Leonardo Da Vinci's tuft of hair went on display on Thursday in an exhibition called "Leonardo Vive" spanning two new museums in the artist's Tuscan birthplace of Vinci that will run through Dec. 31.

Da Vinci experts hope to resolve mystery of hair

In pics: Virat Kohli and his illustrious ICC cap

US shutdown turns Washington into ghost town during quiet travel season

A Croatian bishop accidentally shot and badly wounded a man while hunting wild boar, reports and officials said Tuesday, igniting criticism on social media in the mainly Catholic country. &nbsp;

Bishop Vjekoslav Huzjak was on an organised hunting trip in eastern Croatia on Friday when he misfired his rifle and struck another hunter in the thigh, the &nbsp;Vecernji List daily paper said.

The bishop's Bjelovar-Krizevci diocese said in a statement that "he voices his deep sorrow for what has happened and wishes a quick recovery to the wounded hunter".

Police, without identifying the bishop, said they "completed a probe of a 58-year-old man" who "shot at a wild boar but missed and the bullet hit a 64-year-old man".

He was hospitalised in Zagreb with serious injuries but his life was not in danger, police said, adding that they would file a criminal complaint against the shooter.&nbsp;

"This is something unusual and such a thing has never happened in the recent history of our Church," the Vecernji List paper quoted an anonymous church source as saying.

According to local media, the bishop has a reputation as an avid hunter.

The accident sparked many, mostly negative, comments on social media in Croatia, where nearly 90 per cent of the 4.2 million population is Roman Catholics.&nbsp;

"This is what happens when priests instead of sticking to altar get hold of a rifle ... Amen!," one woman commented on Facebook.

"What is a bishop doing hunting? Killing creatures of God?" another man wrote. "Isn't that against his service and faith he preaches?"

A Croatian bishop accidentally shot and badly wounded a man while hunting wild boar, reports and officials said Tuesday, igniting criticism on social media in the mainly Catholic country.

A Croatian bishop accidentally shot and badly wounded a man while hunting wild boar, reports and officials said Tuesday, igniting criticism on social media in the mainly Catholic country. Bishop Vjekoslav Huzjak was on an organised hunting trip in eastern Croatia on Friday when he misfired his rifle and struck another hunter in the thigh, the Vecernji List daily paper said. The bishop's Bjelovar-Krizevci diocese said in a statement that "he voices his deep sorrow for what has happened and wishes a quick recovery to the wounded hunter". Police, without identifying the bishop, said they "completed a probe of a 58-year-old man" who "shot at a wild boar but missed and the bullet hit a 64-year-old man". He was hospitalised in Zagreb with serious injuries but his life was not in danger, police said, adding that they would file a criminal complaint against the shooter. "This is something unusual and such a thing has never happened in the recent history of our Church," the Vecernji List paper quoted an anonymous church source as saying. According to local media, the bishop has a reputation as an avid hunter. The accident sparked many, mostly negative, comments on social media in Croatia, where nearly 90 per cent of the 4.2 million population is Roman Catholics. "This is what happens when priests instead of sticking to altar get hold of a rifle ... Amen!," one woman commented on Facebook. "What is a bishop doing hunting? Killing creatures of God?" another man wrote. "Isn't that against his service and faith he preaches?"

Oh sweet lord! Croatian bishop accidentally shoots hunter

Although her name is not well known to most of the public, Germaine Franco made history by becoming the first Latina composer to be invited to join the Hollywood Academy and now she has written the musical score for the comedy film "Tag," which will soon be released by Warner Bros. 
 
"When I presented my application to enter the Academy I did so timidly because I thought I'd never get in, and so their call was something very special," Franco said in an interview with EFE at her recording studio in Culver City, California. 
 
In 2016, after a career of more than 25 years as a musical producer, percussionist and assistant composition arranger for independent films, Franco was inducted into the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, music branch. 
 
"That made me feel very proud because there are many doors that are closed to Latinas like me," said the artist who has left her musical stamp on more than 40 feature films, including "The Italian Job," "Mr. & Mrs. Smith," "X-Men: The Last Stand," "Kung Fu Panda" and "Toy Story 3." 
 
Even so, she said that she was given the opportunity to join the Academy on her merits, "not just for being Latina." 
 
"If they wanted more Latinos, they could have done so long ago. The doors are closed for many people like me, but in the Academy, we're trying to open them to all those who deserve it," she emphasised, alluding to the A2020 initiative, the aim of which is to diversify the Academy membership and push the industry to give new opportunities to minorities. 
 
Franco says that her peak professional moment - so far - was to receive the prestigious ASCAP Shirley Walker Award. 
 
In addition, on June 15 "Tag" will be released, the first film on which she is the main composer for a big film studio. 
 
"And on top of that, it's a film starring almost all men," she said, laughing. "I tried to make different music, without using the bongo or the triangle, which are stereotypes in this kind of film. I went with electronic sounds, band and orchestra music." 
 
That opportunity came her way after the international success of "Coco," on which she worked as an assistant composer. The Pixar film brought in more than $800 million and won two Oscars with its Day of the Dead theme. 
 
"People saw that Mexico is not just mariachis playing in a bar ... That was my challenge, showing the musical wealth that the country has and its mixture of indigenous, African and Spanish races," the California artist born to Mexican parents said. 
&nbsp;

Her musical score for the comedy film "Tag," will soon be released by Warner Bros.

Although her name is not well known to most of the public, Germaine Franco made history by becoming the first Latina composer to be invited to join the Hollywood Academy and now she has written the musical score for the comedy film "Tag," which will soon be released by Warner Bros. "When I presented my application to enter the Academy I did so timidly because I thought I'd never get in, and so their call was something very special," Franco said in an interview with EFE at her recording studio in Culver City, California. In 2016, after a career of more than 25 years as a musical producer, percussionist and assistant composition arranger for independent films, Franco was inducted into the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, music branch. "That made me feel very proud because there are many doors that are closed to Latinas like me," said the artist who has left her musical stamp on more than 40 feature films, including "The Italian Job," "Mr. & Mrs. Smith," "X-Men: The Last Stand," "Kung Fu Panda" and "Toy Story 3." Even so, she said that she was given the opportunity to join the Academy on her merits, "not just for being Latina." "If they wanted more Latinos, they could have done so long ago. The doors are closed for many people like me, but in the Academy, we're trying to open them to all those who deserve it," she emphasised, alluding to the A2020 initiative, the aim of which is to diversify the Academy membership and push the industry to give new opportunities to minorities. Franco says that her peak professional moment - so far - was to receive the prestigious ASCAP Shirley Walker Award. In addition, on June 15 "Tag" will be released, the first film on which she is the main composer for a big film studio. "And on top of that, it's a film starring almost all men," she said, laughing. "I tried to make different music, without using the bongo or the triangle, which are stereotypes in this kind of film. I went with electronic sounds, band and orchestra music." That opportunity came her way after the international success of "Coco," on which she worked as an assistant composer. The Pixar film brought in more than $800 million and won two Oscars with its Day of the Dead theme. "People saw that Mexico is not just mariachis playing in a bar ... That was my challenge, showing the musical wealth that the country has and its mixture of indigenous, African and Spanish races," the California artist born to Mexican parents said.

Germaine Franco, first Latina composer to become a member of Hollywood Academy

The debate in the country on rewriting history is unnecessary as certain "exaggerations" need to be removed from time to time, Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) Chairman Arvind Jamkhedkar has said.

The historian also said the mandate of the ICHR, a body under the HRD Ministry, was not to dictate history or decide curriculum but to encourage research to facilitate the rewriting of history.

"Rewriting is part of the writing of history," he said in an interview to PTI.

History was divided into various eras, he said, elaborating how it had been dealt with differently over time.

"When colonial history was written there was a need to write it from a different point of view as Professor BB Kaushambi realised that this type of history did not have any meaning unless we studied economic history, Jamkhedkar said.

"A complete new school came into being which included Professor RS Sharma, Irfan Habib and so many others who actually rewrote the earlier history," he added.

The ICHR chief supported his argument for the need to rewrite history, stating that it was a "healthy" trend.

"Over a period of time, a certain awareness comes among the historians and they find certain lacunae which would have been left by previous schools," he said.

History has always been rewritten and it is a healthy thing because there have been exaggerations. For instance, it was thought that probably the earlier economic historians might have exaggerated a few things and history was then rewritten,&nbsp;he said.

Jamkhedkar, however, called for a correction of methodologies in conducting research while rewriting history.

There is nothing wrong in rewriting history but whether our methodologies are correct or not, experts should talk about that, he said.

Asked about the debate in the country over revisions of history curricula, the chairman said, It is not ICHR's mandate to dictate history or decide what should be taught. Its job is to encourage scholars to conduct fresh and meaningful research to rewrite history."

The ICHR is a flagship research-based institution that functions under the Ministry of Human Resource Development.

Jamkhedkar, 78, took over as its chief last month replacing YS Sudershan Rao, who had demitted office in June last year.The Maharashtra-based historian, Indologist and archaeologist is also the Chancellor of Deccan College, Pune.

After he took charge, the council organised a conference on "Indian History: Emerging perspectives". Seeking to clear "distortions" in Indian history.&nbsp;

The debate on rewriting history is unnecessary as certain 'exaggerations' need to be removed from time to time, Indian Council of Historical Research ICHR Chairman Arvind Jamkhedkar said

The debate in the country on rewriting history is unnecessary as certain "exaggerations" need to be removed from time to time, Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR) Chairman Arvind Jamkhedkar has said. The historian also said the mandate of the ICHR, a body under the HRD Ministry, was not to dictate history or decide curriculum but to encourage research to facilitate the rewriting of history. "Rewriting is part of the writing of history," he said in an interview to PTI. History was divided into various eras, he said, elaborating how it had been dealt with differently over time. "When colonial history was written there was a need to write it from a different point of view as Professor BB Kaushambi realised that this type of history did not have any meaning unless we studied economic history, Jamkhedkar said. "A complete new school came into being which included Professor RS Sharma, Irfan Habib and so many others who actually rewrote the earlier history," he added. The ICHR chief supported his argument for the need to rewrite history, stating that it was a "healthy" trend. "Over a period of time, a certain awareness comes among the historians and they find certain lacunae which would have been left by previous schools," he said. History has always been rewritten and it is a healthy thing because there have been exaggerations. For instance, it was thought that probably the earlier economic historians might have exaggerated a few things and history was then rewritten, he said. Jamkhedkar, however, called for a correction of methodologies in conducting research while rewriting history. There is nothing wrong in rewriting history but whether our methodologies are correct or not, experts should talk about that, he said. Asked about the debate in the country over revisions of history curricula, the chairman said, It is not ICHR's mandate to dictate history or decide what should be taught. Its job is to encourage scholars to conduct fresh and meaningful research to rewrite history." The ICHR is a flagship research-based institution that functions under the Ministry of Human Resource Development. Jamkhedkar, 78, took over as its chief last month replacing YS Sudershan Rao, who had demitted office in June last year.The Maharashtra-based historian, Indologist and archaeologist is also the Chancellor of Deccan College, Pune. After he took charge, the council organised a conference on "Indian History: Emerging perspectives". Seeking to clear "distortions" in Indian history.

