’s governance structure and the authority of its leadership, which the 19th Congress aptly explains. Though the CPC has gone through many changes since its first Congress in 1921, the core element of the Party and the Chinese state still remain intact: that is to build a stronger “socialist structure”. Xi Jinping seems to be reinstating the same through the 19th National Congress. Above all, the Congress signified China’s rising character as a successful Communist system even though the democratic world would like to question the transparency and sheerness of this system.

With Xi at helm again, China may become strong but less transparent

China&#39;s ruling Communist Party reveals its new leadership line-up on Wednesday when President Xi Jinping introduces his Politburo Standing Committee, culminating a week-long party congress.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/xi-joins-mao-in-communist-constitution-tightening-grip-on-china-22842">A key measure of Xi&#39;s rising influence leading the world&#39;s second-largest economy</a> will be how many of his allies are installed on the Standing Committee, the apex of power, which is currently made up of seven people, all men, and headed by Xi, who is also party and military chief.

Five members are expected to retire due to an unwritten rule limiting new five-year terms to those under 68.&nbsp;

One of the five, a close Xi ally, the anti-corruption chief Wang Qishan, 69, was left off the new Central Committee, which elects the Standing Committee, but he could get another job a few months down the line, sources have said.

The new line-up will be announced around midday at the first plenum of the congress. The congress itself formally ended on Tuesday, with Xi having his political theory written into the party`s constitution, putting him in the same company as the founder of modern China, Mao Zedong.

Who gets on the new Standing Committee remains a closely guarded secret until Xi leads them out before the media in a room inside central Beijing`s Great Hall of the People, where all top party events take place.

Names in contention include vice-premier Wang Yang, Xi advisers Li Zhanshu and Wang Huning, Shanghai party chief Han Zheng, Guangdong province party boss Hu Chunhua and Zhao Leji, who runs the powerful organisation department that oversees personnel decisions such as promotions and demotions.

Other contenders include Chen Miner, who heads the party in the southwestern city of Chongqing; Beijing party boss Cai Qi; and Jiangsu province party boss Li Qiang, all of whom are close to Xi. Chen and Cai have enjoyed meteoric rises up the party ranks.

Premier Li Keqiang is the only other member of the current Standing Committee apart from Xi who will remain, unless he is unexpectedly left off, which seems unlikely.

Previous party congresses have anointed successors for the roles of party head and premier, with Xi and Li both vaulting on to the Standing Committee in 2007 before they were then further promoted to their current roles in 2012.

Speculation has swirled in Beijing this week that Xi may break with precedent and not appoint an obvious successor, who would have to be young enough to serve three consecutive terms in the Standing Committee.

President Xi Jinping will introduce his Politburo Standing Committee today, culminating a week-long party congress

China's ruling Communist Party reveals its new leadership line-up on Wednesday when President Xi Jinping introduces his Politburo Standing Committee, culminating a week-long party congress. A key measure of Xi's rising influence leading the world's second-largest economy will be how many of his allies are installed on the Standing Committee, the apex of power, which is currently made up of seven people, all men, and headed by Xi, who is also party and military chief. Five members are expected to retire due to an unwritten rule limiting new five-year terms to those under 68. One of the five, a close Xi ally, the anti-corruption chief Wang Qishan, 69, was left off the new Central Committee, which elects the Standing Committee, but he could get another job a few months down the line, sources have said. The new line-up will be announced around midday at the first plenum of the congress. The congress itself formally ended on Tuesday, with Xi having his political theory written into the party`s constitution, putting him in the same company as the founder of modern China, Mao Zedong. Who gets on the new Standing Committee remains a closely guarded secret until Xi leads them out before the media in a room inside central Beijing`s Great Hall of the People, where all top party events take place. Names in contention include vice-premier Wang Yang, Xi advisers Li Zhanshu and Wang Huning, Shanghai party chief Han Zheng, Guangdong province party boss Hu Chunhua and Zhao Leji, who runs the powerful organisation department that oversees personnel decisions such as promotions and demotions. Other contenders include Chen Miner, who heads the party in the southwestern city of Chongqing; Beijing party boss Cai Qi; and Jiangsu province party boss Li Qiang, all of whom are close to Xi. Chen and Cai have enjoyed meteoric rises up the party ranks. Premier Li Keqiang is the only other member of the current Standing Committee apart from Xi who will remain, unless he is unexpectedly left off, which seems unlikely. Previous party congresses have anointed successors for the roles of party head and premier, with Xi and Li both vaulting on to the Standing Committee in 2007 before they were then further promoted to their current roles in 2012. Speculation has swirled in Beijing this week that Xi may break with precedent and not appoint an obvious successor, who would have to be young enough to serve three consecutive terms in the Standing Committee.

China to unveil new leadership line-up as Xi cements power

Xi Jinping was elevated to the pantheon of China`s most powerful leaders Tuesday as his name was enshrined in the Communist Party constitution alongside Chairman Mao.

The inclusion of Xi`s eponymous guiding philosophy at the end of a week-long congress could set him on course for an indefinite term as China`s paramount leader.

He will now have an even stronger hand to lead the nation into a &quot;new era&quot; in which he envisions it becoming a global superpower with a world-class military by mid-century.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/chinas-communist-party-endorses-president-xi-for-second-five-year-term-22790" target="_blank">Watch: China&#39;s Communist Party endorses President Xi for second five-year term</a>

Communist China`s founder Mao Zedong, and the architect of its market reforms, Deng Xiaoping, are the only other Chinese leaders to have their names in the constitution -- and only Mao was alive when his was included.

Xi, 64, presided over the congress`s closing session where some 2,300 delegates approved the constitutional amendment to include &quot;Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era&quot;.

The concept places a heavy emphasis on the party`s role in governing every aspect of the country, from the economy to what people are writing on social media.

