It's been 17 days since the military seized power in Myanmar. Protests against the coup are escalating. From Buddhist monks to civil servants to taxi drivers, people from all walks of life want the world to stand up for Myanmar. WION's Palki Sharma gets you a report.

Gravitas: 17 days of military rule in Myanmar

Myanmar's military junta has issued an arrest warrant against 6 celebrities. Film directors, actors and singers who supported calls for people to join the Civil Disobedience Movement. Arrest warrants are issued under anti-incitement law.

Myanmar military issues arrest warrant against 6 celebrities

Most nights since a coup returned Myanmar to military rule on Feb. 1, a spectral symbol of protest has glowed on a mildewed side of a building.

Where the next illumination will appear in Yangon, the country’s biggest city, is a mystery. But, suddenly, a projected image appears in the dark. Three fingers raised in a rebellious pose. A dove of peace. The smiling face of Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government was ousted in the army putsch.

Watch |&nbsp;

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The projections are the brainchild of a filmmaker who wishes to remain anonymous as the military hunts down those who dare to defy it.

Armed with paintbrushes, poems and protest anthems, the creative classes are providing Myanmar’s mass uprising with an imaginative verve and rebellious spirit that has caught the military generals off guard.

During daily street rallies in the country’s major cities, the atmosphere often has the feel of a cultural carnival. Graffiti artists have spray-painted messages mocking Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief who staged the coup. Poets have declaimed in angry verse. A cartoonists’ union marched holding hand-drawn figures. Street dancers twirled with abandon.

On Wednesday, in the biggest single rally since street protests began in Yangon, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in a central district, holding up posters and signs designed for the Instagram generation.

“If we look at the history of resistance in Myanmar, we were quite aggressive and confrontational, with this history of bloodshed,” said Ko Kyaw Nanda, a graphic designer whose protest art contrasts green pig heads (the army) with ruby red heels (Suu Kyi). “With this new approach, it can be less risky for people, and more people can join.”

Myanmar’s military, which has ruled the nation for most of the past six decades, has locked up more than 450 people since the coup, according to a group that tracks political prisoners. The new regime has drastically diminished civil liberties, and its long history of violently suppressing dissent lingers. Security forces have shot and beaten anti-coup protesters. On Wednesday evening in the city of Mandalay, soldiers swept through an area housing railway workers who were boycotting work, shooting multiple rounds. At least one person was confirmed injured.

But the weapons of dictatorship have not deterred peaceful demonstrators, who have depended on humorous memes and protest art to carry them through. “If the young people are out on the street then why can’t I be?” said Nu Nu Win, a retired civil servant who at the rally Wednesday carried a laminated sign with the face of Suu Kyi. “I want the whole nation to be out from under dictatorship.”

Online art collectives have made their designs free so that protesters can print them out for signs, stickers or T-shirts. One of the most popular pieces shows a collection of hands arranged in the three-finger salute from “The Hunger Games” films. Each hand was drawn by a different artist, a mosaic of defiance.

As she watched the protests grow, a freelance graphic designer who goes by the artistic name Kuecool decided she wanted to contribute. Although she had illustrated a book on feminism, she had not considered herself overtly political during her years of working at a public relations agency.

The overthrow of the elected government by the military, which she had grown up disliking, shocked her. She began drawing into the night.

One of her images is now used often in the protest movement: a young woman in a traditional sarong brandishing a wok and a spatula. The background is crimson, the signature hue of the National League for Democracy, which was ejected from government despite winning two landslide electoral victories.

Every night at 8 p.m., cities across Myanmar have clanged with the din of people banging pots, pans, woks and anything else that makes a ruckus. The aim is to ward off the devil, and the projection art appears at this time, too, adding visuals to the clamor of discontent.

Myanmar’s military rulers have long seen menace in the arts, imprisoning poets, actors, painters and rappers. Among the dozens of people nabbed alongside Suu Kyi in the coup’s initial pre-dawn raids were a filmmaker, two writers and a reggae singer. A graffiti artist whose protest tags have enlivened Yangon over the past two weeks said he was on the run from the police. So were two poets. On Wednesday, arrest warrants were issued for actors, directors and a singer.

Zayar Thaw was a member of Generation Wave, a hip-hop collective that challenged the former ruling junta through sly lyrics. After serving five years in prison for his activism, he joined the National League for Democracy when it contested a by-election in 2012. Zayar Thaw won a parliamentary seat in a district once thought of as a military stronghold, settled down with reams of parliamentary paperwork and thought he had left his days of artistic protest behind him.

“Hip-hop artists already have a culture of revolution, so in our generation we protested through songs,” he said. “Now all kinds of artists are involved because they don’t want to lose the value of democracy.”

The artistic ferment in Myanmar today has drawn from other regional protest movements. During their months of sustained dissent in Hong Kong, young protesters enlivened their rallies with cute cartoons and colorful walls of sticky notes that evoked the so-called Lennon Wall in Prague, where art and messages of dissent against communism proliferated. Motivated by an earlier incarnation of opposition, the Hong Kong protesters popularized the use of the yellow umbrella against water cannons and turned it into a powerful meme.

In turn, the Hong Kong democracy movement galvanized pro-democracy demonstrators in Thailand, who staged months of mass rallies last year. Encouraged by the power of whimsy in Hong Kong, the Thai protesters, who have been standing up to a prime minister who led a 2014 military coup, deployed inflatable rubber duck rafts to ward off water cannons. They popularized the use of “The Hunger Games” salute, which Thailand’s former junta initially tried to ban with their state of emergency powers. (Nobody really listened.)

A couple days after the putsch in Myanmar, doctors, who launched a civil disobedience movement that has now compelled about 750,000 people to stop going to work, flashed their three fingers in protest. The salute is now the leitmotif of the Myanmar rallies, along with signs in English — all the better to attract international attention — denouncing the military takeover.

“I got inspired by how Hong Kong and Thai protesters used creativity and humor in their protests,” said Kyaw Nanda, the graphic designer.

The crosscurrents of protest are flowing both ways. Last week, a Thai youth group adopted the pots and pans campaign from Myanmar for a protest in Bangkok.

“In the region, there is a fight for democracy, human rights and justice,” said Aye Ko, a painter in Myanmar whose art has long expressed political yearnings. “The movement is beyond one nation’s issue. We have all joined together in the resistance against oppression.”

 
&nbsp;

Most nights since a coup returned Myanmar to military rule on Feb. 1, a spectral symbol of protest has glowed on a mildewed side of a building. Where the next illumination will appear in Yangon, the country’s biggest city, is a mystery.

Most nights since a coup returned Myanmar to military rule on Feb. 1, a spectral symbol of protest has glowed on a mildewed side of a building. Where the next illumination will appear in Yangon, the country’s biggest city, is a mystery. But, suddenly, a projected image appears in the dark. Three fingers raised in a rebellious pose. A dove of peace. The smiling face of Aung San Suu Kyi, whose government was ousted in the army putsch. Watch | The projections are the brainchild of a filmmaker who wishes to remain anonymous as the military hunts down those who dare to defy it. Armed with paintbrushes, poems and protest anthems, the creative classes are providing Myanmar’s mass uprising with an imaginative verve and rebellious spirit that has caught the military generals off guard. During daily street rallies in the country’s major cities, the atmosphere often has the feel of a cultural carnival. Graffiti artists have spray-painted messages mocking Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the army chief who staged the coup. Poets have declaimed in angry verse. A cartoonists’ union marched holding hand-drawn figures. Street dancers twirled with abandon. On Wednesday, in the biggest single rally since street protests began in Yangon, hundreds of thousands of people gathered in a central district, holding up posters and signs designed for the Instagram generation. “If we look at the history of resistance in Myanmar, we were quite aggressive and confrontational, with this history of bloodshed,” said Ko Kyaw Nanda, a graphic designer whose protest art contrasts green pig heads (the army) with ruby red heels (Suu Kyi). “With this new approach, it can be less risky for people, and more people can join.” Myanmar’s military, which has ruled the nation for most of the past six decades, has locked up more than 450 people since the coup, according to a group that tracks political prisoners. The new regime has drastically diminished civil liberties, and its long history of violently suppressing dissent lingers. Security forces have shot and beaten anti-coup protesters. On Wednesday evening in the city of Mandalay, soldiers swept through an area housing railway workers who were boycotting work, shooting multiple rounds. At least one person was confirmed injured. But the weapons of dictatorship have not deterred peaceful demonstrators, who have depended on humorous memes and protest art to carry them through. “If the young people are out on the street then why can’t I be?” said Nu Nu Win, a retired civil servant who at the rally Wednesday carried a laminated sign with the face of Suu Kyi. “I want the whole nation to be out from under dictatorship.” Online art collectives have made their designs free so that protesters can print them out for signs, stickers or T-shirts. One of the most popular pieces shows a collection of hands arranged in the three-finger salute from “The Hunger Games” films. Each hand was drawn by a different artist, a mosaic of defiance. As she watched the protests grow, a freelance graphic designer who goes by the artistic name Kuecool decided she wanted to contribute. Although she had illustrated a book on feminism, she had not considered herself overtly political during her years of working at a public relations agency. The overthrow of the elected government by the military, which she had grown up disliking, shocked her. She began drawing into the night. One of her images is now used often in the protest movement: a young woman in a traditional sarong brandishing a wok and a spatula. The background is crimson, the signature hue of the National League for Democracy, which was ejected from government despite winning two landslide electoral victories. Every night at 8 p.m., cities across Myanmar have clanged with the din of people banging pots, pans, woks and anything else that makes a ruckus. The aim is to ward off the devil, and the projection art appears at this time, too, adding visuals to the clamor of discontent. Myanmar’s military rulers have long seen menace in the arts, imprisoning poets, actors, painters and rappers. Among the dozens of people nabbed alongside Suu Kyi in the coup’s initial pre-dawn raids were a filmmaker, two writers and a reggae singer. A graffiti artist whose protest tags have enlivened Yangon over the past two weeks said he was on the run from the police. So were two poets. On Wednesday, arrest warrants were issued for actors, directors and a singer. Zayar Thaw was a member of Generation Wave, a hip-hop collective that challenged the former ruling junta through sly lyrics. After serving five years in prison for his activism, he joined the National League for Democracy when it contested a by-election in 2012. Zayar Thaw won a parliamentary seat in a district once thought of as a military stronghold, settled down with reams of parliamentary paperwork and thought he had left his days of artistic protest behind him. “Hip-hop artists already have a culture of revolution, so in our generation we protested through songs,” he said. “Now all kinds of artists are involved because they don’t want to lose the value of democracy.” The artistic ferment in Myanmar today has drawn from other regional protest movements. During their months of sustained dissent in Hong Kong, young protesters enlivened their rallies with cute cartoons and colorful walls of sticky notes that evoked the so-called Lennon Wall in Prague, where art and messages of dissent against communism proliferated. Motivated by an earlier incarnation of opposition, the Hong Kong protesters popularized the use of the yellow umbrella against water cannons and turned it into a powerful meme. In turn, the Hong Kong democracy movement galvanized pro-democracy demonstrators in Thailand, who staged months of mass rallies last year. Encouraged by the power of whimsy in Hong Kong, the Thai protesters, who have been standing up to a prime minister who led a 2014 military coup, deployed inflatable rubber duck rafts to ward off water cannons. They popularized the use of “The Hunger Games” salute, which Thailand’s former junta initially tried to ban with their state of emergency powers. (Nobody really listened.) A couple days after the putsch in Myanmar, doctors, who launched a civil disobedience movement that has now compelled about 750,000 people to stop going to work, flashed their three fingers in protest. The salute is now the leitmotif of the Myanmar rallies, along with signs in English — all the better to attract international attention — denouncing the military takeover. “I got inspired by how Hong Kong and Thai protesters used creativity and humor in their protests,” said Kyaw Nanda, the graphic designer. The crosscurrents of protest are flowing both ways. Last week, a Thai youth group adopted the pots and pans campaign from Myanmar for a protest in Bangkok. “In the region, there is a fight for democracy, human rights and justice,” said Aye Ko, a painter in Myanmar whose art has long expressed political yearnings. “The movement is beyond one nation’s issue. We have all joined together in the resistance against oppression.”