Rewriting is part of writing of history: Indian Council of Historical Research chief

Observed on March 29, Mahavir Jayanti marks the birth anniversary of sage Mahavir, which is celebrated by the Jains across the country.&nbsp

Mahavir, also known as Vardhamana, was the 24th and the last Jain sage who established the core tenets of Jainism.

Lord Mahavir was born in Kundalagrama, that is situated in Vaishali district in Bihar, during 599 BC, on the thirteenth day of the rising moon of Chaitra month.&nbsp

It is believed that he belonged to a royal family of the Ikshvaku dynasty and his parents were King Siddartha and Queen Trishala. Mahavir Jayanti is one of the most important religious events for the Jains as he was the founder of Jainism.

This festival is celebrated widely by the Jain community in memory of the last spiritual teacher of the religion.&nbsp

A procession is called with the idol of Lord Mahavira called the Rath Yatra.&nbsp

Reciting stavans or Jain prayers, statues of the lord are given a ceremonial bath called abhisheka. The last Jain Tirthankara taught ahimsa (non-violence), satya (truth), asteya (non-stealing), brahmacharya (chastity) and aparigraha (non-attachment) to his disciples and his teachings were called Jain Agamas.&nbsp

It is believed that the saint attained moksha (liberation from the cycle of birth and death) at the age of 72. Devotees also chant his prayers and teaching on this day.

Observed on March 29, Mahavir Jayanti marks the birth anniversary of sage Mahavir, which is celebrated by the Jains across the country.

Observed on March 29, Mahavir Jayanti marks the birth anniversary of sage Mahavir, which is celebrated by the Jains across the country. Mahavir, also known as Vardhamana, was the 24th and the last Jain sage who established the core tenets of Jainism. Lord Mahavir was born in Kundalagrama, that is situated in Vaishali district in Bihar, during 599 BC, on the thirteenth day of the rising moon of Chaitra month. It is believed that he belonged to a royal family of the Ikshvaku dynasty and his parents were King Siddartha and Queen Trishala. Mahavir Jayanti is one of the most important religious events for the Jains as he was the founder of Jainism. This festival is celebrated widely by the Jain community in memory of the last spiritual teacher of the religion. A procession is called with the idol of Lord Mahavira called the Rath Yatra. Reciting stavans or Jain prayers, statues of the lord are given a ceremonial bath called abhisheka. The last Jain Tirthankara taught ahimsa (non-violence), satya (truth), asteya (non-stealing), brahmacharya (chastity) and aparigraha (non-attachment) to his disciples and his teachings were called Jain Agamas. It is believed that the saint attained moksha (liberation from the cycle of birth and death) at the age of 72. Devotees also chant his prayers and teaching on this day.

Mahavir Jayanti 2018: Date, History and Importance

History is often used as a weapon in ideological struggles and identity-contestations. This is especially true in critical issues involving politics of religion. In agenda-driven histories deployed in public debates, the question of truth is set aside in favour of requirements of the time. In such debates, history is not so much about the evidence regarding what exactly happened in the past, but a matter of opinion or perspective. This is the case both in vernacular histories circulated in the public domain and in the assumptions of professional academic history. Even though the primary functions of both are different, they converge in terms of offering different vantage points in popular politics and struggles.

Within academia, religion and political culture profoundly impact the writing of history, leading to arguments, quarrels and formation of groups or schools of historiography. Thus, history of history-writing in India in the past couple of centuries has witnessed assumptions and formulations advanced from a number of standpoints. For instance, in colonial historiography &ndash; some strands of which have continued even till recent decades &ndash; colonialism was projected as something that was for the benefit of the colonised people; else, they would have remained savage barbarians with no or little sense of history. This false assertion was in conformity with the view that conquerors write history on the body of those they seek to dominate or decimate.

Countering the colonial position and showing that the conquered people eventually survive to tell their own story also, various strands of secular nationalist historiography have blamed the British colonial policies of 19th and the first half of 20th centuries for the mess the British left behind. Hindu-Muslim conflict, caste-system, economic degradation and a host of other issues are shown as constructed under the British rule. This set of scholarship also plays down the significance of religion in public life, even though it provides fodder for communal hatred and abuse. This is something which is aptly characterised by Professor Neeladri Bhattacharya &ndash; a much-respected JNU historian &ndash; as &lsquo;predicament of secular history&rsquo;.

On the other hand, Hindu communal propaganda as history continues to take ugly turns. Even serious historians belonging to the rightist camp &ndash; few as they are &ndash; come up with outlandish propositions. The best example that comes to mind is the projection of medieval India as a dark age in the right-wing historiography. It is asserted that medieval India was shrouded in darkness because there was no electricity in medieval India; this was because bigoted Muslim rulers followed Islam, which was against science!&nbsp;

By contrast, and yet supplementing communal Hindu narratives, is an equally bizarre Muslim separatist scholarship, which glorifies the Islamic past in the subcontinent. It traces separate Hindu-Muslim identities back to the Arab conquest of Sindh early in the 8th century. Also, important historical figures such as Sant Kabir and Mughal emperor Akbar are treated as agents of Hinduism who sought to destroy the cause of Islam in the medieval period.

Thus, what we are generally confronted with is political propaganda peddled as history. Does it mean history-writing cannot be free from ideological control? Happily, more empirically sensitive and theoretically sophisticated researchers in recent times have led to fresh thinking. This is sought to be blocked or resisted both by secularists and right-wing political propagandists, but scholarship has continued to grow in institutions both within India and the West &ndash; especially in the United States.

New research takes head-on communally sensitive issues such as temple desecration and the question of conversion of non-Muslims to Islam. The nature of the state is being discussed with reference to rulers&rsquo; concern for law and justice for all, peace and tranquillity, welfare mechanism as well as looking for India&rsquo;s own political theory based on secular principles, as in concerns of political theorists such as Rajeev Bhargava.

New studies on Akbar and Aurangzeb analyse broad-based political framework, theory and policies, which are contrasted with narrow and exclusive political strategies abusing religion for the purpose. Historical examples and philosophical insights on governing principles are used to assert that when religious beliefs run into problems with secular principles of the state in multi-cultural or multi-religious contexts, the secular principles and progressive laws must be privileged, as shown recently by an analytical philosopher, Akeel Bilgrami.

Further, questions are being raised about the need to reconsider the conventional periodisation of Indian history in ancient (Sanskrit), medieval (Persian) and modern (English) times (with the specific language of sources to be utilised). The older and simple formulations are being broken through richer source base, including judicious use of literature in the writing of history. For instance, Sufi premakhayan, or poetry of love, of which Malik Muhammad Jaisi&rsquo;s Padmavat is one of the best examples, are being studied by historians and literary scholars in recent years. However, they are perhaps still not in a position to handle the muddle created in the name of artistic freedom or in the service of communal politics &ndash; as we have witnessed recently.&nbsp;

In popular devotional fields, the shared and disputed terrains of Sufi-Bhakti complex reveal faultlines fraught with possibilities for shrewd cultural negotiations and brutal political violence. Two examples which may be given here are of Yogi Gorakhnath&rsquo;s favourable attitude towards Sufis, who were perceived as belonging to the caste of Allah, and of Kabir&rsquo;s aggressive support to the newly found fad for vegetarianism in medieval India.

In conclusion, history is a hot topic in popular politics of the public domain. Medieval Indian history is an especially contested field. Pressures from different kinds of ideological positions and politics of identities of various kinds together put serious constraints on the practice and writing of history. As indicated above, despite the challenges, scholarship has continued to grow. Current historiographical thrusts illustrate how a whole range of themes and issues are dealt with by professional historians from a variety of perspectives with reference to sources and evidence. Critical issues relating to the complex interactions between religion and political culture are no longer being swept under the carpet.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India is needed to reconsider the conventional periodisation of its history in ancient, medieval and modern times.

History is often used as a weapon in ideological struggles and identity-contestations. This is especially true in critical issues involving politics of religion. In agenda-driven histories deployed in public debates, the question of truth is set aside in favour of requirements of the time. In such debates, history is not so much about the evidence regarding what exactly happened in the past, but a matter of opinion or perspective. This is the case both in vernacular histories circulated in the public domain and in the assumptions of professional academic history. Even though the primary functions of both are different, they converge in terms of offering different vantage points in popular politics and struggles. Within academia, religion and political culture profoundly impact the writing of history, leading to arguments, quarrels and formation of groups or schools of historiography. Thus, history of history-writing in India in the past couple of centuries has witnessed assumptions and formulations advanced from a number of standpoints. For instance, in colonial historiography – some strands of which have continued even till recent decades – colonialism was projected as something that was for the benefit of the colonised people; else, they would have remained savage barbarians with no or little sense of history. This false assertion was in conformity with the view that conquerors write history on the body of those they seek to dominate or decimate. Countering the colonial position and showing that the conquered people eventually survive to tell their own story also, various strands of secular nationalist historiography have blamed the British colonial policies of 19th and the first half of 20th centuries for the mess the British left behind. Hindu-Muslim conflict, caste-system, economic degradation and a host of other issues are shown as constructed under the British rule. This set of scholarship also plays down the significance of religion in public life, even though it provides fodder for communal hatred and abuse. This is something which is aptly characterised by Professor Neeladri Bhattacharya – a much-respected JNU historian – as ‘predicament of secular history’. On the other hand, Hindu communal propaganda as history continues to take ugly turns. Even serious historians belonging to the rightist camp – few as they are – come up with outlandish propositions. The best example that comes to mind is the projection of medieval India as a dark age in the right-wing historiography. It is asserted that medieval India was shrouded in darkness because there was no electricity in medieval India; this was because bigoted Muslim rulers followed Islam, which was against science! By contrast, and yet supplementing communal Hindu narratives, is an equally bizarre Muslim separatist scholarship, which glorifies the Islamic past in the subcontinent. It traces separate Hindu-Muslim identities back to the Arab conquest of Sindh early in the 8th century. Also, important historical figures such as Sant Kabir and Mughal emperor Akbar are treated as agents of Hinduism who sought to destroy the cause of Islam in the medieval period. Thus, what we are generally confronted with is political propaganda peddled as history. Does it mean history-writing cannot be free from ideological control? Happily, more empirically sensitive and theoretically sophisticated researchers in recent times have led to fresh thinking. This is sought to be blocked or resisted both by secularists and right-wing political propagandists, but scholarship has continued to grow in institutions both within India and the West – especially in the United States. New research takes head-on communally sensitive issues such as temple desecration and the question of conversion of non-Muslims to Islam. The nature of the state is being discussed with reference to rulers’ concern for law and justice for all, peace and tranquillity, welfare mechanism as well as looking for India’s own political theory based on secular principles, as in concerns of political theorists such as Rajeev Bhargava. New studies on Akbar and Aurangzeb analyse broad-based political framework, theory and policies, which are contrasted with narrow and exclusive political strategies abusing religion for the purpose. Historical examples and philosophical insights on governing principles are used to assert that when religious beliefs run into problems with secular principles of the state in multi-cultural or multi-religious contexts, the secular principles and progressive laws must be privileged, as shown recently by an analytical philosopher, Akeel Bilgrami. Further, questions are being raised about the need to reconsider the conventional periodisation of Indian history in ancient (Sanskrit), medieval (Persian) and modern (English) times (with the specific language of sources to be utilised). The older and simple formulations are being broken through richer source base, including judicious use of literature in the writing of history. For instance, Sufi premakhayan, or poetry of love, of which Malik Muhammad Jaisi’s Padmavat is one of the best examples, are being studied by historians and literary scholars in recent years. However, they are perhaps still not in a position to handle the muddle created in the name of artistic freedom or in the service of communal politics – as we have witnessed recently. In popular devotional fields, the shared and disputed terrains of Sufi-Bhakti complex reveal faultlines fraught with possibilities for shrewd cultural negotiations and brutal political violence. Two examples which may be given here are of Yogi Gorakhnath’s favourable attitude towards Sufis, who were perceived as belonging to the caste of Allah, and of Kabir’s aggressive support to the newly found fad for vegetarianism in medieval India. In conclusion, history is a hot topic in popular politics of the public domain. Medieval Indian history is an especially contested field. Pressures from different kinds of ideological positions and politics of identities of various kinds together put serious constraints on the practice and writing of history. As indicated above, despite the challenges, scholarship has continued to grow. Current historiographical thrusts illustrate how a whole range of themes and issues are dealt with by professional historians from a variety of perspectives with reference to sources and evidence. Critical issues relating to the complex interactions between religion and political culture are no longer being swept under the carpet. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Role history and religion play in modern Indian politics