&quot;We must work tirelessly and forge ahead on the journey of realising the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation,&quot; Xi, who is due to be reappointed as party chief on Wednesday, told the congress in concluding remarks.

The honour may allow Xi to stay on as China`s top leader even if he gives up the title of party general secretary when his second term ends in 2022 as tradition demands, analysts said.

Or he could carry on as party leader. Xi`s time as national president must end in 2023 but there is no official restriction on how long a party chief can serve -- although Xi`s two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, stepped down after two five-year terms.

Jiang and Hu had their concepts included in the constitution, but without their names and only when they retired.

&quot;China has a tradition of combining emperor and teacher, which means that the emperor is also the thought leader. Xi achieved it at the end of his first term. That`s rare in our history,&quot; Chinese political scholar Hu Xingdou told AFP.

Xi also managed to get at least two of his cherished programmes written into the constitution: an anti-corruption campaign that has brought down 1.5 million crooked officials since 2012 and the Belt and Road initiative, the massive global trade infrastructure project intended to increase China`s influence abroad.

The congress declared the Communist Party China`s &quot;absolute leader&quot;, a clear sign that it intends to further tighten its grip on the country.

&quot;Those who approve, raise your hands,&quot; Xi said during the vote as a flurry of arms shot up in unison. When he asked if anyone was not in favour, shouts of &quot;None!&quot; echoed in the imposing Great Hall of the People.

&quot;Now our country is unified, cohesive, and moving up in the world,&quot; northeast Jilin province delegate Li Hualiang told AFP.The congress also elected a new 204-member Central Committee, which included just 10 women. It will elect the party`s new ruling council, the Politburo Standing Committee, on Wednesday.

Xi is certain to secure a second five-year term as general secretary and could also consolidate his power by filling the standing committee with allies, possibly without even presenting an obvious heir apparent.

A vast security apparatus was thrown around the congress, with businesses ranging from nightclubs to gyms closing to avoid any incidents and factories shuttered in what turned out to be a failed attempt to clear the city`s notorious smog.

When he opened the gathering last week, Xi declared that China had entered a &quot;new era&quot; with the ambitious goal of becoming a &quot;global leader&quot; by mid-century.

Xi has sought to portray himself as a responsible global leader while US President Donald Trump trumpets a nationalist &quot;America First&quot; policy and the European Union grapples with Britain`s exit.

His blueprint foresees no change in the single-party political system, and gives no sign that crackdowns on human rights activists will ease.

Some of his goals, such as building a modern military by 2035, go beyond the end of his second term, a hint that he sees himself at the centre of China`s political life for years to come.

At the closing session, Xi said the congress established &quot;the goal of securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and then embarking on a journey to fully build a modern socialist China&quot;.Despite Xi`s rising power, the composition of the Politburo Standing Committee, the body that controls power, will still be crucial to his efforts, said Willy Lam, politics professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to remain on the committee while the five other current members are supposed to step down under an informal retirement age set at 68.

There is no agreement among China-watchers about who will end up on the committee, or if anybody will emerge as a potential successor.

If the right allies are named, Lam said, it would show that &quot;he has full control over the Politburo Standing Committee&quot;.

Xi Jinping's name was on Tuesday enshrined in the Communist Party constitution alongside Chairman Mao's

Xi Jinping was elevated to the pantheon of China`s most powerful leaders Tuesday as his name was enshrined in the Communist Party constitution alongside Chairman Mao. The inclusion of Xi`s eponymous guiding philosophy at the end of a week-long congress could set him on course for an indefinite term as China`s paramount leader. He will now have an even stronger hand to lead the nation into a "new era" in which he envisions it becoming a global superpower with a world-class military by mid-century. Watch: China's Communist Party endorses President Xi for second five-year term Communist China`s founder Mao Zedong, and the architect of its market reforms, Deng Xiaoping, are the only other Chinese leaders to have their names in the constitution -- and only Mao was alive when his was included. Xi, 64, presided over the congress`s closing session where some 2,300 delegates approved the constitutional amendment to include "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era". The concept places a heavy emphasis on the party`s role in governing every aspect of the country, from the economy to what people are writing on social media. "We must work tirelessly and forge ahead on the journey of realising the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation," Xi, who is due to be reappointed as party chief on Wednesday, told the congress in concluding remarks. The honour may allow Xi to stay on as China`s top leader even if he gives up the title of party general secretary when his second term ends in 2022 as tradition demands, analysts said. Or he could carry on as party leader. Xi`s time as national president must end in 2023 but there is no official restriction on how long a party chief can serve -- although Xi`s two immediate predecessors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, stepped down after two five-year terms. Jiang and Hu had their concepts included in the constitution, but without their names and only when they retired. "China has a tradition of combining emperor and teacher, which means that the emperor is also the thought leader. Xi achieved it at the end of his first term. That`s rare in our history," Chinese political scholar Hu Xingdou told AFP. Xi also managed to get at least two of his cherished programmes written into the constitution: an anti-corruption campaign that has brought down 1.5 million crooked officials since 2012 and the Belt and Road initiative, the massive global trade infrastructure project intended to increase China`s influence abroad. The congress declared the Communist Party China`s "absolute leader", a clear sign that it intends to further tighten its grip on the country. "Those who approve, raise your hands," Xi said during the vote as a flurry of arms shot up in unison. When he asked if anyone was not in favour, shouts of "None!" echoed in the imposing Great Hall of the People. "Now our country is unified, cohesive, and moving up in the world," northeast Jilin province delegate Li Hualiang told AFP.The congress also elected a new 204-member Central Committee, which included just 10 women. It will elect the party`s new ruling council, the Politburo Standing Committee, on Wednesday. Xi is certain to secure a second five-year term as general secretary and could also consolidate his power by filling the standing committee with allies, possibly without even presenting an obvious heir apparent. A vast security apparatus was thrown around the congress, with businesses ranging from nightclubs to gyms closing to avoid any incidents and factories shuttered in what turned out to be a failed attempt to clear the city`s notorious smog. When he opened the gathering last week, Xi declared that China had entered a "new era" with the ambitious goal of becoming a "global leader" by mid-century. Xi has sought to portray himself as a responsible global leader while US President Donald Trump trumpets a nationalist "America First" policy and the European Union grapples with Britain`s exit. His blueprint foresees no change in the single-party political system, and gives no sign that crackdowns on human rights activists will ease. Some of his goals, such as building a modern military by 2035, go beyond the end of his second term, a hint that he sees himself at the centre of China`s political life for years to come. At the closing session, Xi said the congress established "the goal of securing a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and then embarking on a journey to fully build a modern socialist China".Despite Xi`s rising power, the composition of the Politburo Standing Committee, the body that controls power, will still be crucial to his efforts, said Willy Lam, politics professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Xi and Premier Li Keqiang are expected to remain on the committee while the five other current members are supposed to step down under an informal retirement age set at 68. There is no agreement among China-watchers about who will end up on the committee, or if anybody will emerge as a potential successor. If the right allies are named, Lam said, it would show that "he has full control over the Politburo Standing Committee".