Paint, poems and protest anthems: Myanmar's coup inspires the art of defiance

A third consecutive night of internet blackout was seen in Myanmar as protests continued against the military coup in the country. Meanwhile, Donald Trump, who has recently been acquitted from impeachment, slammed Republican Mitch McConnell calling him a "dour, sullen, and unsmiling political hack".

Click on headlines to read more

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-military-blocks-internet-for-third-consecutive-night-amid-protests-364140">Myanmar military blocks internet for third consecutive night amid protests</a>

<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2021/02/17/183071-myanmar1.jpg?itok=D50nZHYU" />

Myanmar experienced another night of internet blackout as the net continued to be shut for the third consecutive day on Wednesday as protests continued against the military junta's coup.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/unsmiling-political-hack-trump-lashes-out-at-mitch-mcconnell-after-impeachment-trial-364141">'Unsmiling political hack': Trump lashes out at Mitch McConnell after impeachment trial</a>

<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2018/09/12/13562-donaldtrump-20161114045351.jpg?itok=aEPu_9ZI" />

The former US President Donald Trump, who has recently been acquitted in his second impeachment trial, has turned against the Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/nearly-4000-amazon-employees-given-wrong-covid-test-result-364146">Nearly 4,000 Amazon employees given wrong COVID test result</a>

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Nearly 4,000 Amazon employees were given fake positive results for the deadly coronavirus and were asked to self-isolate in the UK.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ghislaine-maxwell-physically-abused-in-jail-lawyer-364157">Ghislaine Maxwell 'physically abused' in jail: Lawyer</a>

<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2020/07/31/152425-untitled-design-46.jpg?itok=HSbLcsqJ" />

Ghislaine Maxwell, accused of sex trafficking, was "physically abused" by a correctional officer in a routine check in jail, her lawyer claimed on Tuesday.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/french-lawmakers-approve-bill-to-battle-islamist-extremism-364127">French lawmakers approve bill to battle Islamist extremism</a>

<img src="https://cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/styles/story_page/public/2021/02/16/183060-french-president-emmanuel-macron.jpg?itok=2uFoYXfg" />

&nbsp;

A third consecutive night of internet blackout was seen in Myanmar as protests continued against the military coup in the country. Meanwhile, Donald Trump, who has recently been acquitted from impeachment, slammed Republican Mitch McConnell calling him a "dour, sullen, and unsmiling political hack".

A third consecutive night of internet blackout was seen in Myanmar as protests continued against the military coup in the country. Meanwhile, Donald Trump, who has recently been acquitted from impeachment, slammed Republican Mitch McConnell calling him a "dour, sullen, and unsmiling political hack". Click on headlines to read more Myanmar military blocks internet for third consecutive night amid protests Myanmar experienced another night of internet blackout as the net continued to be shut for the third consecutive day on Wednesday as protests continued against the military junta's coup. 'Unsmiling political hack': Trump lashes out at Mitch McConnell after impeachment trial The former US President Donald Trump, who has recently been acquitted in his second impeachment trial, has turned against the Senate minority leader, Mitch McConnell. Nearly 4,000 Amazon employees given wrong COVID test result Nearly 4,000 Amazon employees were given fake positive results for the deadly coronavirus and were asked to self-isolate in the UK. Ghislaine Maxwell 'physically abused' in jail: Lawyer Ghislaine Maxwell, accused of sex trafficking, was "physically abused" by a correctional officer in a routine check in jail, her lawyer claimed on Tuesday. French lawmakers approve bill to battle Islamist extremism

Morning news brief: Myanmar coup updates, latest on Trump, and more

In Myanmar, protests show no signs of letting up despite internet shutdowns. Myanmar's people are protesting against the February 1 military coup and demand that the Aung San Suu Kyi and members of her ousted government be freed from detention.

Myanmar: Protests show no signs of letting up

The citizens of Myanmar continue to write to WION. They seem determined to challenge the Military rule. Our Executive Editor WION's Palki Sharma reads some responses.

Gravitas: WION reads responses from Myanmar

On Sunday, armoured vehicles and trucks filled with soldiers were on the streets of Myanmar to 'crush the protests'. There was an internet shutdown- as the security forces cracked down on the citizens during the night. WION's Palki Sharma tells you what happened.

Gravitas: Myanmar's military is now on the streets

Myanmar's new military rulers have stepped up measure like arresting the politicians and activists after rolling back laws, protecting freedom as well as the privacy.

Myanmar: Army orders arrest of coup opponents

In a statement in United Nations, China dismisses the Military coup as an internal matter of the country and refuses to condemn the Myanmar coup. Chinese Ambassador said, "we are in touch with relevant parties in Myanmar".

Chinese Ambassador refuses to condemn Myanmar Coup in United Nation

The military government in Myanmar has increasingly used nighttime arrests, legal threats, a curfew and a ban on large gatherings to tame weeklong anti-coup protests that have spread from the cities to the countryside. Now, civil society groups fear that the military is preparing a new law that would further restrict online expression and limit the privacy rights of citizens.

One telecommunications company, Telenor, said Friday that it was aware of the proposal and was reviewing it. A coalition of 158 civil society organizations signed a statement raising concerns that the potential new law would lead to the widespread arrest of government critics.

Watch&nbsp;|&nbsp;

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Myanmar already has harsh laws restricting online speech, but opponents of the military say the proposed law is so broad that it would allow authorities to arrest anyone who criticized the government online and imprison them for up to three years. Critics also said the proposed law would require telecommunications companies to cooperate with the government and provide information on their customers.

The military government declined to comment.

Concern over the proposal comes amid fears that the military could use greater force if the protests continue, as it has in the past. Two protesters have already been shot. But the proposal also suggests that the military may be searching for a variety of ways to rein in the demonstrations.

The military, which has ruled the country for most of the last 60 years, has a long history of using violence to suppress protests, including gunning down pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988 and 2007. The Myanmar army, or Tatmadaw, has never been shy about showing the depths of its brutality, killing monks in the street and launching a murderous rampage against the Rohingya, leading to an exodus of the Muslim minority in 2017.

But a violent response to largely peaceful protests that have swept the country after the Feb. 1 coup could further isolate Myanmar at a time when military leaders want to maintain normal economic relations. Aside from a nationally televised speech Tuesday evening by the coup leader, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the generals behind the junta have largely been silent as the civil disobedience movement has grown.

On Thursday, Min Aung Hlaing posted a statement on Facebook saying that coronavirus vaccinations were proceeding and repeating his call for “disciplined multiparty democracy.”

Since seizing power, the military has shut down the internet at times and blocked Facebook to disrupt communications among protesters.

Over the last 10 days, a civil disobedience movement against the military takeover has seeped into nearly every aspect of society. Many bank employees, rail workers, civil servants, doctors and nurses have refused to work, reducing the availability of medical care, slowing financial transactions and halting rail transportation.

A walkout by rail employees earlier this week prompted the closure of the Myanmar Railway, which under coronavirus restrictions was serving only several thousand commuters near Yangon, the country’s largest city. There was no indication of when it would reopen.

In Yangon, where hundreds of thousands of people filled the streets in protest earlier this week, actions were more muted as smaller impromptu demonstrations popped up in different neighborhoods. On Friday, thousands of protesters staged demonstrations at foreign missions in the city, including the Chinese and Russian embassies.

Demonstrators also have become more creative since the restrictions on gatherings were announced Tuesday. Some have paraded in horse-drawn carts or dressed in ballgown. One group of animal lovers brought their dogs, another their snakes and lizards. Musicians played on the streets, weightlifters bared their chests, and a few young women wore bikinis while holding anti-coup signs.

“It’s wonderful to see all kinds of people joining in protest,” said Wai Zin Thant, a private company manager in Mandalay who watched them online. “I never thought that I would see a fashion show, a music concert and a historical protest against the military coup at the same time.”

The protests have even come to the placid Inle Lake in central Myanmar, where the inhabitants seem to live in a bygone era. They dwell in houses built on stilts, grow vegetables in floating gardens and travel in long, narrow wooden boats. The fishermen are renowned for standing on one leg while rowing with the other.

But the community is not so remote that it has been bypassed by the protests. On Thursday, more than a thousand Inle Lake residents gathered by boat in a floating protest, with anti-military slogans written on their wooden paddles and placards spelling out words in English such as, “Get out dictators.”

“Maybe people think we live a peaceful life because we grow our vegetables for food and make our own boats for transportation,” said Ngwe Toe, an Inle resident. “But we can’t neglect that the country’s democracy is being raped by the military.”

At several demonstrations earlier in the week, police officers crossed over to the protesters’ side to large cheers from the crowd. In the city of Loikaw in Kayah state, at least 40 male and female officers joined in chanting, “No dictatorship” and “People’s police” after switching sides.

But in the capital, Naypyitaw, two protesters were shot by the police Tuesday, apparently with live ammunition. One victim, Mya Thwate Thwate Khing, 19, was shot in the head. She is being kept alive by a ventilator, said Dr. Wai Yan Kyaw at Naypyitaw Thousand-Bed General Hospital, where she is being treated.

“According to her injury, this must not be a rubber bullet,” the doctor said. “This must be a real bullet.”

A second patient, a man who was shot in the chest, has been released, he said.

The young woman’s sister, Mya Tha Toe Nwe, said the two of them had taken cover at the protest to avoid the spray from a police water cannon and were leaving when she was shot.