After all the controversy surrounding Sanjay Leela Bhansali&#39;s &quot;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/padmaavat-review-ranveer-singh-shines-in-bhansalis-visually-grand-historical-saga-30568">Padmaavat&quot;</a>, the Rajasthan Board of Secondary Education (RBSE) has decided to revise some sensitive facts related to Chittor&rsquo;s queen Padmini from its history textbooks.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-ranveer-singh-on-threats-to-deepika-padukone-during-padmaavat-row-had-the-urge-to-speak-out-but-instructed-not-to-32321">Ranveer Singh on threats to Deepika Padukone: Had the urge to speak out but was asked not to </a>

The RBSE is in the process of eliminating and correcting the content in the textbooks before the new session begins in April. People familiar with the matter at the board said some changes have been made with regard to content on Padmini, the queen of Rawal Ratan Singh, the 14th-century ruler of Chittor.&nbsp;

As per reports, the history textbooks in school had been teaching the same distortions about Queen Padmini of Chittor which have allegedly been shown the film &quot;Padmaavat&quot;.

Reports say that people in connection with the matter have already made a revised copy. RBSE chairperson BL Chaudhary said that the changes have been successfully made. He had earlier informed that syllabus in the history textbooks has not been changed since the last 50 years.&nbsp;

The section which states that Delhi ruler Alauddin Khilji saw Padmini&rsquo;s reflection in a mirror and was smitten by her and later attacked Chittor fort has been omitted. Also, the sub-head Padmini ki kahani (Padmini&rsquo;s story) has been revised as Padmini ka Itihas (Padmini&rsquo;s history).&nbsp;

Also read:<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmaavat-earns-rs-212-crores-within-two-weeks-of-its-release-31875">&nbsp;</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmaavat-earns-rs-212-crores-within-two-weeks-of-its-release-31875">Padmaavat</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmaavat-earns-rs-212-crores-within-two-weeks-of-its-release-31875"> continues impressive run, enters 200-crore club </a>

While making the modifications, the book, however, goes on to say that one of the reasons Khilji attacked Chittor was to capture Padmini, who, according to legend, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmaavat-deepika-padukone-opens-up-about-the-jauhar-scene-and-the-controversy-around-it-31318">chose to commit </a>&quot;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/entertainment-padmaavat-deepika-padukone-opens-up-about-the-jauhar-scene-and-the-controversy-around-it-31318">jauhar&quot;</a> along with 1,600 other palace women, rather than be captured by Khilji.

The film had been facing protests by the<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/will-not-sit-quiet-if-padmavati-releases-threatens-rashtriya-rajput-karni-sena-28377"> Karni Sena</a> and other fringe groups over allegations that historical facts were distorted in the movie. The Rajput community led by the Shri Rajput Karni Sena had demanded a ban on the movie &quot;Padmaavat&quot; for misrepresenting facts like Khilji seeing Padmini&#39;s reflection in the mirror even though there were none in the 14th century in Mewar, reports said.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/padmaavat-now-rajasthan-bans-the-film-keeping-public-interest-in-mind-29892">Padmaavat</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/padmaavat-now-rajasthan-bans-the-film-keeping-public-interest-in-mind-29892">: Now, Rajasthan bans the film keeping public interest in mind</a>

The film, starring Deepika Padukone, Shahid Kapoor, and Ranveer Singh, is based on the saga of the 13th century battle between Maharaja Ratan Singh of Mewar and Sultan Alauddin Khilji of Delhi.

The section which states that Delhi ruler Alauddin Khilji saw Padmini’s reflection in a mirror and was smitten by her and later attacked Chittor fort has been omitted. Also, the sub-head Padmini ki kahani has been revised as Padmini ka Itihas

After all the controversy surrounding Sanjay Leela Bhansali's "Padmaavat", the Rajasthan Board of Secondary Education (RBSE) has decided to revise some sensitive facts related to Chittor’s queen Padmini from its history textbooks. Also read: Ranveer Singh on threats to Deepika Padukone: Had the urge to speak out but was asked not to The RBSE is in the process of eliminating and correcting the content in the textbooks before the new session begins in April. People familiar with the matter at the board said some changes have been made with regard to content on Padmini, the queen of Rawal Ratan Singh, the 14th-century ruler of Chittor. As per reports, the history textbooks in school had been teaching the same distortions about Queen Padmini of Chittor which have allegedly been shown the film "Padmaavat". Reports say that people in connection with the matter have already made a revised copy. RBSE chairperson BL Chaudhary said that the changes have been successfully made. He had earlier informed that syllabus in the history textbooks has not been changed since the last 50 years. The section which states that Delhi ruler Alauddin Khilji saw Padmini’s reflection in a mirror and was smitten by her and later attacked Chittor fort has been omitted. Also, the sub-head Padmini ki kahani (Padmini’s story) has been revised as Padmini ka Itihas (Padmini’s history). Also read: Padmaavat continues impressive run, enters 200-crore club While making the modifications, the book, however, goes on to say that one of the reasons Khilji attacked Chittor was to capture Padmini, who, according to legend, chose to commit "jauhar" along with 1,600 other palace women, rather than be captured by Khilji. The film had been facing protests by the Karni Sena and other fringe groups over allegations that historical facts were distorted in the movie. The Rajput community led by the Shri Rajput Karni Sena had demanded a ban on the movie "Padmaavat" for misrepresenting facts like Khilji seeing Padmini's reflection in the mirror even though there were none in the 14th century in Mewar, reports said. Also read: Padmaavat: Now, Rajasthan bans the film keeping public interest in mind The film, starring Deepika Padukone, Shahid Kapoor, and Ranveer Singh, is based on the saga of the 13th century battle between Maharaja Ratan Singh of Mewar and Sultan Alauddin Khilji of Delhi.

Rajasthan: History textbooks to revise chapter about Padmini following 'Padmaavat' row

Person of Interest fame&nbsp;Jim Caviziel who played the role of Jesus Christ in&nbsp;Mel Gibson&#39;s highly-controversial movie Passion of the Christ has&nbsp;announced&nbsp;to reprise his&nbsp;role as&nbsp;Jesus&nbsp;Christ&nbsp;in the much-awaited sequel of the movie.&nbsp;

It is confirmed that the actor is in talks with the director to star in the sequel.&nbsp;

In the original film, Jim played the role of Jesus Christ 14 years ago.&nbsp;

The film had cost&nbsp;$30 million to make, was shot in Italy and&nbsp;dialogues were in Aramaic, Hebrew and Latin. The R-rated movie courted controversy with its graphic violence and anti-semitic undertones.

Screenwriter Randall Wallace is working on a screenplay for The Passion of the Christ: Resurrection. Randall also contributed&nbsp;to Gibson&#39;s Oscar-winning Braveheart.&nbsp;

Gibson&#39;s original Passion of the Christ was released in 2004 and earned $612 million worldwide on just a $30 million production budget.

&nbsp;

Jim Caviezel has confirmed he will reprise his role as Jesus in director Mel Gibson's sequel to the 2004 box office phenomenon

Person of Interest fame Jim Caviziel who played the role of Jesus Christ in Mel Gibson's highly-controversial movie Passion of the Christ has announced to reprise his role as Jesus Christ in the much-awaited sequel of the movie. It is confirmed that the actor is in talks with the director to star in the sequel. In the original film, Jim played the role of Jesus Christ 14 years ago. The film had cost $30 million to make, was shot in Italy and dialogues were in Aramaic, Hebrew and Latin. The R-rated movie courted controversy with its graphic violence and anti-semitic undertones. Screenwriter Randall Wallace is working on a screenplay for The Passion of the Christ: Resurrection. Randall also contributed to Gibson's Oscar-winning Braveheart. Gibson's original Passion of the Christ was released in 2004 and earned $612 million worldwide on just a $30 million production budget.

'Passion of the Christ' sequel to be the 'biggest film in history'

Dalit history by Dalit historians for Dalit consumers has always had a different perspective. Celebrating the victory of British-led Mahar Regiment against the Peshwas is not new but violence meted out to the Dalit on this occasion was first in the recent past. The violence in itself was a telling reminder of the fact that, in this country, the Dalits have an alternate perspective of historical issues and its engagement with Sanatan Dharma.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

There is nothing wrong in Dalits celebrating the victory as Peshwai, like many other medieval institutions, was casteist.

&nbsp;

The Dalits continue to be orphans in the Hindu pantheon. They are needed to gain numbers in electoral politics but are not accorded social, political and cultural space in our society. Seven decades into post-colonial India, the Dalits still don&rsquo;t have an intellectual or political say in what they consider to be the history of their own lived past.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Even to the &#39;Father of the Nation&#39;, matters concerning the Dalit community was not about the Dalits in the final analysis; it always had to be in a subsidiary position with the main concern being the integrity of the Hindu community at large. This mindset was amply evident in the conclusion of the Poona Pact.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Even now, Dalit issues get related to questions of conversion, purity, pollution and, lately, anti-nationalism. Consequently, political discrimination and violence does not remain limited to political space. Dalits continue to witness violence which manifests itself in the form of rape and public humiliation.

&nbsp;

The point is that, with Constitution, the rights of Dalits have been enshrined but its accommodation at the level of the leadership and sacred has not taken place. After Babu Jagjivan Ram, there has been no national Dalit national leader in post-independent India. Ambedkar, despite being the &#39;Father of the Constitution&#39; could not rally Dalits as a political constituency after independence. The community had already electorally invested itself with Gandhinian vision, and voted for the Congress party.