Xi now second-most powerful Chinese leader after Mao

In 1793, in his letter to Britain&rsquo;s King George III, China&rsquo;s Qianlong emperor rejected all the British requests to improve the state of trade between England and China. After all, the Middle Kingdom &ldquo;possesses all things in prolific abundance &hellip; there is no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians&rdquo;. Half a century later, China was defeated by Britain in the Opium Wars and started to rethink its place in the world. Ever since Chinese elites have been searching for answers to the same question: how to make China great again?

The Communist party in China has always claimed that the answer is communism &ndash; in more recent years, &ldquo;socialism with Chinese characteristics&rdquo; &ndash; and that the party is the only force capable of building and maintaining that order. This claim has been driven home as strongly as ever at this year&rsquo;s 19th party congress, an important meeting of the party that only happens once every five years.

The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, inaugurated the Congress with a three-hour-and-20-minute opening speech. His message was clear: a confident China is coming back to claim its rightful place in the world and find back the past glory of Chinese civilisation.

The speech was striking for its sheer ideological confidence. The party has always set great store by ideological and theoretical innovation, and Xi is clearly intent on continuing the tradition. His preferred framing, &ldquo;socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era&rdquo;, is supposedly the new great ideological direction, a successor to the party&rsquo;s past guiding philosophies: Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, Three Represents, and Scientific Outlook on Development.

So far, so traditional: another (somewhat dull) ideological brand for the party&rsquo;s plans. But Xi&rsquo;s speech also issued a politically urgent appeal to the general public: to be more confident about the current one-party system.

Harmonious and beautiful

According to Xi, China will push for political system reform and develop China&rsquo;s socialist democracy, but it will never &ldquo;copy the foreign political model&rdquo; of Western liberal democracy. Almost every party congress emphasises this point, but this year, the party is driving it home as confidently and assertively as ever.

Chinese state propaganda consistently warns that were Western liberal democracy imported to China, it would only drag the country into chaos and instability. As far as the Chinese authorities are concerned, Donald Trump&rsquo;s rise to the presidency in the US and the chaos of Brexit in the UK are glaring examples of democratic failure, and they make excellent grist for the propaganda mill.

Xi and the party are confident that the shifting international landscape is also in China&rsquo;s favour, perhaps more than ever in modern history. In a US-dominated unipolar world, China never had the space nor the capacity to realise its potential as a global power. But even before the rise of Trump, China had by some measures become the largest economy in the world, and it&rsquo;s long been perceived as the next superpower. Now, the power gap left by America&rsquo;s global retreat under Trump will only elevate China&rsquo;s role in the world order.

Now, this opportunity has presented itself, Xi is not shying away from spelling out his ambitions. From 2020-2035, he aims to achieve the &ldquo;basic modernisation of socialism&rdquo;, with clear economic, political and environmental goals; from 2035 to the mid-21st century, those goals will be further pursed to make China a &ldquo;world-leading&rdquo; socialist power &ndash; &ldquo;prosperous, democratic, civilised, harmonious and beautiful&rdquo;.

In his speech to the Congress, he also announced a more specific goal: China will continue to develop a strong army. The word &ldquo;military&rdquo; (jun) appeared in Xi&rsquo;s speech 86 times, more than ever before. According to Xi&rsquo;s speech, China will complete the basic modernisation of its army in 2035, and by the mid-21st century, it will boast a world-class military under party command.

On this front, China doesn&rsquo;t have far to go. Its military budget, after all, is already the second largest in the world. But Xi&rsquo;s plan is much more ambitious: he wants an army that can deliver military victories, and that cannot be achieved by economic resources alone.