“There is no hope even with an operation,” she said. “I am deeply sad.” But she said she would not be deterred.

“We participated in the protest against the military coup because it’s not only for one person or one party,” she said. “We need to eliminate the military dictatorship from our country, and I will keep fighting.”

Many protesters applauded the decision by President Joe Biden on Wednesday to impose sanctions on the generals behind the coup that would prevent them from gaining access to $1 billion in funds that their government keeps in the United States.

Biden, who has demanded that the military release the civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest, said he would announce additional actions against the military leaders and their families. The United Nations Human Rights Council was scheduled to meet in a special session Friday to consider taking action.

In recent days, the military has rounded up prominent leaders aligned with Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, in midnight raids, including the chief ministers of 14 states, the popular mayor of Mandalay and her Australian economics adviser.

Among those detained were the chairman and a member of the Union Election Commission, which oversaw the November elections that the National League for Democracy won in a landslide. The military tried to justify its coup by claiming electoral fraud. Authorities also raided the party’s headquarters in Yangon, seizing financial records, computers and data storage devices.

A doctor active in the civil disobedience movement in the southern Myanmar township of Ingapu was arrested and dragged away by plainclothes police officers Thursday afternoon while he was in the middle of stitching up a patient, his family said. He has not been heard from since.

The military announced Friday that it would release more than 23,000 prisoners under an amnesty in honor of Union Day, a national holiday commemorating a 1947 independence agreement. Such mass amnesties are not unusual in Myanmar; the civilian government released nearly 25,000 inmates in April.

But democracy advocates expressed concern online that the junta could organize some of the prisoners into mobs to attack protesters, a tactic that critics said it has used in the past.

The military government in Myanmar has increasingly used nighttime arrests, legal threats, a curfew and a ban on large gatherings to tame weeklong anti-coup protests that have spread from the cities to the countryside.

The military government in Myanmar has increasingly used nighttime arrests, legal threats, a curfew and a ban on large gatherings to tame weeklong anti-coup protests that have spread from the cities to the countryside. Now, civil society groups fear that the military is preparing a new law that would further restrict online expression and limit the privacy rights of citizens. One telecommunications company, Telenor, said Friday that it was aware of the proposal and was reviewing it. A coalition of 158 civil society organizations signed a statement raising concerns that the potential new law would lead to the widespread arrest of government critics. Watch | Myanmar already has harsh laws restricting online speech, but opponents of the military say the proposed law is so broad that it would allow authorities to arrest anyone who criticized the government online and imprison them for up to three years. Critics also said the proposed law would require telecommunications companies to cooperate with the government and provide information on their customers. The military government declined to comment. Concern over the proposal comes amid fears that the military could use greater force if the protests continue, as it has in the past. Two protesters have already been shot. But the proposal also suggests that the military may be searching for a variety of ways to rein in the demonstrations. The military, which has ruled the country for most of the last 60 years, has a long history of using violence to suppress protests, including gunning down pro-democracy demonstrators in 1988 and 2007. The Myanmar army, or Tatmadaw, has never been shy about showing the depths of its brutality, killing monks in the street and launching a murderous rampage against the Rohingya, leading to an exodus of the Muslim minority in 2017. But a violent response to largely peaceful protests that have swept the country after the Feb. 1 coup could further isolate Myanmar at a time when military leaders want to maintain normal economic relations. Aside from a nationally televised speech Tuesday evening by the coup leader, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, the generals behind the junta have largely been silent as the civil disobedience movement has grown. On Thursday, Min Aung Hlaing posted a statement on Facebook saying that coronavirus vaccinations were proceeding and repeating his call for “disciplined multiparty democracy.” Since seizing power, the military has shut down the internet at times and blocked Facebook to disrupt communications among protesters. Over the last 10 days, a civil disobedience movement against the military takeover has seeped into nearly every aspect of society. Many bank employees, rail workers, civil servants, doctors and nurses have refused to work, reducing the availability of medical care, slowing financial transactions and halting rail transportation. A walkout by rail employees earlier this week prompted the closure of the Myanmar Railway, which under coronavirus restrictions was serving only several thousand commuters near Yangon, the country’s largest city. There was no indication of when it would reopen. In Yangon, where hundreds of thousands of people filled the streets in protest earlier this week, actions were more muted as smaller impromptu demonstrations popped up in different neighborhoods. On Friday, thousands of protesters staged demonstrations at foreign missions in the city, including the Chinese and Russian embassies. Demonstrators also have become more creative since the restrictions on gatherings were announced Tuesday. Some have paraded in horse-drawn carts or dressed in ballgown. One group of animal lovers brought their dogs, another their snakes and lizards. Musicians played on the streets, weightlifters bared their chests, and a few young women wore bikinis while holding anti-coup signs. “It’s wonderful to see all kinds of people joining in protest,” said Wai Zin Thant, a private company manager in Mandalay who watched them online. “I never thought that I would see a fashion show, a music concert and a historical protest against the military coup at the same time.” The protests have even come to the placid Inle Lake in central Myanmar, where the inhabitants seem to live in a bygone era. They dwell in houses built on stilts, grow vegetables in floating gardens and travel in long, narrow wooden boats. The fishermen are renowned for standing on one leg while rowing with the other. But the community is not so remote that it has been bypassed by the protests. On Thursday, more than a thousand Inle Lake residents gathered by boat in a floating protest, with anti-military slogans written on their wooden paddles and placards spelling out words in English such as, “Get out dictators.” “Maybe people think we live a peaceful life because we grow our vegetables for food and make our own boats for transportation,” said Ngwe Toe, an Inle resident. “But we can’t neglect that the country’s democracy is being raped by the military.” At several demonstrations earlier in the week, police officers crossed over to the protesters’ side to large cheers from the crowd. In the city of Loikaw in Kayah state, at least 40 male and female officers joined in chanting, “No dictatorship” and “People’s police” after switching sides. But in the capital, Naypyitaw, two protesters were shot by the police Tuesday, apparently with live ammunition. One victim, Mya Thwate Thwate Khing, 19, was shot in the head. She is being kept alive by a ventilator, said Dr. Wai Yan Kyaw at Naypyitaw Thousand-Bed General Hospital, where she is being treated. “According to her injury, this must not be a rubber bullet,” the doctor said. “This must be a real bullet.” A second patient, a man who was shot in the chest, has been released, he said. The young woman’s sister, Mya Tha Toe Nwe, said the two of them had taken cover at the protest to avoid the spray from a police water cannon and were leaving when she was shot. “There is no hope even with an operation,” she said. “I am deeply sad.” But she said she would not be deterred. “We participated in the protest against the military coup because it’s not only for one person or one party,” she said. “We need to eliminate the military dictatorship from our country, and I will keep fighting.” Many protesters applauded the decision by President Joe Biden on Wednesday to impose sanctions on the generals behind the coup that would prevent them from gaining access to $1 billion in funds that their government keeps in the United States. Biden, who has demanded that the military release the civilian leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, from house arrest, said he would announce additional actions against the military leaders and their families. The United Nations Human Rights Council was scheduled to meet in a special session Friday to consider taking action. In recent days, the military has rounded up prominent leaders aligned with Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, in midnight raids, including the chief ministers of 14 states, the popular mayor of Mandalay and her Australian economics adviser. Among those detained were the chairman and a member of the Union Election Commission, which oversaw the November elections that the National League for Democracy won in a landslide. The military tried to justify its coup by claiming electoral fraud. Authorities also raided the party’s headquarters in Yangon, seizing financial records, computers and data storage devices. A doctor active in the civil disobedience movement in the southern Myanmar township of Ingapu was arrested and dragged away by plainclothes police officers Thursday afternoon while he was in the middle of stitching up a patient, his family said. He has not been heard from since. The military announced Friday that it would release more than 23,000 prisoners under an amnesty in honor of Union Day, a national holiday commemorating a 1947 independence agreement. Such mass amnesties are not unusual in Myanmar; the civilian government released nearly 25,000 inmates in April. But democracy advocates expressed concern online that the junta could organize some of the prisoners into mobs to attack protesters, a tactic that critics said it has used in the past.

Myanmar may target free speech in effort to stifle protests

From a few dozen citizens, the anti-Junta demonstrations in Myanmar have congregated tens of thousands, including urban artists, beauty peasants, painters, writers, macho men, designers, writers, among many others seen in flashy costumes.

Eye catchy signs, installations & colourful costumes; Myanmar protests get creative

People refused to back down and protesters have once again started to flock to the streets of Myanmar denouncing the military coup in the county and demanding the release of elected leader Suu Kyi.

Myanmar: People refuse to back down & continue to stage rallies

US State Department continues to strongly despise the military aster in Myanmar and has extended complete support for the mass demonstrations. This after new military rulers signalled their intentions to crack down on opponents of their take over.

US supports Myanmar people's right to assemble

Myanmar: Art, noise campaign in full swing as protests against coup get global support

A 50-year-old newspaper vendor in Yangon said on Wednesday (February 3) he worries for his livelihood in the wake of a military coup that overthrew the elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi earlier this week.

Yangon newspaper vendor fears low sales with people avoiding news of military leaders

There are certain constants in Thailand: the drenching monsoons, the grand openings of new shopping malls and the rumors that the Royal Thai Armed Forces are plotting another coup.

For weeks now, student-led protesters across Thailand have taken to the streets every few days, calling for a new constitution with authority over the monarchy, an end to the persecution of the political opposition and the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, the retired general who led the most recent military coup, in 2014.

Some earlier anti-government movements in Thailand were silenced by gunfire, with dozens killed most recently in 2010. While the security forces have not cracked down violently on these peaceful rallies, it’s unclear how long such restraint will last. Nor is it certain how long the army is willing to stay in the barracks, plotting against Prayuth, who was once one of their own.

Whenever the generals launch a coup, the refrain is the same: Thailand needs a return to order, without messy rallies or dissenting voices.

“I see a coup as not a bad thing,” said Sondhi Limthongkul, a prominent royalist. As recently as last week, Sondhi publicly called for yet another military intervention to restore stability and protect the monarchy, urging the military to quickly hand over power after seizing it so the king could oversee the formation of a unity government.

For the protesters, the military’s enduring power in a country that markets itself as a modern democracy is as alarming as it is anachronistic.

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The rallies have highlighted the military’s continuing grip on the country, its meddling in politics through coups and the ways it has profited from a deeply unequal society, securing economic benefits via vast business holdings. Most of all, the young demonstrators chafe at how conscription and other martial traditions are being used to try to create an orderly, obedient populace that hews to the military’s command.

Prayuth, the prime minister, said Friday that he could not determine whether “there will be a coup or there won’t be a coup.” But he added, “no one wants to do it; no one wants to stage one.”