&nbsp;

A disillusioned Ambedkar converted to Buddhism. His disappointment was more than one; not only have the Dalits failed to emerge as a political constituency, the moral landscape also remained unaltered. Ambedkar died a bitter man.

&nbsp;

The violence in Maharashtra, specifically, has less to do with Hinduism and more to do with Hindutva. Shivaji, a fantastic historical figure, has been appropriated by the nationalistic discourse. So, in the process, he has been situated beyond criticism. The evaluation makes Shivaji a human being which ultimately deconstructs the macho nationalistic discourse because it thrives on fantasy. It is this fantasy which denies Dalits their right to breathe and live a different history.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;The violence by the dominant caste in this context should not be surprising. The dominant castes have been agitating throughout India on a number of issues over the past 10 years. Two things have happened simultaneously. Whether it is Patel in Gujarat or Jats in UP or Maratha in Maharashtra, all of them want jobs. The dominant castes have run their course in Indian contemporary history. This is the bitter truth. When India became independent, they were not well represented and still saw the world from the angle of socialist politics which was being led by OBC leaders who championed the agrarian cause.

&nbsp;

Within 25 years after independence, not only the dominant castes came to dominate the assemblies but also ended up controlling the land. India&rsquo;s Prime Minister Charan Singh heralded this shift. Despite being a Jat, he was far more focused building a broader alliance of backward leaders. From Laloo to Nitish, all started their careers under him.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;Today, the land is not giving money and the communities are not invested fully in other economic activities. On top of it, everyone cannot get reservation. Lastly, they have been Sanskritised and feel more at home with upper castes than Dalits under whose name the biggest of OBC politicians have done socialist politics in India.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

It is this tectonic shift which is visible through this violence. In desperation, it latches on to pride and past. It does three things: it discredits them; it tells us that how far dominant castes are removed from their point of political origin. The dominant caste movement, which was socialist and more agrarian in outlook under Charan Singh, today has become completely castist. The rest have been incorporated by Hindutva. &nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

There is nothing wrong in Dalits celebrating the victory as Peshwai, like many other medieval institutions, was casteist.

Dalit history by Dalit historians for Dalit consumers has always had a different perspective. Celebrating the victory of British-led Mahar Regiment against the Peshwas is not new but violence meted out to the Dalit on this occasion was first in the recent past. The violence in itself was a telling reminder of the fact that, in this country, the Dalits have an alternate perspective of historical issues and its engagement with Sanatan Dharma. There is nothing wrong in Dalits celebrating the victory as Peshwai, like many other medieval institutions, was casteist. The Dalits continue to be orphans in the Hindu pantheon. They are needed to gain numbers in electoral politics but are not accorded social, political and cultural space in our society. Seven decades into post-colonial India, the Dalits still don’t have an intellectual or political say in what they consider to be the history of their own lived past. Even to the 'Father of the Nation', matters concerning the Dalit community was not about the Dalits in the final analysis; it always had to be in a subsidiary position with the main concern being the integrity of the Hindu community at large. This mindset was amply evident in the conclusion of the Poona Pact. Even now, Dalit issues get related to questions of conversion, purity, pollution and, lately, anti-nationalism. Consequently, political discrimination and violence does not remain limited to political space. Dalits continue to witness violence which manifests itself in the form of rape and public humiliation. The point is that, with Constitution, the rights of Dalits have been enshrined but its accommodation at the level of the leadership and sacred has not taken place. After Babu Jagjivan Ram, there has been no national Dalit national leader in post-independent India. Ambedkar, despite being the 'Father of the Constitution' could not rally Dalits as a political constituency after independence. The community had already electorally invested itself with Gandhinian vision, and voted for the Congress party. A disillusioned Ambedkar converted to Buddhism. His disappointment was more than one; not only have the Dalits failed to emerge as a political constituency, the moral landscape also remained unaltered. Ambedkar died a bitter man. The violence in Maharashtra, specifically, has less to do with Hinduism and more to do with Hindutva. Shivaji, a fantastic historical figure, has been appropriated by the nationalistic discourse. So, in the process, he has been situated beyond criticism. The evaluation makes Shivaji a human being which ultimately deconstructs the macho nationalistic discourse because it thrives on fantasy. It is this fantasy which denies Dalits their right to breathe and live a different history. The violence by the dominant caste in this context should not be surprising. The dominant castes have been agitating throughout India on a number of issues over the past 10 years. Two things have happened simultaneously. Whether it is Patel in Gujarat or Jats in UP or Maratha in Maharashtra, all of them want jobs. The dominant castes have run their course in Indian contemporary history. This is the bitter truth. When India became independent, they were not well represented and still saw the world from the angle of socialist politics which was being led by OBC leaders who championed the agrarian cause. Within 25 years after independence, not only the dominant castes came to dominate the assemblies but also ended up controlling the land. India’s Prime Minister Charan Singh heralded this shift. Despite being a Jat, he was far more focused building a broader alliance of backward leaders. From Laloo to Nitish, all started their careers under him. Today, the land is not giving money and the communities are not invested fully in other economic activities. On top of it, everyone cannot get reservation. Lastly, they have been Sanskritised and feel more at home with upper castes than Dalits under whose name the biggest of OBC politicians have done socialist politics in India. It is this tectonic shift which is visible through this violence. In desperation, it latches on to pride and past. It does three things: it discredits them; it tells us that how far dominant castes are removed from their point of political origin. The dominant caste movement, which was socialist and more agrarian in outlook under Charan Singh, today has become completely castist. The rest have been incorporated by Hindutva. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL).

Opinion: Maharashtra violence shows Dalits have no history

The film Padmavati has raised much rubble in India. While everyone is talking about Rani Padmavati&#39;s pride and honour, no one is telling that Allaudin was a brutal emperor. For the sake of better historical perspective, it is crucial to discuss what was the condition of India during the time of Khilji rule and why Padmavati did Jauhar. Without reading about Khilji and Padmavati&#39;s history, it is difficult to know about the controversy.

My argument is, Allaudin Khilji was not a glamorous king. Instead, he was a brutal one. I am sure that Sanjay Leela Bhansali has not done any homework to establish this.

Without knowing the history, it is difficult to understand the present situation.

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<h5>This controversy has given a platform to many others who are trying to politicise the whole thing for their personal agenda.</h5>
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Recently, Mr Bhansali showed his movie to a few media persons and it has become an issue now. &nbsp;How can he, in a special screening, show the movie to a group of people of his preference without getting the certificate? Even the Rajput communities who are protesting against the movie wanted such special screening but Mr Bhansali never had time for that.

This controversy has given a platform to many others who are trying to politicise the whole thing for their personal agenda. So many people have entered the controversy now. Even those who were not even popular have become popular now. Such people are doing things like threatening Deepika and announcing a bounty of 10cr on Mr Bhansali. These people, particularly, Lokendra Singh Kalvi is looking only for cheap publicity.

Actually, this has become the easiest way to appear on TV. As soon as the people have given the statement, then immediately he will become the hero on media and he will start appearing on news debates. Using such foul language makes them celebrity overnight and even media helps them.

How Mr Bhansali has portrayed Khilji will become clear only after watching the movie. To understand his personality, we have to read about him in various popular books on him written by famous historians.

There is this book, &#39;Khilji Kalin Bharat&#39; written by world-renowned historian Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, which has the documented the history from 1290 to 1320.

This book incorporates translation of Ziauddin Barni, Amir Khusrow, Emasi (or Imasi), Yahya, Ibn Battuta, Farishta and Abdullah.

Historians are unanimous about the fact that Khilji was a cruel ruler. He has killed many to acquire and invade. For Allaudin, beheading and torturing someone was a game. There was a huge section of society which was suffering during his rule. After reading the book it is very clear that Khilji is even more dangerous than ISIS leader Baghdadi and Taliban terrorists.

700 years ago Rani Padmavati did Jauhar. The release has been postponed but still, Karni Sena wants the special screening for themselves. Rajput communities are not trusting Mr Bhansali on the content of the movie.

This row is not going to end anytime sooner. History has a portrayal of Padmavati&#39;s Jauhar and Khilji&#39;s brutality.

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<h5>Allaudin wanted to win against the Delhi&#39;s Sultanate, he invaded Devgiri without informing Jalaluddin Khilji. Jalaluddin was his uncle and father-in-law. Jalaluddin considered him as his son but he gave him a terrible death.</h5>
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In medieval history, killing innocents was very common to win the throne.&nbsp;

Allaudin wanted to win against the Delhi&#39;s Sultanate, he invaded Devgiri without informing Jalaluddin Khilji. Jalaluddin was his uncle and father-in-law. Jalaluddin considered him as his son but he gave him a terrible death. He killed both of Jalaluddin&#39;s sons, its written on page 46 of Rizvi&#39;s book. Khilji also killed one of his cousin Akat Khan by beheading him.

Allaudin never respected any religion, something which Rizvi mentions again on page 47 of his book.

Saeed Ahtar Abbas Rizvi also mentioned about Allaudin&#39;s brutality and said that he did all notorious things to save his power.

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&#39;Khalji Kaleen Bharat&#39;, a book written by Saeed Ahtar Abbas Rizvi. (Others)
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On page 29, there is a mention that there was a Hindu deity made of brass metal; it was kept in a temple in Madhya Pradesh that was destroyed and the metal was converted into various things and was sent to Delhi.

Also on page 68, its mentioned that during the rule of Khilji, he made various policies to suppress Hindus.&nbsp;

If Mr Bhansali has taken all the points from history and uses Padmavati&#39;s name, then he has to take care of many other things written in history books, and after knowing all the things only he must glamourise the character of Khilji.&nbsp;

There are many people who are supporting their argument by saying that it is freedom of expression and speech. Article 19(1) gives freedom of speech but same way article 19(2) says Indian security and integrity must be kept in mind while talking about freedom of speech and expression.

It means freedom of expression is good but one must know his responsibilities and should act with maturity.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)

History must not be distorted in the name of 'Freedom of Expression', characters who have dark history, such as Alauddin Khilji must not be glamourised.