To some extent, the party has already achieved its goals by inspiring domestic nationalists who consider a strong military force crucial to prevent a return to China&rsquo;s centuries of humiliation. Over one-and-a-half centuries after the defeat of the Opium Wars, China are still looking for the way to make it great again. The party is asking for another three decades&rsquo; monopoly on power in exchange for reviving the Middle Kingdom by the mid-21st century - about two centuries after the Opium Wars. And it might just have convinced the Chinese people that it is the only force that can conceivably make that happen.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/xi-jinping-sets-out-plans-to-make-china-great-again-86022" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

China is all set to reform its political system to find back the past glory of Chinese civilisation

In 1793, in his letter to Britain’s King George III, China’s Qianlong emperor rejected all the British requests to improve the state of trade between England and China. After all, the Middle Kingdom “possesses all things in prolific abundance … there is no need to import the manufactures of outside barbarians”. Half a century later, China was defeated by Britain in the Opium Wars and started to rethink its place in the world. Ever since Chinese elites have been searching for answers to the same question: how to make China great again? The Communist party in China has always claimed that the answer is communism – in more recent years, “socialism with Chinese characteristics” – and that the party is the only force capable of building and maintaining that order. This claim has been driven home as strongly as ever at this year’s 19th party congress, an important meeting of the party that only happens once every five years. The Chinese president, Xi Jinping, inaugurated the Congress with a three-hour-and-20-minute opening speech. His message was clear: a confident China is coming back to claim its rightful place in the world and find back the past glory of Chinese civilisation. The speech was striking for its sheer ideological confidence. The party has always set great store by ideological and theoretical innovation, and Xi is clearly intent on continuing the tradition. His preferred framing, “socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era”, is supposedly the new great ideological direction, a successor to the party’s past guiding philosophies: Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, Three Represents, and Scientific Outlook on Development. So far, so traditional: another (somewhat dull) ideological brand for the party’s plans. But Xi’s speech also issued a politically urgent appeal to the general public: to be more confident about the current one-party system. Harmonious and beautiful According to Xi, China will push for political system reform and develop China’s socialist democracy, but it will never “copy the foreign political model” of Western liberal democracy. Almost every party congress emphasises this point, but this year, the party is driving it home as confidently and assertively as ever. Chinese state propaganda consistently warns that were Western liberal democracy imported to China, it would only drag the country into chaos and instability. As far as the Chinese authorities are concerned, Donald Trump’s rise to the presidency in the US and the chaos of Brexit in the UK are glaring examples of democratic failure, and they make excellent grist for the propaganda mill. Xi and the party are confident that the shifting international landscape is also in China’s favour, perhaps more than ever in modern history. In a US-dominated unipolar world, China never had the space nor the capacity to realise its potential as a global power. But even before the rise of Trump, China had by some measures become the largest economy in the world, and it’s long been perceived as the next superpower. Now, the power gap left by America’s global retreat under Trump will only elevate China’s role in the world order. Now, this opportunity has presented itself, Xi is not shying away from spelling out his ambitions. From 2020-2035, he aims to achieve the “basic modernisation of socialism”, with clear economic, political and environmental goals; from 2035 to the mid-21st century, those goals will be further pursed to make China a “world-leading” socialist power – “prosperous, democratic, civilised, harmonious and beautiful”. In his speech to the Congress, he also announced a more specific goal: China will continue to develop a strong army. The word “military” (jun) appeared in Xi’s speech 86 times, more than ever before. According to Xi’s speech, China will complete the basic modernisation of its army in 2035, and by the mid-21st century, it will boast a world-class military under party command. On this front, China doesn’t have far to go. Its military budget, after all, is already the second largest in the world. But Xi’s plan is much more ambitious: he wants an army that can deliver military victories, and that cannot be achieved by economic resources alone. To some extent, the party has already achieved its goals by inspiring domestic nationalists who consider a strong military force crucial to prevent a return to China’s centuries of humiliation. Over one-and-a-half centuries after the defeat of the Opium Wars, China are still looking for the way to make it great again. The party is asking for another three decades’ monopoly on power in exchange for reviving the Middle Kingdom by the mid-21st century - about two centuries after the Opium Wars. And it might just have convinced the Chinese people that it is the only force that can conceivably make that happen. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Xi Jinping sets out plans to make China great again

The end of the Cold War saw an era of systemic redefinition, undermining the friend-enemy dichotomy that shaped the international system for half a century. The path of the American century has since been put in jeopardy by an initial &mdash; and troubled &mdash; period of US-led unipolarity and then by the growth of new powers in the East. Yet the expected emergence of an &ldquo;Asian century&rdquo; is more present than ever. As Michael Beckley, a research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School notes, &ldquo;The &lsquo;rise of China&rsquo; has been the most read-about story&rdquo; of the 21st century. This shows the magnitude of a debate that has rapidly become mainstream among academics and the general public. Are we facing a progressive West-to-East power shift within the international community?

The decline of the west

The assumption behind the emergence of an Asian century is the ongoing decline of the West. Unsurprisingly, research about the decay of the Western system is remarkably rich. The essay that is often dubbed the modern progenitor of this scholarship is British historian Paul Kennedy&rsquo;s The Rise and Fall of Great Power. Kennedy&rsquo;s work is a complex historical analysis that finds the balance between economic wealth and military power the equilibrium that ensures the resilience of great powers. As Professor Patrick Porter of the University of Exeter notes, Kennedy&rsquo;s book became popular because of one short section in which he was directly engaged with the American decline, simultaneously stating the rise of Japan as next leading world power.

Many scholars have stressed the economic dimension of the decline. In 2011, Professor Danny Quah of the National University of Singapore proposed a quantitative model showing the shift of the global economic center of gravity toward the East. The Asian economic momentum has been highlighted by many researchers, while the French economist Guy Sorman notes that &ldquo;China has replaced Germany as the world&rsquo;s leading exporter.&rdquo; Furthermore, declinists produced their own vocabulary, introducing concepts such as the &ldquo;post-American world&rdquo; and &ldquo;Easternisation.&rdquo;

Despite its momentum of popularity, research on the decline of the West faces a constant and articulated critique. James Luko and Professor Michael Cox of the London School of Economics are among the many voices who argue for a nuanced interpretation of the Eastern ascent. Even the concept of the West-to-East power shift seems problematic. Asian countries, in fact, are not following a common path of economic development, nor do they constitute a cohesive political body. China is the rising power in the international community, albeit stretching and consolidating its regional leadership is still a crucial step for Beijing.