Political analysts noted that coup denials have often grown louder as planning for them intensifies. Over the past nine decades, the Thai military has tried to oust elected governments about 30 times. At least a dozen of these putsches have been successful.

“The empire will strike back,” said Paul Chambers, author of the upcoming book “Camouflaged Khakistocracy: Civil-Military Relations in Thailand.” “The military, and all the vested interests that are being threatened by the student protesters, they aren’t going to allow the end of hegemonic military capitalism.”

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/thai-protesters-conduct-fashion-show-mocking-royal-spending-338865">Thai protesters conduct 'fashion show' mocking royal spending</a>

The Thai military is the country’s largest landowner, apart from the forestry bureau’s national park holdings. It has created a sort of parallel state with its own internal security apparatus that has brought thousands of dissenters to its military bases for enforced “attitude adjustment” sessions. It appoints all 250 members of the Senate.

Military regimentation — uniforms, hierarchies and unquestioning discipline — has become a societal expectation, from schools to parts of the Civil Service. The military has also profited from defense budgets that have increased roughly 140% since 2006, the year of yet another coup.

The outsize influence of the Royal Thai Armed Forces stands in contrast to its diminished role on the battlefield. Despite a top brass that includes about 1,600 generals, the second highest in the world per capita, Thai soldiers have not fought in a major engagement on home turf since World War II. Thailand does not face serious external security threats, and a defense alliance with the United States ensures safekeeping by the world’s largest military.

The Thai military has instead fashioned itself as a guardian against internal discord, most of all threats to the nation’s other powerful institution: the monarchy. The last two coups, in 2014 and 2006, were justified as necessary to protect the palace, even though the royal family, one of the richest in the world, can count on a raft of laws designed to shield it from criticism.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/thai-protesters-demand-pm-resignation-with-hunger-games-salute-335264">Thai protesters demand PM resignation with 'Hunger Games' salute</a>

For the first time since absolute monarchy was abolished in 1932, King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun is now facing sustained calls from protesters for his powers to be curbed. Since inheriting the throne in 2016, he has lived most of the time in Germany, with taxpayer money funding his lavish lifestyle. The king is now back in Thailand, attending public events in military uniform.

“The military is the only institution that can sustain the power of the king,” Chambers said. “And the monarchy gives legitimacy to the military and blesses each of the coups.”

This symbiotic relationship between the military and the monarch was underscored in September when Apirat Kongsompong, commander in chief of the Royal Thai Army, retired from the military only to be immediately appointed vice chamberlain of the palace’s Royal Household Bureau.

“The royal institution, the military and people are inseparable,” Apirat said in a speech last year.

The current protest movement began earlier this year when students spoke out against regimented school rules, such as grooming regulations and expectations that they prostrate themselves before their superiors.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/plaque-design-defying-thai-monarchy-turned-into-instagram-filters-merchandise-331675">Plaque design defying Thai monarchy turned into Instagram filters, merchandise</a>

The demonstrations also encompassed urban, educated Thais who felt their political aspirations were thwarted when a new party called Future Forward was ordered to dissolve by the Constitutional Court in February, a decision rights groups said was politically motivated. Future Forward had campaigned on slashing the defense budget and ending military conscription. It finished third in the elections last year, a surprisingly strong showing for a neophyte political force.

“The real reason for conscription is that they need the personnel so they can control the society,” said Pongsakorn Rodchomphu, a leading member of the Progressive Movement, which replaced Future Forward after its dissolution.

“We need to reform the military to be professional soldiers who don’t have time to do politics,” Pongsakorn, a retired lieutenant general, added. “This kind of atmosphere in Thailand, where we have to ask the commander in chief, not the politicians, for help, it’s not civilized; it’s not modern.”

In October, Gen. Narongpan Jittkaewtae took command as the new army chief and addressed the coup rumors.

“The chance of making a coup is zero as long as there are no groups that create a situation or a violent conflict,” he said. He did not specify what would happen if such groups were thought to exist.

There are certain constants in Thailand: the drenching monsoons, the grand openings of new shopping malls and the rumors that the Royal Thai Armed Forces are plotting another coup.

There are certain constants in Thailand: the drenching monsoons, the grand openings of new shopping malls and the rumors that the Royal Thai Armed Forces are plotting another coup. For weeks now, student-led protesters across Thailand have taken to the streets every few days, calling for a new constitution with authority over the monarchy, an end to the persecution of the political opposition and the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, the retired general who led the most recent military coup, in 2014. Some earlier anti-government movements in Thailand were silenced by gunfire, with dozens killed most recently in 2010. While the security forces have not cracked down violently on these peaceful rallies, it’s unclear how long such restraint will last. Nor is it certain how long the army is willing to stay in the barracks, plotting against Prayuth, who was once one of their own. Whenever the generals launch a coup, the refrain is the same: Thailand needs a return to order, without messy rallies or dissenting voices. “I see a coup as not a bad thing,” said Sondhi Limthongkul, a prominent royalist. As recently as last week, Sondhi publicly called for yet another military intervention to restore stability and protect the monarchy, urging the military to quickly hand over power after seizing it so the king could oversee the formation of a unity government. For the protesters, the military’s enduring power in a country that markets itself as a modern democracy is as alarming as it is anachronistic. × The rallies have highlighted the military’s continuing grip on the country, its meddling in politics through coups and the ways it has profited from a deeply unequal society, securing economic benefits via vast business holdings. Most of all, the young demonstrators chafe at how conscription and other martial traditions are being used to try to create an orderly, obedient populace that hews to the military’s command. Prayuth, the prime minister, said Friday that he could not determine whether “there will be a coup or there won’t be a coup.” But he added, “no one wants to do it; no one wants to stage one.” Political analysts noted that coup denials have often grown louder as planning for them intensifies. Over the past nine decades, the Thai military has tried to oust elected governments about 30 times. At least a dozen of these putsches have been successful. “The empire will strike back,” said Paul Chambers, author of the upcoming book “Camouflaged Khakistocracy: Civil-Military Relations in Thailand.” “The military, and all the vested interests that are being threatened by the student protesters, they aren’t going to allow the end of hegemonic military capitalism.” Also read| Thai protesters conduct 'fashion show' mocking royal spending The Thai military is the country’s largest landowner, apart from the forestry bureau’s national park holdings. It has created a sort of parallel state with its own internal security apparatus that has brought thousands of dissenters to its military bases for enforced “attitude adjustment” sessions. It appoints all 250 members of the Senate. Military regimentation — uniforms, hierarchies and unquestioning discipline — has become a societal expectation, from schools to parts of the Civil Service. The military has also profited from defense budgets that have increased roughly 140% since 2006, the year of yet another coup. The outsize influence of the Royal Thai Armed Forces stands in contrast to its diminished role on the battlefield. Despite a top brass that includes about 1,600 generals, the second highest in the world per capita, Thai soldiers have not fought in a major engagement on home turf since World War II. Thailand does not face serious external security threats, and a defense alliance with the United States ensures safekeeping by the world’s largest military. The Thai military has instead fashioned itself as a guardian against internal discord, most of all threats to the nation’s other powerful institution: the monarchy. The last two coups, in 2014 and 2006, were justified as necessary to protect the palace, even though the royal family, one of the richest in the world, can count on a raft of laws designed to shield it from criticism. Also read: Thai protesters demand PM resignation with 'Hunger Games' salute For the first time since absolute monarchy was abolished in 1932, King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun is now facing sustained calls from protesters for his powers to be curbed. Since inheriting the throne in 2016, he has lived most of the time in Germany, with taxpayer money funding his lavish lifestyle. The king is now back in Thailand, attending public events in military uniform. “The military is the only institution that can sustain the power of the king,” Chambers said. “And the monarchy gives legitimacy to the military and blesses each of the coups.” This symbiotic relationship between the military and the monarch was underscored in September when Apirat Kongsompong, commander in chief of the Royal Thai Army, retired from the military only to be immediately appointed vice chamberlain of the palace’s Royal Household Bureau. “The royal institution, the military and people are inseparable,” Apirat said in a speech last year. The current protest movement began earlier this year when students spoke out against regimented school rules, such as grooming regulations and expectations that they prostrate themselves before their superiors. Also read: Plaque design defying Thai monarchy turned into Instagram filters, merchandise The demonstrations also encompassed urban, educated Thais who felt their political aspirations were thwarted when a new party called Future Forward was ordered to dissolve by the Constitutional Court in February, a decision rights groups said was politically motivated. Future Forward had campaigned on slashing the defense budget and ending military conscription. It finished third in the elections last year, a surprisingly strong showing for a neophyte political force. “The real reason for conscription is that they need the personnel so they can control the society,” said Pongsakorn Rodchomphu, a leading member of the Progressive Movement, which replaced Future Forward after its dissolution. “We need to reform the military to be professional soldiers who don’t have time to do politics,” Pongsakorn, a retired lieutenant general, added. “This kind of atmosphere in Thailand, where we have to ask the commander in chief, not the politicians, for help, it’s not civilized; it’s not modern.” In October, Gen. Narongpan Jittkaewtae took command as the new army chief and addressed the coup rumors. “The chance of making a coup is zero as long as there are no groups that create a situation or a violent conflict,” he said. He did not specify what would happen if such groups were thought to exist.

Almost like clockwork, talk of a military coup follows Thai protests

The junta that seized power in Mali wants a military-led transitional body to rule for three years, and has accepted that ousted president Ibrahim Boubacar Keita return home

Mali Junta wants military govt to rule for three years

Months long anti-government protest in Mali has now culminated in a military coup but mutinous soldiers at the Garrison City. Mali's President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta who is currently in military custody resigned on state television a short time back. Watch the WION report on Nigeria.

Military coup in Mali: President Keita resigns on state TV | Military leaders vow fresh election

WION Dispatch: Indian mission in Mali advises caution for Indian citizens amidst coup

Months long anti-government protest in Mali has now culminated in a military coup but mutinous soldiers at the Garrison City. Mali's President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta who is currently in military custody resigned on state television a short time back.

A military coup in Mali: Mali's President dissolve dafter coup | World News

Military coup in Mali: Months long protests culminate in a coup

Several thousand protesters chanting "dictatorship never again" took to the streets of Brazil´s biggest cities Sunday on the 55th anniversary of the coup that established more than two decades of military rule.&nbsp;

Some 2,000 people rallied in Rio de Janeiro's central Cinelandia plaza, while in Sao Paulo a few hundred converged on popular Ibirapuera Park to demonstrate against the 1964-1985 dictatorship.

The protests were sparked by the order recently issued by far-right President Jair Bolsonaro for defence forces to "appropriately" commemorate the overthrow of President Joao Goulart.

Nearly 1,000 noisy protesters in Brasilia chanted slogans against Bolsonaro, an ex-army captain and unabashed admirer of the country´s former dictators, shouting "Bolsonaro out."