The film Padmavati has raised much rubble in India. While everyone is talking about Rani Padmavati's pride and honour, no one is telling that Allaudin was a brutal emperor. For the sake of better historical perspective, it is crucial to discuss what was the condition of India during the time of Khilji rule and why Padmavati did Jauhar. Without reading about Khilji and Padmavati's history, it is difficult to know about the controversy. My argument is, Allaudin Khilji was not a glamorous king. Instead, he was a brutal one. I am sure that Sanjay Leela Bhansali has not done any homework to establish this. Without knowing the history, it is difficult to understand the present situation. This controversy has given a platform to many others who are trying to politicise the whole thing for their personal agenda. × Recently, Mr Bhansali showed his movie to a few media persons and it has become an issue now. How can he, in a special screening, show the movie to a group of people of his preference without getting the certificate? Even the Rajput communities who are protesting against the movie wanted such special screening but Mr Bhansali never had time for that. This controversy has given a platform to many others who are trying to politicise the whole thing for their personal agenda. So many people have entered the controversy now. Even those who were not even popular have become popular now. Such people are doing things like threatening Deepika and announcing a bounty of 10cr on Mr Bhansali. These people, particularly, Lokendra Singh Kalvi is looking only for cheap publicity. Actually, this has become the easiest way to appear on TV. As soon as the people have given the statement, then immediately he will become the hero on media and he will start appearing on news debates. Using such foul language makes them celebrity overnight and even media helps them. How Mr Bhansali has portrayed Khilji will become clear only after watching the movie. To understand his personality, we have to read about him in various popular books on him written by famous historians. There is this book, 'Khilji Kalin Bharat' written by world-renowned historian Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, which has the documented the history from 1290 to 1320. This book incorporates translation of Ziauddin Barni, Amir Khusrow, Emasi (or Imasi), Yahya, Ibn Battuta, Farishta and Abdullah. Historians are unanimous about the fact that Khilji was a cruel ruler. He has killed many to acquire and invade. For Allaudin, beheading and torturing someone was a game. There was a huge section of society which was suffering during his rule. After reading the book it is very clear that Khilji is even more dangerous than ISIS leader Baghdadi and Taliban terrorists. 700 years ago Rani Padmavati did Jauhar. The release has been postponed but still, Karni Sena wants the special screening for themselves. Rajput communities are not trusting Mr Bhansali on the content of the movie. This row is not going to end anytime sooner. History has a portrayal of Padmavati's Jauhar and Khilji's brutality. Allaudin wanted to win against the Delhi's Sultanate, he invaded Devgiri without informing Jalaluddin Khilji. Jalaluddin was his uncle and father-in-law. Jalaluddin considered him as his son but he gave him a terrible death. × In medieval history, killing innocents was very common to win the throne. Allaudin wanted to win against the Delhi's Sultanate, he invaded Devgiri without informing Jalaluddin Khilji. Jalaluddin was his uncle and father-in-law. Jalaluddin considered him as his son but he gave him a terrible death. He killed both of Jalaluddin's sons, its written on page 46 of Rizvi's book. Khilji also killed one of his cousin Akat Khan by beheading him. Allaudin never respected any religion, something which Rizvi mentions again on page 47 of his book. Saeed Ahtar Abbas Rizvi also mentioned about Allaudin's brutality and said that he did all notorious things to save his power. 'Khalji Kaleen Bharat', a book written by Saeed Ahtar Abbas Rizvi. (Others) × On page 29, there is a mention that there was a Hindu deity made of brass metal; it was kept in a temple in Madhya Pradesh that was destroyed and the metal was converted into various things and was sent to Delhi. Also on page 68, its mentioned that during the rule of Khilji, he made various policies to suppress Hindus. If Mr Bhansali has taken all the points from history and uses Padmavati's name, then he has to take care of many other things written in history books, and after knowing all the things only he must glamourise the character of Khilji. There are many people who are supporting their argument by saying that it is freedom of expression and speech. Article 19(1) gives freedom of speech but same way article 19(2) says Indian security and integrity must be kept in mind while talking about freedom of speech and expression. It means freedom of expression is good but one must know his responsibilities and should act with maturity. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity)

Opinion: Alauddin Khilji was brutal; Bhansali should not glamourise him

Some months ago, my friend&rsquo;s young son asked me about Hanuman, the secrets behind his prowess, especially his amazing size-reduction abilities.&nbsp;

His father gave me a nod of approval, &lsquo;Aunty does know something about history for children.&rsquo;

This one short exchange encapsulates the challenges facing history, especially how it is shaped and narrated for younger readers. At first glance, there is everything wrong in the above exchange; the two statements contradict each other. But then understanding may, and indeed does, come from mistaken notions.

First, of course, there is the clear difference between myth and history. Latter is more exact, the rational subject of study, almost like a science with its belief in evidence and argument. And then there&rsquo;s also the play of imagination. Myths, on the other hand, are ancient tales that have travelled. The strange thing is that history can and indeed does tell us about how myths travel or changed shape through the centuries, why some myths and figures became popular, while others perished by the wayside.&nbsp;

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<h5>There are many sides to a story, and history is never just one story.</h5>
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When it comes to history, and the way it might be told to the younger&nbsp;reader, I might then begin by saying: Don&rsquo;t disbelieve everything, argue your way out.&nbsp;

Doing so especially matters in this age of the Internet, when WhatsApp and other social media has made almost everyone an armchair historian; expert of facts (verifiable or otherwise) available at the mere tap of a button. Images are expertly edited, photoshopped so to be passed off as truth &ndash; irrefutable, definite historical truth. Certain kinds of photos, of course, are ineluctably more popular, for example, those used to discredit any opponent/enemy and/or to demonstrate chest-thumping patriotism.&nbsp;

Some months ago, a photo held up on television by a prominent political party spokesperson showed two Indian soldiers holding up the national flag on a mountain peak, that was passed off as Siachen. This was sad and grotesque in every measure. For one, patriotism hasn&rsquo;t anything ever to do with photoshopping. And then, the original is the well-known 1945 photo taken by Joe Rosenthal of US soldiers on Iwo Jima in the Pacific, during World War II.

One doesn&rsquo;t really need to be an expert to figure out if something&rsquo;s been photoshopped. It is as easy to photoshop something as it is to disbelieve the effort. But the example above might make us think, for example, about the photo&rsquo;s history (even if it a &lsquo;false&rsquo; one), when and why was it taken. Such a thought exercise, coupled with the search for evidence and clues, might lead us down to the present, make us ask why such an exercise relating to photoshopping history was even necessary. &nbsp;

It&rsquo;s as necessary then, almost as a counter to the first rule to: Disbelieve everything, and to trust the evidence you glean for yourself.&nbsp;

But this leads us in turn to evidence itself &ndash; which sadly, is indeed easy to concoct. Photoshopping is just a small part of this. A search on the Internet shows up the many pseudo-history sites that spread hatred; stories of the past being nothing but an endless series of conspiracies, conquests and battles; of humiliations heaped and then avenged. &nbsp;

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What then is evidence all about? How does one gather evidence &ndash; and does anything in the past, that which is gone, offer up credible evidence? This is where context comes in, and imagination too. For example, one might imagine a time in the future, with someone looking back to our own era. Evil does exist and people find reasons of all kinds to commit evil. Then there are nuances to it too. What makes such systems of tyranny develop? &nbsp;These may, in turn, give rise to other systems that turn out to be even more so. &nbsp;

It is important than to see what lies beneath. And the context.&nbsp;

It is assumed that history is a dry subject; a series of unequivocal statements and dates of the past. But understanding the context also reveals history&rsquo;s vibrancy. There are many sides to a story, and history is never just one story. It is never a story about kings and tyrants, though for a while they did get to write their side of history.&nbsp;

Just as there is a many-sidedness to history, it is an ever-changing subject. There are many perspectives to it, many schools of thought &ndash; which makes it a lively subject, never dull, never really about the dead (pun intended). There are always new narratives, there is always new evidence that emerges. It&rsquo;s vital to remember how this &lsquo;evidence&rsquo; is used.&nbsp;

And while there is new evidence, it is especially important to distrust it - the newer it looks, the more one might distrust it till proven. (Especially yes, when it comes to photos).&nbsp;

For example, it is possible to show stones as evidence across the sea to represent Rama&rsquo;s mythical bridge, but this should only make us ask questions. Not just whether it&rsquo;s possible for a bridge to last for aeons and centuries, but how does something show up in satellite imagery; as students of history, stories like this must make us go into the past in various ways &ndash; whether it&rsquo;s geological history, climatic change, and about the Ramayana itself.&nbsp;The many versions of it, the ones written in the different Indian languages, and the versions of women and other marginalised groups. It might make us ask if symbols are more important than the stories themselves.&nbsp;

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History then isn&rsquo;t just one story, but many stories that exist concomitantly. This makes the past, a fully lived in time-period, a constantly changing place, full of mysteries, of heroes known and unknown. Faced with the immensity of such discoverable riches (of knowledge), violence and hatred seem forces to be countered, for it is, yes about context and what made for this context. History must make us ask all the right questions; questions that matter to the present, while they draw on the past. &nbsp;

It&rsquo;s not a hand me down&nbsp;subject, but the one that makes us not just question things like a science but it seeks empathy and imagination &ndash; as with the humanities. History might yet help us understand ourselves better, and understanding the past is just a step toward a better, more humane future. It&rsquo;d be nice to start early, it makes the work of history writers that much more challenging and at times, inspiring.&nbsp;

History might yet help us understand ourselves better, and understanding the past is just a step toward a better, more humane future.

Some months ago, my friend’s young son asked me about Hanuman, the secrets behind his prowess, especially his amazing size-reduction abilities. His father gave me a nod of approval, ‘Aunty does know something about history for children.’ This one short exchange encapsulates the challenges facing history, especially how it is shaped and narrated for younger readers. At first glance, there is everything wrong in the above exchange; the two statements contradict each other. But then understanding may, and indeed does, come from mistaken notions. First, of course, there is the clear difference between myth and history. Latter is more exact, the rational subject of study, almost like a science with its belief in evidence and argument. And then there’s also the play of imagination. Myths, on the other hand, are ancient tales that have travelled. The strange thing is that history can and indeed does tell us about how myths travel or changed shape through the centuries, why some myths and figures became popular, while others perished by the wayside. There are many sides to a story, and history is never just one story. × When it comes to history, and the way it might be told to the younger reader, I might then begin by saying: Don’t disbelieve everything, argue your way out. Doing so especially matters in this age of the Internet, when WhatsApp and other social media has made almost everyone an armchair historian; expert of facts (verifiable or otherwise) available at the mere tap of a button. Images are expertly edited, photoshopped so to be passed off as truth – irrefutable, definite historical truth. Certain kinds of photos, of course, are ineluctably more popular, for example, those used to discredit any opponent/enemy and/or to demonstrate chest-thumping patriotism. Some months ago, a photo held up on television by a prominent political party spokesperson showed two Indian soldiers holding up the national flag on a mountain peak, that was passed off as Siachen. This was sad and grotesque in every measure. For one, patriotism hasn’t anything ever to do with photoshopping. And then, the original is the well-known 1945 photo taken by Joe Rosenthal of US soldiers on Iwo Jima in the Pacific, during World War II. One doesn’t really need to be an expert to figure out if something’s been photoshopped. It is as easy to photoshop something as it is to disbelieve the effort. But the example above might make us think, for example, about the photo’s history (even if it a ‘false’ one), when and why was it taken. Such a thought exercise, coupled with the search for evidence and clues, might lead us down to the present, make us ask why such an exercise relating to photoshopping history was even necessary. It’s as necessary then, almost as a counter to the first rule to: Disbelieve everything, and to trust the evidence you glean for yourself. But this leads us in turn to evidence itself – which sadly, is indeed easy to concoct. Photoshopping is just a small part of this. A search on the Internet shows up the many pseudo-history sites that spread hatred; stories of the past being nothing but an endless series of conspiracies, conquests and battles; of humiliations heaped and then avenged. There are always new narratives, there is always new evidence that emerges. It’s vital to remember how this ‘evidence’ is used. × What then is evidence all about? How does one gather evidence – and does anything in the past, that which is gone, offer up credible evidence? This is where context comes in, and imagination too. For example, one might imagine a time in the future, with someone looking back to our own era. Evil does exist and people find reasons of all kinds to commit evil. Then there are nuances to it too. What makes such systems of tyranny develop? These may, in turn, give rise to other systems that turn out to be even more so. It is important than to see what lies beneath. And the context. It is assumed that history is a dry subject; a series of unequivocal statements and dates of the past. But understanding the context also reveals history’s vibrancy. There are many sides to a story, and history is never just one story. It is never a story about kings and tyrants, though for a while they did get to write their side of history. Just as there is a many-sidedness to history, it is an ever-changing subject. There are many perspectives to it, many schools of thought – which makes it a lively subject, never dull, never really about the dead (pun intended). There are always new narratives, there is always new evidence that emerges. It’s vital to remember how this ‘evidence’ is used. And while there is new evidence, it is especially important to distrust it - the newer it looks, the more one might distrust it till proven. (Especially yes, when it comes to photos). For example, it is possible to show stones as evidence across the sea to represent Rama’s mythical bridge, but this should only make us ask questions. Not just whether it’s possible for a bridge to last for aeons and centuries, but how does something show up in satellite imagery; as students of history, stories like this must make us go into the past in various ways – whether it’s geological history, climatic change, and about the Ramayana itself. The many versions of it, the ones written in the different Indian languages, and the versions of women and other marginalised groups. It might make us ask if symbols are more important than the stories themselves. History must make us ask all the right questions; questions that matter to the present, while they draw on the past. × History then isn’t just one story, but many stories that exist concomitantly. This makes the past, a fully lived in time-period, a constantly changing place, full of mysteries, of heroes known and unknown. Faced with the immensity of such discoverable riches (of knowledge), violence and hatred seem forces to be countered, for it is, yes about context and what made for this context. History must make us ask all the right questions; questions that matter to the present, while they draw on the past. It’s not a hand me down subject, but the one that makes us not just question things like a science but it seeks empathy and imagination – as with the humanities. History might yet help us understand ourselves better, and understanding the past is just a step toward a better, more humane future. It’d be nice to start early, it makes the work of history writers that much more challenging and at times, inspiring.