The constructed resilience of the western system

Most theories and critiques focus on the relative distribution of power and economic wealth as the essential indicators of a power shift. Although significant, these arguments fail to consider the relationship between the system and its components. This relationship is neither static nor purely geographic.

The international system is shaped by the dialogue and interaction of supra-national, national and sub-national subjects, and the values and norms they represent. This dialogue takes place in an environment in which a structure is already established: the West. In international relations, constructivist theories make a qualitative leap in considering material power and structural advantages as meaningful only through &ldquo;the structure of shared knowledge in which they are embedded,&rdquo; as per Professor Alexander Wendt of The Ohio State University. Consequently, the essence of this system is socially constructed, which is understood as mutual construction and interaction.

The West is more than a geographical or economic sum of state and material forces. It is a structure of shared norms and practices. The West is a socially constructed system that embraces every subject that accepts its structure. Here is the reason of its resilience: systemic subjects interact among themselves and with the framework in which they are embedded, and in this way, they constantly produce reinterpretations of what constitutes as &ldquo;Western.&rdquo;

As American historian Thomas Kuhn brilliantly states in his work, systems are organised in the form of paradigms. Once a paradigm is no longer efficient, a revolution occurs. A revolution completely redefines the existing language and premises and, in this way, it generates a new paradigm. At the present time, the West resembles a paradigm that is still developing.

The western paradigm still matters

The 2008 financial crisis, which was generated by the high default rate of the US mortgage sector and then resulted in the Great Recession, seemed to be a potential game changer. As the traumatic pivot from a long-lasting system of speculation and financial deregulation, the Great Recession showed a huge vacuum in the structure of Western political and economic governance. The financial crisis amounted to a domino effect that questioned the efficiency of democracy and capitalism. Nevertheless, the structure of the West could respond to the post-crisis recession by simply operating minimum changes within its paradigm. In a nutshell, even after the most tragic non-military crisis of its history, the West remains a valuable framework for Western actors.

A paradigm shift of the West did not occur and is unlikely to occur in the short or medium term. Non-Western actors are still attracted by the Western system. Unsurprisingly, figures show that US universities consistently see an increase in the number of Chinese students enrolled in their courses, which suggests the appreciation of the Western educational model among Chinese elites.

Moreover, Beijing is occupying the geopolitical space left free by the Trump administration. In his address to the 2017 Davos World Economic Forum, President Xi Jinping pictured China as &ldquo;the linchpin of global economic stability.&rdquo; While he was not promoting an alternative Chinese language, his speech was deeply embedded into the discursive framework established in the West. At Davos, Xi appeared more Western than any other leader.

Another indicator of resilience in the structure of the West can be seen in a speech delivered by Iranian President Hassan Rouhani after US President Donald Trump visited Saudi Arabia in May. &ldquo;Mr Trump visited the region at the time millions of our people went to the polls,&rdquo; Rouhani said. &ldquo;He went to a country whose people haven&rsquo;t even seen ballot boxes and elections don&rsquo;t have any meaning for them. I hope one day Saudi Arabia also drives its national strength through elections. Power should not pass on through inheritance but through elections.&rdquo;

Since 1979, Iranian confrontation with the US has always been reciprocally fierce and harsh, with both actors keeping their distance and underlying the idea of their belonging to two different and competitive systems. In his speech, Rouhani directly accused the United States, which is still the major promoter of liberal democracy and holds its importance in Western identity, of being a strong ally of a non-democratic regime, Saudi Arabia. Rouhani implicitly pitched Iran as the new standard bearer of democracy in the Middle East. Again, however, the Iranian president&rsquo;s speech did not set an alternative paradigm, yet it re-elaborated the Iranian space of agency within the already established Western structure.

Eastern actors seek more agency to maneuverer

On the one hand, the West as a system of norms and discursive practices is still attractive and resilient, and it shows a general tendency to re-evaluate meaning and actions within that paradigm, rather than promoting an alternative one. However, it can be argued that China and other emerging Asian powers are efficient and capable of eventually filling the political spaces left by Western actors.

On the other hand, the relative power of China is undoubtedly growing, suggesting a partial erosion of US primacy. Nevertheless, the US and Europe still have some crucial structural advantages, as the Western system is based on norms and languages that are eminently American and European. If the power shift continues to happen within this environment, what can be expected in the short/medium term is an increase in the agency of Asian and Eastern countries, not a hegemonic substitution. This power shift is accelerated by the disengagement of the US from its global leadership role.

The construction of an alternative and attractive model is costly. Thus, rather than expecting the Easternisation of the Western system, the increased Westernisation of Eastern subjects is far more likely to happen.

This&nbsp;<a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/asia_pacific/western-world-news-china-america-latest-news-today-43045/" rel="nofollow" target="blank">article</a>&nbsp;has been originally published in Fair Observer.

Eastern actors are likely to become more Western rather than building an alternative system.