"It's not a date that should be commemorated," retired teacher Maria Fatima, who is 65, told AFP at the Rio demonstration. "It is a day of mourning, of violence, of cruelty."

The demonstrations came a day after an appeals court judge overturned another judge´s decision to bar commemorations sought by Bolsonaro.&nbsp;

Appellate judge Maria do Carmo Cardoso accepted the government's argument that Brazilian democracy was strong enough to support "pluralism of ideas." &nbsp;&nbsp;

"I see no violation of human rights, particularly as similar demonstrations took place in the barracks in preceding years with no negative consequences," she wrote.

Bolsonaro, who is on a three-day visit to Israel, is the country's first president since democracy was restored in 1985 to publicly exalt the military regime, though he argues its rise to power was not a "coup."

In the past, the tough-talking Bolsonaro has referred to the dictatorship as a "glorious" time in Brazilian history. He was quoted in 2008 as saying that "the error of the dictatorship was that it tortured but did not kill."

Since taking office, Bolsonaro has had fond words for military dictators in 1970s and 1980s Latin America, such as Alfredo Stroessner of Paraguay and Chile's Augusto Pinochet.

At least 434 people were killed or disappeared in Brazil during the 21-year dictatorship, far fewer than the 30,000 deaths in Argentina and &nbsp;3,200 or more in Chile during their respective periods of right-wing military rule.

But unlike its South American neighbours, Brazil has not prosecuted military officials for regime-era crimes, leaving the events of that dark period unresolved.&nbsp;

Bolsonaro, who ran for the presidency as a political outsider determined to dismantle a culture of corruption, has seen his approval rating plunge amid scandals and missteps since his January 1 inauguration.

Several thousand protesters chanting "dictatorship never again" took to the streets of Brazil´s biggest cities Sunday on the 55th anniversary of the coup that established more than two decades of military rule.

Several thousand protesters chanting "dictatorship never again" took to the streets of Brazil´s biggest cities Sunday on the 55th anniversary of the coup that established more than two decades of military rule. Some 2,000 people rallied in Rio de Janeiro's central Cinelandia plaza, while in Sao Paulo a few hundred converged on popular Ibirapuera Park to demonstrate against the 1964-1985 dictatorship. The protests were sparked by the order recently issued by far-right President Jair Bolsonaro for defence forces to "appropriately" commemorate the overthrow of President Joao Goulart. Nearly 1,000 noisy protesters in Brasilia chanted slogans against Bolsonaro, an ex-army captain and unabashed admirer of the country´s former dictators, shouting "Bolsonaro out." "It's not a date that should be commemorated," retired teacher Maria Fatima, who is 65, told AFP at the Rio demonstration. "It is a day of mourning, of violence, of cruelty." The demonstrations came a day after an appeals court judge overturned another judge´s decision to bar commemorations sought by Bolsonaro. Appellate judge Maria do Carmo Cardoso accepted the government's argument that Brazilian democracy was strong enough to support "pluralism of ideas." "I see no violation of human rights, particularly as similar demonstrations took place in the barracks in preceding years with no negative consequences," she wrote. Bolsonaro, who is on a three-day visit to Israel, is the country's first president since democracy was restored in 1985 to publicly exalt the military regime, though he argues its rise to power was not a "coup." In the past, the tough-talking Bolsonaro has referred to the dictatorship as a "glorious" time in Brazilian history. He was quoted in 2008 as saying that "the error of the dictatorship was that it tortured but did not kill." Since taking office, Bolsonaro has had fond words for military dictators in 1970s and 1980s Latin America, such as Alfredo Stroessner of Paraguay and Chile's Augusto Pinochet. At least 434 people were killed or disappeared in Brazil during the 21-year dictatorship, far fewer than the 30,000 deaths in Argentina and 3,200 or more in Chile during their respective periods of right-wing military rule. But unlike its South American neighbours, Brazil has not prosecuted military officials for regime-era crimes, leaving the events of that dark period unresolved. Bolsonaro, who ran for the presidency as a political outsider determined to dismantle a culture of corruption, has seen his approval rating plunge amid scandals and missteps since his January 1 inauguration.

Thousands in Brazil protest military coup anniversary

Thailand heads to polls after 8 years

Voting ends in Thailand's first polls since 2014 military coup

Zimbabwe&#39;s former president Robert Mugabe was ousted by a &quot;military coup&quot; that forced his resignation, former cabinet minister Jonathan Moyo said in an interview with the BBC broadcast on Thursday.&nbsp;

Moyo, a former higher education minister under the last president and an ardent Mugabe loyalist, said Zimbabwe`s new President Emmerson Mnangagwa stole power and was leading an &quot;illegal regime&quot;.&nbsp;

&quot;Mnangagwa and (Vice President Constantino) Chiwenga, they know only too well that they have come into power via the bullet and not the ballot,&quot; Moyo, who is in self-imposed exile, told the BBC`s Hard Talk programme.&nbsp;

It was unclear where he gave the interview.

&quot;We have a... constitution that the people of Zimbabwe made for themselves and it has been broken and it has been broken via a coup,&quot; he said.

&quot;The constitution of the country has been subverted and there has to be a return to constitutionalism.&quot;

Moyo said the army acted unconstitutionally when it briefly took power from the government in November.&nbsp;

&quot;The army deployed itself in Zimbabwe when the constitution says only the president can deploy it,&quot; he said.

The commanders involved in the campaign to seize power and ease Mugabe from power, which included then-general Chiwenga, insisted they were targeting criminals around Mugabe.&nbsp;

That was widely seen as a reference to Mugabe`s wife Grace and supporters of her apparent desire to succeed the 93-year-old statesman -- efforts that riled many in the military establishment.

Moyo also said that the new government under Mnangagwa was an &quot;illegal regime&quot; that had struggled to assert its legitimacy.

He pointed to Mnangagwa`s visit last week to ailing opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as evidence of the new president`s efforts to assert himself politically.&nbsp;

&quot;We know that when Mnangagwa and Chiwenga went to Morgan Tsvangirai`s house they pretended that they were concerned about his health but we know they wanted to negotiate with him to postpone elections for at least three years,&quot; he alleged.&nbsp;

&quot;They are afraid of elections. They do not want to have free and fair elections let alone credible elections.&quot;&nbsp; 
He accused Mnangagwa and Chiwenga of involvement in the Gukurahundi massacres of the 1980s that claimed the lives of around 20,000 regime opponents, including children and women, in the country`s southwest.&nbsp;

&quot;Right now the cabinet of the Republic of Zimbabwe is led by the most feared people in the history of this country. They are feared because they associated with every atrocity that has happened,&quot; he said.

Moyo said the army acted unconstitutionally when it briefly took power from the government in November

Zimbabwe's former president Robert Mugabe was ousted by a "military coup" that forced his resignation, former cabinet minister Jonathan Moyo said in an interview with the BBC broadcast on Thursday. Moyo, a former higher education minister under the last president and an ardent Mugabe loyalist, said Zimbabwe`s new President Emmerson Mnangagwa stole power and was leading an "illegal regime". "Mnangagwa and (Vice President Constantino) Chiwenga, they know only too well that they have come into power via the bullet and not the ballot," Moyo, who is in self-imposed exile, told the BBC`s Hard Talk programme. It was unclear where he gave the interview. "We have a... constitution that the people of Zimbabwe made for themselves and it has been broken and it has been broken via a coup," he said. "The constitution of the country has been subverted and there has to be a return to constitutionalism." Moyo said the army acted unconstitutionally when it briefly took power from the government in November. "The army deployed itself in Zimbabwe when the constitution says only the president can deploy it," he said. The commanders involved in the campaign to seize power and ease Mugabe from power, which included then-general Chiwenga, insisted they were targeting criminals around Mugabe. That was widely seen as a reference to Mugabe`s wife Grace and supporters of her apparent desire to succeed the 93-year-old statesman -- efforts that riled many in the military establishment. Moyo also said that the new government under Mnangagwa was an "illegal regime" that had struggled to assert its legitimacy. He pointed to Mnangagwa`s visit last week to ailing opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as evidence of the new president`s efforts to assert himself politically. "We know that when Mnangagwa and Chiwenga went to Morgan Tsvangirai`s house they pretended that they were concerned about his health but we know they wanted to negotiate with him to postpone elections for at least three years," he alleged. "They are afraid of elections. They do not want to have free and fair elections let alone credible elections." He accused Mnangagwa and Chiwenga of involvement in the Gukurahundi massacres of the 1980s that claimed the lives of around 20,000 regime opponents, including children and women, in the country`s southwest. "Right now the cabinet of the Republic of Zimbabwe is led by the most feared people in the history of this country. They are feared because they associated with every atrocity that has happened," he said.

Robert Mugabe ousted by 'military coup': Ex-minister

'Military coup' forced Robert Mugabe to resign: Ex-minister

November 2017 will go down in the history of Zimbabwe as the beginning of the end of Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s 37-year tyranny. A tumultuous week finally culminated in his resignation on November 21st. One cannot understate the widespread jubilation at the demise of Mugabe and his desire to create a dynasty for himself through his wife Grace.

But the optimism is misplaced because it doesn&rsquo;t deal directly with the dearth of democracy in Zimbabwe.

First, contrary to popular sentiment that the coup was meant to usher in a new era of political liberalisation and democracy, the takeover is actually meant to deal with a succession crisis in Zanu-PF. The military made this clear when it said that it was dealing with criminals around Mugabe. And the party&rsquo;s secretary for legal affairs Patrick Chinamasa indicated that removing Mugabe from the party&rsquo;s Central Committee was an internal party matter.

Secondly, I would argue that the military resorted to a &ldquo;smart coup&rdquo; only after its preferred candidate to succeed Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was fired from the party and government.

The way in which the military has gone about executing its plan upends any conventional understanding of what constitutes a coup d&#39;etat. It&rsquo;s a &ldquo;smart coup&rdquo; in the sense that the military combined the frustrations of a restive population, internal party structures and international sympathy to remove a sitting president. It thereby gained legitimacy for an otherwise partisan and unconstitutional political act &ndash; toppling an elected government.

This begs the question: Is the military now intervening for the collective good or for its own interests?

Why the military intervened

It is baffling to imagine how the military has suddenly become the champion of democracy and regime change in Zimbabwe.

It&rsquo;s clear that what motivated the military commanders was a fear of losing their jobs and influence after their preferred successor was purged. They launched a preemptive strike against Mugabe to safeguard their own selfish interests as a military class and the future of their careers.

Given the symbiotic relationship between the Zimbabwean military and the ruling Zanu-PF party, it was inevitable that the top commanders would be embroiled in the party&rsquo;s succession crisis. After all, the military has been the key lever behind the power of both Mugabe and his ruling Zanu-PF since 1980.