Lord Hanuman, History, and why children should be encouraged to ask questions

Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull said on Friday that calls to replace or modify&nbsp;statues&nbsp;of English colonialists, including explorer Captain James Cook, were tantamount to a &quot;Stalinist&quot; rewrite of history.

Pressure has grown in the wake of the furor over Confederate monuments in the United States to reconsider&nbsp;statues&nbsp;in Australia that some deem offensive to the country&#39;s indigenous people.

Sydney, Australia&#39;s largest city, is deciding whether to alter a monument erected in Hyde Park, 1879, to commemorate Cook, who charted Australia&#39;s east coast for the first time.

At issue is the engraving on the base of the statue, which says &quot;Discovered this territory, 1770&quot;. Aboriginal people had lived on the continent for an estimated 60,000 years before Cook dropped anchor in Botany Bay.

Sydney City Council has referred the issue, along with a second statue of Governor Lachlan Macquarie, the administrator who turned the British penal colony into a free settlement, to an indigenous advisory board.

The council has not yet indicated what changes it might make.

Turnbull played down the issue as a preoccupation of the &quot;left sort of fringe&quot; in politics.

&quot;We can&rsquo;t get into this sort of Stalinist exercise of trying to white out or obliterate or blank out parts of our history,&quot; Turnbull told radio station 3AW.

&quot;Trying to edit our history is wrong,&quot; he said. &quot;All of those&nbsp;statues, all of those monuments, are part of our history and we should respect them and preserve them &ndash; and by all means, put up other monuments, other&nbsp;statues&nbsp;and signs and sights that explain our history.&quot;

The debate has intensified since the political battle in the United States over whether to remove statues&nbsp;of pro-slavery Confederate Civil War leaders turned violent.

Sydney commemorates its Gadigal and Eora traditional owners with public artworks and Welcome To Country ceremonies before official meetings, but Lord Mayor Clover Moore said the community needs to talk about how to tell its history.

&quot;I think that&#39;s a conversation that really needs to have federal leadership because it&#39;s about Australia, it&#39;s about who we are,&quot; she told reporters on Friday.

Indigenous people are campaigning for constitutional recognition in Australia and debate has raged over whether to change Australia Day from January 26 which commemorates the day British colonists first settled the Aboriginal land.

Pressure has grown in the wake of the furor over Confederate monuments in the United States to reconsider statues in Australia

Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull said on Friday that calls to replace or modify statues of English colonialists, including explorer Captain James Cook, were tantamount to a "Stalinist" rewrite of history. Pressure has grown in the wake of the furor over Confederate monuments in the United States to reconsider statues in Australia that some deem offensive to the country's indigenous people. Sydney, Australia's largest city, is deciding whether to alter a monument erected in Hyde Park, 1879, to commemorate Cook, who charted Australia's east coast for the first time. At issue is the engraving on the base of the statue, which says "Discovered this territory, 1770". Aboriginal people had lived on the continent for an estimated 60,000 years before Cook dropped anchor in Botany Bay. Sydney City Council has referred the issue, along with a second statue of Governor Lachlan Macquarie, the administrator who turned the British penal colony into a free settlement, to an indigenous advisory board. The council has not yet indicated what changes it might make. Turnbull played down the issue as a preoccupation of the "left sort of fringe" in politics. "We can’t get into this sort of Stalinist exercise of trying to white out or obliterate or blank out parts of our history," Turnbull told radio station 3AW. "Trying to edit our history is wrong," he said. "All of those statues, all of those monuments, are part of our history and we should respect them and preserve them – and by all means, put up other monuments, other statues and signs and sights that explain our history." The debate has intensified since the political battle in the United States over whether to remove statues of pro-slavery Confederate Civil War leaders turned violent. Sydney commemorates its Gadigal and Eora traditional owners with public artworks and Welcome To Country ceremonies before official meetings, but Lord Mayor Clover Moore said the community needs to talk about how to tell its history. "I think that's a conversation that really needs to have federal leadership because it's about Australia, it's about who we are," she told reporters on Friday. Indigenous people are campaigning for constitutional recognition in Australia and debate has raged over whether to change Australia Day from January 26 which commemorates the day British colonists first settled the Aboriginal land.

Australia's PM says to modify, change statues, rewriting the history

Treasure hunters yesterday relaunched their search for a lost Nazi gold train allegedly loaded with loot and buried in southwestern Poland, despite there being no scientific evidence it exists. 
 
&quot;The train isn&#39;t a needle in a haystack, if it&#39;s there, we&#39;ll find it,&quot; project spokesman Andrzej Gaik told AFP. 
 
The story sparked a global media frenzy last August when two men claimed to have discovered an armoured Nazi-era train using ground-penetrating radar near the city of Walbrzych. 
 
At the time, Piotr Koper, a Pole, and German national Andreas Richter said they had discovered several train carriages measuring a total of 98 metres which were buried some eight to nine metres underground. 
 
They said they believed the contents were mostly weapon prototypes, though local legend spoke of artwork, jewels and gold stolen by the Nazis. 
 
The Nazis made prisoners of war dig a network of tunnels in the area, and some locals have claimed the Germans tried to spirit the gold away as Russia&#39;s Red Army closed in. 
 
But so far there has been little to back up the claims, with geologists from Krakow&#39;s prestigious AGH University of Science and Technology finding no evidence for the train&#39;s existence during tests run in December. 
 
Professor Janusz Madej said at the time he was &quot;100 per cent sure there is no train... maybe a tunnel&quot; based on magnetic, gravimetric and geo-radar studies. 
 
Digging starts Tuesday 
 
It has done little to dampen the treasure hunters&#39; enthusiasm. 
 
&quot;Even if we find a tunnel, that&#39;ll also be a success. The train could be hidden in it,&quot; Gaik said yesterday. 
 
As the search began, Koper said he hoped to have answers within a week. 
 
&quot;It should all be clear by Thursday&quot; next week, he told Poland&#39;s TVP public news channel as his team began clearing the area of vegetation. 
 
He said they would sweep the area with geo-radar on Monday before diggers move in on Tuesday. 
 
&quot;We&#39;ll dig down six metres in three areas along a 100-metre stretch of the old railway tracks,&quot; Gaik said. 
 
News about the alleged discovery of the gold train made headlines around the globe last year, triggering an influx of treasure hunters to the site. 
 
The intrigue has been further fuelled by the site&#39;s proximity to a massive network of secret underground tunnels built by the Nazis, some of which are around the massive Ksiaz Castle where legend has it the Third Reich stashed looted valuables. 
 
(AFP)

Last August, two men claimed to discover an armoured Nazi-era train near the city of Walbrzych. The story sparked global media frenzy

Treasure hunters yesterday relaunched their search for a lost Nazi gold train allegedly loaded with loot and buried in southwestern Poland, despite there being no scientific evidence it exists. "The train isn't a needle in a haystack, if it's there, we'll find it," project spokesman Andrzej Gaik told AFP. The story sparked a global media frenzy last August when two men claimed to have discovered an armoured Nazi-era train using ground-penetrating radar near the city of Walbrzych. At the time, Piotr Koper, a Pole, and German national Andreas Richter said they had discovered several train carriages measuring a total of 98 metres which were buried some eight to nine metres underground. They said they believed the contents were mostly weapon prototypes, though local legend spoke of artwork, jewels and gold stolen by the Nazis. The Nazis made prisoners of war dig a network of tunnels in the area, and some locals have claimed the Germans tried to spirit the gold away as Russia's Red Army closed in. But so far there has been little to back up the claims, with geologists from Krakow's prestigious AGH University of Science and Technology finding no evidence for the train's existence during tests run in December. Professor Janusz Madej said at the time he was "100 per cent sure there is no train... maybe a tunnel" based on magnetic, gravimetric and geo-radar studies. Digging starts Tuesday It has done little to dampen the treasure hunters' enthusiasm. "Even if we find a tunnel, that'll also be a success. The train could be hidden in it," Gaik said yesterday. As the search began, Koper said he hoped to have answers within a week. "It should all be clear by Thursday" next week, he told Poland's TVP public news channel as his team began clearing the area of vegetation. He said they would sweep the area with geo-radar on Monday before diggers move in on Tuesday. "We'll dig down six metres in three areas along a 100-metre stretch of the old railway tracks," Gaik said. News about the alleged discovery of the gold train made headlines around the globe last year, triggering an influx of treasure hunters to the site. The intrigue has been further fuelled by the site's proximity to a massive network of secret underground tunnels built by the Nazis, some of which are around the massive Ksiaz Castle where legend has it the Third Reich stashed looted valuables. (AFP)

Treasure hunters relaunch search for Nazi 'gold train' in Poland

Three senior Irish bankers were jailed on Friday for up to three-and-a-half years for conspiring to defraud investors in the most prominent prosecution arising from the 2008 banking crisis that crippled the country&#39;s economy. 
 