The end of the Cold War saw an era of systemic redefinition, undermining the friend-enemy dichotomy that shaped the international system for half a century. The path of the American century has since been put in jeopardy by an initial — and troubled — period of US-led unipolarity and then by the growth of new powers in the East. Yet the expected emergence of an “Asian century” is more present than ever. As Michael Beckley, a research fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School notes, “The ‘rise of China’ has been the most read-about story” of the 21st century. This shows the magnitude of a debate that has rapidly become mainstream among academics and the general public. Are we facing a progressive West-to-East power shift within the international community? The decline of the west The assumption behind the emergence of an Asian century is the ongoing decline of the West. Unsurprisingly, research about the decay of the Western system is remarkably rich. The essay that is often dubbed the modern progenitor of this scholarship is British historian Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of Great Power. Kennedy’s work is a complex historical analysis that finds the balance between economic wealth and military power the equilibrium that ensures the resilience of great powers. As Professor Patrick Porter of the University of Exeter notes, Kennedy’s book became popular because of one short section in which he was directly engaged with the American decline, simultaneously stating the rise of Japan as next leading world power. Many scholars have stressed the economic dimension of the decline. In 2011, Professor Danny Quah of the National University of Singapore proposed a quantitative model showing the shift of the global economic center of gravity toward the East. The Asian economic momentum has been highlighted by many researchers, while the French economist Guy Sorman notes that “China has replaced Germany as the world’s leading exporter.” Furthermore, declinists produced their own vocabulary, introducing concepts such as the “post-American world” and “Easternisation.” Despite its momentum of popularity, research on the decline of the West faces a constant and articulated critique. James Luko and Professor Michael Cox of the London School of Economics are among the many voices who argue for a nuanced interpretation of the Eastern ascent. Even the concept of the West-to-East power shift seems problematic. Asian countries, in fact, are not following a common path of economic development, nor do they constitute a cohesive political body. China is the rising power in the international community, albeit stretching and consolidating its regional leadership is still a crucial step for Beijing. The constructed resilience of the western system Most theories and critiques focus on the relative distribution of power and economic wealth as the essential indicators of a power shift. Although significant, these arguments fail to consider the relationship between the system and its components. This relationship is neither static nor purely geographic. The international system is shaped by the dialogue and interaction of supra-national, national and sub-national subjects, and the values and norms they represent. This dialogue takes place in an environment in which a structure is already established: the West. In international relations, constructivist theories make a qualitative leap in considering material power and structural advantages as meaningful only through “the structure of shared knowledge in which they are embedded,” as per Professor Alexander Wendt of The Ohio State University. Consequently, the essence of this system is socially constructed, which is understood as mutual construction and interaction. The West is more than a geographical or economic sum of state and material forces. It is a structure of shared norms and practices. The West is a socially constructed system that embraces every subject that accepts its structure. Here is the reason of its resilience: systemic subjects interact among themselves and with the framework in which they are embedded, and in this way, they constantly produce reinterpretations of what constitutes as “Western.” As American historian Thomas Kuhn brilliantly states in his work, systems are organised in the form of paradigms. Once a paradigm is no longer efficient, a revolution occurs. A revolution completely redefines the existing language and premises and, in this way, it generates a new paradigm. At the present time, the West resembles a paradigm that is still developing. The western paradigm still matters The 2008 financial crisis, which was generated by the high default rate of the US mortgage sector and then resulted in the Great Recession, seemed to be a potential game changer. As the traumatic pivot from a long-lasting system of speculation and financial deregulation, the Great Recession showed a huge vacuum in the structure of Western political and economic governance. The financial crisis amounted to a domino effect that questioned the efficiency of democracy and capitalism. Nevertheless, the structure of the West could respond to the post-crisis recession by simply operating minimum changes within its paradigm. In a nutshell, even after the most tragic non-military crisis of its history, the West remains a valuable framework for Western actors. A paradigm shift of the West did not occur and is unlikely to occur in the short or medium term. Non-Western actors are still attracted by the Western system. Unsurprisingly, figures show that US universities consistently see an increase in the number of Chinese students enrolled in their courses, which suggests the appreciation of the Western educational model among Chinese elites. Moreover, Beijing is occupying the geopolitical space left free by the Trump administration. In his address to the 2017 Davos World Economic Forum, President Xi Jinping pictured China as “the linchpin of global economic stability.” While he was not promoting an alternative Chinese language, his speech was deeply embedded into the discursive framework established in the West. At Davos, Xi appeared more Western than any other leader. Another indicator of resilience in the structure of the West can be seen in a speech delivered by Iranian President Hassan Rouhani after US President Donald Trump visited Saudi Arabia in May. “Mr Trump visited the region at the time millions of our people went to the polls,” Rouhani said. “He went to a country whose people haven’t even seen ballot boxes and elections don’t have any meaning for them. I hope one day Saudi Arabia also drives its national strength through elections. Power should not pass on through inheritance but through elections.” Since 1979, Iranian confrontation with the US has always been reciprocally fierce and harsh, with both actors keeping their distance and underlying the idea of their belonging to two different and competitive systems. In his speech, Rouhani directly accused the United States, which is still the major promoter of liberal democracy and holds its importance in Western identity, of being a strong ally of a non-democratic regime, Saudi Arabia. Rouhani implicitly pitched Iran as the new standard bearer of democracy in the Middle East. Again, however, the Iranian president’s speech did not set an alternative paradigm, yet it re-elaborated the Iranian space of agency within the already established Western structure. Eastern actors seek more agency to maneuverer On the one hand, the West as a system of norms and discursive practices is still attractive and resilient, and it shows a general tendency to re-evaluate meaning and actions within that paradigm, rather than promoting an alternative one. However, it can be argued that China and other emerging Asian powers are efficient and capable of eventually filling the political spaces left by Western actors. On the other hand, the relative power of China is undoubtedly growing, suggesting a partial erosion of US primacy. Nevertheless, the US and Europe still have some crucial structural advantages, as the Western system is based on norms and languages that are eminently American and European. If the power shift continues to happen within this environment, what can be expected in the short/medium term is an increase in the agency of Asian and Eastern countries, not a hegemonic substitution. This power shift is accelerated by the disengagement of the US from its global leadership role. The construction of an alternative and attractive model is costly. Thus, rather than expecting the Easternisation of the Western system, the increased Westernisation of Eastern subjects is far more likely to happen. This article has been originally published in Fair Observer.