In the past they have acted as part of the Zanu-PF machinery, openly campaigning for Mugabe alongside other security agencies.

And they have played a key role in neutralising political opponents. Back in the 1980s, the military was responsible for the massacre of thousands of civilians and Zapu supporters in Matebeleland. More than two decades later in 2008, they were responsible for the torture, death and disappearance of 200 opposition activists and the maiming of hundreds more.

In addition, the UN has implicated Mnangagwa and the generals in the illegal plundering of resources in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They have also been fingered in the disappearance of diamond revenues from Zimbabwe&rsquo;s Marange diamond fields.

On top of this, the military and Zanu-PF share a special relationship that has its roots in the liberation struggle. The Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) was the political wing of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (Zanla) during the liberation war. They, therefore, have vested interests in the survival of the party.

After independence, the relationship remained intact as the military became the guarantors of the revolution. Some of the same surviving commanders of Zanla are still senior high ranking officials. The commanders are also bona fide members of the ruling party and guarantors of Zanu-PF power.

The same securocrats are also members of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association. This quasi-paramilitary group is an auxiliary association of the ruling party and has fiercely opposed Mugabe&rsquo;s attempt to create a dynasty.

Military must step aside

Zimbabwe goes to the polls next July to choose a new president and parliament. The elections &ndash; if conducted in a credible way &ndash; will provide the next government with the legitimacy it needs to take the country out of its political and economic crises.

Now that Mugabe has resigned the hope is that the military will allow a genuinely democratic transition to take place. All political players, including opposition parties, would need to be incorporated into a broad-based transitional authority pending credible elections.

But for the elections to be credible, the transitional authority would need urgently to reform the electoral system. This would ensure Zimbabweans can freely and fairly choose their leaders. Without this, peace and prosperity will continue to elude Zimbabwe.

In the long run, the military would do well to get out of politics instead of continuing to view itself as &ldquo;stockholders&rdquo; in the country&rsquo;s political affairs because of its liberation struggle credentials.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/zimbabwe-beware-the-military-is-looking-after-its-own-interests-not-democracy-87712" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Image Credit: EPA

Elections, conducted in a credible way, will provide the next government with the legitimacy it needs to take the country out of its political and economic crises

November 2017 will go down in the history of Zimbabwe as the beginning of the end of Robert Mugabe’s 37-year tyranny. A tumultuous week finally culminated in his resignation on November 21st. One cannot understate the widespread jubilation at the demise of Mugabe and his desire to create a dynasty for himself through his wife Grace. But the optimism is misplaced because it doesn’t deal directly with the dearth of democracy in Zimbabwe. First, contrary to popular sentiment that the coup was meant to usher in a new era of political liberalisation and democracy, the takeover is actually meant to deal with a succession crisis in Zanu-PF. The military made this clear when it said that it was dealing with criminals around Mugabe. And the party’s secretary for legal affairs Patrick Chinamasa indicated that removing Mugabe from the party’s Central Committee was an internal party matter. Secondly, I would argue that the military resorted to a “smart coup” only after its preferred candidate to succeed Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, was fired from the party and government. The way in which the military has gone about executing its plan upends any conventional understanding of what constitutes a coup d'etat. It’s a “smart coup” in the sense that the military combined the frustrations of a restive population, internal party structures and international sympathy to remove a sitting president. It thereby gained legitimacy for an otherwise partisan and unconstitutional political act – toppling an elected government. This begs the question: Is the military now intervening for the collective good or for its own interests? Why the military intervened It is baffling to imagine how the military has suddenly become the champion of democracy and regime change in Zimbabwe. It’s clear that what motivated the military commanders was a fear of losing their jobs and influence after their preferred successor was purged. They launched a preemptive strike against Mugabe to safeguard their own selfish interests as a military class and the future of their careers. Given the symbiotic relationship between the Zimbabwean military and the ruling Zanu-PF party, it was inevitable that the top commanders would be embroiled in the party’s succession crisis. After all, the military has been the key lever behind the power of both Mugabe and his ruling Zanu-PF since 1980. In the past they have acted as part of the Zanu-PF machinery, openly campaigning for Mugabe alongside other security agencies. And they have played a key role in neutralising political opponents. Back in the 1980s, the military was responsible for the massacre of thousands of civilians and Zapu supporters in Matebeleland. More than two decades later in 2008, they were responsible for the torture, death and disappearance of 200 opposition activists and the maiming of hundreds more. In addition, the UN has implicated Mnangagwa and the generals in the illegal plundering of resources in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. They have also been fingered in the disappearance of diamond revenues from Zimbabwe’s Marange diamond fields. On top of this, the military and Zanu-PF share a special relationship that has its roots in the liberation struggle. The Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) was the political wing of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (Zanla) during the liberation war. They, therefore, have vested interests in the survival of the party. After independence, the relationship remained intact as the military became the guarantors of the revolution. Some of the same surviving commanders of Zanla are still senior high ranking officials. The commanders are also bona fide members of the ruling party and guarantors of Zanu-PF power. The same securocrats are also members of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association. This quasi-paramilitary group is an auxiliary association of the ruling party and has fiercely opposed Mugabe’s attempt to create a dynasty. Military must step aside Zimbabwe goes to the polls next July to choose a new president and parliament. The elections – if conducted in a credible way – will provide the next government with the legitimacy it needs to take the country out of its political and economic crises. Now that Mugabe has resigned the hope is that the military will allow a genuinely democratic transition to take place. All political players, including opposition parties, would need to be incorporated into a broad-based transitional authority pending credible elections. But for the elections to be credible, the transitional authority would need urgently to reform the electoral system. This would ensure Zimbabweans can freely and fairly choose their leaders. Without this, peace and prosperity will continue to elude Zimbabwe. In the long run, the military would do well to get out of politics instead of continuing to view itself as “stockholders” in the country’s political affairs because of its liberation struggle credentials. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity). Image Credit: EPA

Opinion: Zimbabwe's military is securing its own interests

For decades, Robert Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe in a ruthless, even reckless manner. Over nearly 40 years, he turned the &ldquo;jewel of Africa&rdquo; into an economic basket case that&rsquo;s seen inflation of up to 800 percent.

Then, late in the night of Nov. 14, the country&rsquo;s security services detained and put Zimbabwe&rsquo;s 93-year-old president under house arrest in what appeared to be a military coup. The whereabouts of his powerful wife, Grace, are unconfirmed.

Much remains unclear at this early stage. Will violence erupt? Is this really the end of the Mugabe era?

I don&rsquo;t know the answers to those questions yet. I&rsquo;m not sure even Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who appears to have orchestrated Mugabe&rsquo;s overthrow, knows how his gambit will turn out.

But with each passing hour, it is increasingly evident that Zimbabwe &ndash; a country whose politics I spent uncountable hours grappling with as a State Department official &ndash; is poised to see its first real leadership transition since 1980.

Setting the stage for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s coup

For decades, Mugabe&rsquo;s grip on Zimbabwe was iron-clad. Even when challenged by an invigorated opposition in 2008, he kept the presidency by entering into a nominal power-sharing agreement. After a decisive electoral victory in 2013, though, he cast the coalition aside.

But as the elderly president grew increasingly frail this year, the power struggle to succeed him became frenzied. Two major camps were vying for power.

Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who as a soldier fighting for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s liberation earned the nickname &ldquo;the crocodile,&rdquo; represented the old guard. The 75-year-old enjoyed strong military backing, particularly from the veterans&rsquo; association, a powerful coalition of former combatants from Zimbabwe&rsquo;s independence struggle which began in 1964 and ended in 1979.

Last year, the group broke with Mugabe in a public letter, declaring that he had &ldquo;presided over unbridled corruption and downright mismanagement of the economy, leading to national economic ruin.&rdquo; Many believed that Vice President Mnangagwa orchestrated the group&rsquo;s letter as a shot across the bow to warn would-be rivals.

The second camp jockeying to control Zimbabwe before the coup was led by Mugabe&rsquo;s current wife, Grace Mugabe. At a relatively spry 53, she represented the younger generation, drawing significant support from the ruling party&rsquo;s loyalist Youth League and from an informal grouping of emerging leaders known as &ldquo;Generation 40.&rdquo;

But Grace Mugabe was deeply unpopular among ordinary Zimbabweans, who called her &ldquo;Gucci Grace&rdquo; because of her extravagant spending. Plus, she had a reputation for cruelty. Earlier this year, the president&rsquo;s wife faced accusations of beating a 20-year old South African model with an electric cable.

In September, after Vice President Mnangagwa was emergency airlifted to South Africa due to a strange illness, Grace Mugabe had to publicly deny, on state TV, that she had poisoned her rival.

As recently as early November, it appeared that Grace&rsquo;s camp had prevailed. President Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, who fled to South Africa. Mnangagwa, it seems, had a different plan. While in exile, he stayed in touch with his military allies.

On Nov. 14, Mnangagwa&rsquo;s camp struck back. By the next morning, Mugabe was under house arrest, his wife had reportedly fled to Namibia seeking asylum and Mnangagwa&rsquo;s cohort appeared to control the country.

Democracy or dictatorship?

At least, that&rsquo;s the picture right now. Events have moved swiftly in the last 24 hours, and some big questions remain unanswered.

If Mnangagwa officially takes power, the first unknown is whether he will rule by fiat or cobble together a transitional government. It&rsquo;s unclear whether Mnanangwa and his allies have any real interest in introducing democracy to Zimbabwe. To do so, they would need to hold an election within a reasonable period of time, say six months.

Military coups don&rsquo;t have a promising track record of ushering in democracy. Recent scholarship finds that while &ldquo;democratisation coups&rdquo; have become more frequent worldwide, their most common outcome is to replace an incumbent dictatorship with a &ldquo;different group of autocrats.&rdquo;

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Soldiers patrol the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe&rsquo;s capital, after a military coup d&#39;etat against president Robert Mugabe. (AP)
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Signals in Zimbabwe are mixed so far. Experts generally describe the latest developments as &ldquo;an internecine fight&rdquo; among inner-circle elites and ask two key questions: Which side will prevail, and will violence break out?

In my assessment, the answers hinge on Mnangagwa, a hard-nosed realist and survivor who was critical in securing Mugabe&rsquo;s four-decade rule. Mnangagwa has an appalling human rights record. Many consider him responsible for overseeing a series of massacres between 1982 and 1986 known as the &ldquo;Gukurahundi,&rdquo; in which an estimated 20,000 civilians from the Ndebele ethnic group perished.

More recently, in 2008, civil society groups accused Mnangagwa of orchestrating electoral violence against the political opposition and rigging polls in Mugabe&rsquo;s favour.