The trio will be among the first senior bankers globally to be jailed for their role in the collapse of a bank during the crisis. 
 
The lack of convictions until now has angered Irish taxpayers, who had to stump up 64 billion Euros, almost 40 per cent of annual economic output, after a property collapse forced the biggest state bank rescue in the euro zone. 
 
The crash thrust Ireland into a three-year sovereign bailout in 2010 and the finance ministry said last month that it could take another 15 years to recover the funds pumped into the banks still operating. 
 
Former Irish Life and Permanent Chief Executive Denis Casey was sentenced to two years and nine months following the 74-day criminal trial, Ireland&#39;s longest ever. 
 
Willie McAteer, former finance director at the failed Anglo Irish Bank, and John Bowe, its ex-head of capital markets, were given sentences of 42 months and 24 months respectively. 
 
&quot;Dishonest, Deceitful&nbsp;and Corrupt&quot; 
 
All three were convicted of conspiring together and with others to mislead investors, depositors and lenders by setting up a 7.2-billion-Euro circular transaction scheme between March and September 2008 to bolster Anglo&#39;s balance sheet. 
 
Irish Life placed the deposits via a non-banking subsidiary in the run-up to Anglo&#39;s financial year-end, to allow its rival to categorise them as customer deposits, which are viewed as more secure, rather than a deposit from another bank. 
 
&quot;By means that could be termed dishonest, deceitful and corrupt they manufactured 7.2 billion Euros in deposits by obvious sham transactions,&quot; Judge Martin Nolan told the court, describing the conspiracy as a &quot;very serious crime&quot;. 
 
&quot;The public is entitled to rely on the probity of blue chip firms. If we can&rsquo;t rely on the probity of these banks we lose all hope or trust in institutions,&quot; said Nolan. 
 
None of the defendants reacted visibly to the sentencing before being led away by officers to Mountjoy Prison, the country&#39;s largest, and used in the past to hold Irish Republican Army prisoners. 
 
&#39;Green Jersey&nbsp;Agenda&#39; 
 
Lawyers for the accused argued during the trial that their motivation in authorising the deal was the &quot;green jersey&quot; agenda, the financial regulator&#39;s request for Irish banks to support one another as the financial crisis worsened. 
 
McAteer was convicted in 2014 of illegal lending and providing unlawful assistance to investors, but sentenced to perform community service when a judge ruled he was &quot;led into error and illegality&quot; by the Irish regulator. 
 
Scandal-hit Anglo-Irish, described by Nolan as &quot;probably the most reviled institution in the state&quot;, was put into liquidation in 2013 and remains subject to other criminal trials. 
 
Irish Life and Permanent was broken up during the restructuring of Ireland&#39;s financial sector and its banking arm, permanent tsb, remains under 75 per cent state ownership. 
 
Two other Anglo-Irish bankers, chief operations officer Tiarnan O&#39;Mahoney, 56, and former company secretary Bernard Daly, 67, earlier this year had their sentences quashed on appeal after spending several months in prison. 
 
Banks in the United States and Britain have paid billions of dollars in fines and settlements connected to wrongdoing over their handling of subprime loans that helped cause the crisis. But no senior industry executives in those countries have been sent to jail. 
 
(Reuters)

Banks in the US and Britain have paid billions for their handling of subprime mortage loans but no senior execs from there have gone to jail

Three senior Irish bankers were jailed on Friday for up to three-and-a-half years for conspiring to defraud investors in the most prominent prosecution arising from the 2008 banking crisis that crippled the country's economy. The trio will be among the first senior bankers globally to be jailed for their role in the collapse of a bank during the crisis. The lack of convictions until now has angered Irish taxpayers, who had to stump up 64 billion Euros, almost 40 per cent of annual economic output, after a property collapse forced the biggest state bank rescue in the euro zone. The crash thrust Ireland into a three-year sovereign bailout in 2010 and the finance ministry said last month that it could take another 15 years to recover the funds pumped into the banks still operating. Former Irish Life and Permanent Chief Executive Denis Casey was sentenced to two years and nine months following the 74-day criminal trial, Ireland's longest ever. Willie McAteer, former finance director at the failed Anglo Irish Bank, and John Bowe, its ex-head of capital markets, were given sentences of 42 months and 24 months respectively. "Dishonest, Deceitful and Corrupt" All three were convicted of conspiring together and with others to mislead investors, depositors and lenders by setting up a 7.2-billion-Euro circular transaction scheme between March and September 2008 to bolster Anglo's balance sheet. Irish Life placed the deposits via a non-banking subsidiary in the run-up to Anglo's financial year-end, to allow its rival to categorise them as customer deposits, which are viewed as more secure, rather than a deposit from another bank. "By means that could be termed dishonest, deceitful and corrupt they manufactured 7.2 billion Euros in deposits by obvious sham transactions," Judge Martin Nolan told the court, describing the conspiracy as a "very serious crime". "The public is entitled to rely on the probity of blue chip firms. If we can’t rely on the probity of these banks we lose all hope or trust in institutions," said Nolan. None of the defendants reacted visibly to the sentencing before being led away by officers to Mountjoy Prison, the country's largest, and used in the past to hold Irish Republican Army prisoners. 'Green Jersey Agenda' Lawyers for the accused argued during the trial that their motivation in authorising the deal was the "green jersey" agenda, the financial regulator's request for Irish banks to support one another as the financial crisis worsened. McAteer was convicted in 2014 of illegal lending and providing unlawful assistance to investors, but sentenced to perform community service when a judge ruled he was "led into error and illegality" by the Irish regulator. Scandal-hit Anglo-Irish, described by Nolan as "probably the most reviled institution in the state", was put into liquidation in 2013 and remains subject to other criminal trials. Irish Life and Permanent was broken up during the restructuring of Ireland's financial sector and its banking arm, permanent tsb, remains under 75 per cent state ownership. Two other Anglo-Irish bankers, chief operations officer Tiarnan O'Mahoney, 56, and former company secretary Bernard Daly, 67, earlier this year had their sentences quashed on appeal after spending several months in prison. Banks in the United States and Britain have paid billions of dollars in fines and settlements connected to wrongdoing over their handling of subprime loans that helped cause the crisis. But no senior industry executives in those countries have been sent to jail. (Reuters)

Ireland jails three top bankers over 2008 banking meltdown

Serena Williams has history in her sights, as the defending champion plots to avenge one of the most painful defeats of her career by beating Angelique Kerber in Saturday&#39;s Wimbledon final. Williams suffered a stunning loss against Kerber in the Australian Open final in January, and the rivals will face off for the first time since then when they slug it out for the Wimbledon title. 
 
There was further frustrations for Serena when she lost the French Open final to Garbine Muguruza last month. But the 34-year-old has been revitalised at the All England Club and, after taking just 48 minutes to crush Elena Vesnina in Wimbledon&#39;s quickest-ever semi-final, she has the chance to finally equal Steffi Graf&#39;s Open era record of 22 major titles by lifting the Venus Rosewater Dish for a seventh time. 
 
Making history at Kerber&#39;s&nbsp;expense would be especially sweet, even more so after the fourth seed defeated Serena&#39;s sister Venus in the semi-finals, and Williams says she has learnt the lessons of Australia. &quot;Obviously it&#39;s significant that she beat&nbsp;me in Australia because that&#39;s the last time we played,&quot; Serena said. 
 
&quot;I made a lot of errors. She made little to no unforced errors. I felt like she played great. She was fearless. That&#39;s something I learned. When I go into a final, I too need to be fearless like she was.&nbsp;It was inspiring afterwards to realise there&#39;s a lot of things that I need to improve on.&quot; 
 
Since failing to complete a calendar Grand Slam last year, Serena has repeatedly had her hunger for more success questioned. But, having reached a ninth Wimbledon final and 28th Grand Slam, Williams insists she is still motivated. 
 
&quot;Yeah, I have no hunger anymore. Yeah, right,&quot; Serena said in a defiant press conference after her demolition of Vesnina. &quot;I mean, I think for anyone else in this whole planet, reaching the final would be a wonderful accomplishment. For me, it&#39;s not enough. But I think that&#39;s what makes me different. That&#39;s what makes me Serena. For me, it&#39;s about obviously holding the trophy and winning, which would make it a better accomplishment for me.&quot; 
 
In a combative mood with the media, Serena was quick to quash suggestions the pressure of trying to make history had been responsible for her failure to win a Grand Slam since last year&#39;s Wimbledon. 
 
&quot;My goal has never been 22. I don&#39;t talk about that anymore,&quot; she snapped. &quot;I love what I do. I work hard at what I do. I&#39;m extremely passionate. That&#39;s just the kind of something that keeps me going.&quot; Asked where she ranked among the great female athletes, Williams reframed the question. 
 
&quot;I prefer one of the greatest athletes of all time,&quot; she said with not a trace of a smile. Fortunately for fans hoping for a drama-filled final, Kerber isn&#39;t the type to back down in the face of Serena&#39;s aggression. The 28-year-old in her first Wimbledon final and second major title match, couldn&#39;t be&nbsp;in better form as she tries to become the first German woman to win Wimbledon since her idol Graf in 1996. 
 
&quot;I told myself that I would like to play better in the big tournaments. I just believe much more in myself, especially after Australia,&quot; Kerber said. 
 
&quot;I&#39;m a little bit more relaxed when I&#39;m going to the tournaments.&nbsp;I know I can trust my tennis.&quot;&nbsp;After sweeping to the final without dropping&nbsp;a set, Kerber is guaranteed to reach a career-high second in the rankings next week. 
 