The West still matters

Universities will be closely scrutinised, professors will be evaluated and the Party will punish those lacking ideological firmness. Such is the program released by Xi&nbsp;Jinping&rsquo;s government to coincide with the Communist Party congress, where Xi is seeking to reinforce his authority as a world leader.

Efforts to control universities and disregard academic freedom are also taking place abroad. In early September, Reuters and The Guardian exposed efforts by Chinese authorities to partially restrict access to the American Political Science Review from within China. The Review, one of the most reputable journals in its field, is published by the prestigious Cambridge University Press (CUP). Ultimately the publishing house resisted the Chinese pressure, but the news has sparked upset, coming just a few weeks after another controversy that shook the foundations of academia.

The &ldquo;China Quarterly&rdquo; affair

In August, China scholars from around the world learnt that Beijing had demanded that Cambridge University Press withdraw 315&nbsp;articles and book reviews from China Quarterly, produced by University of London&rsquo;s respected School of Oriental and African Studies and published by CUP.

These articles dealt with topics considered sensitive by the Chinese government: the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests; Mao Zedong and China&rsquo;s Cultural Revolution; ethnic tensions in Tibet and Xinjiang; Taiwan; and anything relating to democratic reform.

CUP complied, pulling the offending articles from their Chinese site, explaining that it would rather withdraw a small number of articles of interest to a handful of academics, in order to ensure the continued availability in China of its numerous other academic and educational publications.

Led by China Quarterly editor Tim Pringle, academics and NGOs expressed outrage that CUP would favour its own commercial interests above academic freedom, and threatened to boycott the publishing house.

Faced with protests, the Chinese government defended its actions in an editorial published in the August 20&nbsp;edition of the Global Times, stating that, while it respects academic freedom in the UK, China has the right to decide what can be published within its borders.

Three days after the censorship came to light, CUP had a sudden change of heart and made the 315&nbsp;articles available again.

Around the same time, the US-based Association of Asian Studies (AAS) revealed it had received a similar demand but did not comply.

Ideological battle

The controversy highlights the oppressive nature of the government of the People&rsquo;s Republic. Despite the undeniable international character of Chinese universities, higher education and research must tow the party line.

Deng Xiaoping&rsquo;s late-1970s policies of economic reform and opening-up enabled the country to become a laboratory of ideas in the last quarter of the 20th century. But for the past decade or so, China appears to be engaged in an ideological battle against the West.

Following the 2008&nbsp;Beijing Olympic Games, China overtook Japan as the world&rsquo;s second-largest economy, behind the US, which was itself weakened by the 2007-2008&nbsp;financial crisis and the resulting severe recession.

Yet China quickly found itself facing dissatisfaction from those steamrollered by a policy of growth at all costs, in spite of the country&rsquo;s economic and diplomatic successes. Many Chinese intellectuals began to think the lot of their fellow citizens should be improved with a final &ndash; political &ndash; reform.

Led by writer and university professor Liu Xiaobo, one of the key activists of the 1989&nbsp;Tiananmen Square protests, hundreds of intellectuals signed the Charter 08, a manifesto in favour of democratising the regime. For this Liu was sentenced in 2009 to an 11-year prison term. He was released in July 2017 and died a few days later.

Document #9, the &ldquo;anti-subversion kit&rdquo;

Xi&nbsp;Jinping&rsquo;s rise to power in 2012-2013&nbsp;signalled a new era in the curtailing of freedom of thought. Fearing any threat to the purity of their ideology, Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders released a handbook listing the subversive ideas to be eradicated, the infamous Document #9.

The following topics are now banned from public discussion: western constitutional democracy, the universal nature of human rights, the empowerment of civil society, multiple interpretations of history, and anything questioning the validity of Chinese economic reforms and socialism.

While post-Mao China was not free of taboos, they were usually limited to the &ldquo;three&nbsp;Ts&rdquo;: Taiwan, Tiananmen and Tibet. Several things have changed since 2012. Firstly, the publication of Document #9&nbsp;expanded the scope of unacceptable ideas: any subject, without exception, could now be censored.

Secondly, Chinese universities are now the reluctant front-line soldiers in this ideological battle: in 2015, the Minister for Education urged universities to ban the use of textbooks promoting Western values. Lastly, any contravening of the new norm is now subject to severe repression, and the CPC has no qualms about openly resorting to totalitarian tactics.

A violent crackdown

On top of routine intimidation, 248&nbsp;human rights advocates were rounded up in a brutal mass arrest in July 2015. In the resulting atmosphere of fear, liberal intellectuals no longer think it wise to answer questions from foreign journalists; they practice broad self-censorship and, when possible, wind up living in exile abroad. For those who remain, harassment is commonplace.

These attacks against fundamental rights and specifically academic freedom are now extending beyond mainland China, starting with the special administrative regions. In 2014, several Macau professors were abruptly dismissed; in Hong Kong, the 2015&nbsp;disappearances of five book-sellers and publishers are still unresolved. These cases reveal the widening cracks in the &ldquo;one country, two systems&rdquo; model. Yet Beijing&rsquo;s influence does not stop there.

In the summer of 2014, the European Association for Chinese Studies had several pages of its program ripped out by the Confucius Institute the day before its biannual conference in Portugal.

The institute apparently objected to advertising from Taiwanese sponsors. That same year, the American Association of University Professors initiated calls for the closure of Confucius Institutes, claiming they undermine freedom of speech on US university campuses.

Last month Australia acknowledged Chinese government interference in its universities. Beijing has been carrying out unprecedented influence and control operations targeting Chinese students as well as Chinese and non-Chinese professors. In response, the Group of Eight (Go8), a coalition of the top eight universities in Australia, has called for a coordinated and measured response.

In 2016, more than a quarter of the 550,000&nbsp;overseas students enrolled in Australian universities came from China. They represent a significant financial boon for Australian universities, who don&rsquo;t want to offend the Chinese government. The question is, can the core values of academic institutions be preserved without incurring the wrath of Party leaders?