It is also true that Mnangagwa is massively invested in ensuring his continued and unfettered access to power, which has proven highly lucrative for him. The vice president is &ldquo;reputed&rdquo; to be one of Zimbabwe&rsquo;s richest people. All of this suggests he might become yet another dictator.

&lsquo;Unity&rsquo; for Zimbabwe?

Nonetheless, reports indicate that Mnangagwa is currently talking to several opposition parties about potentially forming a transitional government.

A key stakeholder in any such arrangement would be Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change, who served as prime minister to Mugabe as part of the 2009 power-sharing agreement.

That coalition achieved some success on economic matters, but Mugabe&rsquo;s party never relinquished any real authority. Mnangagwa was among those who clung to power back then, but I believe he might play things differently now. Mnangagwa is no reformer, but he does need to find ways to bolster his legitimacy. Not to mention he will quickly need to confront Zimbabwe&rsquo;s massive economic woes.

The choices that Zimbabwe&rsquo;s political leadership makes in the coming weeks will have immense consequences for the future of a country whose development has stagnated under 40 years of authoritarian rule.

Real transitions in Zimbabwe are all too rare. Mugabe led the country to independence in March 1980, assumed the presidency and never left. His demise represents a chance for a political reset.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/after-coup-will-zimbabwe-see-democracy-or-dictatorship-87563" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The choices that Zimbabwe?s political leadership will make for the future of a country will have immense consequences

For decades, Robert Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe in a ruthless, even reckless manner. Over nearly 40 years, he turned the “jewel of Africa” into an economic basket case that’s seen inflation of up to 800 percent. Then, late in the night of Nov. 14, the country’s security services detained and put Zimbabwe’s 93-year-old president under house arrest in what appeared to be a military coup. The whereabouts of his powerful wife, Grace, are unconfirmed. Much remains unclear at this early stage. Will violence erupt? Is this really the end of the Mugabe era? I don’t know the answers to those questions yet. I’m not sure even Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who appears to have orchestrated Mugabe’s overthrow, knows how his gambit will turn out. But with each passing hour, it is increasingly evident that Zimbabwe – a country whose politics I spent uncountable hours grappling with as a State Department official – is poised to see its first real leadership transition since 1980. Setting the stage for Zimbabwe’s coup For decades, Mugabe’s grip on Zimbabwe was iron-clad. Even when challenged by an invigorated opposition in 2008, he kept the presidency by entering into a nominal power-sharing agreement. After a decisive electoral victory in 2013, though, he cast the coalition aside. But as the elderly president grew increasingly frail this year, the power struggle to succeed him became frenzied. Two major camps were vying for power. Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who as a soldier fighting for Zimbabwe’s liberation earned the nickname “the crocodile,” represented the old guard. The 75-year-old enjoyed strong military backing, particularly from the veterans’ association, a powerful coalition of former combatants from Zimbabwe’s independence struggle which began in 1964 and ended in 1979. Last year, the group broke with Mugabe in a public letter, declaring that he had “presided over unbridled corruption and downright mismanagement of the economy, leading to national economic ruin.” Many believed that Vice President Mnangagwa orchestrated the group’s letter as a shot across the bow to warn would-be rivals. The second camp jockeying to control Zimbabwe before the coup was led by Mugabe’s current wife, Grace Mugabe. At a relatively spry 53, she represented the younger generation, drawing significant support from the ruling party’s loyalist Youth League and from an informal grouping of emerging leaders known as “Generation 40.” But Grace Mugabe was deeply unpopular among ordinary Zimbabweans, who called her “Gucci Grace” because of her extravagant spending. Plus, she had a reputation for cruelty. Earlier this year, the president’s wife faced accusations of beating a 20-year old South African model with an electric cable. In September, after Vice President Mnangagwa was emergency airlifted to South Africa due to a strange illness, Grace Mugabe had to publicly deny, on state TV, that she had poisoned her rival. As recently as early November, it appeared that Grace’s camp had prevailed. President Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, who fled to South Africa. Mnangagwa, it seems, had a different plan. While in exile, he stayed in touch with his military allies. On Nov. 14, Mnangagwa’s camp struck back. By the next morning, Mugabe was under house arrest, his wife had reportedly fled to Namibia seeking asylum and Mnangagwa’s cohort appeared to control the country. Democracy or dictatorship? At least, that’s the picture right now. Events have moved swiftly in the last 24 hours, and some big questions remain unanswered. If Mnangagwa officially takes power, the first unknown is whether he will rule by fiat or cobble together a transitional government. It’s unclear whether Mnanangwa and his allies have any real interest in introducing democracy to Zimbabwe. To do so, they would need to hold an election within a reasonable period of time, say six months. Military coups don’t have a promising track record of ushering in democracy. Recent scholarship finds that while “democratisation coups” have become more frequent worldwide, their most common outcome is to replace an incumbent dictatorship with a “different group of autocrats.” Soldiers patrol the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, after a military coup d'etat against president Robert Mugabe. (AP) × Signals in Zimbabwe are mixed so far. Experts generally describe the latest developments as “an internecine fight” among inner-circle elites and ask two key questions: Which side will prevail, and will violence break out? In my assessment, the answers hinge on Mnangagwa, a hard-nosed realist and survivor who was critical in securing Mugabe’s four-decade rule. Mnangagwa has an appalling human rights record. Many consider him responsible for overseeing a series of massacres between 1982 and 1986 known as the “Gukurahundi,” in which an estimated 20,000 civilians from the Ndebele ethnic group perished. More recently, in 2008, civil society groups accused Mnangagwa of orchestrating electoral violence against the political opposition and rigging polls in Mugabe’s favour. It is also true that Mnangagwa is massively invested in ensuring his continued and unfettered access to power, which has proven highly lucrative for him. The vice president is “reputed” to be one of Zimbabwe’s richest people. All of this suggests he might become yet another dictator. ‘Unity’ for Zimbabwe? Nonetheless, reports indicate that Mnangagwa is currently talking to several opposition parties about potentially forming a transitional government. A key stakeholder in any such arrangement would be Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change, who served as prime minister to Mugabe as part of the 2009 power-sharing agreement. That coalition achieved some success on economic matters, but Mugabe’s party never relinquished any real authority. Mnangagwa was among those who clung to power back then, but I believe he might play things differently now. Mnangagwa is no reformer, but he does need to find ways to bolster his legitimacy. Not to mention he will quickly need to confront Zimbabwe’s massive economic woes. The choices that Zimbabwe’s political leadership makes in the coming weeks will have immense consequences for the future of a country whose development has stagnated under 40 years of authoritarian rule. Real transitions in Zimbabwe are all too rare. Mugabe led the country to independence in March 1980, assumed the presidency and never left. His demise represents a chance for a political reset. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

After the coup, will a dictator rule Zimbabwe?

Nobody is safe from the rages of Zimbabwe&rsquo;s First Lady, &ldquo;Dr Amai&rdquo; Grace Mugabe. There was the young South African model Grace lashed with extension cords. 93-year-old President Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s longtime and usually trusted ally Emmerson Mnangagwa, was next in the firing line: He was sacked because his supporters allegedly booed her at a rally.

The consequences of her vengeance may have led to a coup headed by Zimbabwe&rsquo;s army chief General Constantino Chiwenga, who is commonly perceived to be Mnangagwa&rsquo;s prot&eacute;g&eacute;. But ex-freedom fighter Mnangagwa has his own presidential aspirations.

Mnangagwa has been exiled from the party in which he has served since he was a teenager. But he is not just skulking in the political wilderness. On arrival in South Africa, he issued a statement calling those who wanted him out &ldquo;minnows&rdquo;. He promised to control his party &ldquo;very soon&rdquo; and urged his supporters to register to vote in the national elections next July.

As if to back Mnangagwa, on November 13 General Chiwenga announced that he and his officers could not allow the &ldquo;counter-revolutionary infiltrators&rdquo;, implied to be behind Grace Mugabe, to continue their purges.

Factions and purges

Chiwenga declared that the armed forces must ensure all party members attend the extraordinary Zanu-PF congress next month with &ldquo;equal opportunity to exercise their democratic rights&rdquo;. He flashed back through Zanu-PF&rsquo;s history of factionalism, reminding his listeners that although the military &ldquo;will not hesitate to step in&rdquo; it has never &ldquo;usurped power&rdquo;. Chiwenga promised to defuse all the differences &ldquo;amicably and in the ruling party&rsquo;s closet&rdquo;.

Although, this airbrushed more than it revealed about the party&rsquo;s rough patches when leadership vacuums appeared, the statement appeared more as a cautionary note than a clarion call to arms. It&rsquo;s not often a coup is announced before it starts, but once in motion direction &ndash; and history &ndash; can change. Grace Mugabe may have unleashed a perfect storm and her own undoing.

&nbsp;

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Soldiers stand next to a tank on a road in Harare. (Reuters)
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All the &ldquo;shenanigans&rdquo; that have inspired the generals to consider a coup have set the stage for an extraordinary Zanu-PF congress this December instead of in the expected 2019: That is, before rather than after the July 2018 national elections.

This suggests some people were in a hurry to settle the succession issues for the president, who is now showing every one of his 93 years. Maybe Robert Mugabe won&rsquo;t rule until he is 100-years-old. If not, and members of his family or party wanted to keep their dynasties alive, they had to work quickly lest some similarly inclined contenders are in their way.

These contenders include Mnangagwa and a slew of his &ldquo;Lacoste&rdquo; faction consisting of war veterans and the odd financial liberal. The best-known of these is Patrick Chinamasa. This former finance minister tried to convince the world&rsquo;s bankers he could pull Zimbabwe out of the fire. He was demoted to control cyberspace and then fired. Perhaps he may make a comeback in the wake of the semi-coup.

The pro-Grace faction includes the members of Generation 40, or &ldquo;G-40&rdquo;. Many are well over 40. But in Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s shadow, they appear young, as does the 52-year-old First Lady. Without a base in the liberation-war cohort, they resorted to working with the Mugabe couple: Sometimes their ideology appears radical, espousing indigenous economics and more land to the tillers.

If the history of their best-known member &ndash; the current Minister of Higher Education Jonathan Moyo &ndash; is indicative, however, they are pragmatic; or less politely put, opportunist.

But with Grace Mugabe sans Robert, they would have to muster inordinate amounts of patience and manipulation to steer the sinking ship to the shores of stable statehood and incorporate yet younger generations who cut their political teeth as Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s rule faltered.

Perfidious &lsquo;saviours&rsquo;

Yet the possible plan for the upcoming congress &ndash; to create a third vice-president &ndash; appears not to move far beyond the cold hands of the old. Phelekezela Mphoko would be pushed to third vice-president status. Grace would be the second vice-president.

The current defence minister, Sydney Sekeramayi would be first vice-president and so, next in line for the presidential palace. He is a quiet but no less tarnished member of the Zanu-PF old guard; especially when one remembers the massacre of thousands of Ndebele people during the Gukurahundi.