&quot;I will go out there with a lot of confidence.&nbsp;I&#39;ll show her I&#39;m there to win. I have to play one of my best matches,&quot; Kerber said. 
The German added: &quot;I expect a really tough match. I know that she will go out and try to beat me, especially because she lost against me in Australia.&nbsp;On grass she is always dangerous. She won here so many times, she will go for it. I know this. I know I have to play my best tennis.&quot; 
 
(AFP)

The defending champ can avenge her painful loss in last year's Australian open, and tie her idol Steffi Graf's record of 22 Grand Slam wins

Serena Williams has history in her sights, as the defending champion plots to avenge one of the most painful defeats of her career by beating Angelique Kerber in Saturday's Wimbledon final. Williams suffered a stunning loss against Kerber in the Australian Open final in January, and the rivals will face off for the first time since then when they slug it out for the Wimbledon title. There was further frustrations for Serena when she lost the French Open final to Garbine Muguruza last month. But the 34-year-old has been revitalised at the All England Club and, after taking just 48 minutes to crush Elena Vesnina in Wimbledon's quickest-ever semi-final, she has the chance to finally equal Steffi Graf's Open era record of 22 major titles by lifting the Venus Rosewater Dish for a seventh time. Making history at Kerber's expense would be especially sweet, even more so after the fourth seed defeated Serena's sister Venus in the semi-finals, and Williams says she has learnt the lessons of Australia. "Obviously it's significant that she beat me in Australia because that's the last time we played," Serena said. "I made a lot of errors. She made little to no unforced errors. I felt like she played great. She was fearless. That's something I learned. When I go into a final, I too need to be fearless like she was. It was inspiring afterwards to realise there's a lot of things that I need to improve on." Since failing to complete a calendar Grand Slam last year, Serena has repeatedly had her hunger for more success questioned. But, having reached a ninth Wimbledon final and 28th Grand Slam, Williams insists she is still motivated. "Yeah, I have no hunger anymore. Yeah, right," Serena said in a defiant press conference after her demolition of Vesnina. "I mean, I think for anyone else in this whole planet, reaching the final would be a wonderful accomplishment. For me, it's not enough. But I think that's what makes me different. That's what makes me Serena. For me, it's about obviously holding the trophy and winning, which would make it a better accomplishment for me." In a combative mood with the media, Serena was quick to quash suggestions the pressure of trying to make history had been responsible for her failure to win a Grand Slam since last year's Wimbledon. "My goal has never been 22. I don't talk about that anymore," she snapped. "I love what I do. I work hard at what I do. I'm extremely passionate. That's just the kind of something that keeps me going." Asked where she ranked among the great female athletes, Williams reframed the question. "I prefer one of the greatest athletes of all time," she said with not a trace of a smile. Fortunately for fans hoping for a drama-filled final, Kerber isn't the type to back down in the face of Serena's aggression. The 28-year-old in her first Wimbledon final and second major title match, couldn't be in better form as she tries to become the first German woman to win Wimbledon since her idol Graf in 1996. "I told myself that I would like to play better in the big tournaments. I just believe much more in myself, especially after Australia," Kerber said. "I'm a little bit more relaxed when I'm going to the tournaments. I know I can trust my tennis." After sweeping to the final without dropping a set, Kerber is guaranteed to reach a career-high second in the rankings next week. "I will go out there with a lot of confidence. I'll show her I'm there to win. I have to play one of my best matches," Kerber said. The German added: "I expect a really tough match. I know that she will go out and try to beat me, especially because she lost against me in Australia. On grass she is always dangerous. She won here so many times, she will go for it. I know this. I know I have to play my best tennis." (AFP)

Serena Williams can make history by beating Kerber in Saturday's Wimbledon finals

The deaths of 14 Nepali guards in Afghanistan have highlighted the Himalayan nation&#39;s role as supplier of security forces to the world, an industry fuelled by poverty and built on the centuries-old reputation of its Gurkha troops for courage and loyalty. 
 
While the number of Gurkha soldiers Britain recruits annually in the impoverished nation has fallen in recent years, global demand for Nepalis as private security guards remains high. 
 
&quot;Everyone wants a Gurkha to protect their assets -- from a billionaire in Hong Kong to private firms in Kabul,&quot; said Mahesh Shrestha, Nepal country manager for British security giant G4S. 
 
&quot;Gurkhas have always been a big craze as far as the market for security (personnel) is concerned,&quot; Shrestha told AFP. 
 
The industry provides lucrative jobs for retired Gurkhas as well as former Nepal army and police staff willing to risk their lives in conflict zones around the world. 
 
Nepalis were first recruited overseas by the British East India Company after the Anglo-Nepali war that ended in 1816. 
 
Impressed by their bravery, the British struck a deal to hire their former foes as soldiers, using Gurkha troops to crush riots in 19th-century India and fight for Britain in World Wars I and II. 
 
The Gurkhas&#39; World War I exploits also secured the Himalayan kingdom&#39;s sovereignty via a 1923 treaty between Nepal and Britain. 
 
Famed for their ferocity and skillful use of razor-sharp curved kukri knives, the Gurkhas have fought in every British conflict for the last two centuries. 
 
More than 45,000 have died in action. 
 
They have also enlisted in the Singapore police force and the Indian army, whose former chief of staff Sam Manekshaw is reported to have said: &quot;If a man says he is not afraid of dying, he is either lying or is a Gurkha&quot;. 
 
Today, private security firms seek to trade on that reputation when they advertise their recruitment of Nepalis -- including non-Gurkhas -- to prospective clients. 
 
As a result, Nepalis enjoy a virtual monopoly in the private security sector in countries like Malaysia, where companies are only allowed to hire them or locals as guards. 
 
&quot;Thanks to the Gurkhas&#39; fame... people think Nepalis are loyal, honest, hardworking men who can survive anywhere and cope with tough conditions,&quot; G4S&#39;s Shrestha said. 
 
Fuelled by desperation 
The hillside towns the Gurkhas come from are islands of relative prosperity in Nepal thanks to salaries and pensions which are substantially higher than local wages. 
 
Thousands of young men apply to join the British Gurkhas each year, but only around 230 make the final cut. Their tests include a 4.6-kilometre (2.9-mile) race up a steep hill while carrying a basket packed with rocks. 
 
The British army now employs around 2,500 Gurkhas, down from an all-time high of 112,000 during World War II, and many have taken jobs as security guards in conflict zones like Afghanistan, where 14 Nepalis working for the Canadian embassy were killed in a bomb attack this week. 
 
They are more expensive than Afghan security, but are seen as more reliable and their physical similarity allows them to blend in better than other foreigners. 
 
&quot;Young Nepali males don&#39;t really have many options at home and so they seek dangerous jobs overseas... because of their desperation,&quot; journalist Kunda Dixit told AFP. 
 
Nepali migrant workers play a critical role in propping up the country&#39;s economy: their remittances make up about 30 percent of gross domestic product. 
 
Authorities say some 3,300 Nepalis currently work in Afghanistan as security guards but accurate figures for the total number employed across the world are hard to come by. 
 
Despite the dangers, commentators say the deaths this week will do little to stop other Nepalis from venturing into war zones in desperate pursuit of work, as the country struggles to recover from last year&#39;s massive earthquake. 
(AFP)

Famed for their ferocity and skillful use of razor-sharp curved khukri knives, Gurkhas fight for the British, Indian and Nepalese armies

The deaths of 14 Nepali guards in Afghanistan have highlighted the Himalayan nation's role as supplier of security forces to the world, an industry fuelled by poverty and built on the centuries-old reputation of its Gurkha troops for courage and loyalty. While the number of Gurkha soldiers Britain recruits annually in the impoverished nation has fallen in recent years, global demand for Nepalis as private security guards remains high. "Everyone wants a Gurkha to protect their assets -- from a billionaire in Hong Kong to private firms in Kabul," said Mahesh Shrestha, Nepal country manager for British security giant G4S. "Gurkhas have always been a big craze as far as the market for security (personnel) is concerned," Shrestha told AFP. The industry provides lucrative jobs for retired Gurkhas as well as former Nepal army and police staff willing to risk their lives in conflict zones around the world. Nepalis were first recruited overseas by the British East India Company after the Anglo-Nepali war that ended in 1816. Impressed by their bravery, the British struck a deal to hire their former foes as soldiers, using Gurkha troops to crush riots in 19th-century India and fight for Britain in World Wars I and II. The Gurkhas' World War I exploits also secured the Himalayan kingdom's sovereignty via a 1923 treaty between Nepal and Britain. Famed for their ferocity and skillful use of razor-sharp curved kukri knives, the Gurkhas have fought in every British conflict for the last two centuries. More than 45,000 have died in action. They have also enlisted in the Singapore police force and the Indian army, whose former chief of staff Sam Manekshaw is reported to have said: "If a man says he is not afraid of dying, he is either lying or is a Gurkha". Today, private security firms seek to trade on that reputation when they advertise their recruitment of Nepalis -- including non-Gurkhas -- to prospective clients. As a result, Nepalis enjoy a virtual monopoly in the private security sector in countries like Malaysia, where companies are only allowed to hire them or locals as guards. "Thanks to the Gurkhas' fame... people think Nepalis are loyal, honest, hardworking men who can survive anywhere and cope with tough conditions," G4S's Shrestha said. Fuelled by desperation The hillside towns the Gurkhas come from are islands of relative prosperity in Nepal thanks to salaries and pensions which are substantially higher than local wages. Thousands of young men apply to join the British Gurkhas each year, but only around 230 make the final cut. Their tests include a 4.6-kilometre (2.9-mile) race up a steep hill while carrying a basket packed with rocks. The British army now employs around 2,500 Gurkhas, down from an all-time high of 112,000 during World War II, and many have taken jobs as security guards in conflict zones like Afghanistan, where 14 Nepalis working for the Canadian embassy were killed in a bomb attack this week. They are more expensive than Afghan security, but are seen as more reliable and their physical similarity allows them to blend in better than other foreigners. "Young Nepali males don't really have many options at home and so they seek dangerous jobs overseas... because of their desperation," journalist Kunda Dixit told AFP. Nepali migrant workers play a critical role in propping up the country's economy: their remittances make up about 30 percent of gross domestic product. Authorities say some 3,300 Nepalis currently work in Afghanistan as security guards but accurate figures for the total number employed across the world are hard to come by. Despite the dangers, commentators say the deaths this week will do little to stop other Nepalis from venturing into war zones in desperate pursuit of work, as the country struggles to recover from last year's massive earthquake. (AFP)

Gurkhas to guards: Nepalis doing dangerous jobs abroad

The latest outbreak of Ebola in Guinea has ended, the World Health Organization said today, warning that a recurrence of the killer tropical disease still remained a threat.&nbsp; 
The last known Ebola patient in the west African country was discharged from hospital in April.&nbsp; 
WHO has declared the end to an outbreak, also known as the end to viral transmission, 42 days after the last known patient was tested negative for the second time.&nbsp; 
&quot;WHO commends the Government of Guinea and its people on ending this Ebola outbreak,&quot; said Abou Bekr Gaye, the UN agency`s representative in Guinea.&nbsp; 
He called for vigilance to &quot;stop any new cases that may occur.&quot; 
In the three countries hit hardest by the Ebola crisis -- Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone -- fresh cases emerged after an outbreak was declared over.&nbsp; 
The worst-ever Ebola epidemic began in Guinea in December 2013 and went on to kill more than 11,300 people, devastating economies and health systems in the worst affected countries, while testing the world`s capacity to respond to a global health emergency.&nbsp;

An outbreak of Ebola virus in Guinea, which was earlier confined to countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, was the first ever outbreak in a west African country. Since March 2014, West Africa has had the largest outbreak in history, with countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea being the worst affected.

The latest outbreak of Ebola in Guinea has ended, the World Health Organization said today, warning that a recurrence of the killer tropical disease still remained a threat. The last known Ebola patient in the west African country was discharged from hospital in April. WHO has declared the end to an outbreak, also known as the end to viral transmission, 42 days after the last known patient was tested negative for the second time. "WHO commends the Government of Guinea and its people on ending this Ebola outbreak," said Abou Bekr Gaye, the UN agency`s representative in Guinea. He called for vigilance to "stop any new cases that may occur." In the three countries hit hardest by the Ebola crisis -- Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone -- fresh cases emerged after an outbreak was declared over. The worst-ever Ebola epidemic began in Guinea in December 2013 and went on to kill more than 11,300 people, devastating economies and health systems in the worst affected countries, while testing the world`s capacity to respond to a global health emergency.

Latest Ebola outbreak in Guinea is over: WHO

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