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/china-zero-tolerance-for-academic-freedom-85200" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

Chinese universities, higher education and research must be preserved from the wrath of political parties

Universities will be closely scrutinised, professors will be evaluated and the Party will punish those lacking ideological firmness. Such is the program released by Xi Jinping’s government to coincide with the Communist Party congress, where Xi is seeking to reinforce his authority as a world leader. Efforts to control universities and disregard academic freedom are also taking place abroad. In early September, Reuters and The Guardian exposed efforts by Chinese authorities to partially restrict access to the American Political Science Review from within China. The Review, one of the most reputable journals in its field, is published by the prestigious Cambridge University Press (CUP). Ultimately the publishing house resisted the Chinese pressure, but the news has sparked upset, coming just a few weeks after another controversy that shook the foundations of academia. The “China Quarterly” affair In August, China scholars from around the world learnt that Beijing had demanded that Cambridge University Press withdraw 315 articles and book reviews from China Quarterly, produced by University of London’s respected School of Oriental and African Studies and published by CUP. These articles dealt with topics considered sensitive by the Chinese government: the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests; Mao Zedong and China’s Cultural Revolution; ethnic tensions in Tibet and Xinjiang; Taiwan; and anything relating to democratic reform. CUP complied, pulling the offending articles from their Chinese site, explaining that it would rather withdraw a small number of articles of interest to a handful of academics, in order to ensure the continued availability in China of its numerous other academic and educational publications. Led by China Quarterly editor Tim Pringle, academics and NGOs expressed outrage that CUP would favour its own commercial interests above academic freedom, and threatened to boycott the publishing house. Faced with protests, the Chinese government defended its actions in an editorial published in the August 20 edition of the Global Times, stating that, while it respects academic freedom in the UK, China has the right to decide what can be published within its borders. Three days after the censorship came to light, CUP had a sudden change of heart and made the 315 articles available again. Around the same time, the US-based Association of Asian Studies (AAS) revealed it had received a similar demand but did not comply. Ideological battle The controversy highlights the oppressive nature of the government of the People’s Republic. Despite the undeniable international character of Chinese universities, higher education and research must tow the party line. Deng Xiaoping’s late-1970s policies of economic reform and opening-up enabled the country to become a laboratory of ideas in the last quarter of the 20th century. But for the past decade or so, China appears to be engaged in an ideological battle against the West. Following the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games, China overtook Japan as the world’s second-largest economy, behind the US, which was itself weakened by the 2007-2008 financial crisis and the resulting severe recession. Yet China quickly found itself facing dissatisfaction from those steamrollered by a policy of growth at all costs, in spite of the country’s economic and diplomatic successes. Many Chinese intellectuals began to think the lot of their fellow citizens should be improved with a final – political – reform. Led by writer and university professor Liu Xiaobo, one of the key activists of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, hundreds of intellectuals signed the Charter 08, a manifesto in favour of democratising the regime. For this Liu was sentenced in 2009 to an 11-year prison term. He was released in July 2017 and died a few days later. Document #9, the “anti-subversion kit” Xi Jinping’s rise to power in 2012-2013 signalled a new era in the curtailing of freedom of thought. Fearing any threat to the purity of their ideology, Communist Party of China (CPC) leaders released a handbook listing the subversive ideas to be eradicated, the infamous Document #9. The following topics are now banned from public discussion: western constitutional democracy, the universal nature of human rights, the empowerment of civil society, multiple interpretations of history, and anything questioning the validity of Chinese economic reforms and socialism. While post-Mao China was not free of taboos, they were usually limited to the “three Ts”: Taiwan, Tiananmen and Tibet. Several things have changed since 2012. Firstly, the publication of Document #9 expanded the scope of unacceptable ideas: any subject, without exception, could now be censored. Secondly, Chinese universities are now the reluctant front-line soldiers in this ideological battle: in 2015, the Minister for Education urged universities to ban the use of textbooks promoting Western values. Lastly, any contravening of the new norm is now subject to severe repression, and the CPC has no qualms about openly resorting to totalitarian tactics. A violent crackdown On top of routine intimidation, 248 human rights advocates were rounded up in a brutal mass arrest in July 2015. In the resulting atmosphere of fear, liberal intellectuals no longer think it wise to answer questions from foreign journalists; they practice broad self-censorship and, when possible, wind up living in exile abroad. For those who remain, harassment is commonplace. These attacks against fundamental rights and specifically academic freedom are now extending beyond mainland China, starting with the special administrative regions. In 2014, several Macau professors were abruptly dismissed; in Hong Kong, the 2015 disappearances of five book-sellers and publishers are still unresolved. These cases reveal the widening cracks in the “one country, two systems” model. Yet Beijing’s influence does not stop there. In the summer of 2014, the European Association for Chinese Studies had several pages of its program ripped out by the Confucius Institute the day before its biannual conference in Portugal. The institute apparently objected to advertising from Taiwanese sponsors. That same year, the American Association of University Professors initiated calls for the closure of Confucius Institutes, claiming they undermine freedom of speech on US university campuses. Last month Australia acknowledged Chinese government interference in its universities. Beijing has been carrying out unprecedented influence and control operations targeting Chinese students as well as Chinese and non-Chinese professors. In response, the Group of Eight (Go8), a coalition of the top eight universities in Australia, has called for a coordinated and measured response. In 2016, more than a quarter of the 550,000 overseas students enrolled in Australian universities came from China. They represent a significant financial boon for Australian universities, who don’t want to offend the Chinese government. The question is, can the core values of academic institutions be preserved without incurring the wrath of Party leaders? This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

China: zero tolerance for academic freedom

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