When performing the calculus necessary to rectify Zimbabwe&rsquo;s graceless imbalances, remember that Mnangagwa was perhaps the key architect of the nearly genocidal Gukurahundi, now chronicled in archival detail in historian Stuart Doran&rsquo;s Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu, and the Quest for Supremacy. Among the scores implicated therein are the British, condemned by Hazel Cameron, another meticulous archivist, as exercising &ldquo;wilful blindness&rdquo; during what Robert Mugabe has dismissed as a &ldquo;moment of madness&rdquo;.

Perhaps it&rsquo;s no surprise, then, that many are suspicious of Mnangagwa&rsquo;s relationship with the UK. Many suspects he has been swimming with perfidious Albion for a very, very long time.

Those waters, in the shadow of Mugabe&rsquo;s heritage, will take a few more generations of hard political work to clear. It hardly seems propitious that a coup, and the same generation that has ruled since 1980, starts it off.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-military-coup-is-afoot-in-zimbabwe-whats-next-for-the-embattled-nation-87528" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The protracted political crisis in Zimbabwe has worsened since President Mugabe fired vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa also the military has entered the fray, raising fears a coup is imminent

Nobody is safe from the rages of Zimbabwe’s First Lady, “Dr Amai” Grace Mugabe. There was the young South African model Grace lashed with extension cords. 93-year-old President Robert Mugabe’s longtime and usually trusted ally Emmerson Mnangagwa, was next in the firing line: He was sacked because his supporters allegedly booed her at a rally. The consequences of her vengeance may have led to a coup headed by Zimbabwe’s army chief General Constantino Chiwenga, who is commonly perceived to be Mnangagwa’s protégé. But ex-freedom fighter Mnangagwa has his own presidential aspirations. Mnangagwa has been exiled from the party in which he has served since he was a teenager. But he is not just skulking in the political wilderness. On arrival in South Africa, he issued a statement calling those who wanted him out “minnows”. He promised to control his party “very soon” and urged his supporters to register to vote in the national elections next July. As if to back Mnangagwa, on November 13 General Chiwenga announced that he and his officers could not allow the “counter-revolutionary infiltrators”, implied to be behind Grace Mugabe, to continue their purges. Factions and purges Chiwenga declared that the armed forces must ensure all party members attend the extraordinary Zanu-PF congress next month with “equal opportunity to exercise their democratic rights”. He flashed back through Zanu-PF’s history of factionalism, reminding his listeners that although the military “will not hesitate to step in” it has never “usurped power”. Chiwenga promised to defuse all the differences “amicably and in the ruling party’s closet”. Although, this airbrushed more than it revealed about the party’s rough patches when leadership vacuums appeared, the statement appeared more as a cautionary note than a clarion call to arms. It’s not often a coup is announced before it starts, but once in motion direction – and history – can change. Grace Mugabe may have unleashed a perfect storm and her own undoing. Soldiers stand next to a tank on a road in Harare. (Reuters) × All the “shenanigans” that have inspired the generals to consider a coup have set the stage for an extraordinary Zanu-PF congress this December instead of in the expected 2019: That is, before rather than after the July 2018 national elections. This suggests some people were in a hurry to settle the succession issues for the president, who is now showing every one of his 93 years. Maybe Robert Mugabe won’t rule until he is 100-years-old. If not, and members of his family or party wanted to keep their dynasties alive, they had to work quickly lest some similarly inclined contenders are in their way. These contenders include Mnangagwa and a slew of his “Lacoste” faction consisting of war veterans and the odd financial liberal. The best-known of these is Patrick Chinamasa. This former finance minister tried to convince the world’s bankers he could pull Zimbabwe out of the fire. He was demoted to control cyberspace and then fired. Perhaps he may make a comeback in the wake of the semi-coup. The pro-Grace faction includes the members of Generation 40, or “G-40”. Many are well over 40. But in Robert Mugabe’s shadow, they appear young, as does the 52-year-old First Lady. Without a base in the liberation-war cohort, they resorted to working with the Mugabe couple: Sometimes their ideology appears radical, espousing indigenous economics and more land to the tillers. If the history of their best-known member – the current Minister of Higher Education Jonathan Moyo – is indicative, however, they are pragmatic; or less politely put, opportunist. But with Grace Mugabe sans Robert, they would have to muster inordinate amounts of patience and manipulation to steer the sinking ship to the shores of stable statehood and incorporate yet younger generations who cut their political teeth as Robert Mugabe’s rule faltered. Perfidious ‘saviours’ Yet the possible plan for the upcoming congress – to create a third vice-president – appears not to move far beyond the cold hands of the old. Phelekezela Mphoko would be pushed to third vice-president status. Grace would be the second vice-president. The current defence minister, Sydney Sekeramayi would be first vice-president and so, next in line for the presidential palace. He is a quiet but no less tarnished member of the Zanu-PF old guard; especially when one remembers the massacre of thousands of Ndebele people during the Gukurahundi. When performing the calculus necessary to rectify Zimbabwe’s graceless imbalances, remember that Mnangagwa was perhaps the key architect of the nearly genocidal Gukurahundi, now chronicled in archival detail in historian Stuart Doran’s Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu, and the Quest for Supremacy. Among the scores implicated therein are the British, condemned by Hazel Cameron, another meticulous archivist, as exercising “wilful blindness” during what Robert Mugabe has dismissed as a “moment of madness”. Perhaps it’s no surprise, then, that many are suspicious of Mnangagwa’s relationship with the UK. Many suspects he has been swimming with perfidious Albion for a very, very long time. Those waters, in the shadow of Mugabe’s heritage, will take a few more generations of hard political work to clear. It hardly seems propitious that a coup, and the same generation that has ruled since 1980, starts it off. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

A military coup is afoot in Zimbabwe. What's next for the embattled nation?

Gunfire was heard near Zimbabwe President <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/mugabe-at-93-remains-as-determined-to-retain-power-12562">Robert Mugabe&#39;s house</a> in Harare&nbsp;on Wednesday with military officers claiming they were not launching a coup but were &quot;targeting criminals around&quot; the president.

A Zimbabwe military officer read out an address live on state TV saying,&quot;It is not a military takeover of government.&quot;

Military vehicles were seen on the streets at Harare, however, the army denied a coup was underway.

Reports said the Army had taken control of the nation&#39;s broadcasting organization ZBC.

Recently, Mugabe-led ZANU-PF party had accused General Constantino Chiwenga of &quot;treasonable conduct&quot; leading to tensions between the government and army.&nbsp;

&quot;We are only targeting criminals around him who are committing crimes... As soon as we have accomplished our mission we expect that the situation will return to normalcy,&quot; a military leader&nbsp;said during the state broadcast.

Earlier, several tanks were seen moving near the Zimbabwean capital Harare witnesses told AFP, a day after the army warned it could intervene over a purge of ruling party officials.

Zimbabwe military officers said President Robert Mugabe was safe, adding,&quot;We wish to assure the nation that his excellency the president... and his family are safe and sound and their security is guaranteed.&quot;

Meanwhile, The US ambassador in Zimbabwe has instructed all employees to remain home due to &quot;ongoing political uncertainty,&quot; the embassy said in a statement on its website.

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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Due to ongoing uncertainty in Zimbabwe, the U.S. Embassy in Harare will be minimally staffed and closed to the public on November 15.&nbsp; Embassy personnel will continue to monitor the situation closely. <a href="https://twitter.com/StateDept?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@StateDept</a>
&mdash; U.S. Embassy Harare (@usembassyharare) <a href="https://twitter.com/usembassyharare/status/930591134241492993?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 15, 2017</a></blockquote>
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Also read:&nbsp;Grace Mugabe flees Zimbabwe after army takes over: Reports

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/zimbabwes-robert-mugabe-liberation-hero-turned-despot-24292">Also </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/zimbabwes-robert-mugabe-liberation-hero-turned-despot-24292">read:</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/zimbabwes-robert-mugabe-liberation-hero-turned-despot-24292">&nbsp;Zimbabwe&#39;s Robert Mugabe: Liberation hero turned despot</a>

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/robert-mugabes-zimbabwe-is-in-deep-financial-mess-24272">Also read:&nbsp;Robert Mugabe&#39;s Zimbabwe is in deep mess</a>

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/targeting-criminals-not-a-military-takeover-of-government-zimbabwe-military-24236">Also read:&nbsp;Targeting criminals, not a military takeover of government: Zimbabwe military</a>

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/army-takes-control-in-zimbabwe-president-mugabe-detained-report-24283">Also </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/army-takes-control-in-zimbabwe-president-mugabe-detained-report-24283">read:</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/army-takes-control-in-zimbabwe-president-mugabe-detained-report-24283"> Zimbabwe: President Mugabe under house arrest, army denies coup</a>

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/main-zimbabwe-newspaper-completely-misses-news-of-coup-24321">Also read: Main Zimbabwe newspaper completely misses news of coup</a> 
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Several tanks were seen moving near the Zimbabwean capital Harare

Gunfire was heard near Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's house in Harare on Wednesday with military officers claiming they were not launching a coup but were "targeting criminals around" the president. A Zimbabwe military officer read out an address live on state TV saying,"It is not a military takeover of government." Military vehicles were seen on the streets at Harare, however, the army denied a coup was underway. Reports said the Army had taken control of the nation's broadcasting organization ZBC. Recently, Mugabe-led ZANU-PF party had accused General Constantino Chiwenga of "treasonable conduct" leading to tensions between the government and army. "We are only targeting criminals around him who are committing crimes... As soon as we have accomplished our mission we expect that the situation will return to normalcy," a military leader said during the state broadcast. Earlier, several tanks were seen moving near the Zimbabwean capital Harare witnesses told AFP, a day after the army warned it could intervene over a purge of ruling party officials. Zimbabwe military officers said President Robert Mugabe was safe, adding,"We wish to assure the nation that his excellency the president... and his family are safe and sound and their security is guaranteed." Meanwhile, The US ambassador in Zimbabwe has instructed all employees to remain home due to "ongoing political uncertainty," the embassy said in a statement on its website. Due to ongoing uncertainty in Zimbabwe, the U.S. Embassy in Harare will be minimally staffed and closed to the public on November 15. Embassy personnel will continue to monitor the situation closely. @StateDept — U.S. Embassy Harare (@usembassyharare) November 15, 2017 × Also read: Grace Mugabe flees Zimbabwe after army takes over: Reports Also read: Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe: Liberation hero turned despot Also read: Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe is in deep mess Also read: Targeting criminals, not a military takeover of government: Zimbabwe military Also read: Zimbabwe: President Mugabe under house arrest, army denies coup Also read: Main Zimbabwe newspaper completely misses news of coup

Targeting criminals, not a military takeover of government: Zimbabwe military

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